A Revolution, a Change of Regime and 4 Rulers: Egypt’S Journey Through Washington’S Lobbies During the Decade of the Arab Spring

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Revolution, a Change of Regime and 4 Rulers: Egypt’S Journey Through Washington’S Lobbies During the Decade of the Arab Spring A revolution, a change of regime and 4 rulers: Egypt’s journey through Washington’s lobbies during the decade of the Arab Spring Part 1 SPECIAL REPORT Middle East Monitor is a not-for-profit media research institute that provides research, information and analyses of primarily the Palestine-Israel conflict. It also provides briefings on other Middle East issues. Its outputs are made available for use by journalists, academics and politicians with an interest in the Middle East and North Africa. MEMO aims to influence policy and the public agenda from the perspective of social justice, human rights and international law. This is essential to obtain equality, security and social justice across the region, especially in Palestine. MEMO wants to see a Middle East framed by principles of equality and justice. A revolution, a change It promotes the restoration of Palestinian rights, including the Right of Return, a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital and with democratic rights upheld. It also advocates a nuclear-free Middle East. of regime and 4 rulers: By ensuring that policy-makers are better informed, MEMO seeks to have a Egypt’s journey through Washington’s lobbies greater impact on international players who make key decisions affecting the during the decade of the Arab Spring Middle East. MEMO wants fair and accurate media coverage of Palestine and other Middle Eastern countries. Translated from SasaPost Title: A revolution, a change of regime and 4 rulers Cover Image: Flags of Egypt and the US Published: March 2021 © MEMO Publishers 2021 [translation]. Original Arabic by Sasapost MEMO Publishers All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored 1 Green Mews or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior permission of Bevenden Street the copyright owner. London N1 6AS t: +44 (0)20 8838 0231 This report is available to download free of charge on the e: [email protected] Middle East Monitor Website: www.middleeastmonitor.com w: www.memopublishers.com Overview: What does the Egyptian lobby in Washington A revolution, a change of look like over the last decade? regime and 4 rulers: Our reading through the Egyptian files begins in the period extending from late 2009 to early 2010. During this time, the deposed President Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt’s journey through Washington’s lobbies regime had contracts with three major lobbying firms in Washington. Once during the decade of the Arab Spring the revolution broke out and Mubarak was ousted, these firms continued to provide services to the SCAF, referred to as the Military Council. This report is part of The Washington Project covering the actions of the Middle East lobbies in the US between 2010 and 2020. Most of the information The Military Council continued to work with these firms for a year. It ended in the report is based on documents from a database belonging to the US ties with them in February 2012, after launching campaigns against US civil Department of Justice, operating under the Foreign Agents Registration Act organisations in which US activists worked. In the aftermath of the campaigns, (FARA). This legislation requires lobbyists to disclose their activities and funds, the US media pressured the lobbying firms to sever their relations with the ensuring that all documents are publicly accessible online. SCAF. The files on the Egyptian lobbies are extremely important. Over the last decade, Ensuing this, the Egyptian files show a significant gap as of February 2012, Egypt has undergone radical changes in the domestic political scene and in during which all Egyptian political forces and institutions, including the Muslim regional alliances. This report seeks to answer the question: what happened in Brotherhood and the Egyptian government led by Mohamed Morsi, were the Washington lobbies in the early years of the January Revolution and over entirely absent from the world of lobbying. the last decade? This absence continued until the military overthrow of Morsi, the Rabaa There are more than 220 documents about Egypt covering the period of 2010- massacre and the events that followed, until October 2013, when Egypt 2020. They provide an insight into the Egyptian Army’s movements, specifically reappeared in the lobbying arena through a contract in favour of the Egyptian the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), in 2011. They also draw government. a picture of the activities of the “counter-revolution” and of how the current This was the first contract in favour of the “new regime” and continued until the Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi tried to burnish his image and assert beginning of 2017. Afterwards, things were different, and the Egyptian General his presence in the US for the benefit of the Obama administration, and later Intelligence Directorate stepped in, side-stepping the Egyptian Foreign Ministry on, for his “friend” Donald Trump. and the Egyptian Embassy in Washington. It signed three direct contracts Egyptian records reveal the sums paid for these services and the names of the with a firm engaged in lobbying and a public relations and promotions firm. personalities behind the staging of the Egyptian Army’s interaction with the US Trump’s victory in the US presidency coincided with the entry of the Egyptian authorities during this period. intelligence services onto the US lobbying scene. 4 A revolution, a change of regime and 4 rulers middleeastmonitor.com 5 ‘Down with Mubarak’ and ‘long live the SCAF’ • The firm coordinated visits for Faiza Abou El-Naga, minister of planning and international cooperation at the time, and Sameh Shoukry, Egyptian One might consider that the revolution of 25 January was a decisive event ambassador to Washington at the time. in the last decade of Egypt’s history. The fall of Mubarak after his 30-year reign paved the way for many forces to enter the political arena. Ironically, the • The overall 2011 payments to this firm amounted to $289,000. Egyptian Army was ready to exploit the revolution to expand its control over both society and the Egyptian state. Speaking of the contracts of Mubarak’s regime, such agreements began in August 2007. Mubarak held contracts with three firms that served him and then continued to serve the SCAF. Details about the services they provided to the SCAF (between 2011 and 2012) and their contacts with the US government are available here. Americans in the Army service The first firm that worked for the SCAF was The Livingston Group, a major lobbying firm in Washington. The Livingston Group was founded by Bob Livingston, a Republican who was a long-time congressman and almost got the job of speaker of the house, but retired from politics in 1998 following a sex scandal. This, however, opened the door wide open for Livingston to enter the world of lobbying, specifically working for Egypt. Here are the most notable services provided by The Livingston Group: • The firm coordinated and arranged the SCAF delegations’ trips to Washington and visits to Congress, led by Major General Mohamed Al- Image 1: A shot from The Livingston Group documents showing a visit by a delegation from the Military Council headed by Major General Mohamed Al-Assar in his capacity as assistant to the Assar and Major General Fouad Abdel Halim. minister of defence at the time, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi. The names of certain members of Congress who met with them during the visit, which took place between July 26-28, 2011, are • The firm liaised with US military entities, including the US Central given. In the meetings, the delegation discussed Egyptian-US relations, the political transition in Command, the Egyptian Command Office and the US chiefs of staff. Egypt, regional security and attempts to withhold US aid to the Egyptian Army. Source: US Department of Justice website. • The firm liaised with the Pentagon, the State Department and the National Security Council. 6 A revolution, a change of regime and 4 rulers middleeastmonitor.com 7 Image 3: Part of the Moffett Group documents showing a meeting of “Egyptian generals”, without mentioning their names, with a group of Congress members, on July 27, 2011. Source: US Image 2: A copy of The Livingston Group documents, showing a visit by a delegation from the Department of Justice website. Military Council headed by Major General Fouad Abdel Halim, in his capacity as assistant in arms affairs to the minister of defence at the time, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi. In the document, the names of some members of Congress and their employees who met with them during the visit between 11 and 18 October, 2011, appear. In the meetings, the delegation discussed Egyptian-US relations, the political transition in Egypt, regional security and attempts to disrupt US aid to the Egyptian Army. Source US Department of Justice website. 8 A revolution, a change of regime and 4 rulers middleeastmonitor.com 9 • The firm reached out to Congress and provided media representation for the Military Council to US media. • The overall payments made to the firm in 2011 amounted to $277,000. The ‘Hillary clique’ The last lobbying firm on the Military Council’s list is the Podesta Group. The group is particularly noteworthy due to its deep and extensive connections with the Democratic Party and many Obama administration figures. The most crucial relationship of the firm is its “political marriage” to the Clintons. The firm is headed by Tony Podesta and his brother John Podesta, Bill Clinton’s former White House chief of staff. Podesta headed the Obama transition team and was also the founder of the Centre for American Progress (CAP), a liberal think tank. It is worth noting that Hillary Clinton was the US Image 4: A picture from The Livingstone Group documents revealing some of the company’s secretary of state at the time.
Recommended publications
  • 2Nd Half FARA Report to Congress Ending December 31, 2007
    U.S. Department of Justice . Washington, D.C. 20530 Report of the Attorney General to the Congress of the United States on the Administration of the . Foreign Agents Registration Act . of 1938, as amended, for the six months ending December 31, 2007 Report of the Attorney General to the Congress of the United States on the Administration of the Foreign Agents Registration Act of 1938, as amended, for the six months ending December 31, 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................... 1-1 AFGHANISTAN......................................................1 ALBANIA..........................................................2 ALGERIA..........................................................3 ANGOLA...........................................................4 ARUBA............................................................5 AUSTRALIA........................................................6 AUSTRIA..........................................................8 AZERBAIJAN.......................................................9 BAHAMAS..........................................................11 BANGLADESH.......................................................12 BARBADOS.........................................................14 BELGIUM..........................................................15 BELIZE...........................................................16 BENIN............................................................17 BERMUDA..........................................................18 BOLIVIA..........................................................19
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of the New Egyptian Republic
    ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻲ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ Hopkins The Political Economy of اﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻰ the New Egyptian Republic ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮرﻳﺔ اﳉﺪﻳﺪة ﻓﻰ ﻣﺼﺮ The Political Economy of the New Egyptian of the New Republic Economy The Political Edited by ﲢﺮﻳﺮ Nicholas S. Hopkins ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻس ﻫﻮﺑﻜﻨﺰ Contributors اﳌﺸﺎرﻛﻮن Deena Abdelmonem Zeinab Abul-Magd زﻳﻨﺐ أﺑﻮ اﻟﺪ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ اﳌﻨﻌﻢ Yasmine Ahmed Sandrine Gamblin ﺳﺎﻧﺪرﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﺒﻼن ﻳﺎﺳﻤﲔ أﺣﻤﺪ Ellis Goldberg Clement M. Henry ﻛﻠﻴﻤﻨﺖ ﻫﻨﺮى إﻟﻴﺲ ﺟﻮﻟﺪﺑﻴﺮج SOCIAL SCIENCE IN CAIRO PAPERS Dina Makram-Ebeid Hans Christian Korsholm Nielsen ﻫﺎﻧﺰ ﻛﺮﻳﺴﺘﻴﺎن ﻛﻮرﺷﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﻠﺴﻦ دﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻜﺮم ﻋﺒﻴﺪ David Sims دﻳﭭﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻤﺰ Volume ﻣﺠﻠﺪ 33 ٣٣ Number ﻋﺪد 4 ٤ ﻟﻘﺪ اﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻓﻰ اﻟﻌﻠﻮم اﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ أﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﻞ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺎرئ اﻟﻌﺎدى واﳌﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻰ ﺷﺌﻮن CAIRO PAPERS IN SOCIAL SCIENCE is a valuable resource for Middle East specialists اﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. وﺗﻌﺮض ﻫﺬه اﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎت اﻟﺮﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺔ - اﻟﺘﻰ ﺗﺼﺪر ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎم ١٩٧٧ - ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ اﻟﺒﺤﻮث اﻟﺘﻰ ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮن and non-specialists. Published quarterly since 1977, these monographs present the results of ﻣﺤﻠﻴﻮن وزاﺋﺮون ﻓﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ واﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮق اﻷوﺳﻂ. ,current research on a wide range of social, economic, and political issues in the Middle East وﺗﺮﺣﺐ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺤﻮث اﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﻻت اﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻬﺬه اﻟﺎﻻت ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻰ ﻣﺪى ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺸﺮ. وﻳﺮاﻋﻰ ان ﻳﻜﻮن اﻟﺒﺤﺚ .and include historical perspectives ﻓﻰ ﺣﺪود ١٥٠ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺮك ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺘﲔ ﺑﲔ اﻟﺴﻄﻮر، وﺗﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺴﺨﺔ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ وأﺧﺮى ﻋﻠﻰ اﺳﻄﻮاﻧﺔ ﻛﻤﺒﻴﻮﺗﺮ (ﻣﺎﻛﻨﺘﻮش Submissions of studies relevant to these areas are invited. Manuscripts submitted should be أو ﻣﻴﻜﺮوﺳﻮﻓﺖ وورد). أﻣﺎ ﺑﺨﺼﻮص ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺮاﺟﻊ، ﻓﻴﺠﺐ ان ﺗﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ ﻛﺘﺎب ”اﻻﺳﻠﻮب ﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ around 150 doublespaced typewritten pages in hard copy and on disk (Macintosh or Microsoft ﺷﻴﻜﺎﻏﻮ“ (The Chicago Manual of Style) ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻬﻮاﻣﺶ ﻓﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻔﺤﺔ، أو اﻟﺸﻜﻞ اﳌﺘﻔﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻰ Word).
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Egyptian Urban Exigencies: Space, Governance and Structures of Meaning in a Globalising Cairo A Thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Global Studies by Roberta Duffield Committee in charge: Professor Paul Amar, Chair Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse Assistant Professor Javiera Barandiarán Associate Professor Juan Campo June 2019 The thesis of Roberta Duffield is approved. ____________________________________________ Paul Amar, Committee Chair ____________________________________________ Jan Nederveen Pieterse ____________________________________________ Javiera Barandiarán ____________________________________________ Juan Campo June 2014 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my thesis committee at the University of California, Santa Barbara whose valuable direction, comments and advice informed this work: Professor Paul Amar, Professor Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Professor Javiera Barandiarán and Professor Juan Campo, alongside the rest of the faculty and staff of UCSB’s Global Studies Department. Without their tireless work to promote the field of Global Studies and committed support for their students I would not have been able to complete this degree. I am also eternally grateful for the intellectual camaraderie and unending solidarity of my UCSB colleagues who helped me navigate Californian graduate school and come out the other side: Brett Aho, Amy Fallas, Tina Guirguis, Taylor Horton, Miguel Fuentes Carreño, Lena Köpell, Ashkon Molaei, Asutay Ozmen, Jonas Richter, Eugene Riordan, Luka Šterić, Heather Snay and Leila Zonouzi. I would especially also like to thank my friends in Cairo whose infinite humour, loyalty and love created the best dysfunctional family away from home I could ever ask for and encouraged me to enroll in graduate studies and complete this thesis: Miriam Afifiy, Eman El-Sherbiny, Felix Fallon, Peter Holslin, Emily Hudson, Raïs Jamodien and Thomas Pinney.
    [Show full text]
  • Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
    Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • Approaching Rule of Law in Post-Revolution Egypt: Where We Were, Where We Are, and Where We Should Be*
    !"#$%&'(%)(*(+&(,-#"./%#0%1'$(,%2*,3.3. !""#$%&'()*+,-./+$0+1%2+()+3$456,/7$.-5($)+8*9"5 !! !!" $ !% "! ! $ #! &$ 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM ! U.C. DAVIS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL LAW & POLICY VOLUME 18 SPRING 2012 NUMBER 2 ARTICLE APPROACHING RULE OF LAW IN POST-REVOLUTION EGYPT: WHERE WE WERE, WHERE WE ARE, AND WHERE WE SHOULD BE* Ahmed Eldakak** ABSTRACT Partial absence of rule of law was a central reason for the Egyptian Revolution in 2011, and the Revolution provides a golden opportunity to establish full rule of law in Egypt. Using a substantive approach to interpreting the rule of law doctrine, this Article analyzes the aspects of absence of rule of law before the Revolution. The former regime disregarded the rule of law by amending the constitution to promote the rule of the president, issuing laws that served the interests of the president’s entourage, not enforcing judicial decisions, restricting freedom of speech, and concentrating the power in the hands of the president through the disreputable emergency law. The period following the Revolution witnessed an increasing trend toward respecting the rule of law, through changes such as enforcement of judicial decisions, trying the former president and his entourage before courts of law, and increased promotion of freedom of expression. However, several serious obstacles to promoting rule of law remain after the Revolution: the current constitutional mess, the state of emergency, and the military trials for civilians. Ultimately, this Article seeks to provide a roadmap to establishing full rule of law in Egypt, recommending the 314758-TEXT.NATIVE.1350535652.DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 10/17/2012 9:48 PM 262 University of California, Davis [Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Notes Introduction 1. Maye Kassem. 1999. In the Guise of Democracy: Governance in Contem- porary Egypt (London: Ithaca Press); Eberhard Kienle. 2001. A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I. B. Tau- ris); Eva Bellin. 2002. Stalled Democracy: Capital, Labor, and the Paradox of State- Sponsored Development (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press); Jason Brownlee. 2007. Authoritarianism in an Age of Democratization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press); Lisa Blaydes. 2011. Elections and Distributive Politics in Mubarak’s Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press); Ellen Lust-Okar. 2004. “Divided They Rule: The Manage- ment and Manipulation of Political Opposition,” Journal of Democracy 36(2): 139– 56. 2. Barrington Moore. 1966. Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Boston: Beacon); Charles Moraz. 1968. The Triumph of the Middle Class (New York: Anchor); Eric Hobsbawm. 1969. Industry and Empire (Har- mondsworth: Penguin). 3. Bellin. 2002. 4. Nazih Ayubi. 1995. Over-Stating the Arab State: Politics and Society in the Middle East (London: I. B. Tauris). 5. Samuel Huntington. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press), p. 67. 6. Ray Bush. 2012. “Marginality or Abjection? The Political Economy of Pov- erty Production in Egypt,” in Marginality and Exclusion in Egypt, ed. Ray Bush and Habib Ayeb (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press), p. 66. 7. Bellin. 2002. 8. Amr Adly. 2009. “Politically- Embedded Cronyism: The Case of Egypt,” Busi- ness and Politics 11(4): 1– 28. 9. Bellin. 2002. 10. Adly. 2009. 11. The only Policies Secretariat meeting that Gamal Mubarak missed since the establishment of the Secretariat in 2002 was in March 2010 when he was accompanying his father in Germany for treatment.
    [Show full text]
  • Egypt's Uncertain Departure from Neo-Authoritarianism
    MEDITERRANEAN PAPER SERIES 2011 TRANSITION TO WHAT: EGYPT’S UNCERTAIN DEPARTURE FROM NEO-AUTHORITARIANIsm Daniela Pioppi Maria Cristina Paciello Issandr El Amrani Philippe Droz-Vincent © 2011 The German Marshall Fund of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the German Marshall Fund of the United States GMF. Please direct inquiries to: The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1744 R Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 F 1 202 265 1662 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at www.gmfus.org/publications. Limited print copies are also available. To request a copy, send an e-mail to [email protected]. GMF Paper Series The GMF Paper Series presents research on a variety of transatlantic topics by staff, fellows, and partners of the German Marshall Fund of the United States. The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of GMF. Comments from readers are welcome; reply to the mailing address above or by e-mail to [email protected]. About GMF The German Marshall Fund of the United States GMF is a non-partisan American public policy and grantmaking institu- tion dedicated to promoting better understanding and cooperation between North America and Europe on transatlantic and global issues. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic topics, and by pro- viding exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship.
    [Show full text]
  • Monopoly: the Case of Egyptian Steel
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Monopoly: The Case of Egyptian Steel Selim, Tarek The American University in Cairo September 2006 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/101417/ MPRA Paper No. 101417, posted 07 Jul 2020 07:15 UTC MONOPOLY: THE CASE OF EGYPTIAN STEEL Tarek H. Selim, Assistant Professor, Economics Department, The American university in Cairo [email protected] Abstract The local steel industry in Egypt has been protected by high tariffs which were relaxed lately. The market is segmented according to steel type and there is a dominant steel producer acting as a monopoly in the market. Due to barriers to entry in the short run and the dominant market position of the monopoly, price elasticity became more demand inelastic. However, the dominant market player carries an innovative edge over his competitors. Introduction Markets behave according to rational economic incentives and policies. The Egyptian steel industry is an interesting case to analyze because it is a strategic source of raw material for other industries (such as construction) and comprises a large portion of Egyptian industrial GDP. It is characterized by market segmentation, a dominant market position, and efficiency elements. There is, however, an interesting tradeoff between market monopoly and market efficiency as the local industry is constrained by barriers to entry and international factors. Short run and long run implications of this case are of crucial importance to economic analysts and decision makers alike. International Market Steel is largely dependent on three big end users: construction, packaging and car manufacturing. China is the world's largest crude steel producer (2003) with around 220 million tons of steel production comprising 23% of world production, the latter estimated as 960 million metric tons.
    [Show full text]
  • Scientific Paper Youth Political Engagement During The
    Youth political engagement during the Arab Spring: Egypt and Tunisia compared Scientific Paper Youth political engagement during the Arab Spring: Egypt and Tunisia compared Bahgat Korany AUC Forum Mostafa El Sayyad AUC Forum 1 Youth political engagement during the Arab Spring: Egypt and Tunisia compared Abstract This Scientific Paper aims at highlighting youth political engagement during the Arab Spring – the peak of explicit, direct and mass “youth involvement in politics”. This exceptionally high involvement did not continue to be institutionalised. In fact, the earlier mass political participation contrasts at present with a certain political marginalisation of former activists/youth leaders. The logical research question is then: what accounts for such two extremes? To analyse this evolution from one extreme to the other, this paper adopts a comparative approach between the two seemingly similar cases of Egypt and Tunisia. These two countries are different in some respects: Egypt has nine times the population of Tunisia, for example, and the two countries’ recent colonial past has been influenced by different sociopolitical traditions: Anglophone and Francophone. However, for the subject of this paper they share the status of being the pioneers of the Arab Spring. To carry out its comparative methodology and especially to decode the youth political participation problematic from one extreme to the other, the paper utilises the SAHWA Project data 2015/16, both qualitative and quantitative. Since these data have to be situated within each country’s national context, the paper uses also some other sources, when required. In terms of organisation, the paper’s 22 tables reiterate the primacy of the “youth bulge” that the two countries share: the available data unequivocally shows for instance that unemployment is number one as a cause of concern.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of the Egyptian Revolution
    IMPACT: International Journal of Research in Business Management (IMPACT: IJRBM) ISSN(E): 2321-886X; ISSN(P): 2347-4572 Vol. 4, Issue 1, Jan 2016, 1-36 © Impact Journal THE MAKING OF THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION HALA EL ZAHED Research Scholar, Cairo University, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Doc-Euromed Studies, Egypt ABSTRACT The image represents a message transmitted of one individual to another. It can be about gender, minorities or ethnic groups or countries. Image or reputation describes the way in which a country and its policies may be perceived by others. Images are powerful political statements… they may be transmitted by the use of words. ( 1) “The image of a person needs to be recognized as a positive one. So are countries which are made up of people and are run by political elites. Historically, political leaders have recognized that images matter.”( 2) This study endeavors to discuss how Western press portrays the Egyptian Revolution and accordingly affect policy-making. Imperatively, the majority of the people have no chance to personally see what a foreign country is like but they see images of these countries in the media. Mass media have always been responsible for image building and formulating public opinion. Particularly, newspapers have constantly been labeled for their authenticity and; hence, they affect people’s attitudes concerning a country’s local and international affairs. Newspapers do not only transmit information, but they have also become a tool directing people and creating their ideological, political and social dispositions. Newspapers play a pertinent role in shaping, formulating and impacting public opinion and, consequently, a country’s decision-makers’ policies.
    [Show full text]
  • World Bank Document
    Public Disclosure Authorized The Politics of Partial Liberalization: Cronyism and Non-Tari Protection in Mubarak's Egypt∗ Ferdinand Eiblyand Adeel Malikz Public Disclosure Authorized Abstract This paper provides one of the rst systematic empirical assessments of the impact of political connections on trade protection. Based on a unique compilation of sector-level data on non-tari measures (NTMs) and politically connected businessmen in Mubarak- era Egypt, we explore the within-sector variation in NTMs over time, and show that sectors populated by politically-connected businessmen witnessed systematically higher non-tari protection. To establish causality, we take advantage of the across the board Public Disclosure Authorized cut in taris induced by the EU-Egypt free trade agreement in 2004 to show that sectors with prior exposure to crony activity were compensated signicantly more through new NTMs than non-crony sectors. JEL codes: F13; F14; O24; O53; P26 ∗The authors gratefully acknowledge a small grant from ERF, Cairo, under its research programme on the Political Economy of the Private Sector Dynamism in the Middle East. The authors also wish to thank Philippe Aghion, Ricardo Hausmann, Anthony Venables, Fabrice Defever, Ishac Diwan, and Djavad Salehi Isphahani for their detailed feedback on the paper. We are also grateful to seminar participants in the ERF Workshop at St Peter's College, Oxford; the EBRD conference in London; the Comparative Political Economy seminar at LSE; the Trade Seminar at Oxford University; and the Harvard University's Growth Lab Seminar. The usual disclaimer on errors and omissions applies. Public Disclosure Authorized y King's College London. zCorresponding Author.
    [Show full text]
  • Transitional Justice Vs. Authoritarianism Prof. Dr. Mehdi Zakerian *
    Establishing Political Accountability in the Post-Mubarak Era: Transitional Justice vs. Authoritarianism Prof. Dr. Mehdi Zakerian * Faculty of Law & Political Sciences, IAU, Sciences & Research Branch, Tehran,Iran.. Prof. Dr. Seyed Razi Emadi ** IAU. North Branch, Tehran, Iran. Abstract Two parallel but contradictory trends have come to characterize the early decades of the twenty-first century. On the one hand, the traditional principles of international law highlighted in the UN Charter, such as the principles of state sovereignty, non-intervention, and the state officials’ immunity, have become considerably weaker norms. The dimension of moral sovereignty of governments, by contrast, has gained much traction, as more and more states tend to prioritize the protection of internal jurisdiction over the promotion of human rights. However, at the same time, the notion of the responsibility to protect (R2P) and transitional justice in practice have cast their specter over countries’ internal developments, misconduct, and human rights violations, holding them accountable to domestic and international laws. These conflicting trajectories have come to a head during and in the aftermath of the 2011 Arab uprisings. Charged with human rights violations, the ruling elites of Libya, Tunisia, and Egypt faced trials—both locally and internationally by the International Criminal Court. The UN Security Council authorized applying R2P to protect Libyan people and International Criminal Court issued the arrest warrants against Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Saif al- Islam Gaddafi, and Abdullah Gaddafi. In Tunisia, an absentee trial for the deposed President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was held. In Egypt, however, the IV trial of Hosni Mubarak and those associated with his regime bypassed the so- called transitional justice model, while following the all too familiar pathway to promoting stability under the guise of national reconciliation.
    [Show full text]