The History Of The Discalced Carmelite Friars
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THE HISTORY OF THE DISCALCED CARMELITE FRIARS
IN THE PHILIPPINES UP UNTIL THE BIRTH
OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSARIATE
(1947-1977)
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of the Graduate School
Ateneo de Manila University
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Master of Arts in Theology
by
Paulo N. Gamboa, Jr.
2004 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION
The Carmelites in Europe …...... 2
The Teresian Reform ……………………………………………...3
The Teresian Carmelites in North America …………...... 9
Statement of the Problem ………………………………………...12
Significance of the Study …………………………………………14
Methodology ………………………………………………… 15
Scope and Limitation ………………………………………… 16
Theoretical Framework ……………………………………… 16
Summary of the Chapters …………………………………… 20
II. THE PHILIPPINE CHURCH AFTER WORLD WAR II
Decline of the Spanish Friars’ Influence …………………… 23
Arrival of non-Spanish Clerics and Religious ……………… 27
Improvement in the Philippine Catholic Education ………… 30
The Pacific War and Its Effects ……………………………… 31
III. PREPARING FOR THE CARMELITE MISSIONS
Early Request for Teresian Carmelite Friars in the Philippines 37 3
First Contacts with the Teresian Carmelites ………………… 40
The Proposed Mission Territory ……………………………. 43
Approval of the Teresian Carmelite Missions ……………… 46
IV. BEGINNINGS OF THE TERESIAN CARMELITE MISSIONS
The Appeal of Volunteers ………………………………. 48
The First Foundation and Missionary Assignments …… 50
Initial Mission Difficulties ……………………………… 51
V. PASTORAL WORK AND MINISTRY IN THE MISSIONS
The Operative Theology of Missions ……………………59
Earlier Evangelization Efforts in Infanta by the Spanish Friars. 63
Setbacks in Infanta Due to the Pacific War …………… 64
Rebuilding the Parish of Infanta ……………………… 65
Parish Ministry in Baler ……………………………… 68
A Missionary’s Tragic End at Sea …………………… 71
Missionary Growth and Development ……………… 74
Prospective Vocations to the Order ………………… 77
VI. THE TERESIAN CARMELITE MISSION EXPANDS
Infanta Established as Prelature Nullius …………… 79
A New Parish in Bordeos Island …………………… 80
Arrival of the Italian Friars and Turn-Over of Polillo Parish …… 81
Immediate Pastoral Concerns in Polillo Parish …… 82
Developments in the New Prelature ……………… 83
Anglo-Irish Friars Assist in the Prelature ………… 85 4
A Carmelite Apostolic Administrator for Infanta … 85
The Call for More Friars ……………………………87
Tension Among the Friars …………………………88
Pressure from the General Leadership ……………90
Developmental Challenges in the Prelature ………91
Patrick Shanley, O.C.D., First Bishop of Infanta …93
Anglo-Irish Province Invited to Work in the Country ……93
First Anglo-Irish Foundation in the Country …………… 95
A Joint Novitiate House …………………………………96
Difficulties in the Joint Novitiate Project ……………… 97
The First Filipino Teresian Carmelites …………………100
Rising Tension Between the Provinces …………………101
A New Foundation in Quezon City……………………103
Formation Plans of the Anglo-Irish Friars ………...... 106
Palanan Parish Annexed to the Prelature of Infanta … 107
A House of Regular Observance in the Prelature …… 108
The Polillo Priory …………………………………… 109
First Filipino Carmelite Priests Return to the Country 111
Growing Personnel Problem in the Prelature ……… 112
Bishop Patrick Shanley Resigns………………….113
Filipino Carmelite Heads the Prelature …………. 114
Peak of the Carmelite Missions in the Prelature ……115
Plans for a Retreat House …………………………117 5
Opposition to the Retreat House Project ……… 120
Construction and Blessing of Our Lady’s Hill Retreat House … 124
VII. THE BIRTH OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSARIAT
Aspirations for Unification ……………………………… 126
The House of Studies in Quezon City …………………… 128
Local Vocations to the Order …………………………… 130
Perceived Causes of the Slow Growth in Local Vocations. 132
The Beginnings of an Independent Filipino Carmel …… 135
The Need for an Independent House of Formation …… 137
The Davao House of Formation ……………………… 140
The Davao Formation Commission ……………………141
The Davao Commission ………………………………141
Davao Commission on Formation Pioneering Team …143
Consolidation Plans in the Prelature …………………145
Phase-out Plan ……………………………………… 148
Plans of a Philippine Regional Vicariate ……………150
A Permanent House of Formation in Davao City ……153
Simple Profession in Davao City ……………………155
Blessing and Inauguration of the Monastery of the Holy Family …156
The Regional Commission ………………………………………...158
Visit of Father General in 1976 ………………………………… 160
The Birth of Philippine Commissariat ……………………….. 164
The First Philippine Commissariat Chapter ………………… 166 6
VIII. CONCLUSION
Assessment of the Work of the Teresian Carmelite Friars in the Philippines ……………………………………… 168
The Spirit of the Founder …………………………………… 168
Theology of Mission ………………………………………… 177
The Growth in Faith of the People …………………………… 179
Historical Lessons for the Teresian Carmelite Friars Today … 182
Final Remarks ………………………………………………… 189
APPENDICES
Appendix A ……………………………………………………………193
Appendix B ……………………………………………………………202
Appendix C ……………………………………………………………213
Appendix D ……………………………………………………………215
Appendix E ……………………………………………………………307
Appendix F ……………………………………………………………381
Appendix G ……………………………………………………………382
BIBLIOGRAPHY ………………………………………………………383 7
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The Teresian Carmelites “belong to a religious family endowed with its own special charism in God’s people, and called to fulfill a specific role in the
Mystical Body of Christ.”1 The origin of the Teresian Carmelite family “and the very nature of its vocation are closely bound up with the life and charism of St.
Teresa, especially with the mystical graces which led her to undertake the renewal of Carmel and make prayer and contemplation its total commitment. The renewed
Carmel – like the ‘little flock’ in the Gospel – was to be made up of a chosen few, totally pledged to living the Gospel and keeping the ‘primitive Rule’ in solitude, and strict poverty.”2 For the Carmelites, silence and solitude constitute the essence of living their life of contemplative prayer. These form part of Carmel’s patrimony, received from its founding fathers – the early hermits of Mt. Carmel.
Carmel in the Church is about eight hundred years old. It is one of the few
Religious Orders in the Latin Church whose beginnings trace back to the Holy
Land. Starting out as hermits, its history contains tremendous instances of adjustments and crises. These were consequences of the efforts to remain faithful to their original intent.
The effects of the Saracen invasion of the Holy Land in the twelfth century challenged the hermits’ eremitico-cenobitical beginnings. When they fled
1 Discalced Carmelites’ Constitutions and Norms, Constitutions, Part I, chap. 1, no. 1, 33.
2Ibid., 5, 36. 8 the Holy Land, it became imperative for them to adapt to the European environment.3 As such, the situation required them to “add” a new feature to their existing identity – that of mendicants. The exigency of survival was the primary factor that made them take to the cities. Consequently, the task of teaching and preaching, were added as part of their apostolate. Hence, solitude and silence became confined within the limits of their property in contrast to the vast physical solitude of Mt. Carmel.
The Carmelites in Europe
The Carmelites flourished in Europe as they embraced the mendicant lifestyle that was originally characterized by the renunciation of all personal and community property.4 During this time silence, solitude, and contemplative prayer continued to be regarded as the essence of their life. These continued to be given emphasis even as they began to be actively engaged in apostolic activities. In effect, the Carmelites sought to keep intact the heart of “Carmelite Rule” in the midst of the modifications made.
Events in fourteenth and fifteenth century Europe, and the whole Church for that matter, were disturbing. The Carmelites were led to reconsider once more the practicality of living the Rule in relation to the context of the time. Aspects of the Rule were considered to be too rigorous, such as “the obligations of remaining
3 Keith Egan, Christian Spirituality II: High Middle Ages and Reformation, ed. Jill Raitt (New York: Crossroad Publishing Co., 1988), 52. In 1247, Innocent IV emended the original Formula Vitae that was given by Albert of Jerusalem to the hermits of Mt. Carmel.
4Monika Hellwig, “Mendicant Orders,” in The Modern Catholic Encyclopedia (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1994), 561-62. Later modifications allowed the mendicants to include itinerant preaching and other apostolic activities when the need arises. 9 continually in the cell and of abstaining perpetually from meat.”5 Hence, they petitioned that some adjustments be made. Pope Eugene IV officially approved these on February 15, 1432 with the promulgation of the Bull, Romani Pontificis.6
Strong objections were presented as the modifications to the Carmelite
Rule of Life were considered and consequently approved. There were sectors within the Order who felt that the essence of Carmelite living was now challenged. This gave rise to the atmosphere for reform, within the Order.
It should be noted that even before the approval of the second mitigation of the Carmelite Rule was officially declared, the movement for reform in the
Order was already in place in Northern Italy, in 1413.7 Fra Jacobo di Albert who at one time was Prior and Novice Master of Florence would be the first friar to lead movement for reform in the Order of Carmel.
The Teresian Reform
Other reform movements would soon develop. All these efforts were meant to revive the primitive observance of the founding fathers in Mt. Carmel.
These movements were varied and dispersed throughout Europe. However, the
Carmelite reform movement would have its most successful and lasting effects in
Spain, in the person of Teresa of Jesus (of Avila).
5 Joachim Smet, The Carmelites: A History of the Brothers of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, vol. 1 (Darien: Carmelite Spiritual Center, 1988) , 85.
6Peter-Thomas Rohrbach OCD, Journey To Carith (New York: Doubleday & Co., 1966), 111.
7Smet, The Carmelites, vol. 1: 87. 10
The Teresian reform was primarily geared towards the restoration of the way of life (the Rule) that was practiced by the early fathers.8 However, what
Teresa thought to be the original Rule that Albert, the Patriarch of Jerusalem gave to the first Carmelites, was in reality the Rule as mitigated by Pope Innocent IV.9
This explains the fact that while Teresa and her companions wanted to live the life of the early hermits, she would also give due importance to the apostolic dimension of her reform. This would even be highlighted when Teresa would later embark on the reform of the friars.
As the Teresian Carmelites10 slowly became independent from their original group, the prospect of involving the friars in missionary activity also began to take shape.
With the steady growth of the Teresian reform, Pope Gregory XIII eventually approved the erection of a Discalced province within the Carmelite
Order on June 22, 1580.11 As a province they were under the leadership of the vicar-general who had all the powers of the congregation, just as the prior general had over the entire order. Seven years later, on July 10, 1587, the Discalced reform was raised to the status of a Congregation, subject to the Prior General of the Carmelite Order.12 At this point, the reform was made subject immediately to
8 Joachim Smet, The Carmelites: A History of the Brothers of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, vol. 2: The Post Tridentine Period (Darien: Carmelite Spiritual Center, 1976), 28.
9Ibid., 34. 10 The term Discalced Carmelites and Teresian Carmelites will be used interchangeably in this paper. 11 Ibid., 99. 12 Ibid., 113. 11 the prior general who had the right to make the visitation in person or through a
Discalced delegate. By December 20, 1593 Pope Clement VIII confirmed the decree of the Carmelite General Chapter of Cremona creating the Order of the
Discalced Carmelites.13
As a young province, the Teresian Carmelite friars would launch their first missionary activity from Lisbon to Congo on April 5, 1582. This would be only six months before the death of the Mother Foundress in October 4, 1582.14 Teresa of Jesus did not live to see the success of such missionary activity. Nevertheless it provided the impetus for the missionary dimension of the Teresian Carmelite friars.
Even during its early stages questions were already raised, even among the Discalced Carmelites as regards the compatibility of the contemplative lifestyle to the missionary activity. The young province grappled with the question of the propriety of the active apostolic involvement in relation to the contemplative life. As a result, the leadership was bitterly split on this issue.
On one end was Jerome Gracian, who was elected as the first Discalced
Carmelite provincial during the historic Chapter of Alcala in 1581.15 He was supportive of the idea of the Discalced Carmelite missions.16 During his term
13 Ibid., 94-131. 14 Ibid., 104. 15 Ibid., 99.
16 Rohrbach, Journey To Carith, 205-6. 12 efforts were made in order to expand the missionary efforts of the Discalced
Carmelites.
In Lisbon he met the Friar Minor, Martin Ignatius de Loyola, recently returned from the Far East. This veteran missionary and relative of the founder of the Society of Jesus turned his attention to China. On April 9, 1585, Gracian and Loyola signed an agreement, Vinculo de hermandad misionera, for the mutual collaboration of their orders ‘for the conversion of pagans in Ethiopia (Africa), the kingdom of China, the Philippines and other parts of the East and West Indies’.17
At the other end was Nicholas Doria, who succeeded Jerome Gracian as
Provincial in 1585.18 It was during his term of office that the issue and concern in regard to their fidelity to the reform was raised. He advocated for a strict adherence to the religious observance of the Discalced Carmelite lifestyle.19
Consequently, the growth of the Discalced Carmelite friars was limited practically to the Iberian Peninsula.
If we desire the progress of our reform-then observance! If we want the salvation of souls-observance! I would not feel that I was true to my conscience if I did not repeat these things without ceasing. Even after my death my bones, clashing together in the tomb, will cry out: observance, observance!20
This tension brought about unfortunate political machinations from opposing camps. It arrived at the point of expelling Jerome Gracian, from the
Discalced Carmelite province. Accordingly, Gracian made an attempt to appeal his case to Rome. This was found to be futile. He would eventually return to the
17 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 105. 18 Rohrbach, Journey To Carith, 207-8. 19 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 104. 20 Rohrbach, Journey To Carith, 209. 13
Calced Carmelites until his death on September 21, 1614 in Flanders.21 Thus was the tragic end of Teresa of Jesus’ closest confidante among the Discalced
Carmelite friars.22
There are recent developments within the Discalced Carmelite Order in regard to the case of Fr. Jerome Gracian. “The General Definitory, in its 47th session on December 1999, following the example of the Holy Father in this jubilee year, judged it appropriate to make an official declaration revoking the sentence of expulsion from the Order issued against Fr. Jerome Gracian, spiritual son and beloved disciple of our Mother St. Teresa of Jesus, as an official gesture of rehabilitation and reparation for the injustice of which he was a victim.”23
“The most significant and productive foundation made by Gracian during his administration was the monastery in Genoa in Italy.”24 It was this foundation that carried through his missionary ideals. Attracting numerous Italian vocations to the Discalced Carmelite lifestyle, the monastery flourished. The growth of the province in Italy however, did not impress many of the Discalced Carmelites in
Spain. Meanwhile, Doria’s policy of non-expansion outside the Iberian Peninsula also continued to have adherents.
Once more the question of the propriety of missions in the contemplative lifestyle of the Discalced Carmelites was put to the fore. Like before, there were
21 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 125-26. 22 Ibid., 65-66. 23 Camilo Maccise, “Official Declaration of Rehabilitation for Fr. Jerome Gracian of the Mother of God, OCD,” in Communicationes O.C.D., no., 87, 32-35. 24 Rohrbach, Journey To Carith, 207. 14 still no ready answers available. To break the impasse, Pope Clement VIII stepped in. He wanted the Discalced Carmelites in Rome despite the resistance of the friars in Spain.25 He was unwilling to forsake this idea. In 1597, he “separated the
Genoese monastery from the jurisdiction of the general in Spain, placing it under his immediate and protection.”26 By 1600, he divided the Discalced Carmelite friars into two distinct congregations, the Spanish and the Italian Congregation.
The Spanish congregation, which was placed under the patronage of St. Joseph, embraced the territories of Spain, Portugal and Mexico (which the Spaniards at that time called New Spain). The Italian congregation, placed under the protection of St. Elijah, was permitted to establish itself anyplace in the world except in Spain.27
For the next two hundred years, the status quo seemed to be an acceptable compromise. Later events would modify this arrangement. Nineteenth-century
Europe was generally marked by social upheaval. It was a time of rebellion and chaos. The Church was not exempt from the effects wrought during this revolutionary period. One of them was the suppression of the religious Orders.
At the close of the nineteenth century, European society generally set the task of rebuilding itself from the havoc. The Teresian Carmelite Order itself was also on the same route. In 1875, the Prior General Jerome Maria Gotti proposed that the remaining members of the Spanish Congregation, which suffered setbacks due to the suppression of the Religious Orders in Spain, be united with the Italian
25 Ibid., 230. 26 Ibid., 230. 27 Ibid., 231. 15
Congregation.28 Thus were the Spanish and Italian Congregations of the Teresian
Carmelites reunited.
The Teresian Carmelites in North America
Earlier, three Spanish Discalced Carmelite Friars reached the American shores aboard the Viscaino expedition in 1602. The friars did some work with the
Indians. The most renowned among them was Fray Anthony of the Ascension, a graduate in cartography from the University of Salamanca, who charted the previously unexplored area.
King Philip III assigned the entire area of what is today known as the state of California as the exclusive mission territory of the Discalced Carmelites which at that time belonged to Spain. Unfortunately, the Carmelites were not able to do much in the California mission, because the Spanish explorers lost interest in the area.29
It was only in 1720 when the first formal mission of the Discalced
Carmelites was established in the territory of Louisiana. The French Teresian
Carmelite friars from the Normandy Province were invited and assigned to provide religious services to the inhabitants to the newly established Prefecture
Apostolic for the Order in Louisiana.30 However, ecclesiastical disputes with the
French Capuchins as regards territorial jurisdiction made the friars decide to return to France in 1723.31
28 Otilio Rodriguez, A History of the Teresian Carmel, 97-106. 29 Rohrbach, Journey To Carith, 327-29. 30 Ibid., 328. 31 16
The next group to formally take up the mission to the United States was the Teresian Carmelite friars from the Bavarian province. They came in 1875, and established a foundation in New Jersey. However in 1879, the prior provincial in
Bavaria, perceiving a more urgent need suddenly withdrew the friars and sent them to a foundation at Geleen in Holland, a refuge monastery from the
Kulturkampf. 32
At the start of the twentieth century, the Teresian Carmelites from the
Bavarian province returned to the United States. “Two friars from the monastery at Regensburg in the Bavarian province, Eliseus of the Sacred Heart (John
Mekina) and Kilian of the Mother of God (Francis Gutmann), traveled through the Midwestern and northwestern parts of the United States in 1905 seeking a suitable site for a foundation, particularly in the areas settled by German immigrants.”33 They finally settled and took formal possession of Holy Hill,
Wisconsin in 1906 attending to the religious and spiritual needs of German immigrants in that part of the United States.34
Moreover, the Spanish Teresian Carmelite friars from the Catalonian province established houses in the state of Arizona in 1912.35 They in turn were intending to take care of the Spanish-speaking residents of the area. At about the same time, Spanish friars from Mexico who belonged to the province of Valencia
Ibid., 329. The French Carmelites returned, as chaplains to the French troops, during the American Revolution. However, they all returned to France after the final surrender of the British troops. 32 Ibid., 331. 33 Ibid., 334-35. 34 Ibid., 335. 35 Ibid., 336. 17 also found themselves working with the Spanish-speaking people in the southern part of the United States. The renewed persecution of the Church in Mexico made the friars settle in the diocese of Oklahoma City.36 The Irish Teresian Carmelite friars, for their part settled in the state of California in 1924.37
With the number of friars steadily on the increase and with vocations flourishing, the houses belonging to the Catalonian and Bavarian provinces would be joined together. Hence, in 1947 the union of the Bavarian and Catalonian monasteries in the United States was canonically raised to the status of a province.38 This was to be known as the Washington province of the Immaculate
Heart of Mary. This young province would later send its own friars to the missions in the Philippines. From this seed would be born the Philippine
Commissariat of the Teresian Carmelite friars .39
In the same year, the Oklahoma province of St. Therese was also canonically erected. Its distribution came from the monasteries in Oklahoma and
Texas. In 1964 the province of St. Joseph was also canonically established from the monasteries in the California-Arizona area. This would bring the number of canonically erected provinces of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the United States to three.
36 This transpired during the term of President Carranza. Religious men and women once again experienced persecution. This condition forced the friars to take refuge either in America or in Cuba. Ibid., 336. 37 Ibid., 336. 38 Ibid., 337. 39 The Philippine Commissariat of the Discalced Carmelites was established in October 26, 1977. 18
In the midst of the Teresian Carmelites’ accomplishments in the various mission areas, the tension between action and contemplation endured. Centuries have passed, and the Discalced Carmelite friars continue to grapple with the issue of active apostolic service in the midst of the contemplative Discalced Carmelite lifestyle. Right to this day, the question has not been satisfactorily resolved. It is an issue that continues to seek a healthy balance.
Statement of the Problem
Society today confronts the reality of globalization as the third millennium starts. This has created a climate where individuals and institutions assess their future significance. This phenomenon has become an occasion for soul searching, evaluation and planning for all. The Church as a whole, and the many religious congregations, is not the least exempt. Many questions are being asked in the face of this seeming uncertainty. Thus, the challenge of moving into the future with a deep sense of hope for growth becomes imperative.
The Discalced Carmelites’ life in the Church has always been characterized by the ever existing tension between contemplation and action. As the Order moves towards the third millennium, questions are raised. Once more there is the necessity to clarify the apostolic-contemplative role of the Discalced
Carmelites during these post-conciliar decades. Today, growth and revival are emphasized to subsist in the local church. This is the challenge of the Discalced
Carmelites, now more than ever. 19
Against this framework, the study intends to help establish the identity of the Teresian Carmelite in the Philippine Church of the third millennium. More specifically, the following questions will be considered:
1. What was the general condition of the Philippine Church at the end of
World War II?
2. What were the preparations made for the Philippine missions of the
Teresian Carmelite friars to commence?
3. How were the first mission volunteers chosen and what were their first
assignments?
4. What were the various pastoral and missionary activities of the Teresian
Carmelites in the Philippine missions?
5. How and where did the Philippine missions of the Teresian Carmelites expand?
6. How was the Philippine Commissariat of the Teresian Carmelites established?
A historical and theological assessment of the missionary work of the
Discalced Carmelite friars in the Philippine missions comes into view. The study hopes to furnish practical guidelines for the future work of the Filipino Teresian
Carmelites. This is in view of a cogent collaboration of the Teresian Carmelites with the local churches.
Significance of the Study
From a Teresian Carmelite mission territory, the Infanta-Polillo and Baler-
Casiguran area in Eastern Luzon has developed into a Prelature “Nullius.”40 This
40 20 is, in part due to the significant contributions made by the Teresian Carmelite friars. Over the years, efforts have been made to present a systematic history of their missionary contributions. The first wave of these missionaries has passed away. Unless and until a historical study on their work in the mission area of
Baler-Infanta can be started, its re-construction in the future may prove to be more difficult.
This work intends to provide the present as well as incoming generations with valuable data. This may be helpful as the Teresian Carmelites move towards the creation of a Filipino province. It is in this light that this paper hopes to resolve and arrive at a specific and unique identity of the Filipino Teresian
Carmelite. This in turn will provide the Filipino Teresian Carmelite with an enlightened direction, as he collaborates with the local churches in the area of apostolic service.
Last of all, this work intends to commend all the Teresian Carmelite friars who have served in the missions. They have all contributed to the growth of the
Philippine Commissariat. This study hopes to draw out lessons, as the past events are read and revisited. Consequently, it also hopes to serve as an inspiration and source of renewed zeal and growth for the young generation of Filipino Teresian
Carmelites.
The God of history, no doubt, manifested Himself in the daily actions and decisions of the Teresian Carmelite friars’ mission in the Philippines. It is the
The Prelature of Infanta is a three hundred-mile strip along the East Coast of Luzon including the entire island of Polillo. This was the mission territory assigned to the Discalced Carmelite Friars in the Philippines. 21 aspiration of young Filipino Teresian Carmelites to learn from the life, experiences, work, and lessons of the past.
Methodology
The descriptive method will generally be employed in the course of this study. Theological concepts on Church and Mission will also be utilized as framework. This will highlight the prevailing concept of Church and Mission during the period of the Teresian Carmelites’ mission in the Philippines.
Primary sources from official documents, books, correspondences and other articles that deal with the topic under study have been considered. These primary sources have been taken from the archives of the Philippine
Commissariat. Most of these primary sources are written in English. However, a few important documents were written in Spanish, Italian and Latin. These have been translated, for the purpose of this study.
In as much as a significant number of the second and third waves of missionaries are still around, interviews were also conducted. They do not however, form a significant portion of the study. Rather they provide the necessary guide as regards the direction of the study.
Scope and Limitation
The missionary work of the Discalced Carmelite friars in the Philippines covers a period of thirty years. This would be inclusive of the arrival of the first wave of Teresian Carmelite missionaries in 1947 until the creation of the
Philippine Commissariat of the Teresian Carmelites in 1977. A historical presentation of the friars’ missionary activities is intended in this paper. For the 22 purpose of the study, the time frame will be limited to the above-mentioned dates.
The theological implications of the historical perspective will serve to augment and complete the presentation.
It is important to note that the theological dimension, which underlies the historical survey, is the fact that the pastoral ministry extended by the Discalced
Carmelite friars in the Philippine missions was based on their understanding of the mission of the Church at that particular period in history.41 Furthermore, the friars’ vitality in the missionary activity was rooted in the missionary ideals and aspirations of St. Teresa herself. The contemplative ardor in St. Teresa produced within her a vibrant apostolic zeal that fired her concern for the missions. This was to be the friars’ inspiration as they worked in the Philippine missions.
Theoretical Framework
Discussions on Church and Mission will be inevitable in the course of the study. The parameters of these theological constructs, therefore, need to be clarified. The Second Vatican Council brought revolutionary changes in the
Church. Among these changes were the concepts of Church and Mission. For the purpose of this paper, only those concepts that were operative during the
Discalced Carmelite missions in the Philippines will be considered.
41 P. Camilo Maccise, “New Prospects and Challenges For Missions,” in Servitium Informativum Carmelitanum, vol 31 (1998); no. 1: OCD IInd World Missionary Congress, Quito, September 27 - October 5, 1999 (Rome: Casa Generalizia Carmelitani Scalzi, 1998), 50-60. 23
A division of the evolution of missions has been made: (1) First period: until 1930, (2) Second period: 1930-1965,42 (3) Third period: 1965-1980, (4)
Fourth period: after 1985.43
1) First period: until 1930: the central preoccupation was the salvation of souls. The accent was placed on doctrine, morals and the sacraments. At the same time, as auxiliary activities in the work of evangelization there were initiatives in the field of teaching, health and development. The objective of the mission was first evangelization. 2) Second period: 1930-1965: missions were considered as the effort to plant or implant the Church where it did not exist. The purpose of missions was to found a local Church. The concept of missions widened in Christianised [sic] countries. To implant the Church it was necessary to create structures: churches, schools, social works for development. Through these, people were attracted to the Christian faith as transmission of a doctrine. There were efforts to form the local clergy and to form a laity particularly for catechesis. 3) Third period: 1965-1980: the II Vatican Council presented the mission of the Church as the continuation of the mission of God himself into the world. The kingdom is considered as the plan of God for the world. The missionary vocation of all Christians was underlined. It is no longer widening the boundaries of the Church but rather of making God's plan advance in the midst of humanity. In light of the Council and the Apostolic exhortation Evangelii Nuntiandi, it is accepted that there are anthropological, theological and evangelical links between evangelization and human development, advancement and liberation. The conviction is growing of the need to inculturate the gospel. Basic ecclesial communities are being born and new ministries are being created for the laity who are beginning to be active evangelists. 4) Fourth period: after 1985: greater importance is given to dialogue and meeting as a way of evangelization. The Church is opening herself more seriously to interreligious dialogue. There is a living universal solidarity before the problems of poverty, injustice,
42 Pope Gregory XVI in his Instruction, Neminem Perfecto (1845) reminded the missionaries that in their work of evangelization, priority should be given to the formation of the local clergy. However it was only in the middle of the twentieth century when the building of seminaries for indigenous priests was given absolute priority. This was brought about due to the vigorous action and the hard language of Benedict XV in his encyclical Maximum Illud (1926) and of Pius XI in his encyclical Rerum Ecclesiae (1926). Omer Degrijse, Going Forth: Missionary Consciousness In Third World Catholic Churches (New York: Orbis Books, 1984), 2. 43 Maccise, New Prospects, 52-53. 24
violation of human rights, violence and hatred. Christian love covers a social dimension.44
Only the second and third periods will be of interest in this study. This would cover the time spent by the Teresian Carmelite friars in the Philippine missions prior to the birth of the Philippine Commissariat.
The understanding of Church and Mission is closely related. The prevailing concept of Church, at a particular time, determines the church’s view on Mission. In this context, a general idea of the understanding of Church during the period of interest is therefore deemed substantive.
The second period comprises a portion of time prior to the Second Vatican
Council. The Church then, was understood as an institution that was built by
Christ himself before his ascension.45 The Church “was personally (proxime) and directly instituted by the true historical Christ himself during his life among us.”46
This understanding of the church led to the church's image as a complete institution. Hence, Church was defined as: “the congregation of all baptized persons united in the same true faith, the same sacrifice, and the same sacraments, under the authority of the Sovereign Pontiff and the Bishops under him.”47
This image of the church had its own share of influence on Mission.
Further, the third period encompasses the time of the Second Vatican
Council. Many changes in the church were a consequence of the Council's
44 Ibid., 52-53. 45 Francis J. Connell, ed., Confraternity Edition Baltimore Catechism no. 3 (New York: Benziger Bros., 1949), 78. 46 Jacques Dupuis, The Catholic Faith, 6th ed. (Bangalore: Theological Publications, 1996), 53. 47 Connell , Confraternity Edition, 78. 25 influence. A more mature understanding of the church and its nature came about.
Vatican II came to discover the church as “the people of God.”48 Moreover, the church discovered that the Catholic Church subsists in the local church.
The Church of Christ is truly present in all legitimate local congregations of the faithful which, united with their pastors, are themselves called churches in the New Testament. . . . In these communities, though frequently small and poor, or living far from any other, Christ is present. By virtue of Him the one, holy, catholic, and apostolic Church gathers together.49
By way of conclusion, it is important to note the implication of the ecclesiology of the Second Vatican Council concerning missions. The Council affirmed that the local churches were in their own right sources of missionary initiatives.50
The ecclesiology of Vatican II has lifted the young churches from their marginality, their “second-class” ranking. They became autonomous, equal, responsible, particular churches within the universal church, which is the worldwide communion of particular churches.51
Summary of the Chapters
This work is composed of eight (8) chapters. Together, they are to form a single unified whole on the missionary activity of the Discalced Carmelite friars in the Philippines. This presentation is to be accomplished in view of the future apostolic services of the Teresian Carmelites in the local churches in the
Philippines.
48 Walter M. Abbott, ed., Documents of Vatican II (New York: Guild Press, 1966), 24. 49 Ibid., 50. 50 Ibid., 607-13. 51 Degrijse, Going Forth, 3. 26
Chapter 1 serves as the Introductory Chapter.
Chapter 2 presents the general condition of the Philippine Church after
World War II. Much effort was exerted in order to re-organize the Church. The damages wrought by World War II caused many difficulties in the Church’s efforts at reorganization. These will be described in this chapter.
Chapter 3 deals with the preparations undertaken for the Discalced
Carmelite missions in the Philippines. This would include the early proposals made by Father Patrick Shanley to the Bishop of Lipa and the proposed area for the Discalced Carmelite missions. Moreover, preparations such as: the initial official communications between the General government of the Discalced
Carmelite Order and the Provincialate of the Washington province, in view of the petition for the approval of the Philippine missions would also be included.
Chapter 4 gives an account of the beginnings of the Carmelite missions in the country: the process of choosing the first mission volunteers, and the assignments of these pioneering friars. The difficulties encountered by the
Discalced Carmelites are also to be included in this chapter. They were of two types: problems of a technical nature and the political-religious problems. The first type includes climate, language, geography, transportation, communications, and finances among others. Political-religious problems would include the state of peace and order in the area, the public school system, Protestantism and many more.
Chapter 5 treats of the pastoral and missionary activities of the Discalced
Carmelite friars. The chapter uses as its framework, the prevalent theology of 27 mission at that time. It is against this background that the chapter should be understood. A survey of the different missionary activities of the friars will be presented. Highlight will be given to the sacramental ministry, which served to deepen and nourish the people’s faith in the missions. Other forms of ministry are also considered: catechism, education, and other related parochial activities.
Chapter 6 treats of the expansion of the Discalced Carmelite missions.
This will include a presentation of the survey of the various houses that were established out of the Baler-Infanta missions: the foundations in Jaro, Iloilo City;
Quezon City and Bago City, Negros Occidental. Corollary to this, a presentation of friars from different religious provinces who augmented the friars in the missions will also be treated.
Chapter 7 gives an overview of the growth of the Philippine missions of the Teresian Carmelite Friars. The creation of the Philippine Commissariat came as a result of the expansion being undertaken in the Philippine missions.
Moreover, the Philippine Commissariat was intended to coordinate the mission work of the friars from the Anglo-Irish and Washington province. An attempt will be made to deduce the implications for the present generation of Teresian
Carmelite friars. These in turn will be discussed in view of the collaborative efforts of the Teresian Carmelites with the local churches in the Philippines.
Finally, Chapter 8 presents the summary of findings, assessment, conclusion, and recommendations of the Teresian Carmelites’ work in the
Philippine missions. They are intended to form a resumè of the whole study. 28
CHAPTER II
THE PHILIPPINE CHURCH AFTER WORLD WAR II
Decline of the Spanish Friars’ Influence
There is no doubt that the Spanish missionaries who worked in the
Philippines made significant contributions. Evangelization, agriculture, and education were among them. Under the Spanish government, public instruction in 29 the islands had been one of the many duties assigned to the church. The educational policies and practices were determined largely by and often supported by ecclesiastical authorities.52
The nineteenth century was marked by a growing hatred for the Spanish friars by a number of Filipinos. This was due in large part, to the influence of the
Propaganda movement and the anticlerical Masonic movements in Spain. They were led by the educated and generally wealthy ilustrados, who were frequently opposed to the friars. Hence, there was a strong aversion for the friars during the
1898 Philippine Revolution.53
At the close of the nineteenth century, the Philippine Church was identified with everything Spanish. The friar orders were still the administrators of the Church. By this time however, the growing aspirations of the nationalist
Filipino clergymen was to replace the Spanish friars in the parishes. This reinforced the rise of the nationalist movement.54 It may therefore be said that:
“one of the most prominent secondary aspirations of the Revolution was the
Filipinization of the Church.”55 This dilemma had serious drawbacks on the
Church’s influence on society. The Aglipayan schism and the incursion of the
American Protestant denominations only served to aggravate the situation.
52 Frederick W. Fox, “Primary Education in the Philippines, 1565-1863,” Philippine Studies 13 (1965): 228. 53 Cfr. John N. Schumacher, Readings in Philippine Church History 2d ed. (Quezon City: Loyola School of Theology, 1987), 266-67. This strong anti-friar sentiment was primarily directed at the following friar orders that held parishes: the Augustinians (O.S.A.), the Franciscans (O.F.M.), the Dominicans (O.P.) and the Augustinian Recollects (O.A.R.). 54 John N. Schumacher, “Foreign Missionaries and the Politico-Cultural Orientations of the Roman Catholic Church, 1910-70,” Philippine Studies 38 (1st Quarter, 1990) : 151. 55 Ibid., 151. 30
At the height of the Philippine revolt for independence from Spain, the
American forces entered the country. The Filipinos’ struggle for independence from one colonizing power shifted to another foreign power. The 1898 Treaty of
Paris, that was signed on December 10, 1898, signaled the beginning of a new era of colonization in the Philippines.
Its provisions include the cession of the entire Philippines to the United States by the government of Spain. In return the United States government would pay $20,000,000.00 to Spain, for the improvements made in the former colony. The American Senate ratified this agreement on February 6, 1899.56
In the face of these events, civil society made adjustments to the new political order. The Church however, continued to cling to its Spanish past. This was due, in large part to the cultural influence that dominated the Church at that time.57 This further alienated the Church from the direction in which the Filipino society was now moving.58 Such a situation would have repercussions on the
Philippine Church.
The model of modernization increasingly adopted by Filipinos as the twentieth century progressed was culturally American and English- speaking. Spain, to whose culture and language the Church so long remained attached through her missionaries, had no model of modernization, except anticlerical liberalism. Catholic Spain during the first half of the twentieth century offered only a model based on integrist traditionalism.59
56 Teodoro A. Agoncillo and Milagros C. Guerrero, History of the Filipino People (Quezon City: Malaya Books, 1970), 240-41. 57 Schumacher, Foreign Missionaries, 151. 58 Agoncillo and Guerrero, History, 276. 59 Schumacher, Foreign Missionaries, 151-52. 31
The alienation was apparent in the educational system. Catholic schools were nostalgically holding on to the old methodologies of learning. The Spanish language continued to be the medium of instruction in Catholic schools and seminaries. “Among the Spanish religious there was an understandable, but self- defeating, deep-seated resentment against English, which for a considerable period kept the older institutions of Catholic higher education and seminaries from meeting the competition of the non-Catholic schools.”60 Catholic schools therefore, became ill equipped to provide the students with competent instruction in the English language.
The major disadvantage the entire Catholic school system in the Philippines faced with regard to the government or Protestant schools was the inability to provide comparable instruction in the English language. Both government and Protestant schools had numerous American teachers, and both had adequate resources quickly to train their Filipino teachers in the new language. Catholic schools had neither.61
The parochial schools, for their part, were also no longer able to compete with the public schools. The problem of competent teachers, financial upkeep and manpower confronted the academe during the early days of the American occupation. This is was in large part due to the fact that the friars’ works in the
60 Schumacher, Readings, 350. 61 Ibid., 350. 32 country that had been “subsidized” by the crown by virtue of the Patronato Real62 had already ceased.
Moreover, by December 1, 1903 there were only 246 Spanish friars left in the country. This was a big difference from the 1,156 friars who were assigned in the country in 1898.63 A year later, most of the friars had would already have left the country. The larger part of those who remained had withdrawn from the parishes and had retired to Manila.64
Arrival of the non-Spanish Clerics and Religious
The challenge of the Church was to rebuild her institutional structure. It was evident that she failed to adapt her educational system to the new order.65
She was no longer responsive to the realities of the rapidly changing Filipino society. A remedy was necessary to improve the situation.
The Philippine bishops made various appeals during the first decade of the
American occupation. These were requests for American Catholics to enlist
62 Ibid., 408. 63 Ibid., 311. 64 Ibid., 308. 65 Schumacher, Foreign Missionaries, 151. 33 themselves for service as teachers. The response however, was not very encouraging.
The lack of American response was due, at least in part, to the feeling that sending missionaries to the islands might imply that American Catholics accepted as true the charges of scandal, negligence, and tyranny levelled against the friars. But after Rome refused to expel the friars and sent an American archbishop and three American bishops to the archipelago, this excuse was no longer tenable, yet the response did not improve. The age was one of competitive Christianity, and American Catholics seemed willing to fight Protestant efforts to proselytize, but not to assume their own burden.66
Consequently, the bishops turned for help to the non-Spanish religious clergy in Europe. They were the first ones to respond to the Church's plea for help. Thus did the Irish Redemptorists (C.S.s.R.), the Dutch Mill Hill Fathers
(M.H.M.) and Sacred Heart Missionaries (M.S.C.), the Belgian Scheut Fathers
(C.I.C.M.), and the German Divine Word Missionaries (S.V.D.) come to work in the Philippines. These religious congregations generally came to the Philippines during the first decade of the American occupation in the Philippines.67
Religious sisters too, came in to help the local churches during the first decade of the American occupation. “A call for help in Dumaguete by Bishop
Rooker of Jaro was answered by the Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres [S.P.C.] in
1904.”68 The sisters immediately set to the task of opening a school, which is now known as St. Paul College of Dumaguete, during the year of their arrival.69 Two
66 Sister Mary Dorita Clifford, B.V.M., Religion and the Public Schools in the Philippines: 1899-1906, ed. Gerald H. Anderson, Studies in Philippine Church History (New York: Cornell University Press, 1969), 301-2. 67 Schumacher, Readings, 341-42 68 Sister M. Caridad Barrion, O.S.B., The Missionary Benedictine Sisters in the Philippines: 1906-1981 (Makati: Society of St. Paul, 1982), 54. 69 34 years later sisters from the Congregation of the Missionary Benedictine Sisters of
Tutzing (O.S.B.) came to Manila upon the invitation of Monsignor Ambrosius
Agius, the Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines from 1905-11, who was
Benedictine himself.70 Barely three months after their arrival, the sisters opened their Grade School in Tondo.71 Thus did these religious sisters start their education apostolate in the Philippines.
Moreover, the diocese of Nueva Segovia saw the arrival of the Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (I.C.M.) in 1910.72 Education, which was among the first undertakings of these religious sisters, started just a few months after their arrival.73 Their first foundation was in Tagudin, the first and southernmost town of Ilocos Sur, located 316 kilometers away from Manila.74 There the sisters supplemented the work being undertaken by the Scheut (C.I.C.M.) Fathers.
In April 10, 1910, the diocese of Lipa was erected.75 Monsignor Joseph
Petrelli who was then Charge d’ Affaires, was appointed as Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines. He replaced Monsignor Ambrosius Agius, who was appointed as the first bishop of the new diocese. The new diocese therefore needed personnel
The 1998 Catholic Directory of the Philippines (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1998), 676. 70 Ibid., xxiii. 71 Barrion, The Missionary Benedictine Sisters, 62. 72 Cecile Sandra, I.C.M., The Message of Life ([S.l.]: Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, n.d.), 101. 73 Ibid., 103. 74 M. M. de los Reyes and others, ed., Caltex Philippines Touring Guide, 45th ed. (N.p., 1969), 55. 75 Sister Preciosa Redulla, F.M.M. et al., ed., The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary in the Philippines: 1912 - 1966 ([S.l.: S.n], 1996), 18. 35 in order to respond to the needs of the people. It was in this context that the
Franciscan Missionaries of Mary (F.M.M.) sisters came to the diocese of Lipa in
December 10, 1912.76 They were to come in as religious educators of this new diocese.
When the sisters left for the Lipa foundation, they were under the impression that they would be setting up workrooms, clinics and be involved in catechetical work. Monsignor Petrelli, however, remonstrated that he intended them for schoolwork specifically to teach English in order to address the shortcomings in the public school system where God and faith were totally ignored.77
By the 1920s the situation began to change.78 The American Jesuits arrived to the Philippines in 1921. They came in as the replacement of the Spanish members of the Society.79 Together with the European missionaries who came in earlier, the American missionaries took to the task of sustaining Catholic education in the Philippines. Catholic education now began to be modernized and revitalized. With this development, the Catholic schools were able to reach a standard of excellence.80 This came about when the Catholic schools finally adopted the English language as the medium of instruction. The Church was now slowly able to integrate herself with society.
76 Ibid., 21-22. 77 Ibid., 27. 78 By then the anti-friar grievances existent during the Revolution became less important for the young Filipino generation. Moreover, those who have been educated started giving a critical view of the Americans’ presence in the country. Schumacher, Readings, 357. 79 Ibid., 357-58. 80 Ibid., 361. 36
Improvement in thePhilippine Catholic Education
The presence of the Catholic schools and the public school system led to a steady improvement of the Filipinos’ literacy in English. By the second decade of the American occupation the literacy rate of the Filipinos rose to 49.2 percent.81
Moreover, the effects of Catholic education soon became palpable in Philippine society. A growing concern for the poor and oppressed in society was becoming manifest. This may be gleaned from the propositions made in the First National
Congress of Catholic Action that was held in Manila in 1925.82 Some schools began to discuss the scope of the labor and agricultural problem in the country.83
Moreover, there was a growing clamor for independence from the United
States. By the end of the second decade of the American occupation (1916), a bill would be introduced to the Congress of the United States that would propose for the withdrawal of American sovereignty over the islands. This sparked anew the
Filipinos’ hope for independence. 84
With the growth of education in the country, the people were now able to competently respond in grappling with the prevailing issues of the time. The graduates from the Catholic schools were now able to participate in the socio- political discussions for development in the country. These were individuals who possessed strong intellectual foundation for their principles and convictions.85
81 Agoncillo and Guerrero, History, 424. 82 Schumacher, Readings, 366. 83 Ibid., 368. 84 Agoncillo and Guerrero, History, 345. 85 Schumacher, Readings, 373. 37
The Pacific War and Its Effects
The years of growth would soon be rudely interrupted. The Philippines was dragged into the Second World War – a war that was not her own. She was caught in the middle of a war between two nations that were at the height of the
global race for power.86 This all happened as the country awaited its scheduled independence from the United States in 1946.
At the beginning of the war, the Japanese forces had the upper hand.
Everything was brought to a standstill. Even the mission work of the many religious in the country was affected by the new regime.
Numerous foreign priests and religious belonged to nationalities with whom the Japanese were at war. Some of these were interned from the beginning in prison camps, others managed to maintain a relative freedom for some time, but eventually suffered the same fate. Still others escaped into the hills, where they continued to exercise their ministry with guerrillas and refugees. But numerous parishes, especially in Mindanao, had to be abandoned. Though Filipino priests and religious, and those from neutral nations like Spain, or others allied with Japan, like Germany, were able to keep their freedom, they were often harassed in their ministry, and subjected to pressures to urge people to cooperate with the Japanese invaders, and many suffered for refusal to compromise Christian principle.87
After three years of Japanese occupation, the American forces came back to the country. Philippine society experienced once more the worst effects of war.
This time however, the damages were far more serious. The Church was not
86 Ernesto A. de Pedro, “The Catholic Unit of the Japanese Imperial Army, 1942: Its Futile Courtship of the Catholic Church of the Philippines,” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Santo Tomas, 1996), i. 87 Schumacher, Readings, 383. 38 spared from all this. In April 1945, a radiogram was sent to the Apostolic
Delegate in Washington. It indicated the number of casualties.
Mons Giovanni Cicognani Apostolic Delegate Washington
Please forward following message to Mons. Montini. Supplement previous radiogram regarding Japanese atrocities with following details: Fourteen Augustinians, six Recollects, ten Franciscans, six Capuchins killed with hand grenades in Intramuros. Three more capuchins bayoneted and shot in Singalong. Ten Vincentians machine gunned in San Marcelino. One more Vincentian shot in Ermita. Sixteen Christian Brothers bayoneted in La Salle College. Four Columbans taken by Japanese Military Police and never heard from again. Two Secular priests killed in Batangas. Two Secular priests killed in Tayabas. One Jesuit Scholastic and one seminarian killed in Batangas. Two seminarians killed in Laguna. Total killed, verified to date eighty five. In addition about thirty killed by Japanese snipers or died in fires started by Japanese soldiers. Apostolic Delegation, Archbishop’s Palace, ten churches, nine monasteries and schools, two hospitals, one orphanage totally destroyed. Letter with names of dead and further details follows.
William Piani
Apostolic Delegate88
The other missionaries in the country who helped in the task of evangelization also fell prey to Japanese atrocities. In the course of the war, a significant number of religious men and women were lost.
But in the Philippines, the preliminary reports submitted to the Holy See in 1945 indicated that “the Roman Catholic Church counted
88 Horacio de la Costa, “The Philippine Mission 1945,” Woodstock Letters 75 (1946): 43. 39
257 priests [both diocesan and regular] and other religious [members of institutes of consecrated life, societies of apostolic life, and secular institutes of men and women, but not members of lay organizations] dead at the war’s end.” These are the same numbers that Gowing cites. By a new count, undertaken as part of this study, the actual total numbers 281 deaths.
In this updated summary list, only the following are included: secular priests and deacons; religious priests; scholastics or major seminarians (but not minor seminarians, acolytes or altar boys): Brothers, including novices and tertiaries; and consecrated Sisters, including the nana and postulants, but not lay servants or teachers who died with them.89
The harbor facilities that Manila offered were excellent for American naval operations.90 For that reason, it was imperative for the American forces to capture it. The Japanese however were preparing themselves for a last ditch battle.
Consequently, Manila became a battleground between the Japanese forces and the invading American army.
A large body of Japanese, both army and naval personnel, were trapped in Manila. Rather than surrender, they chose to deal out death and destruction until they themselves were killed. Al[l] throughout the city they set great fires. After concentrating in Manila south of the Pasig River, they blew up all the bridges. Especially in Ermita, where the Ateneo de Manila campus was, and in Malate, they turned on the civilians of Manila. Thousands upon thousands of Filipinos were massacred as the areas were destroyed. Others were killed accidentally by gunfire as American troops fought their way through the Japanese lines.91
89 de Pedro, “The Catholic Unit of the Japanese Imperial Army,” 369. 90 Agoncillo, History, 482. 91 John F. Hurley, Jesuit Superior of the Philippines During World War II (New York: Fordham University, 1966), 86. 40
By February 1945, Manila was practically completely destroyed. The civilian population was caught in the crossfire. Testimonies attest to the magnitude of the number of the civilian casualties of war.
It was not merely the bombing, the shelling, the street-by-street and house-by-house fighting with a foe which died to the last man; these were common evils. But, while this was going on, there was being carried out an organized program of burning and slaughter that aimed to level the entire city and extinguish every living soul in it. On the south side of the Pasig, in some of the finest sections of the city -- Ermita, Paco, Malate, Pasay -- this program was almost perfectly achieved. God alone knows how many were killed in that fiery welter, whose glare we saw at Los Baños, forty-five miles away, extending along the whole northern horizon. The lowest estimate of the massacred is 80,000, but this is pure guesswork.92
Moreover, the military combat that ensued resulted in casualties from the two opposing forces. Both camps suffered heavy losses.
The cost of retaking Manila had not been light. XIV Corps lost over 1,000 men killed and 5,500 wounded in the Metropolitan area from 3rd February through 3rd March. . . The Japanese lost some 16,000 men killed in and around Manila. . . . The cost of the battle for Manila cannot be measured in military terms alone. The city was a shambles after the battle was over--much of it destroyed, damaged beyond repair, or reparable only at a great expense in time and money. The public transportation system no longer existed; the water supply and sewage systems needed extensive repair; the electric power facilities did not function; most of the streets needed repaving; 39 of 100 or more large and small bridges had been destroyed, including the six over the Pasig River. The University of the Philippines and the Philippine General Hospital were largely irreparable. (It will be remembered that the Ateneo de Manila adjoined the hospital and was just across the street from the university.) Lower class residential districts north of the Pasig and upper class apartments south of the river had been destroyed; the Philippine Commonwealth's government center had been wiped out; the 400 year old landmark of Intramuros had been nearly razed; severe damage had been inflicted on the economically important installations in the north and south Port Area; the industrialized Paco and Pandacan
92 Forbes J. Monaghan, Under The Red Sun, A Letter From Manila (New York: Declan X. McMullen Co., 1946), 272. 41
districts had been badly battered. Many buildings still standing would ultimately have to be torn down as unsafe for occupancy. Millions upon millions of dollars worth of damage had been done and, as a final shocking note of tragedy, an estimated 100,000 Filipino civilians had lost their lives during the battle.93
The devastation in Manila however, was not an isolated case. The havoc of war did not spare the provinces. Like Manila, thousands of innocent civilians were killed in the course of the battle.
It was the same story in most of the towns south and east of Manila. In one Batangas town, 15,000 were slaughtered, in another 8,000; in little Los Baños 3,000 of the good people who helped us were massacred in one day, the men in the morning, the women at sunset. The total of the dead in that fiendish blood-bath goes into hundreds of thousands.94
Besides the human casualties of war, infrastructures were reduced to rubble as the American forces advanced to retake the country from the Japanese.
“When the Japs were driven out not a major building stood unscorched. Schools, colleges, and churches writhed and crumbled in flaming ruins.”95
When I revisited the Ateneo in Ermita, I found that of the beautiful college there remained only the elevator shaft, rising like a monumental column in a wilderness of ruins. The Japanese had set the building on fire, making a holocaust of hundreds of persons who had taken refuge in it. The chapel was gone and the good folk who had flocked to it each day; so were the observatory which housed the Weather Bureau, the seismograph and a wealth of instruments and records. War, in fact, had made almost a clean sweep of the Society’s houses and work in the Philippines. The Ateneo alone, without the observatory, represented a loss of three million. The Church of San Ignacio in the Walled City, with its irreplaceable woodcarvings, was totally destroyed. The grade school, the seminary, the three colleges in
93 Hurley, Jesuit Superior, 87-88. 94 Monaghan, UnderThe Red Sun, 273. 95 General Carlos P. Romulo, “Philippines Resident Commissioner,” (Personal Collection of Newspaper Clippings). 42
the south and the thirty missions in Mindanao with their churches and schools were also in ruins. Many of our members had been killed or incapacitated. And, to add the final touch, we were nearly a million pesos in debt.96
CHAPTER III
PREPARING FOR THE CARMELITE MISSIONS
Early Request for Teresian Carmelite Friars in the Philippines
As soon as peace was restored, the entire country had to immediately engage in the task of reconstruction. The Church also saw herself in the same situation. The death of many priests and religious necessitated that new missionaries be invited to work in the Philippines. It is in this context that the story of the Teresian Carmelites friars came to be involved in the Philippine missions.
Just after the end of the war in 1945, the Teresian Carmelite sisters in
Jaro97 through their prioress signified their interest in having the Teresian
Carmelite friars come to the Philippines. This was to be in keeping with the mind
96 Monaghan, Under The Red Sun, 273.
97 The first Discalced Carmelite nuns came to the Philippines upon the invitation of Bishop James P. McCloskey, the Bishop of Jaro since 1920. Cf. Bishop McCloskey’s letter dated June 17, 1921, to Mother Aimee of Mary, Prioress of the Carmel of Hue (Cf. Sr. Mary Teresa Sideco, OCD, The Roots of Teresa’s Nuns In the Philippines, vol. 4 (Quezon City: Adriana Printing Co., Inc., [n.d.], 47). The sisters arrived in the Diocese of Jaro on November 7, 1923. Cf. Sideco, 92- 94. However, the Carmel of Jaro was canonically founded only four years later, on November 9, 1927.
43 of St. Teresa who wished that the friars would help the nuns in living the Teresian
Carmelite life. The original intent of St. Teresa in starting the reform of the friars was in order to ensure and foster the spiritual growth of the nuns.98
After some days passed, I was thinking about how necessary it would be if monasteries of nuns were to be founded that there be friars observing the same rule. Seeing how few friars there were in this province, making me even wonder whether or not they were going to die out, I prayed to the Lord over the matter very much and wrote to Father General. In the letter, I begged him for this permission as best I knew how, giving him the reasons why it would be a great service to God. . . . This letter reached him while he was in Valencia, and from there he sent me the permission for the foundation of two monasteries because he desired the best religious observance for the order.99
It was with the mind of securing Teresian Carmelite friars who would function as spiritual directors that Mother Mary of Christ, the prioress of Jaro
Carmel made a request for a friars’ foundation in the country. Consequently, the
Carmelite nuns of Jaro Carmel presented a letter of invitation to Father Thomas
Kilduff who at that time was newly elected as vicar provincial of the Washington semi-province.100 The request for a foundation of the Teresian Carmelite friars is contained in this letter.
98 Discalced Carmelites Constitutions and Norms, no. 8, 37-38. 99 Kieran Kavanaugh, O.C.D. and Otilio Rodriguez, trans., The Collected Works of St. Teresa of Avila, vol. 3 (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1992), 104.
100The semi-province is governed just like the province. However, the semi-province may only elect two councilors, instead of four in the case of a province. Moreover a semi-province does not elect its delegate to the General Chapter. (Cf. Discalced Carmelites Constitutions and Norms, no. 154, 199). 44
During the war & even before we have entertained the beautiful dream to bring the Carmelite Fathers to the Philippines. Now this is our plan if your Reverence approves it, we shall talk to the Bishop. Two of our Tertiary Priests have the desire to go to America for their Novitiate & return here with some of your Fathers to establish Carmel in the Diocese. I have also a young boy 21 years who wants to become a Carmelite; presently he studies medicine. He is a very bright boy & and an artist in music: piano & organ. Their house has been burnt & presently he is poor; his health is normal, but he might be somewhat delicate altho he is never sick. Is there any possibility for him to be admitted in your seminary & in what conditions. The Bishop wants him here in this Diocese, but if there is hope of the 1st Order to have a house here, there will be no opposition. We have some 20 Tertiary Priests in our diocese, at least two of them are longing to enter the 1st Order & return after their Novitiate. . . .101
It is important to take into account that the Washington semi-province was formed in May of 1941. The new circumscription included the monasteries of
Holy Hill and Milwaukee, which formerly belonged to the Bavarian Province, and the monastery of Washington of the Catalonian Province. Moreover, the jurisdiction of the new semi-province was placed directly under the General
Definitory in Rome.102
Among those that were severely affected by the war were telecommunications and postal services. Fortunately, the Carmelite sisters were able to continue with their foreign correspondence through the American soldiers
101 Letter of Sister Mary of Christ, Prioress of Jaro Carmel, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, November 27, 1945. 102 Father Christopher Latimer, “Washington,” History of the Washington Province [Rough Draft], 2.
45 stationed in Jaro, Iloilo City. It was through these soldiers that the sisters heard of the developments in the United States.
It is thru Lt. Masiello that I know of your election as Vicar Provincial - as to the books we have ordered & are so anxious to receive, I understand that it is not possible before long - we have to fast a little more and learn to be patient & to endure. But we can receive letters directly or thru some American soldier. Unfortunately they are all leaving us this week. Letters directly sent to us take a longer time to reach us, but they arrive. We know Col. John P. Ryan from Baltimore, he might remain a little longer, his address is Col. John P. Ryan APO 500 Chief A.C. (Philippine Army) c/o Postmaster San Francisco Calf [sic].103
However, the Carmelite sisters’ request for the friars as their spiritual directors did not materialize. It was through some other circumstance that the friars of the Washington province would start the Philippine missions. The
Teresian Carmelite friars were to come into the country mainly as missionaries.
First Contacts with the Teresian Carmelites
At about the same time that the Carmelite sisters were making their request for the Carmelite friars to make a foundation in the country, a Teresian
Carmelite priest had already entered the country a few months earlier. Father
Patrick Shanley, O.C.D. who made his solemn profession of vows in November
1928104 and was subsequently ordained priest in Ireland in 1930105 came to the
103 Letter of Sister Mary of Christ, to Father Kilduff, November 27, 1945. 104 Cf. Father Michael Ciullo, “St. Florian’s,” History of the Washington Province [Rough Draft, Part 2], 18. 105 46
Philippines in August 1945. He came into the country with the Allied Forces as army chaplain. Father Patrick was officially assigned as chaplain to the 248th
Military Hospital near Manila. 106
It was primarily through Father Patrick Shanley that the Teresian
Carmelite friars in the United States had a first hand experience of the situation of the Philippine Church after the Second World War. Moreover, it was Father
Shanley’s experience in the Philippines that served as the seed for the coming of the Teresian Carmelites to the country.
Today I sent off to our Superior General in Rome our petition for permission to go to the Philippines. My own Counsellors and many of the Fathers of our little Semi-Province are fully in favor of this project. Father Patrick Shanley, O.C.D., who just returned from service in the Philippines as a Chaplain, has only this past week related to me all the needs of the Church in those Islands. We await now the permission from Rome.107
Incidentally, it was in Manila where Father Shanley was able to make acquaintance with Doña Aurora Quezon, the widow of the first President of the
Philippine Commonwealth, Manuel Luis Quezon. In due course, Father Shanley found himself being convinced by Doña Aurora Quezon, the Carmelite nuns and the Apostolic Delegate to persuade his superiors to start a mission in the
Philippines.108
Cf. “Consagracion Episcopal de Su Excia. Rma. Mons. Patricio Shanley, O.C.D., D.D., Obispo Titular de Syphene y Prelado de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 27 (April 1953): 234-35. 106 Ibid., 234. 107 Letter of the Vicar Provincial of Washington Semi-province to Archbishop Michael O’Doherty, Archbishop of Manila, May 7, 1946. 108 Phase I, “The Infanta Mission,” History of the Discalced Carmelite Friars in the Philippines: 1947-1977, 1. 47
Inasmuch as the Quezon family was from Baler, Tayabas (now Aurora
Province), the Eastern part of Luzon was proposed as the probable area for the missions. During this time, it formed part of the ecclesiastical territory of the diocese of Lipa. Moreover, Bishop Alfredo Verzosa was then the incumbent
Bishop of the diocese. He succeeded Bishop Joseph Petrelli, the first Bishop of the diocese of Lipa, after the latter was named Apostolic Delegate to the
Philippines in 1915.109
Soon after, Doña Aurora and Mr. Eusebio Gutierrez, a member of the
Secular Order Carmelites, accompanied Father Patrick Shanley to the diocese of
Lipa where he met Bishop Alfredo Verzosa.110 It was during this occasion that the possibility of having Teresian Carmelite friars in the missions began to be seriously considered.
Last February [1946] of this year the Rev. Fr. Patrick Sandler [Shanley] O.C.D., Chaplain of the U.S. Army came here for a visit, and proposed me to (sic) assign a place in my diocese as a mission field for the Carmelite Order D., I agreed immediately to his proposition because I had previously in mind two fields near to each other within the territory of the Diocese of Lipa to be intrusted (sic) under the care of Religious Corporations. We agreed that Rev. Fr. Patrick, would write to your Reverence concerning my offer. But due to the fact until at present I have not got any word regarding this matter, therefore I am forwarding affectionately this line to your Reverence in order to know the result of the said proposition of Rev. Fr. Patrick Sandler [Shanley].111
109 Cf. Sister Preciosa Redulla, F.M.M. et al., ed, The Franciscan Missionaries of Mary in the Philippines: 1912- 1966 ([S.l.:S.n], 1996), 18-29. See also The 1998 Catholic Directory of the Philippines (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1998), xxiii. 110 “The Origins: How It All Started,” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years in the Philippines 1947-1997, 20. 111 Letter of Bishop Alfredo Verzosa, Bishop of Lipa to Fr. Thomas Kilduff, Vicar- Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, May 17, 1946. 48
The Proposed Mission Territory
In order to give the Teresian Carmelite friars in the United States a glimpse of the mission work that awaited them, Bishop Verzosa gave them an overview of the whole diocese of Lipa. Moreover, the Bishop offered the Teresian
Carmelite friars a large church and parish in Taal, Batangas.112 The friars however, opted for the “most neglected area where priests were in the greatest need.”113
Accordingly, the territory that was next offered to the Teresian Carmelites comprised an area along the eastern shore of Luzon. The area was located “due east north-east of Manila, comprising the towns of Baler-Casiguran in the north, and Infanta-Polillo due east of Manila.”114 Some information was then given as regards the prospective areas that will be covered by the Teresian Carmelite missions in the future.
I am going to answer your questions, first enclosing a map of the Philippines upon which I have indicated the Mission territory the D.C. Order will take charge of. The territory is not of mere municipalities but of two provinces, that in Spanish times were called political-military districts of Baler and Infanta, both of them independent from each other. The one of Baler includes large villages and the town of Casiguran. According to
112 Father Herman Joseph Esselman and others, “History of the Philippine Missions 1947- 1977,” History of the Washington Province (Rough Draft), 14. 113 History of the Discalced Carmelite Friars in the Philippines: 1947-1977, 1. 114 The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years in the Philippines 1947-1997, 20. 49
the last census, its population is about twenty thousand souls. The one of Infanta that takes in also many villages, has twenty thousand souls and comprises the archipelago of Polillo with around thirty little islands, twenty of them inhabited. They say here that Polillo is a miniature of the Philippine archipelago and has or can have all the products and industry of the country. Only that it is not well exploited and its population does not exceed ten thousand inhabitants scattered in the various islands. Polillo is head of the municipality and the parochial center of the islands.115
While Bishop Verzosa of Lipa was following up the initial discussions he had with Fr. Patrick Shanley, Fr. Thomas Kilduff, the Vicar-Provincial was also carrying on correspondence with the Archbishop of Manila. Efforts were made to secure a piece of property in the Archdiocese. This property in Manila would ensure the observance of the Teresian Carmelite way of life. Hence, the establishment of institutional structures was carefully taken into account. It was
Father Kilduff’s plan to send Teresian Carmelite friars into the country as apostolic contemplatives.
Your Grace will no doubt remember me as the young priest who talked with you at St. Mary’s in Baltimore. It was my pleasure to drive Your Grace to Washington the day after our talk. In that conversation Your Grace spoke of the possibility of our going to Antipolo. If we are granted the permission for it, we would like to establish a house of regular observance there, and from there send out priests to help in the mission districts. We must for the present leave this project in the hands of Our Lady, with the request that the decision from Rome may be favorable, if it is God’s will. My Mass this morning was for this intention, and I have offered myself to the Father General as the first volunteer.116
115 Letter of Bishop Alfredo Verzosa, Bishop of Lipa to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, August 7, 1946. 116 Letter of the Vicar Provincial to Archbishop O’Doherty, May 7, 1946. The plan of the American friars to establish a house of observance in the Archdiocese of Manila was never realized. 50
It took some time in order to finalize the initial preparations for the start of the Teresian Carmelite friars’ mission in the Philippines. This was in part due to the sudden demise of the Father General, Peter Thomas of the Virgin of Carmel, who died in a car accident on August 28, 1946117 during the course of his
Fraternal Visitation to the Teresian Carmelite friars in the United States. This sudden turn of events left the Bishop of Lipa hanging. He was interested to know the date of the actual start of the Philippine missions of the Teresian Carmelite friars. Bishop Verzosa was eager to have the friars start the missions in the diocese of Lipa.
I start this letter by extending to Your Reverence my deeply felt condolences for the tragic death of your Father General. I learned it through the newspapers and truly I felt terribly shaken. His last actuation surely was the foundation in the Philippines of the S. Order of Discalced Carmelites in my Diocese and I hope it will be a brilliant stone that our Lord will set in his crown of glory. Receive your Reverence and the Fathers my sincere and warm condolence and I will remember the deceased in my prayers. Regarding the matter of our Mission of the Carmelite Fathers, I would like to know when they are going to come. I wrote to Your Reverence satisfying the inquiries of your letter, and also sent a map of the Philippines that I hope are already both to hand. Now I hope from your kindness you will determine the date in which the Missionary Fathers will embark there for this country.118
117 Conspectus: Ordinis Carmelitarum Discalceaturum (Rome: n.p., 1971), 490. 118 Letter of Alfredo Verzosa, Bishop of Lipa to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, September 30, 1946. 51
Approval of the Teresian
Carmelite Missions
The official document that approved the Teresian Carmelite friars’ mission to the Philippines is no longer extant. One may however deduce that the approval of the Philippine missions was acted upon by Father Peter Thomas prior to his Visitation of the friars’ houses in the United States. Bishop Verzosa of Lipa mentions this happy incident that happened for his diocese.
I give you thanks for your letter in which with the approval and blessing of your Father General you accept the Mission I offered to the Order in the person of the good Father Patric[k] Sandley [Shanley]. Deogratias, thus my spirit is being calmed on finding workers for this vineyard of the Lord, so vast as it has befallen me.119
The untimely death of the Father General, Father Peter Thomas did not completely hamper the Philippine missions. Father Silverio of St. Teresa who was
Vicar General assumed office and filled the vacancy left by Father Peter Thomas.
He himself was supportive and enthusiastic that the Philippine mission of the
American Teresian Carmelite friars was about to commence.
Most Rev. and dear father: I will avail myself of the occasion of sending you the enclosed document to extend to you my warmest regards, give you thanks for all you are working for the Order and put myself at your service, while I am in charge of it. I like so much the decision of founding in the Philippines. I believe you will do a lot of good. The Semiprovince (sic) is worthy of praise
119 Letter of Bishop Verzosa, to Father Kilduff, August 7, 1946 52
for this work ands so many others as it is doing for the glory of God and of the Order, in that great Republic.120 After the Teresian Carmelite mission in the Philippines was officially approved by the Generalate, measures were employed in order to ensure its maintenance. The newly established Washington Province, that was canonically erected in June 5, 1947121 then called on the assistance of the different sectors in the American society in their new undertaking. There was no doubt that the future of the Philippine mission was dependent on the material support from its mother province.
Consequently Father Thomas Kilduff, the provincial of the Washington province, started to appeal for funds that were much needed for the young
Philippine mission. He sent letters to various groups in the American society. In a sense the American people were involved in the friars’ endeavors. The people’s support was not wanting. Even the young became involved in the American
Teresian Carmelite missions to the Philippines.
We received your appeal for your missionaries going into the Philippines. We would be very happy to be among the first benefactors of your new mission. Each Wednesday is Mission day on which a collection is taken up. This sum is sent to mission fields the world over. We have arranged to have a Wednesday set aside for your mission work.
We realize our obligations as students towards the great mission works that is being done. Since we ourselves are not able to go ourselves as missionaries, we do the next best thing: Sacrifice and prayer. We wish to assure you that our prayers are with you and your missionaries in all their work (sic).122 CHAPTER IV
120 Letter of Father Silverio of St. Teresa, Vicar General to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, November 27, 1946. 121 Cf. Conspectus: Ordinis Carmelitarum Discalceaturum [Rome: n.p., 1985], 46. 122 53
BEGINNINGS OF THE TERESIAN CARMELITE MISSIONS
The Appeal for Volunteers
As soon as the technical requirements for the start of the Philippine
missions were cleared, the second phase of the groundwork was started. This
would include the recruitment of volunteers for the newly approved Philippine
mission. “Fr. Thomas Kilduff, the Provincial at that time, sent a letter to the
different houses of the Province asking for volunteers. There were only 21
solemnly professed members in the Washington [sub]Province at the time, but 16
of them voluntered [sic] for the Philippines.”123 There was a general interest in
having the Philippine mission of the Teresian Carmelite friars started.
Six friars were chosen to start the Philippine mission. Father Thomas
Kilduff himself was the one who made the choice. However, no records are
available as regards the criteria for the choice of the founding fathers in the
Philippine missions. These were: Fathers Gabriel Gates of the Sacred Heart of
Jesus, Patrick Shanley of St. Cecilia, Leo McCrudden of St. Isaac Jogues, Andrew
Lefebevre of St. Teresula, Herman Joseph Esselman of the Infant of Prague and
Brother Vincent Scheerer.
Father Gabriel Gates was appointed superior of the mission group. On
September 12, 1946, the volunteers came together at the Carmelite Novitiate in
Letter of Bob [?], President C.S.M.C. Unit, St. Francis Xavier Mission Unit, Central Catholic High School to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi- province, February 20, 1947.
123 “Phase I, The Infanta Mission,” History of the Discalced Carmelite Friars in the Philippines, 1947-1977, 1. 54
Brookline, Massachusetts.124 It was in the Carmelite novitiate that the founding friars began to plan for their new work.
Soon afterward, the group presented themselves to the Archbishop of
Boston, the Most Reverend Richard J. Cushing. They gave the Archbishop an account of the new Teresian Carmelite mission in the Philippines. For his part,
Archbishop Cushing gave them his blessing and assurances. He is reported to have said: “Everyone who has gone to the Philippines and returned to this country is eager to get back as soon as possible.”125
Events soon began to move fast. Father Patrick Shanley wanted the mission to commence immediately. On November 3, 1946, he boarded a freighter bound for Manila, in San Francisco.126 He arrived in Manila on December 20,
1946. He spent a few days with the Carmelite nuns in Gilmore Avenue, Quezon
City and it was in this monastery that he celebrated the Christmas mass.
The second batch of friars: Fathers Andrew LeFebvere, Leo McCrudden and Brother Vincent Scheerer left the United States on February 8, 1947.127 They arrived in the Philippines on March 19, 1947. Finally, Fathers Herman Joseph
Esselman and Gabriel Gates followed suit on March 28, 1947 and reached Manila
124 “The Origins: How It All Started,” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years In The Philippines: 1947-1997, 22. 125 “Six Discalced Carmelites to Work in Philippines; Departure Ceremony Held,” (Personal Collection of Newspaper Clippings.) 126 Father Sebastian Buckley, OCD, A Man Shall Scatter (Manila: Carmelo & Bauermann, 1957), 17. 127 Ibid. 55 on April 22, 1947.128 Thus was the first Teresian Carmelite community of friars finally made complete.
Shortly after their arrival, the friars paid their respects to Bishop Alfredo
Verzosa of the diocese of Lipa. It was during this occasion that the mission group personally and officially presented themselves and offered their services for the young diocese. Thereafter, the friars proceeded to their area of mission.
The First Foundation and Missionary
Assignments
The town of Infanta was the chosen as the center of the Teresian Carmelite mission in the Philippines. In June 5, 1947, Fr. Silverio of St. Teresa who was
Vicar General promulgated the canonical foundation of Infanta as a residence of the friars. Thus was the first foundation of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the
Philippines officially established.129
The original plan of the founding friars was to settle together in Infanta as a community, where they would study the Tagalog language. Within the year of arrival however, the friars divided themselves into two groups: the Infanta-Polillo group and the Baler-Casiguran group. These two mission stations were located
374 kilometers away from each other.130 Fathers Patrick Shanley and Andrew
LeFebvre were stationed in the town of Infanta, later referred to as the Infanta-
128 Father Gabriel Gates had to stay behind with Father Herman Esselman whose mother was dying of cancer when the group left for the Philippines. She eventually died on February 15, 1947, a week after the departure of these last two friars for the missions. 129 Decree of the Canonical erection of the house in Infanta as a Religious House of the Discalced Carmelite Friars, June 5, 1947. 130 Cf. M.M. de los Reyes and others, eds., Caltex Philippines Touring Guide, 45th ed. [n.p., 1969], 9-10. 56
Polillo sector which was the southern part of the friars’ mission. On the other hand, Fathers Gabriel Gates, Leo McCrudden, Herman Joseph Esselman and
Brother Vincent Scheerer proceeded to the town of Baler, later referred to as the
Baler-Casiguran group which was the northern part of the missions.
Initial Mission Difficulties
Among the immediate difficulties that confronted the friars as they began to settle in their respective mission areas was the condition of the existing physical structures, i.e., the church and convento. The church building in the parish of Infanta had fallen in. The existing structure posed a hazard to the people who were attending church services.
. . . Our present ‘house of God’ is the remains of an old guerilla [sic] store and consists of salvaged rusty galvanized iron shot through with holes from pieces of shrapnel and bullets. The floor is of rough hewn planks and the roof of nipa. The former barn at Holy Hill would be a palace compared to our church, and I often wished I had the barn right here. After 5 typhoons the ‘church’ has become so weak and shakey [sic] that it cannot possibly stand another year, typhoon or no typhoon. During Holy Week when it was crowded with ‘over zealous yearlings’ I was in a nervous state of exhaustion and mental worry less the church would collapse on top of the congregation. On Palm Sunday a stampede was avoided thank God, when there was a loud crack and a woman cried out -- “the church is falling down.”131
Meanwhile, the residence of the friars in Infanta was also in a state of dilapidation. The convento was no more than a dark and damp structure made of decaying nipa and termite infested wood. Hence, “when it rains everything gets soaked and takes weeks to dry out again. As a result the vestments and other
131 Letter of Father Patrick of Saint Cecilia, OCD, Infanta, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial and the Venerable Definitorium, Washington Province of the Discalced Carmelite Friars, April 6, 1948. 57 clothing is [sic] suffering very much.”132 The place, therefore, simply needed to be replaced.
Likewise the convento in Baler was in a state of decay. The existing condition of the convento thus made it risky for the friars to occupy it. For that reason, the construction of a habitable residence for the friars was deemed necessary and urgent.
The convento, they took over, was an old nipa house with a rusty old galvanized iron roof peppered with holes and standing on several weak stilts as house posts. Eventually, the floor had to be reinforced after Father Leo, weighing only 180 lbs. fell through the “silong” below.133
Soon after, more and more challenges and difficulties steadily began to surface. The challenging experience of the missions began to unfold. Among them was the language problem. It would be noted that the friars broke into separate mission groups without the facility of the native language, Tagalog.
While it is true that the English language was already largely understood in the cities, the remote areas still did not have the same proficiency. Hence, this language deficiency on the part of the friars became a serious problem that confronted them.
. . . The language is a problem too - outside of Infanta town, there is little English spoken while even here at meetings one has to translate
132 Letter of Father Herman Esselmann, Infanta, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial and Definitors, Washington Province of the Discalced Carmelite Friars, April 5, 1948. 133 The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years: 1947-1997, 22. 58
for some who are not acquainted with English, and those who ‘have a little English’ usually get everything you say to them mixed up!134
Moreover, the friars were also physiologically affected by the tropical climate of the country. They had been accustomed to the temperate climate in the
United States. Hence, it would take some time before they could adjust to the temperature in the tropics. Consequently, the agility of the friars’ movements in the missions was affected.
. . . The climate is more or less intensely hot all the year round, the only variations being the dry and the rainy seasons -- for travelling by foot is not a pleasure trip at any time of the year.135
Furthermore, the poor road system that hampered the friars’ mobility in the mission area only served to complicate the situation. It should be taken into account that the entire mission area could only be reached via two roads: the
Baler-Manila and Infanta-Manila roads. They were the only means of traveling in and out of the missions. These roads were “narrow muddy broken tracks spiraling up and over the Sierra Madre onto Manila via the Central Plain of Luzon.”136 The situation further complicated the problem of the few friars who needed to minister to a huge population. “Of the 120 odd barrios in our Prelatura only 30 can be
134 Letter of Father Patrick to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 6, 1948. 135 Ibid. 136 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 19. 59 reached by jeep. All the others can be got at only on foot or horseback or by outboard motor-boat or batel,137 a herculean task for twelve missionaries.”138
The Parish of Infanta has an area of some 920 square miles and with but two priest [sic] you can realize at once how handicapped we are through lack of personel [sic] -- then in the vast area there is only one road leading to Manila over three ranges of mountains, and this road is rough and rocky and causes havoc with tires! In the typhoon season it is often closed because of slides, fallen trees or collapsed bridges. The rest of the parish is either mountainous and covered with heavy trees, or swampy, near the coast, and the only way to reach the far off barrios is by foot along trails; or sometimes by banca (canoe) along a net work of small narrow rivers that connect up one with another.139
The missionaries were enthusiastic in carrying out the tasks in the missions. Unfortunately, not everybody in the mission area shared the devotion of the friars. A number of people who were being ministered to in the missions were not supportive. There were instances when the undertakings of the friars were largely met with indifference, especially among the older people. This difficulty derailed the missionaries’ activities.
For days and nights I was told how the people here are out to cheat and to steal and to squeeze every last cent out of the priest. That it would be impossible to get the cooperation I talked of in Baler. What I was told and the considerations that I was occupied with put me in a very bad mood.140
137 A batel is a sturdy canoe-like craft, with bamboo poles used as outriggers fastened rectangular shaped to the sides. This was the mode of transportation used to ferry passengers and cargoes from certain points during the early days of the missions. 138 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 19. The author arrived in the Infanta missions during the early part of the 1950’s. The book was written in 1957, ten years after the arrival of the first Teresian Carmelite friars. The problem of the road system must have been even worse during the first days of the Carmelite missions in Infanta. 139 Letter of Father Patrickto the Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 6, 1948. 140 Letter of Father Herman, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 5, 1948. 60
The seeming non-support of some people to the mission endeavor started by the friars was due in part to the prevailing political set up. A carry over of the
Ilustrados’ demand for the separation of the church and the state continued to have its influence in Infanta. Hence, the town fiesta was celebrated both by the municipal government and the parish separately. Given the condition whereby the priests were lacking in number, the duplication in the services that were given to the people consequently led to the neglect of the other needs. This became an added burden to the friars who had barely started with the missions.
. . . They have a mania for “separation of Church and State” and drag it in to everything – even into the town fiesta! For the past five years they kept the town fiesta separated from that of the church – something unusual even here in the Philippines, and while this year after some difficulty the two have been combined (as they should be) they keep up the ‘fiction’ of separation by putting the town fiesta the 2 days following the church fiesta. We shall have ours on the 24 & 25th of April and the town officially on the 26th and 27th – it will give you some idea of the mentality and atitude [sic] adopted here.141
With the difficulties that the missionaries were faced with, they needed a morale booster in order to encourage themselves. Regular communication and correspondence from the United States were helpful for the friars in this respect.
After all, they also needed some update on pertinent events not only in Manila but also in their home country, in the Order and in the Church as a whole.
However, the sheer distance of the mission area from Manila proved to be another difficulty for the friars. All of the friars’ correspondence, both foreign and local, had to be sent from and received in Manila. At the same time, the demands of the ministry and the travel time spent in going in and out of Manila proved to
141 Letter of Father Patrick, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 6, 1948. 61 be taxing for the friars. Hence, visits to the capital and subsequent transactions were therefore made as occasional as possible. Only when there was a real pressing need did the friars visit Manila. Consequently, all of the friars’ communications were not updated, or got lost in the process. Otherwise, they had already become irrelevant by the time of receipt.
. . . I suggest too, that a little more care be employed in sending on letters addressed to Manila at once. It is very embarassing [sic] to get a letter with money order in it, that has been in Manila for a couple of months. If donations are not answered right away, one is liable to lose good contacts. Then letters of general interest to us all -- such as a letter from Rome to the Carmelite Fathers -- should be sent round for us all to read . . . We need a little morale building too at times, and we like to think we are not entirely cut off from knowing what is going on in our Province.142
Moreover, the effects of the arrival of the different Protestant denominations in the country also had its effects in Infanta. The parishes in the mission area had been vacant for years. The people were left without anyone who could minister to them. Besides, the effects of the American-Japanese war had further aggravated the situation. By the end of the war, the Philippine church had suffered tremendously because of the large number of clerics and religious who died. This situation resulted in the neglect of the needs of the faithful. It would therefore come as no surprise that the American Protestant missionaries were able to proselytize in the Infanta area.
142 Ibid. 62
In the town itself, we have the following Protestant sects -- the 7th Day Adventists and the Church of Christ. They are particularly bitter because they are ignorant. The private High School -- a very second rate affair with a tremendous idea of its own importance with a high sounding name of “The Pacific Academy” is run by a Protestant Principal, and although most of the other teachers are nominal Catholics, they are not worth much. The town itself intends to start a public (state) High School this coming July. They are (the officials) at odds with the private high school.143
Among the friars themselves, there were also difficulties that had to be resolved. One of them concerned the missionaries’ financial set-up. The financial system adapted in the missions was one that was highly centralized. All the donations that were given to the individual friar were to be put into the common fund. As a result, the allocation for the projects that were undertaken in the two mission areas was to be taken from the common fund.
All revenue that has come in letters addressed to us has been up to now put in what is called the common fund. From there it is taken and used where it is needed the most. It is very easy for anyone to come in and ask Fr. Gabriel for some money for he is very generous and considerate in that. But if each house was made to keep its own fund there would be more solicitude shown in spending the money and especially in acquiring money. As each house becomes more and more independent I do not see how the common fund system will work.144
Moreover, the system of disbursement compounded the difficulty of the common fund system. During the early days of the mission, one had to pass through Manila and from there proceed to the other mission station, and vice
versa. Baler was 231 kilometers from Manila while Infanta was 143 kilometers away from the capital city.145 With the poor state of the roads and the
143 Ibid. 144 Letter of Father Herman, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 5, 1948. 145 63
transportation, it would require at least three days of travel by land for a person to
reach the other end of the mission area. This system would soon prove to be an
irritant among the friars.
In regard to the financial set up here I cannot understand it. Up to the last week, the only two who could sign the checks were Fr. Gabriel and Fr. Leo. I pointed out that with our plan of building this is more than awkward. If we need cash I cannot run all over the Island looking for either Fr. Gabriel or Fr. Leo! Fr. Gabriel sees this and I shall now have a check book.146
Indeed, the Carmelite missions in the Baler-Infanta area required much
from the American friars. Young and inexperienced in the ways of mission life,
they themselves grappled with the demands that they were faced with. Only one
thing remained evident: the Teresian Carmelite missions in the Philippines had
already taken root. There was going to be no turning back. This was the writing
on the wall.
There is a tremendous amount of work day after day, and our cry is always “when we get organized” but we are as far off that as ever. Day by day some now [new] problem or difficulty arises. One would like to be alone to have more time to oneself . . . but just when you anticipate such a thing, something happens. . . .147
CHAPTER V
PASTORAL WORK AND MINISTRY IN THE MISSIONS
The Operative Theology of Missions
de los Reyes et al., ed., Caltex Philippines, 9-10. 146 Letter of Father Patrick, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 6, 1948. 147 Ibid. 64
The social and political turmoil in Europe during the nineteenth century brought about, among others, the suppression of the religious orders. The missionary activity of the Church was gravely affected with this turn of events.
The end of the nineteenth century and the early part of the twentieth century however, witnessed a renaissance in the missionary activity of the Church.148 This would take place during the post-Napoleonic era in France. The Church’s reawakening to the missionary movement would have its big boost under the
Pontificate of Benedict XV and Pius XI.
Benedict XV issued the Apostolic Letter Maximum Illud on November 30,
1919. In this letter, the Pope raised several concerns that greatly affected the missionary activity prevalent at that time. One of these concerns was the need for improved mission methods.
Considering, then, the numerous and heavy labours undertaken by our brethren for the propagation of the faith, all their efforts, the proofs of their undaunted courage, we may well wonder at the numberless heathen who are still sitting in the shadows of death; for according to recent statistics, their number amounts to a thousand million. Taking, therefore, compassion on the sad fate of this multitude of souls, and as it has always been our nearest duty to extend to them the benefits of divine redemption, it is also with glad and grateful feelings that we watch the movement, inspired by the Holy Ghost, that is taking place throughout the Catholic world, for promoting and developing the missions. It is therefore to urge on and further this movement - a duty in keeping with our office and our dearest wishes - that, after fervently imploring the Lord of light and assistance, we address this letter to you, venerable brethren, to exhort you, your clergy and your flocks, and to remind you how you can best serve this important cause.149
148 Joseph Schmidlin, D.D., Catholic Mission History (Techny: Mission Press, S.V.D., 1933), 556-59. 149 Raymond Hickey, O.S.A., Modern Missionary Documents and Africa (Dublin: Dominican Publications, 1982), 31-32. 65
It will be noted that Maximum Illud was written in the aftermath of the
First World War. The immediate consequence of this war was the depletion of personnel to be mobilized for mission lands. This condition probably prompted
Benedict XV to call for the formation and training of an indigenous clergy. The task of sustaining the development of the Church in a particular country was now placed in the hands of its inhabitants. The mission territory thus became an area for educating future pastors of the local church.
Lastly, the main care of those who rule the missions should be to raise and train a clergy from amidst the nations among which they dwell, for on this are founded the best hopes for the Church of the future. Linked to his compatriots as he is by the bonds of origin, character, feelings and inclinations, the indigenous priest possesses exceptional opportunities for introducing the faith to their minds, and is endowed with powers of persuasion far superior to those of any other man. It thus frequently happens that he has access where a foreign priest could not set foot. But to obtain the expected results, it is absolutely necessary to mould and build up an indigenous clergy in a way that is satisfactory. A raw and unfinished preparation, such as will allow one to be ordained, will not do by any means; the training should on the contrary be full, adequate in extent of studies and length of years, such as is given to priests of civilised nations. Nor should the indigenous priest be trained for the sole purpose of assisting foreign missionaries in a subordinate ministry, but he must be fitted for his divine task and rendered able one day to undertake with credit the administration of his own people. Indeed, as the Catholic Church of God is foreign to no nation, so should every nation yield its own sacred ministers and follow them as teachers of the divine law and spiritual leaders.150
Moreover, the Apostolic Letter exhorted those in missions to learn the local language of the mission territory. The missionaries’ facility of the language was seen as necessary to the efforts in evangelization.
Among the attainments necessary for the life of missionaries, a place of paramount importance must obviously be given to the
150 Ibid., 35. 66
language of the people to whose salvation they will devote themselves. They should not be content with a smattering of the language, but should be able to speak it readily and competently. For in this respect they are under an obligation to all those they deal with, the learned and the ignorant alike, and they will soon realize the advantage a command of their language gives them in the task of winning the confidence and sympathy of the people. . . . There will be occasions when, in their position as representatives and interpreters of our holy faith, they will have to associate with the dignitaries of the place, or they may be invited to appear at scholarly gatherings. How will they maintain their dignity under these circumstances if they cannot make themselves understood because they do not know the language?151
Benedict XV, who officially approved the establishment of the Pontifical
Union in 1916, is given the credit for re-awakening in the Church the awareness of her missionary responsibility. Efforts were made to involve all of the clergy, and thereby all the people, in the missionary apostolate.152
In 1920, the central administration of the Society of St. Peter, Apostle was transferred from France to Rome.153 This meant that the missionary apostolate of the Church became centralized in Rome. Thus did the papacy become directly involved in mission affairs. Although Benedict XV’s pontificate was short, he left the Church with a fresh view of missions. Hence, Maximum Illud has been called
“The Magna Carta of Modern Catholic Missiology.”154
Benedict XV’s successor Pius XI reaffirmed the missionary principles that were articulated by his predecessor. On February 28, 1926, Pius XI issued the
151 Ibid., 39. 152 Ibid., 8. 153 Ibid., 9. 154 Sean Kealy, “Africa Today,” Doctrine and Life 29 (1979): 272. 67
Encyclical Letter Rerum Ecclesiae. In this letter Pius XI reiterated the need for the
Church to form a native clergy.
First of all, let us recall to your attention how important it is that you build up a native clergy. If you do not work with all your might to accomplish this, we maintain that your apostolate will not only be crippled, but will prove to be an obstacle and an impediment for the establishment and organization of the Church in those countries. We are more than willing to admit and recognize that in some places steps have been taken to overcome the obstacle by the erection of seminaries in which native youths of good promise are duly instructed and prepared to ascend to the dignity of the priesthood, and to instruct in the Christian faith those of their own race; nevertheless we are still at a great distance from the desired goal. . . .155
Furthermore, Pius XI insisted on setting up new religious congregations in mission territories. It was his view that this arrangement could better respond to the conditions of the local church. An indigenous clergy and a local religious congregation were considered as having the facility of being able to adapt better.
Since it is necessary in order to organize the Church in these regions, as We have already remarked, that you make use of the very elements out of which under Divine Providence they have been composed, you ought as a consequence to consider the founding of religious Congregations of men and women made up of natives to be one of the principal duties of your holy office. Is it not meant that these newly born followers of Christ be able to follow a life of evangelical perfection if they feel themselves called to take the vows of religion? . . . Perhaps it would be well if you would consider seriously and without admixture of self-interest, if it would be more advantageous all around to establish entirely new Congregations, which would correspond better with the genius and character of the natives and which would be more in keeping with the needs and the spirit of the different countries.156
Hence, it may be said that the Apostolic Letter of Benedict XV and the
Encyclical Letter of Pius XI called for the establishment of local Churches. This
155 Hickey, Modern Missionary Documents, 60-62. 156 Claudia Carlen, I.H.M., The Papal Encyclicals 1903-1939 (Raleigh: McGrath Publishing Co., 1981), 288. 68 was to be the principle that was operative in the theology of the missions of the
Church at the time. These principles guided the Teresian Carmelite friars as they undertook the Philippine missions in Infanta157.
Earlier Evangelization Efforts in Infanta by the Spanish Friars
Infanta had early, but intermittent encounters with the Spanish friars.
Missionaries of the different religious Orders from Spain ministered to the people’s needs but none of them stayed for long. It was the diocesan clergy who took the task of administration of the parish of Infanta up until after the Japanese occupation.
The first Missionary to visit Infanta, then Binangonan del Lampon, was Fray Esteban Ortiz, a Spanish Franciscan. Owing to the scarcity of priests, he left after a short stay and the Order had nobody to administer the locality until 1600 when Fray Blas Palomino was commissioned to administer the town, including its coastal territory. In 1658, the Agustinian (sic) Recollects took charged (sic) of the ministerial work; however, the Franciscans returned in 1703. Of record, the last Spanish Priest left in 1717 and in 1729 Fr. Juan Perpiñan, a Filipino, was put in-charge of all the coastal towns in the area. The first Parochial Church was built in 1732. There was then a succession of priest[s] commissioned to oversee the area until after the post (sic) Japanese Occupation when Rev. Fr. Robles of the Province of Batangas was relieved by Rev. Fr. Salvosa of the Islands of Polillo.158
Setbacks due to the Pacific War
157 What is today known as the town of Infanta used to be referred to as Binangonan del Ampon. The name Infanta was given in 1835, by a Spanish Captain named Juan Salvador in honor of the eldest daughter, la Infanta Isabela, of King Philip II of Spain. (Cf. Veronica Tapia-Merk (ed.), Laguna: BPI Foundation, 2004), 18. 158 “The Implantation of the Christian Faith and the Birth of the Parish,” A Brief History of the Parish of Infanta, 1. 69
The Japanese occupation of the country had its own devastating effects on the town of Infanta. As the Pacific war was about to end; many members of the
Japanese Imperial Army retreated to Infanta. This was due to Infanta’s strategic position and its nearness to the Sierra Madre Mountains which provided them refuge.
The Japanese soldiers massacred people in the area, especially in the barrios of Alitas, Langas and Balobo. On April 13, 1945, more than 5,000 inhabitants were killed. Afraid of more reprisals from the Japanese Imperial forces, many people fled to the mountains or to the islands of Polillo. At the height of the Japanese occupation of Infanta, the elementary school building served as a garrison where innocent people suspected of supporting the guerillas were imprisoned, tortured and killed. The inhumane treatment and uncertainty of the their fate in the hands of the Japanese drove many men and women to join the guerrilla movement. One of the guerrilla movements was the Fil-American Guerrilla Forces under Col. Ponciano Redor of Laguna. Due to the strategic location of Infanta, the presence of the Sierra Madre Mountains and its nearness to the Pacific Ocean, Infanta became attractive to the retreating Japanese forces from Manila. This brought fear to the people, making them flee to the mountains and to the nearby Polillo Islands. . . . On May 25, 1945, more than 75,000 Japanese soldiers surrendered to Colonel Bernard L. Anderson and Colonel Jaime Manzano. Japanese Admiral Furushi handed his samurai sword to an officer of the Anderson Guerrilla’159
Prior to the surrender of the Japanese Imperial Army, the people of
Infanta suffered tremendously. The retreating Japanese forces massacred the inhabitants of the place. Hence when the war was finally over, the town of Infanta was practically in total ruin. This was the situation of
Infanta when the Teresian Carmelite friars started the missions.
159 Rodolfo A. Arizala et. al., Labong ng Kawayan: Walking Through the Pathways and Streets of Infanta (Manila: Metro Infanta Foundation, 2002), 171-72. 70
The ravages of the Japanese Occupation found Infanta in utter disorder. The Municipality was a total disarray; the parochial church, built of Spanish Artistry in stones and lime was in rambles [sic]; the records of Spanish colonization and Christianization of the area was neither spared by fire, bombs and bullets. There was almost nothing left but salvages [sic] and people steadfastly clinging to the “faith.”160
Rebuilding the Parish of Infanta
The construction of a new church building was considered as an urgent need. The old dilapidated structure that posed a hazard had to be replaced. The construction of the church building in Infanta was one of the immediate projects of Fathers Patrick Shanley and Andrew LeFebvere as they began to take hold of their first mission assignment.
The most important and urgent matter with us now, is the building of the church. . . . To start the new church we have now P4240 in the bank. We hope to get something from the people, but it will be very little and we shall need help. I do not know what we shall do if we have not at least four walls, a floor and a roof before next Typhoon season. The tentative plan has been already sent to your Reverences and I beg of you to keep in mind the urgency and to give us a ‘green light’ to go ahead at once. We have only until September when the rains start beating down again. This convento may stand another year or so with patching up, and an occasional wetting through the roof being blown off is all part of the days work -- but the church is another question, and I forsee that if nothing is done there wont even been a ‘visible’ church in six months from now (sic).161
The need for a new church building in Infanta was pressing. Hence, Father
Herman who was initially stationed in Baler was reassigned to Infanta. This took place after staying in the Baler-Casiguran cluster of the missions for barely a year.
160 “The Coming of the First Batch of Carmelites to Infanta,” A Brief History of the Parish of Infanta, 1. 161 Letter of Father Patrick of Saint Cecilia, OCD, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial and the Venerable Definitorium, April 6, 1948. 71
His new assignment in Infanta was principally concerned with the construction of the new church building.
After returning from Casiguran I was told to leave for Infanta the next day. . . . My first job here was to draw the plans for a new church. As much as I tried to get out of a job that I knew well I could not do obedience played its part. I had four days to do it in and then to send it on to the chapter for approval. When you study them therefore, you must keep in mind that they are the fruit of only four days of study and there are no doubt many architectural contradictions in them. The plans, as submitted, are indeed our idea of a church but necessity will play a great part in the final appearance of our church.162
Brother Vincent, who was also initially assigned in Baler, joined Father
Herman in Infanta. Both friars were the prime movers in the construction of the church building. Funds were limited and Infanta was a typhoon prone area. The work went on steadily albeit slowly. The church building finally became ready for use, in time for the Aguinaldo Masses in 1949.163
While the construction of the new church building was in progress, the friars who were stationed in Infanta lost no time in conducting themselves in the affairs of the mission. These consisted mainly in the sacramental ministry. The people were in a situation of great sacramental need. Hence, diligent planning had to be done in order to accommodate the people’s sacramental needs in the face of too few ministers.
Here in Infanta though we have the most parish work. There is a funeral every day and on an average of 15 baptisms every Sunday. There are 48 barrios scattered over a territory of 920 square miles. Many times we must hike off five or ten kilometers to a sick call of
162 Letter of Father Herman Esselmann, Infanta, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial and Definitors, April 5, 1948. 163 “The Origins: How It All Started,” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years in the Philippines: 1947-1997, 28. 72
[or] to a barrio Fiesta. Then we are trying to have some sort of schedule for saying Masses in the different Barrios on different Sundays. It takes two hours to drive the jeep to one place and so must start out the day before.164
Catechism was also a priority in the activities of the friars in the Infanta missions. There was a serious need for educating the people in the basic tenets of the Catholic faith. In fact, it was one of the mission initiatives that Father Patrick
Shanley immediately put forth after his arrival in Infanta.
. . . For the past 8 months we have organized Catechism in the elementary schools, but there again we are handicapped by the hours -- it must be before school starts in the morning or before the afternoon session. . . .165
Upon the invitation of the Carmelite friars, members of the Notre Dame de
Vie Institute arrived in the Philippines in 1954. They came to the country with the primary purpose of helping in the catechetical needs of the missions in Infanta.
This indeed was a big boost to the catechetical program of the friars.
Before long the parish of Infanta began to take on new life. Despite the lack of personnel, the friars who were stationed in the area were still able to reach out to the people. A year after the Carmelite friars settled in Infanta, a report to the Provincial Superior of the Washington Province. It showed the extent of the friars’ sacramental ministry and its strengths and weaknesses.
Spiritual Report for 1948
Baptisms ………………………………………848 Marriages ……………………………………… 72 Deaths ………………………………………228 First Communions….…………………………………...297 Confirmations ………..……………………………... 8
164 Letter of Father Herman, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 5, 1948. 165 Letter of Father Patrick, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 6, 1948. 73
Communions ……..……………………………….5000 plus Sick Calls ……….……………………………... 40 Catechists (Legion of Mary) in public school …...…...….. 40 Children Attending ….………………………………….1200166
Parish Ministry in Baler
Meanwhile, the friars who were stationed at the northern part of the missions, the Baler-Casiguran area, took residence at the Parish of San Luis
Obispo in Baler. The place had been a mission station since the Spanish times. It was the Franciscan friars who initially took care of Baler. Consequently they constructed the old Baler church.
In the year 1609, seven intrepid Franciscans led by the Venerable Blas Palomino, whose cause is pending in Rome, penetrated the mountain fastness and left one of their members, Fr. Francisco de San Antonio to minister to the small fishing village near the bay. Franciscans and Recollects took turns at this work during the following century.167
The passage of time soon had its effects on the church building in Baler.
Hence, in 1939, President Manuel Luis Quezon and his wife led in the efforts to renovate the church building. Upon the arrival of the Carmelite friars in their new mission post, they were greeted with a church building that was “in good condition, with seven feet thick walls, stained glass windows and a strong galvanized iron roof.”168
Among the first activities that the friars engaged in Baler was the catechism apostolate. This served as the beginning of the education apostolate of
166 Letter of Father Patrick, O.C.D., Infanta, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, Wisconsin, 1948. 167 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 43. 168 The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years in the Philippines: 1947-1997, 22. 74 the Carmelite friars in the missions. The catechetical program in Baler would, in a short time, develop into the formal education apostolate. This was brought to fruition on June 23, 1948. A year after the arrival of the friars in the country, operations on the secondary level of the parochial school in Baler started.169
Father Gabriel Gates served as its first school director. The newly opened school gave a boost to the catechetical program of the friars.
The ignorance of the people appalled us when we arrived there. We knew that it would be hard to teach the old people and so left them to the mercy of God. The children took my interest and the high school boys interested Fr. Leo. To instruct them in catechism we established a group of catechists and taught them everyday after their classes in High School. They did not know any catechism either but from the instructions they learned enough to keep ahead of the children. After starting them in the town I did the same in the barrios. When I left there were 98 catechists teaching about 1500 children four times a week.170
A promising sign of collaboration from the people was seen, shortly after the friars began their work in Baler. The number of individuals who had to be ministered to increased. An extensive and systematized catechetical program in the parish became urgent. It was imperative that the number of the catechists be developed. They also needed to undergo a better formation as well.
The education apostolate of the Carmelite friars in Baler was a success.
Barely had the school started its operations when it was felt that the friars needed to expand. Added personnel and staff were necessary in order to manage it.
Consequently, Father Gabriel Gates and Mother Mary Gabriel of the Child
169 “Brief History of Mount Carmel College” (Personal Collection of Newspaper Clippings). 170 Letter of Father Herman, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 5, 1948. 75
Jesus171 considered the idea of establishing a community of women in the missions. It was intended to answer the increasing need of the people.
. . . About this time Mother Gabriel and Fr. Gates organized some Carmelite Tertiaries into a community with headquarters in Baler where they could take charge of the high-school and help the priests in their barrio work. Under the expert direction of Fr. Andrew recruits began to pour in, to imbibe at his feet the true primitive spirit of Carmel. His departure in 1950, while a gain for Polillo, was regarded as a real spiritual calamity by his dear Sisters. Two of these Sisters, Srs. Asuncion and Margaret, were later sent to France, to return last year as members of the Society of Notre-Dame de Vie founded by Fr. Marie-Eugene O.C.D. for mission work. The rest of the sisters have since been absorbed into this new Society which has established a novitiate in Manila, and has members, both French and Filipino, already working in Baler and Infanta.172 The friars who were stationed in Baler accomplished much over a short period of time. Foremost among their accomplishments was the construction of the Mt. Carmel High School. This enabled the town’s residents to have access to formal education that was made available by the friars. Father Leo McCrudden may be credited for bringing formal education closer to the people in Baler.
Moreover, the education apostolate served as a jump off-point for the other works in the mission.
. . . The first is that the establishment of this school was the best thing that has been done on the mission to this date. Altho [sic] the people here in Baler were a little more religiously inclined than Infanta, nevertheless there were and are a greater proportion who do
171 Mother Mary Gabriel of the Child Jesus was one of the foundresses of the Teresian Carmelite sisters in the Philippines. She entered the Carmel of Lons-leSaunier, situated at the upper border of France. A few months after her entrance to the Order, she was sent to Hue, Annam (now Vietnam). It was from this Carmel that she would reach the Philippines when the first Carmel in the country was established in Jaro. From the Carmel of Jaro, she would later help in the foundation of Gilmore Carmel in Quezon City. She extended considerable help to the friars during the early days of the Carmelite missions in Infanta. Moreover, through her influence the friars also received significant material help and support from the Secular Carmelites in Manila. (Cf. Sideco, The Roots of Teresa’s Nuns in the Philippines, 261-79.) 172 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 44. 76
not practice their faith than there are those who do. Our problem was to educate these people in the teachings and practices of our Faith. In this we were handicapped in not being able to speak their language and in not being able to get in intimate touch with the young people. With the establishment of the school we licked the problem of contacting the youth and at the same time made great headway with the older people especially the parents of the children in the school.173
A Missionary’s Tragic End at Sea
Furthermore, the people of Baler looked upon the friars as their source of help during difficult times. They would ask for the friars’ assistance whenever a calamity or a serious need would surface. It was on this account that Father Leo
McCrudden, one of the first friars in the missions, would lose his life. His work in the missions lasted only a year. The short-lived missionary work of Father Leo showed the dedication of the friars for the people.
Father Leo died at sea in an attempt to rescue some fishermen who were caught up in a storm. Together with Brother Vincent and eight men from Baler, he embarked on such a dangerous charge. This was his response to the requests of the grief stricken relatives of the storm-stricken fishermen. He went out to the still stormy sea. It was this incident that claimed Father Leo’s life. A telegram sent to
Father Patrick Shanley who was in Infanta, informed him of the unfortunate event.
Baler, Quezon
Leo, Vincent and eight others went to rescue two fishermen stop in distress stop planes searched mon tues wed no results yet.
Andrew174
173 Letter of Father Gabriel of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to Father Provincial, March 2, 1949. 174 77
Of the ten men who went out to the rescue operation, only Brother Vincent together with five others survived. Father Leo and the other three Filipinos died.
They had been at sea for four days, from July 4 to July 7, 1948.
. . . Floating helplessly out to the open sea, trying to stay awake to avoid drowning, eating salty soaked rice, drinking and gargling a few drops of rationed water, fighting off nausea and sea sickness, vomiting violently, subduing acts of hallucinating, encouraging each other in their bouts of anxiety and despair, praying as one never prayed before, reconciling with one’s Lord and surrendering oneself entirely into the hands of God lasted for four long painful day[s], until four men were buried at sea. Pio Imperial and Igmidio Sindac died in the arms of Brother Vincent. On the morning of the third day, July 6th, Father Leo and Rudy Valensuela tried to make it to the shore in their small rubber boat, using two boards torn from the floor of the banca as crude paddles. We know they didn’t succeed. Two others were more fortunate. In the afternoon of the first day, July 4th, Attaboy Grasparil and his uncle stripped to the waist and successfully swam to shore and immediately made their way to town for help. The fortunate survivors, all suffering from sun exposure and exhaustion, were Brother Vincent Scheerer, Paulino Amatorio, Oscar Angara and Lope Grasparil. They were rescued by two U.S. Navy pilots who participated in the four day air rescue mission. When Brother Vincent asked if the pilots had sighted Father Leo, Lt. Cdr. Charles Aikins said that they saw one body which looked like an American hanging over the side of a rubber life raft with his head in the water. They were unable to land again for lack of fuel. They presumed the worse.175
Father Leo’s demise further reduced the number of the friars in the missions. Only five friars were left to continue the work that had barely started.
This predicament compelled the friars to make re-adjustments in their mission assignments. Hence, Father Andrew LeFebvre, who was earlier stationed in
Infanta with Father Patrick Shanley, took over the post vacated by Father Leo.
Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 49. 175 The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years in the Philippines: 1947-1997, 25. 78
The work in the missions had to continue. Father Leo’s initial work had to be carried through by his confreres.
As far as the spiritual report goes I think the parish here at Baler is going along fairly well at present. The catechists and sisters have helped a great deal in reaching the people. The catechists have done more than half of my work. I would be rather lost to find what to do without them. Since I took over in July after Father Leo was lost I have been abt [able] to reach about half of the barrios in the district. T [I] have stayed at each large barrio for two days and had the catechists teach catechism and also help me straighten out some of the poor marriages. . . . Almost all the trips must be on foot or horse back. Since I do not know how to ride a horse yet mys [sic] trips are made on foot.176
Missionary Growth and Development
Moreover, the mission activities were not limited to the parish of San Luis
Obispo in Baler. The friars who were stationed in Baler also took care of the needs of the people in the town of Casiguran.177 During the early days of the missions the work was mainly centered on the sacramental and catechetical ministry of the friars. A report was submitted to the Definitory in Washington during the first few months of the friars in the missions. It indicated the extent of the friars’ sacramental ministry in the Baler-Casiguran area of the missions.
Spiritual Report
Baptisms: Baler 620 Casiguran 80 ___ 700
176 Letter of Father Andrew Mary, O.C.D., to Father Raephal (sic), n.d. 177 There are two places in the Prelature of Infanta that bear the name Casiguran. One is in the island of Jomalig, which is part of the Polillo chain of islands. This is situated in the southern part of Infanta. The other Casiguran is located around eighty kilometers north of Baler. The latter was the Casiguran that was used as the mission center taken care of by the first Teresian Carmelite friars. 79
Marriages 99 First Communions 650 Burials 89178
The distance of Baler from Casiguran, coupled with the difficulty in transportation made it difficult for the Casigurañans to have regular church services. During the early days of the mission, Casiguran was accessible only by boat and under normal weather conditions the boat trip would be twenty-four hours. There were, as yet, no roads that would bring the people from Baler to the northernmost part of the missions. Hence, the friars who came to Casiguran had to maximize their activities during the duration of their stay. The priest’s visit thus became an occasion, not only for the administration of the sacraments but also for organizing the people.
Toward the end of February I took the barge to Casiguran. Those poor people had not seen a priest since their Fiesta last June. I intended to stay a week but it turned into two weeks. For three weeks previous to that I had been out in the barrios of Baler starting the teaching of catechism in the schools and so I thought it would work as well in Casiguran. The people were overjoyed to see a priest again and after my stay they cried to se[e] me go. The[y] demanded that I return for Easter but I told them that that was up to Fr. Gabriel. It was quite a hard job to start the catechism there in such a short time but I did manage to get fifteen women interested in teaching. They said that they would continue it three times a week. I hope they do.179
By the end of 1948, the Baler-Casiguran cluster of the missions had grown tremendously. The sacramental ministry of the friars had reached out and benefited more people. Consequently, there was an increase in the people’s participation in the mission activity of the friars. There were more volunteers for
178 Father Leo of St. Isaac Jogues, Report of Expenses & Income Mission of Baler, January 21, 1948. 179 Letter of Father Herman, to the Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 5, 1948. 80 the catechetical movement in the parish of Baler. A significant increase in the people’s participation in the liturgical services was also noted. Consequently, more people availed of the sacraments.
. . . I have been able to appoint more catechists in the barrios bringing the number to 71 catechists. They are a marvelous help in keeping the people close to the Church. When we cannot reach the barrios the catechists take over and teach the people. The following is the list of what we have done here in Baler in the past year. Baptisms 769 Marriages 94 Funerals 50. Communions (sic) about 22,000. I think we have had more communions but I only put down what I have been able to observe from the week day and Sundays. In the future I shall mark the number of hosts consecrated. In that way I can check my communions. The school is going along well.180
By 1949, the friars in Baler began to see the effects of the formal education that was started. Mount Carmel High School was able to offer an education that formed the young people in the “teachings and practices of the faith.”181
. . . After three months instruction in religion nearly all had made their confession and communion and by now all students with the exception of two or three real protestants are practicing their Faith. We would never have been able to bring these children to the practice of our Holy Faith without the school.182
The residents of Baler began to notice the contribution made by the friars in the realm of education. Consequently, more and more parents signified their intention to enroll their children in the friar-administered school by the incoming
180 Letter of Father Andrew Mary, to Father Raephal (sic), n.d. 181 Letter of Father Gabriel of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to Father Provincial, March 2, 1949. 182 Ibid. 81 academic year. This posed a problem to the friars. With limited financial resources, they had to extend the facilities of the school in order to accommodate the increasing numbers.
. . . This school has been financed entirely by donations which I begged in Manila. There has not been a penny from the common mission fund given for its support. So far the school has paid for itself with the added help of solicited donations. However here is our problem now. School ends in April and begins again in July. At present we are crowded for space. In July we expect an additional enrollment of close to 150 more pupils which will bring our enrollment up to close to 300. The question is where we are to put them. There is no alternative than to build. Next week I am going to Manila to begin begging again. According to the statement enclosed our last building only cost P4,000.00 (pesos), but this building is purely temporary. To build a building to really house our pupils and supply the necessary space for Laboratories and Library an architect has estimated its cost at P68,000.00 (pesos) ($34,000.00). I believe that we can build it for about P40,000.00 ($20,000.00) considering that here we can get materials and labor much cheaper than in Manila. Considering the urgent need and the lasting effect coming from the school I believe that Our Blessed Mother will bless our begging and that by July we will have our school well under way.183
Prospective Vocations to the Order
In the midst of all the business brought about by the mission work, the friars soon enough began to obtain local vocations. Barely had the Teresian
Carmelite missions started when three young Filipinos signified their intention to enter the Order. All three hailed from the Panay and Negros islands in the
Visayas. With the help of the Teresian Carmelite nuns in Jaro, Iloilo City, these men soon found their way inquiring about the Teresian Carmelite life. By the
183 Ibid. 82 middle of 1948, the three were sent to the United States for their initial formation in the novitiate. Thus did Pablo (Anselm) Cañonero, Julio (Xavier) Labayen, and
Vicente (Bernard) Ybiernas become the first Filipino Teresian Carmelites.
C. STUDENTS FUND. This money handed over by Pablo, Julio and Vicente before they left for the States in case they need return fare, deposited in bank ………… P2,601.4184
In a short span of two years, the Carmelite friars in the Philippine missions found themselves with their hands full. As the Carmelite “mission centers” (the towns of Baler and Infanta) began to flourish the friars now began to extend their activities to other sections of the mission. As the Carmelite missions expanded the need for more friars became urgent.
Well, Father that is my report from Baler. The work is going ahead slowly but surely and our Lady is helping us to do Her Son’s work. Pray that we may do it well. There is enough work over here for forty priests. Send help when you can. We will keep on trying to send good Philipino (sic) boys for the Novitiate. We do need priests. . . .185
CHAPTER VI
THE TERESIAN CARMELITE MISSION EXPANDS
Infanta Established as
Prelature Nullius
On April 25, 1950 Pope Pius XII established the Prelature Nullius of
Infanta.186 The new prelature was entrusted to the exclusive care of the Teresian
184 Father Patrick, OCD, Infanta, to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, Milwaukee, Financial Report, May 1st 1948. 185 Letter of Father Andrew Mary, to Father Raephal (sic), n.d. 186 “Bula de S.S. Pio XII Erigiendo la Prelatura Nullius de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (November 1950): 738-40. 83
Carmelite friars.187 On September 5, 1950, the new prelature was inaugurated with
Bishop Rufino J. Santos, then Apostolic Administrator of the Lipa Diocese, as its first Apostolic Administrator.188
After the installation ceremony of Monsignor Santos as the Apostolic
Administrator of the Prelature of Infanta, he immediately appointed Father Patrick
Shanley as his delegate in the administration of the new prelature.189 From then on the Prelature of Infanta became a distinct entity from the diocese of Lipa, of which it was formerly part of.190
Undeniably, the missionary presence of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the Infanta-Polillo and Baler-Casiguran area animated the Catholic faith of the people.191
A New Parish in Bordeos Island
In 1949, the friars established the parish of Saint Raphael the Archangel in the island of Bordeos. This would add to the already existing parishes that were
187 Cf. “Prelatura Nullius de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (October 1950): 730. 188 Bishop Rufino Santos was consecrated Bishop on October 24, 1947 and was appointed Auxiliary Bishop of the Archdiocese of Manila. On September 29, 1949, Archbishop Gabriel Reyes, D.D., of Manila, appointed him Vicar General. Subsequently, Bishop Santos was appointed as Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Lipa on December 10, 1949. A year later, on December 2, 1950, he was re-appointed Auxiliary Bishop of the Archdiocese of Manila. He was later named as the Apostolic Administrator of Manila on October 17, 1952. Then on February 10, 1953, the Apostolic See in Rome appointed him as the Archbishop of Manila. (See Fr. Excelso Garcia, O.P., “Su Eminencia El Cardenal Santos,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 34 [May-June 1960]: 263-70.) 189 “Administrationis Apostolicae Praelaturae Nullius, Decretum,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (August 1950): 511. 190 “Bula de S.S. Pio XII Erigiendo la Prelatura Nullius de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (November 1950): 738-40. 191 “Prelatura Nullius De Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (October 1950): 731. 84 under the administration of the Carmelite friars. These were the parishes in the towns of Infanta, Baler and Casiguran.
Just two years after the start of the Carmelite missions, the friars were in charge of the administration of four parishes and one parochial high school. The friars however counted only five priests and one religious brother. From the very beginning of the missions, the number of Carmelite friars was few. This predicament however, did not hinder them from the work that had begun.
Incidentally, Father Dominic Scheerer of the Holy Rosary arrived in
Infanta on August 1949. Apparently, he was sent to augment the friars’ small numbers in the missions. Upon his arrival, Father Dominic was almost immediately appointed as the first pastor of the newly established parish in
Bordeos.
Arrival of the Italian Friars and
Turn-over of Polillo Parish
Meanwhile, two Italian Carmelite friars joined the Infanta missions in
1950 in the person of Fathers Atanasio Danieletti and Tomaso Pamoli.192 The political turmoil in China at the time made them transfer to Infanta. Their arrival came as an added welcome to the men in the prelature. This was due to the fact that the creation of the prelature necessitated several changes in the existing set- up. Among them was the administration of all the parishes in the newly
192 Father Herman Esselman et al., “History of the Philippine Missions: 1947-1977,” 14. 85 established ecclesiastical jurisdiction. They were now in the hands of the
Carmelite friars. Hence, the parish of St. Joseph’s in Polillo Island became a
Carmelite outpost.
On the formation of the New Praelatura Nullius, the Filipino Priest was removed from Polillo town on Polillo Island and the parish taken over by us. Fr. Athanasius was in Bordeos (Polillo Island) at the time with Fr. Dominic. I transferred Fr. Athanasius to Polillo leaving Fr. Dominic at Bordeos. Subsequent developments made another change imperative. I shifted Fr. Andrew to Polillo, Fr. Athanasius to Baler, and told Fr. Dominic he should go to Polillo & remain there during the rainy season, while still retaining Bordeos as a parish.193
The church of St. Joseph in the island of Polillo was originally founded as a visita of the parish of Infanta in 1609. In 1635, Polillo was erected as a separate parish with Fr. Jose de San Bernardo as its first diocesan pastor.194 The parish of
Polillo had always been placed under the care of the diocesan clergy before it was handed over to the Teresian Carmelite friars. The last diocesan pastor at the time of the turnover was Father Anacleto Salvosa who was a resident of Polillo Island himself.195
As the Carmelite mission developed, the need for more priests in the new prelature became compelling. The newly arrived Italian friars certainly lessened the difficulty. However, the shortage of manpower was far from being solved.
Hence, while its status was raised to that of a parish, Bordeos did not have a resident pastor for quite a time.
193 Letter of Father Patrick, OCD, Jaro, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, March 17, 1951. 194 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 28. 195 “Prelatura Nullius de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24 (October 1950): 730. 86
. . . Since I wrote the last time I have been sent to Polillo as an assistant to Fr. Andrew; so the money has been diverted to this parish. It is a shame that we had to close up Bordeos after being there a year, but it seems that there was no way out. Fr. Patrick doesn’t want to leave a priest alone in any place, and the Apostolic Delegate has also made the suggestion; so Bordeos is just an outpost at the present time.196
Immediate Pastoral Concerns in Polillo Parish
When the Carmelite friars took over the parish of Polillo, one of the more urgent tasks that were undertaken was the rehabilitation of the church building.
This was due to the fact that it was already in an advanced state of dilapidation.
The structure’s condition was described as: “Walls five to thirteen feet, cracked by earthquakes, full of trees and bushes, dripping water and ready to fall on the first person who looks at them the wrong way. The loose rocks over the door-
ways [sic] are held in place by rotting boards.”197
Almost simultaneous with the rehabilitation of the church building, the friars initiated the catechetical instruction in the island-parish, since the religious formation of the people was perceived to be seriously inadequate. These were among the first challenges of the friars. They were in fact enormous given their manpower and financial constraints.
. . . Religion here is really low. I mean that little is known about the Catholic truths. The people have a sort of natural tendency for statues and the like, but for things like Mass and sacraments------Wow!
196 Letter of Father Dominic of the Holy Rosary, to Very Reverend Father Prior, Brookline, January 23, 1951. 197 Ibid. 87
Fr. Andrew and I are teaching in the high school here in town. It is quite a job. In the curriculum there is a subject called “Character Education;” so the director has us teach religion at that time. The owners of the school are Catholics of the town but the school is just a private school. The former priest here was the director it seems, and he has some of the shares. He taught religion also, but the students don’t know how to bless themselves. There are some good ones, usually among the girls, who know something. The boys are way behind the times.198
Developments in the New Prelature
A year after the Prelature of Infanta was established, a report was sent to the Father Provincial in Washington. It included an outline of the friars’ program in the missions. The report further indicated the condition of the prelature. The different accomplishments and challenges of the friars in the different mission outposts can be seen from the report.
The Mt. Carmel High School while doing good work has not been a paying proposition so far I am sorry to say. Unless it is a paying proposition I cannot say how it can be continued for the Pro. (sic) Fund cannot be used entirely for that purpose. But to close it now would be a tremendous loss to the community of Baler & to the prestige of the Carmelite Fathers in this country. Most Schools [sic] here pay their way, I think ours should also. Bordeos has now a small residence with inside toilet for the resident priest and the church has been repaired. Casiguran too has now a residence with inside toilet and the church is being repaired, with concrete floor. Baler has a good convent with all the convenience [of] a fully equipped church; school of wood; and the 3rd Order Carmelite Sisters. These sisters have done good work among the people, & we hope to establish them on a firm basis within the next few years. Polillo has a very poor convent, with extremely bad toilet facilities. I gave since the New Year P1000 to Fr. Andrew for the improvement of the house, and P4000 to start fixing the church. This is an old Spanish church, perhaps 3 to 4 hundred years old. It is quite a land
198 Ibid. 88
mark and historic monument. The walls are immensely thick about 11 feet at the bottom and five feet at the top. It has been neglected and trees and foliage grow out of the sides, it leaks and is damp, but with time and patience I believe it could be restored to something of its former grandure (sic) and if this could be done, it would be the finest and largest church in our territory. It seems to me Polillo could be one of our best parishes and like Baler and Infanta, it is my opinion that it could after it is built up a little be able to take care of itself. Infanta church is not yet finished, but will do for the present. We shall have to get what is done plastered both inside and out before doing anything else. But a new convento is necessary. You have seen the old one and can explain it to the Definitorium. Its condition is much worse now, ants have eaten away all the beams holding the house up and it is in a very wobbly condition. The plan at the moment is to construct one of the side wings of the church (the foundation of this is already laid) & make the convent on this for the time being. For this purpose I have just given Fr. Hermann P5000 from the Fund and will give him P5000 more if I can before the end of the trienium [sic]. It will take all that to build a concrete structure – the only kind that will last in this climate. As Infanta is the center of the Prelature it will be necessary to have some sort of better convento than the present one. All in all, the state of the mission is doing well spiritually. The number of people who are now administered to has increased by thousands with the opening of the parishes of Casiguran, Bordeos, Polillo, and the number of those going to the Sacraments and to Sunday Mass is most satisfactory. Of course there is room for much improvement. The rosary is recited each evening in the church and there is always a good crowd. In Polillo the average number each evening when I paid them a visit after we had taken over the parish was 160. Materially the mission is going on quite well with the funds at our disposal.199
Anglo-Irish Friars Assist in the Prelature
The early months of 1951 saw two more Carmelite friars working in the
Prelature of Infanta. This time, they were members of the Anglo-Irish province, in the person of Fathers Sebastian Buckley and Basil Nolan.200 The agreement
199 Letter of Father Patrick, to Father Provincial, March 17, 1951. 200 Esselman and others, “History of the Philippine Missions,” 14. 89 between the Washington and the Anglo-Irish Province was that the two friars would work in Infanta on a “loan” basis.
Soon after their arrival, they were immediately given the task of parish work in the prelature. Father Sebastian Buckley helped in the parish of Baler, while Father Basil Nolan was appointed as parochial vicar of the parish of
Infanta.201
A Carmelite Apostolic Administrator for Infanta
More changes were underway for the Carmelite friars in the Philippine missions. On July 11, 1951 Father Patrick Shanley was appointed Apostolic
Administrator of the Prelature Nullius of Infanta.202 The date for the formal installation of Father Patrick was set for September 12, 1951203 and it was the
Apostolic Nuncio himself, Archbishop Egidio Vagnozzi who presided over at the rite of installation.204 The ceremony was celebrated in the Cathedral Parish of the
Prelature of Infanta.
The Nuntio (sic), Archbishop Vagnozzi phoned me this morning to say that he would come down to Infanta for the ceremony of ‘taking possession.’ He obtained a sea plane through the American Ambassador Myron Cowen. I am going to try and get another plane if
201 Letter of Father Patrick, OCD, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial. May 3, 1951. 202 “Sacra Congregatio Consistorialis, Infantensis Administrationis Apostolicae, Decretum,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 25 (November 1951): 680. 203 “The Origins: How It All Started,” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years In The Philippines: 1947-1997, 28. 204 In 1951, the Apostolic Delegation in the Philippines was elevated to a Nunciature with Most Reverend Egidio Vagnozzi as the first Apostolic Nuncio to the Philippines. Cf. Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines, The 1998 Catholic Directory of the Philippines (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1998), xxiii. 90
possible for quite a few priests and benefactors wish to go, yet fear to make the journey over the road! We are awaiting the papers from Rome, and in the meantime I am here in hands of our good Nuns who are BUSY arranging for all the things I am supposed to have. The Quezons, Nini and Nonong will give the Crozier (sic) in memory of their good mother who had such an interest in our mission from the start. I never realized just how expensive all the insignia are. The 3rd Order here in Manila are donating the mitres, another benefactor the ring another the pectoral cross. Without them I would be in a mess.205
As the Prelature of Infanta grew, the needs of the people also steadily increased. More was demanded from the friars. Indeed, life in the missions was both trying and challenging for the Carmelite friars. To begin with, the young
Washington province was financially strapped, inexperienced in the problems of the missions and undermanned. The missionaries who were sent to the Philippines were likewise neophytes. Thus, almost everybody was caught off guard as they found themselves responsible for the administration of the new prelature.
The Call for More Friars
The evident lack of personnel in the Prelature of Infanta prompted the
Apostolic Delegate in the country to intervene. Archbishop Vagnozzi wrote a letter to Father Silverio de Jesus, the Superior General of the Discalced
Carmelites at the time. In that letter he signified his request for more priests in the prelature.206 This letter of request was later forwarded to the Washington
Provincial Superior of the Teresian Carmelites. Likewise, Archbishop Vagnozzi
205 Father Patrick, OCD, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, August 23, 1951. 206 Letter of Silverio de Jesus, General, Italy, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, November 6, 1951. 91 instructed Monsignor Shanley to invite more missionaries in the United States to work in the Prelature of Infanta.
At that point in time, Monsignor Shanley was awaiting permission from
Rome that would allow him to go to the United States for a mission appeal. This would include the request for financial assistance and volunteer religious sisters and priests who would work in the prelature of Infanta.207
Archbishop Vagnozzi’s request for more personnel caught the attention of the Order’s general government in Rome. An interest in the progress of the
Carmelite missions in Infanta ensued. Consequently, Father Riccardo del Iluero, the OCD General Procurator for the Missions conducted a visitation to the prelature in the latter months of 1951.208 At the end the visitation, he raised his concerns as regards the scarcity of priests.
Accordingly, Father Riccardo recommended that four more friars be sent to the missions. This proposal was then relayed to His Eminence Adeodato
Cardinal Piazza, O.C.D., Cardinal Protector of the Order. As Cardinal Protector he was appointed to keep an eye on the interests of the Teresian Carmelite Order, although he did not have any jurisdiction over it.209 Cardinal Piazza approved of the recommendation and in turn sent it to the Washington Provincial.210
207 See Letter of Father Herman Joseph, OCD, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, November 28, 1951. 208 Cf. Letter of Riccardo del Iluero, Rome, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, February 13, 1952. 209 Cf. Donald Attwater, ed., Cardinal Protector, in Catholic Dictionary (New York: Macmillan Co., 1961), 75. 210 See Letter of del Iluero, to Father Provincial, February 13, 1952. 92
Tension Among the Friars
The above-mentioned development placed the Washington Provincial
Superior in a difficult situation. Rome expected the Washington province to sustain, expand and increase the number of its missionaries in the Philippines.
However, conditions in the Washington province did not allow the sending of additional priests to the prelature. This was due to the fact that there was also an acute need for priests even in the United States’ mainland. Hence, there was pressure on the leadership of the Washington province. This led them to a re- evaluation of the province’s commitment to the prelature of Infanta.
The idea of giving up the Philippine missions was thus considered. The possible alternative was to turn over the Philippine missions to Teresian Carmelite friars from other provinces. Father Albert of the Blessed Sacrament, who was the
Provincial Superior at that time, considered the possibility of turning over the missions in Infanta to Teresian Carmelites either from the Italian or Navarre
(Spanish) province.211 This was due to the Washington province’s incapacity to provide the much-needed manpower in the Philippine missions.
It is with great fear and trembling that I sit down finally to write you. Your last letter to Monsignor arrived about two weeks ago. In it you pointed out the possible necessity of turning over the Mission to the Spaniards or Italians. We were all very much shocked by the thought of that, and I did not know what to write to you...... It would be impossible to run the mission the way we wanted to under some other foreign Superiors. These people have an inate [sic] dislike towards anything Spanish as they were oppressed by them for centuries. Many of the Fathers here said they would leave the mission rather than try to work under the Italians or Spaniards. Their mentality is entirely different. What is more there would be no more
211 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and the Counsellors of the Discalced Carmelite Fathers in the Philippines, Polillo, March 20, 1952. 93
funds forth coming for the building of churches etc. and the work that we have done here in the past five years would soon be lost.212
However, the idea of giving up the missions in Infanta was met with strong opposition especially from the friars themselves who were stationed in the prelature.
At no time since we came to the Philippines have any of us made a secret of the fact that we desired our own American Carmelites with us on the mission. For myself I can say that I have tried in everyway to keep this mission American and opposed the infiltration of others. . . So Father Provincial that’s the way it is. But IN THE FINAL ANALYSIS YOU ARE THE ONE THAT MUST MAKE THE DECISION, AND WHAT YOU SAY GOES. However Father Provincial I beg this in the name of all our Fathers here, do not permit this first child of the Mother Province to be handed over to some step- mother Province, for the few of us here are all intensely loyal to our Mother province and anything you may feel we have done wrong, if it was wrong, was done, not out of disloyalty but out of loyalty and love.213
In view of these events, the provincial leadership sought for a satisfactory solution. An attempt was made to accommodate all of the affected parties’ position in the conflicting situation. Hence during the early months of 1952, the
Washington Province sent one priest, Father Hyacinth Scheerer, and one religious brother, Brother Mark Esselman to the Philippine missions. In this way the provincial leadership hoped to meet Rome’s expectations for more priests in the
Prelature. At the same time, the missions still remained under the Carmelite friars of the Washington province.
Pressure from the General Leadership
212 Letter of Father Herman Joseph of the Infant of Prague, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, March 27, 1952. 213 Letter of Father Patrick, O.D.C., Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, Feast of St John. 94
However, the general leadership in Rome was of a different opinion. They did not find the solution acceptable. A letter was sent to Washington Provincial
Superior castigating the decision.214 Apparently, the Procurator General for the
Missions was not pleased with the resolution to send only one priest and a brother to the Philippine missions.
It must be taken into account that Father Riccardo del Illuero was acting, not only as the Order’s General Procurator of the Missions. He was also acting in his capacity as the representative of the Prelature Nullius of Infanta to the Sacred
Congregation. Hence, the prelature’s interests were also part of his concerns.215
Arrangements were then made for an additional priest for the Philippine missions.216 Father James Meldrum, O.C.D., was set to leave for the Philippine missions in June 1953. This was yet another bid to accommodate the reactions from Rome.
Developmental Challenges in the Prelature
In addition, the issue of competence and jurisdiction over the administration of mission funds also confronted the friars in the newly established prelature.217 This created a tension. It was necessary that a clarification be made in
214 Letter of Father Riccardo del Illuero, Rome, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, May 12, 1952. 215 Cf. Letter of Father Thomas, O.C.D., Brookline, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Hubertus, April 26, 1952. 216 Cf. Letter of Father Herman Joseph, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial and Definitors, December 31, 1952. 217 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting, March 20, 1952. 95 the light of this development in the prelature. The ambiguity led to a thorny relationship between the Apostolic Administrator and the friars in the prelature, all of whom were Teresian Carmelites.
The disagreement between the Prelature of Infanta and the friars basically stemmed from questions on ownership of property and finances. It was argued whether immobile goods, i.e., church buildings and schools were owned by the
Carmelite friars or by the Prelature of Infanta. Moreover, there was much discussion on the prelature’s jurisdiction over the financial matters of the friars.
Specific questions were raised in regard to the money that was sent by the
Mission Procurator of the Washington Province for the Infanta missions and the contributions solicited by the friars from their own friends and benefactors whose residence was outside the prelature.
After a long time of discussion that involved much tension, an acceptable solution was finally agreed upon. This came about, in part, after the general leadership in Rome mediated. On that account, Father Herman Esselman, O.C.D., the Delegate Provincial of the Teresian Carmelites and Monsignor Patrick
Shanley, O.C.D., the Apostolic Administrator of the Prelature of Infanta finally settled the issue by signing a contract of agreement.
Father Riccardo del Illuero, the Procurator General for the Missions, facilitated the signing of the agreement. A provision in the said agreement stipulated that “collections coming to the Prelature shall be divided into two equal parts, one half to be given to the Bishop and the other to the Regular Superior for the maintenance of the Religious and development of missionary activity in the 96
Prelature.”218 However, donations that were given “intuitu personae,” for the erection of a house of the Order or any works proper to the Order itself in the
Prelature were exempted from the above-mentioned agreement.219
With the new prelature still in its infancy stage, the task of organizing was pursued. The task of constructing churches and conventos, establishing schools and dispensing the sacraments continued. Thus, the prelature of Infanta continued to grow and develop as a local church.
Patrick Shanley, O.C.D.,First Bishop of Infanta
Before long, the Apostolic Administrator was promoted to the episcopacy.
This “was the highest honor the Holy See could confer upon him and the rest of the missionaries in acknowledging the great work these men have done in the short time they were in the islands.”220 Monsignor Patrick Shanley was elected
Bishop and consequently appointed as the Prelate Ordinary of the Prelature of
Infanta on February 17, 1953.221 He was subsequently consecrated as Bishop on
March 7, 1953, at the Carmelite Nun’s Monastery in Gilmore, Quezon City.222
218 Cf. Letter from Father Riccardo, to Most Reverend and Dear Monsignor, May 10, 1953. 219 Ibid 220 “Monsignor Patrick Shanley Now Bishop in Philippines” (Personal Collection of Newspaper Clippings). 221 “Nombramiento del Prelado “Nullius” de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 27 (June 1953): 339-40. 222 “Consagracion Episcopal de Su Excia. Rma. Mons. Patricio Shaley [sic] O.C.D., D.D. Obispo Titular de Syphene y Prelado de Infanta,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 27 (April 97
Anglo-Irish Province Invited to Work in the Country
While all this was going on, the Apostolic Nuncio to the Philippines,
Archbishop Egidio Vagnozzi made an appeal for other Teresian Carmelite friars to come to the country. Archbishop Vagnozzi, in one of his travels to Rome met with Father Silverio de Jesus, the Superior General of the Discalced Carmelites. It was during this meeting that he asked for the Carmelite friars to make another foundation in the Philippines.
It would be interesting to note that when Archbishop Vagnozzi invited the
Carmelite Superior General to make a new foundation in Manila, he singled out the Irish Teresian Carmelite friars.223 This proposal however, seemed to be not feasible at that moment. The Irish friars themselves already had their hands full.
For instance, Father Mark Horan, O.C.D., who was the current Novice Master for the Anglo-Irish province in Ireland, was assigned as Apostolic Visitator to the
Carmelite nuns in the Philippines. Another Irish friar was also being sent to
Australia for the same purpose.224
In due course, the Father General instructed the Anglo-Irish Provincial
Superior to look into the matter. The Irish friars then proceeded to make a study of the viability of a new Carmelite foundation in the country. A representative of the Anglo-Irish province was sent to the country for the said purpose.
1953): 230-34. 223 See Father Herman Joseph, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, November 28, 1952. 224 See Father Herman Joseph of the Infant Jesus of Prague, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, May 4, 1952. 98
For the past two weeks I have been going around with Fr. Edward Leahy, O.C.D. looking for a foundation here. The Nuncio Apostolic was in Rome and told Fr. General of the need for Priests [sic] here in P.I. He also heard that a certain Mr. Araneta offered us a piece of land here in Manila. So the Nuncio thinking that we had no intentions of accepting it for lack of priests, the Nuncio told the General to send the Irish Fathers here to take it. So they are here but only for the purpose of inquiring about a foundation. When they heard that we were interested in the land, they sort of backed down in it. We need it for a house in Manila as you will see when you get here.225
First Anglo-Irish Foundation in the Country
In the meantime, the Irish friars began receiving numerous invitations from the various dioceses in the country. Foremost among them was the proposal from the Bishop of Jaro, Jose Ma. Cuenco226 who “approached the Discalced
Carmelites and invited them to his Archdiocese, [sic] immediately offering them a church and a convento”227 in the town of Pavia, Iloilo. This transpired during the
Bishops’ Conference of 1952, in Manila.228
225 Father Herman Joseph, to Father Provincial, November 28, 1952. 226 Ibid. In 1945, the Most Rev. Jose Ma. Cuence became the first Filipino Bishop to govern the then diocese of Jaro. In June 29, 1951, the Diocese of Jaro was elevated to the rank of Archdiocese. He was subsequently installed as the first Metropolitan Archbishop of Jaro. (See Fr. Fidel Villaroel, O.P., “The Making of a Diocese in the Philippines – Jaro 1865 (continued),” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipnas 39 (May 1965): 556-57.) 227 “Settling Down in Jaro,” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years: 1947- 1997, 86. 228 99
Despite the lack of friars from the Anglo-Irish province, missionaries were still sent to the Philippines. On July 12, 1953 the Carmelite foundation of Saint
Joseph the Worker in Jaro, Iloilo City was officially established.229 However, the first wave of Irish Teresian Carmelite friars only reached the country, in the early days of January 1954.230 They were: Fathers Vincent Rogers, Gregory Maloney and Celsus Wren. A few weeks later, the friars proceeded to Jaro, Iloilo City in order to start their missionary work. They came to the country, primarily in order to work with the Carmelite nuns and the Secular Carmelites. They were also engaged in the retreat apostolate.231 Meanwhile, they temporarily took residence in a house provided for them by Mr. and Mrs. Fernando Lopez, pending the construction of their new monastery.
On March 19, 1954, the cornerstone of the future St. Joseph the Worker
Church was laid, with the Apostolic Nuncio himself, Archbishop Egidio
Vagnozzi, presiding at the ceremony.232 The envisioned structure for the Irish
Carmelite friars was a two story wooden edifice. The first floor would serve as a chapel, and the second floor would function as the friars’ monastery.233
Construction was fast. In the same year of their arrival, the Irish friars were able to move into the new building.
“The Church and Her Story,” May 1, 1999 St. Joseph the Worker Parish Souvenir Program, 8. 229 Order of Discalced Carmelites in the Philippines Catalogue, 1985, 6. 230 “Settling Down in Jaro,” The Carmelites Celebrate 50 Years: 1947-1997, 86. 231 “The Making of St. Joseph the Worker Parish,” May 1, 1997, St. Joseph the Worker Souvenir Program, n.p. 232 “Settling Down in Jaro,” The Carmelites Celebrate 50 Years: 1947-1997, 86. 233 Ibid,, 87. 100
On January 14, 1955 the Teresian Carmelite church and monastery of St.
Joseph the Worker was inaugurated and blessed by the Archbishop of Jaro, Most
Reverend Jose Ma. Cuenco.234 St. Joseph the Worker Church in Jaro, Iloilo City was later elevated to a parish on April 20, 1969.235
A Joint Novitiate House
It did not take long for the new foundation in Jaro to develop further. By
1956, the idea of starting the Teresian Carmelite novitiate in Jaro began to be considered. Initially, the plan of starting a novitiate in the Philippines was offered to the American Carmelite friars in Infanta. This was the proposal of Father
Riccardo del Illuero, the General Procurator for the Missions, when he made the
Visitation to the country way back in 1951.236 However, the plan was not realized due to the lack of friars from the Washington province. Not enough men could be sent for the missions in Infanta, much less for a novitiate.237
Thereupon, friars both from the Washington and Anglo-Irish province, held a joint meeting in 1956. Accordingly, the group agreed to a common
234 “The Church and her Story,” May 1, 1999, St. Joseph the Worker Parish Souvenir Program, 8-9. 235 Ibid. 236
See Father Herman Joseph, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, June 28, 1951. 237 See Father Herman Joseph, to Father Provincial, March 27, 1952. 101 novitiate house, for both the Washington and the Anglo-Irish friars in the
Philippines, in Jaro, Iloilo City. Among the resolutions adopted during the said meeting was the construction of a new monastery that would serve the purpose of the proposed novitiate. Moreover, it was also agreed that the amount of $15,000 that was procured specifically for the purpose of a novitiate in the Philippines, and that was already in the Mission Fund of the Washington province be used to begin the construction.238
Difficulties in the Joint Novitiate Project
Even before the resolutions could be implemented, the planned Novitiate in Jaro was faced with problems. Questions in regard to ownership, manpower, jurisdiction, communication and coordination were among them. In an effort to resolve the issue, the Irish friars’ stipulated guidelines for the smooth operation of the novitiate.
As to the future, may I respectfully put forward the following points for your Reverence’s consideration:
1.The Noviciate House would remain the exclusive property of the Irish province, but for the present, both Provinces would co-operate to build, maintain and staff it. 2. Any monies given by the Washington province to build the Noviciate wing would be regarded as a debt due from the Irish Province, to be paid back within a certain limited time. 3. Some of the young Philippino [sic] Fathers would be transferred to the Irish Province ad tempus, in order to staff the Noviciate; full liberty being allowed to return to the American Province when the respective Provincials see fit to allow them to return.
238 Resolutions adopted during a series of meetings, Carmel of St. Joseph, Jaro, Iloilo City, February 3-6, 1956. 102
4. Each Province would be responsible for the maintenance of its own novices.239
However, the American friars deemed these guidelines as generally unacceptable. Consequently, a conflict arose between the friars from both provinces. The novitiate issue brought to the fore the sentiments of some friars from the Washington province over the arrival and subsequent foundations that the Irish friars were starting in the Philippines. This was apparent in a letter sent to the American General Definitor in Rome.
Personally, I would favor the Irish moving out of the Philippines and let us take over. Let it be our project. This mixing up of things I do not believe will ever be satisfactory or work out. With our four Filipino students finishing and with their background of our Province, it will be easy enough for us to take over those houses [the ones being constructed by the Irish friars in Broadway, Quezon City and in Jaro, Iloilo City] and make a go of them. . . . I am sure all of the fathers will agree and subscribe to what I have written above. I believe it will be the only solution to this question.240
Consequently, the construction of the new novitiate building was delayed.
A brief lull ensued concerning the novitiate issue in Jaro. This led the American friars to presume that the Irish friars had given up the novitiate project. Thus during their Provincial Definitory, the American friars who were stationed in the
Prelature of Infanta, submitted a proposal for the construction of a novitiate within Manila. This house would subsequently be staffed by the four Filipino
Carmelites, who were about to be ordained. Moreover an American prior and novice master would complete the proposed novitiate community.241
239 Letter of Father Gabriel, O.D.C., Dublin, to Very Reverend Father Albert, O.D.C. Provincial, Hubertus, January 15, 1958. 240 Unsigned copy of letter to Very Reverend and Dear P. N. Thomas, December 27, 1956. 241 Unsigned copy of letter to the Venerable General Definitory, January 7, 1957. 103
Father Herman Joseph tells me that he has written you about his ideas. It seems that the Irish practically have folded up on this Novitiate idea in Jaro, and Fr. Herman Joseph wants to build our own Novitiate outside of Manila. They are getting tired of staying in the apartment and, as Father Herman Joseph puts it, it is very unsatisfactory for many reasons -- which is pure truth. I have always been in favor of the men of our Province having a place for themselves. I do not believe that they will ever feel at home or be made to feel at home with the Irish Fathers. That is my personal opinion.242
The friars of the Washington Province further presented themselves as administrators of the said project. The proposed novitiate house would also serve as the friars’ quarters when they visited Manila for business.
However, the Nuncio felt that the more pressing call of the friars from the
Washington province was to attend to the need for more priests in the prelature.
Hence, he indicated that he would only give his consent to the planned novitiate, after the prelature had been fully staffed by the American friars. He wanted at least fourteen friars working in the prelature. The prelature however, only had twelve friars including Bishop Shanley himself. Thus was the proposal turned down.243
The First Filipino Teresian Carmelites
The four Filipino students mentioned earlier were: Anselmo Cañonero, Xavier Labayen, Bernard Ybiernas (entered the Order in 1948) and Elisieus (Jose Ma.) Lopez (entered in 1950), all of whom belonged to the Washington Province. The first three Filipino Carmelites came from the Western Visayas (Iloilo and Negros Occidental). They came to know of the Carmelite friars through the Carmelite nuns in Jaro, Iloilo City. Eliseus (Jose Ma.) Lopez was a student in the Minor Seminary of Pangasinan. He came to know of the friars in the Philippines through
242 Unsigned copy of letter to P.N. Thomas, December 27, 1956. 243
Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Albert, April 12, 1953. 104
some members of the Secular Carmelites, who later introduced him to the Carmelite nuns in Gilmore, Quezon City. The four of them received their novitiate training in the United States. Xavier Labayen and Eliseus (Jose Ma.) Lopez were later sent to Rome for their theological studies. Bernard Ybiernas started out his theological studies in the United States and finished his studies in Rome. Anselmo Cañonero finished his theological studies in the United States.
Rising Tension Between the Provinces In 1957, the General leadership in Rome resolved the issue over the
novitiate project with finality. The American friars’ request for permission to
construct and administer a novitiate house in the country was vetoed. This
development brought in negative repercussions. Among them was the perception
that the Irish friars were more favored than the Americans. Consequently, the
already festering grievance over the Irish friars’ mission to the Philippines was
again put to the fore.
. . . and to be very truthful, I believe that I voice the feelings of the Fathers of the Province when I say that we would not be pleased to have our young Filipino Fathers transferred to the Irish Province in order to staff your Novitiate. I know our Father Thomas mentioned to me that this would probably be the only logical thing to do; namely, transfer our Filipino priests to staff your novitiate. If Rome makes such a transfer, then there is nothing I can do about it, but I am not in favor of it. I feel a little embittered about the thing for the simple reason that before you Irish Fathers ever went to the Philippines, I tried to establish a house in Manila in order to provide suitable lodgings for our Fathers when they went to that city on business, which is absolutely necessary. We did not have quite enough personnel at the time, and I asked for the Chinese Carmelite, Father John Mary244, and there was such an uproar in Rome about even such a proposal. Father
244 Father John Mary Chin, O.C.D., was born in Borneo. He is of Chinese descent. In the 1950’s, he was attached to the Teresian Carmelite friars’ mission in Japan. In 1952, he came to the Philippines for academic studies. (Cf. Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and Counsellors, March 20, 1952.) In the meantime, he also served as Chaplain to the Carmelite Monastery of nuns in Gilmore, Quezon City. When the Irish friars started the foundation in Quezon City, Father John Mary joined the Anglo-Irish province of the Teresian Carmelite friars. 105
Michael, the ex-Definitor General, of course was not in favor of it, and it was deemed impossible and an injury to the Venetian Province. But, when the Irish Fathers went to the Philippines, it was easy enough for Father Michael to have Father John Mary incardinated to the Irish Province.245
In an attempt to ease the tension, Father Gabriel, the Anglo-Irish provincial sent a letter to Father Albert, the Washington Provincial Superior. It was an effort to clarify the issues that caused the strain between the friars of the two Carmelite provinces.
. . . In reference to your own letter, dear Fr., let me say that we too have a grievance about the Philippine Islands. The two foundations which we have there were imposed on us against the wishes of the then-Provincial and his Definitory. Not that we object to a mission as such but at the time we were not ready to undertake one. It has been much of a worry to me ever since I took up office and now that Fr. General is pressing for a proper Noviciate it has become even a bigger worry. As I see things, neither you nor I are responsible for the present position there, and since its object is neither the gain of the Holy Hill [Washington] Province nor the Irish Province, there is no point in squabbling about what others have done or not done. What we must do is to forward the cause of the Church and the Order in the Philippines and if that can be helped by our leaving the Islands entirely, I personally would have no objection. . . . I can well sympathize with you and your province if they did not get what they wanted in Manila but the fault is not ours dear Father. The Irish Fathers, as far as I know, had no part in blocking their designs. It may be that we have gained in that particular matter but after all, in a few years we hope to have a native Philippino (sic) monastery there and we in turn will hand it over, if all goes well. I am quite agreed that if any Filipino Fathers are needed to staff the proposed Noviciate they need not change their province but become conventuals of the noviciate. That was what I really had in mind though I did not express it too clearly. I am fairly certain that we will need two or three of them for a while, to get things going, but if the Holy Hill province objects strongly, I do not know what can be done.246
245 Letter to Very Reverend Father Gabriel, O.D.C., Dublin, January 20, 1958. 246 Letter of Father Gabriel, O.D.C., Dublin, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, February 7, 1958. 106
A New Foundation in Quezon City
Barely had the Irish friars settled in Jaro when another development was proceeding in Manila. Father Mark Horan, O.C.D., who was the Apostolic
Visitator to the nuns in the Philippines, was given the task of founding a Teresian
Carmelite house in Manila.247 It was an undertaking that was sponsored by influential and powerful authorities of the Order based in Rome. Hence the search for a suitable piece of property commenced, with Father John Mary Chin, O.C.D., assisting Father Mark.
Soon after, arrangements were made to purchase a piece of property in
New Manila, Quezon City. This was after other properties in Horseshoe Drive and
Araneta Avenue were considered. Thus, on October 14, 1953 the foundation of
Our Lady of Mount Carmel was established.248 On this piece of property stands the Shrine-Parish of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in New Manila, Quezon City.
Fr. Mark approached me and said that Fr. Riccardo wants the Irish Carmelites to take a foundation in Manila. He asked me if I had any objection to this and I said “none.” It seems to be that the Nuncio does not want us to start the foundation in Manila because the Prelatura needs the men . . . Fr. John Mary is scheduled to go to Japan but Fr. Mark is asking for him to stay here to be one of the community in Manila. Fr. Mark has arranged with the Nuncio to have a public church with no parish. I feel that we should let the Irish Fathers take the foundation in Manila because, at the present time, we cannot do so ourselves. I would like your opinion on this matter.249
247 Father Mark Horan, O.C.D., of the Anglo-Irish province came to the country in 1952 as the Apostolic Visitator to the monasteries of Carmelite nuns in the Philippines. The nature of his work required him to be absent from his monastery in Ireland. However he retained his conventuality in the Ireland monastery. 248 Catalogue of the Order of Discalced Carmelites in the Philippines 1982, 6. 249 Letter of Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, Hubertus, August 5, 1953. 107
Shortly after, the construction of a new church and monastery began.250
Brother Keeran Deely and a little later, Father Francis Moylan of the Anglo-Irish
Province of the Teresian Carmelites arrived in the country and assisted Father
Mark Horan in the initiated undertaking.251
On December 30, 1954 the Apostolic Nuncio himself, Archbishop Egidio
Vagnozzi, D.D., blessed the cornerstone. It was a grand affair for the Anglo-Irish friars. Various high-ranking officials graced the occasion. Among them were the
Archbishop of Manila, Most Reverend Rufino Santos, D.D.; the Bishop of the
Prelature of Infanta, Most Reverend Patrick Shanley, O.C.D., D.D.; the Vicar
General of the Teresian Carmelites, Very Reverend Father Marie-Eugene of the
Child Jesus, O.C.D.; the Definitor General of the Teresian Carmelites, Very
250 Sylvia J. Farolan, “Twenty-five Years of Carmel. . . How the Parish Grew,” Our Lady of Mount Carmel Shrine Parish, Great Jubilee Year/Silver Anniversary Fiesta, 13. The 1960’s witnessed the arrival of the largest number of friars from the Anglo-Irish province. They were: Fathers Francis Moylan, Reginald McSweeney, Paul O'Sullivan, Angus Cantwell, Thomas Shanahan, John Kelly, Alban Kelly, and Brother Kieran Deeley. 251Ibid. 108
Reverend Father Michael, O.C.D.; and the Very Reverend Father Thomas,
O.C.D., of the Washington Province.252
Father Mark is working hard to finish the plans on the church which will be the NATIONAL SHRINE OF THE SCAPULAR. He has big plans and hopes to seat about 2,000 people. He has some beautiful sketches: approximate cost, $250,000.00. He says that Our Lady will provide the cash. She has done well so far in gathering 180,000 pesos to pay off the land. It will be about four blocks from Carmel in Quezon City.253
The envisioned church was massive. Hence, a great amount of money was needed. With their limited funds, the friars had to content themselves with the slow pace of work.
Finally, on July 16, 1964 the new Church dedicated to Our Lady of Mt.
Carmel was consecrated and blessed by the Archbishop of Manila, Rufino J.
Cardinal Santos, D.D.
In the subsequent period, the Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel was elevated as a parish on February 17, 1975. This development took place during the incumbency of Archbishop Jaime Sin who was appointed Archbishop of
Manila on January 21, 1974.254 Bishop Juan Velasco, O.P., D.D., Auxiliary
Bishop of Manila, presided over the rite of canonical erection and subsequent installation of its first parish priest who was Fr. Paul O’Sullivan, O.C.D.255
252The complete list of the various dignitaries who attended the occasion may be gleaned from the decree itself of the laying of the cornerstone of the Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel where they affixed their signatures. (Cf. Decree of the laying of the cornerstone of the Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.) 253Father Herman Joseph, Manila, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, September 20, 1955. 254 Cf. The 2000 Catholic Directory of the Philippines (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 2000), 147. 255 Farolan, “Twenty-five Years of Carmel,” 15-17. 109
Formation Plans of the
Anglo-Irish Friars
With the church building in Quezon City inaugurated, the Anglo-Irish friars were ready to embark on a new project. This time it was the recruitment of native vocations to the Order. It was the friars’ intention to build an additional wing that would serve as the monastery of the student friars. They were hopeful that the Father General would give them the necessary permission for the said project. Part of the whole plan was to send the student friars to the Santo Tomas
Seminary for their theological studies.256
Moreover, the Anglo-Irish friars also thought of setting up a new novitiate house near Manila, on a piece of property that was offered to them in the suburbs.
All these plans were seen in view of the accessibility of the schools of theology in
Manila.
The property offered is in a very expensive, new real estate development. It involves 1 1/2 hectares in the center of the sub- division for a public church (The Ordinary has given [Fr.] Mark carte blanche) and another 5 hectares about 2 km. away for the novitiate building.257
The plan of the Irish friars to transfer the novitiate did not materialize.
This was due to many reasons. Among them was the technical/canonical difficulty that arises in regard to the transfer of the novitiate. Also, the existing lack of manpower was another reason. A new foundation would exacerbate the situation.
256 See Father Benedict, Manila, to Dear Father Provincial, July 14, 1964. 257 See Father Benedict, Infanta, to Dear Father Provincial, August 12, 1964. The 1 1/2 hectare piece of property is located in Holiday Hills in San Pedro, Laguna. The other piece of land mentioned was located in Holiday Heights, Muntinlupa City. 110
Moreover, the standing disagreement between the American and Anglo-Irish friars over the novitiate issue compounded the whole situation.
Palanan Parish Annexed to the
Prelature of Infanta
Meanwhile, the American friars back in the prelature continued to be endlessly busy. Despite the lack of personnel, the parish in Palanan, Isabela was annexed to the prelature of Infanta. The church of Saint Mary Magdalene in
Palanan was originally part of the Diocese of Tuguegarao. In 1954, the parish was formally placed under the administration of the Teresian Carmelite friars who were working in the prelature.258 Earlier on, Father Atanasio Danieletti, O.C.D., who was the Vicar General of the prelature of Infanta259 made an ocular inspection of the place in 1952.260
Interestingly, the people in Palanan were able to keep their faith even with the absence of a priest for fifty-six years.
They preserved their faith in a marvellous [sic] way by their devotion to Our Lady and the Saints and by singing the High Mass there every Sunday although there was no priest.261
Accordingly, Father Dominic Scheerer was appointed as the parish priest of the newly incorporated territory. Together with Brother Vincent Scheerer, the
258 See “Decretum de Mutatione Finium Dioecesium,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 29 (November 1955): 676-77. 259 Cf. Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 28 (September 1954), 548. 260 Buckley, A Man Shall Scatter, 90. 261 Father Herman Joseph, to Father Provincial, September 20, 1955. 111 two friars began the renovation of the church. The erratic weather conditions of the place however, delayed the pace of the work.262
After some years of missionary activity, the Palanan parish was turned over the newly erected diocese of Ilagan, on October 1970. This took place during the incumbency of Father Eliseus (Jose Ma.) Lopez. It may be noted that the new diocese, which was formerly part of the diocese of Tuguegarao was created as a separate ecclesiastical territory on January 31, 1970. It was subsequently inaugurated and canonically erected on May 12, 1970.263
A House of Regular Observance in the Prelature
Ten years after the Carmelite missions were started in the prelature of
Infanta, the friars themselves discerned a felt need. They deemed it important that in at least one of the houses in the missions, the Carmelite Rule should be regularly observed. This would mean that at least three friars would staff a particular house in order to maintain the regular lifestyle of the Teresian
Carmelites.
For that reason, the American friars started the renovation of the church and rectory in Polillo Island on February of 1957. The property in the island of
Polillo was regarded as most suitable for the said undertaking.
Regular observance in a Teresian Carmelite monastery would mean following a set horarium. This includes the stipulated hours of mental prayer in
262 See Brother Vincent, O.C.D., to Dear Father, n.d. 263 The 1996 Catholic Directory of the Philippines (Quezon City: Claretian Publications), 117. 112 the morning and in the evening. Also the Hours of the Divine Office are to be recited in common, during their prescribed time, where there are three or even two friars. Silence which is an essential aspect in the Carmelite lifestyle is observed. Community living is also an important feature in a house of observance.
Moreover, the friars in the Infanta missions were admonished by the Father Provincial: “You are very tactfully, to curb and to be extremely watchful about familiarity with women; to encourage the Carmelite life, urging them [the friars] to seek rather the company of their confreres, and not tolerating mere social visiting and eating.” 264
The Polillo Priory
The renovation of the church and rectory in Polillo Island started in
February 1957. This was the first step in making it the priory of the Teresian
Carmelite friars in the prelature. In the beginning the monastery in Polillo Island was erected as a vicariate. During the succeeding years the monastery was elevated into a priory.
The vicariate is erected in virtue of the provincial council’s decision.
Moreover, the provincial and his council also appoint the prior of a vicariate. On the other hand, the nature of a priory is more stable. Foremost, is the fact that a priory is a canonically established monastery. Furthermore, the friars during the provincial chapter elect the superior in the priory. However, a particular monastery has the same obligation of keeping the regular observance of the
Carmelite Rule regardless of its being a vicariate or a priory.
264 Provincial, Peterborough, to Very Reverend Father Giles, O.C.D., Delegate Provincial of the Philippine Islands, August 19, 1957. 113
The construction of the church and the monastery in Polillo Island involved a huge amount of money. Given the financial strain of the prelature in the face of its growing needs, the friars had to look for other sources that would finance the project. Eventually, the proposed rest house project of the Carmelite friars in Baguio City was aborted. The money that was originally allocated for the rest house was used in order to continue the construction of the priory in Polillo
Island.265
It may be recalled that the rest house project was a result of the Visitation in 1954. At that time, the Vicar General of the Discalced Carmelite Order, Father
Marie-Eugene of the Child Jesus saw for himself the extent of the friars’ work in the prelature. Concerned with the well being of the missionaries, he made a few recommendations at the termination of his short visit to the country; among them was the construction of a rest house for the friars.266 The friars initially welcomed such recommendation and a piece of property was purchased in Baguio City. This project however was later abandoned.
The envisioned house of observance in Polillo was not fully realized even as the physical structures were in place. The monastery was dedicated on April 8,
1959 and in 1961, it was “de jure” the priory of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the Infanta missions. However, the unrelenting problem of the lack of priests in the prelature forced the friars in the priory to respond to the pressing needs of the prelature. Hence, the regular observance of the Carmelite Rule was not actualized.
265 Father Giles of the Sacred Heart, Polillo, to Dear Father Provincial and Venerable Definitory, July 10, 1959. 266 See Father Marie Eugene of the Child Jesus, Quezon City, to the Fathers and Brothers of the Infanta Mission, December 30, 1954. 114
Altogether, the 1950s saw the Teresian Carmelites making headway in the prelature of Infanta. Despite the lack of personnel, the Washington province took pains to send friars who staffed and responded to the prelature’s needs. Among them were: Fathers James Meldrum, Hyacinth Scheerer, Joseph Mary Flannery,
Giles Dzuban, Benedict Bishop, Elias Gough, and Brother Mark Esselman.267
These friars augmented the number of men who were worked in the parishes and schools of Infanta, Polillo, Casiguran, Bordeos, Palanan and Baler.
First Filipino Carmelite Priests Return to the Country
It was during the latter part of the 1950s that the first Filipino Teresian
Carmelites returned to the Philippines after their seminary studies in the United
States and Rome. Fathers Anselm Cañonero, Bernard Ybiernas, Xavier Labayen and Eliseus Lopez were set to work in the Carmelite missions in Infanta.
Fathers Anselm, Bernard and Xavier (Julio) were ordained on June 4,
1955. It was Father Anselm Cañonero who would be the first to return to the country, on March 5, 1957 and work in the missions.268 On the other hand, Fathers
Bernard Ybiernas and Xavier Labayen would spend some more years of studies in
Rome before finally returning to the country. It was the hope of the provincial leadership in Washington that they would be the future formators of the envisioned houses of formation in the Philippines.269
267 Father Herman Joseph Esselman and others, “History of the Philippine Missions,” 14. 268 See Letter to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, Manila, March 7, 1957 and Father Giles of the Sacred Heart, Polillo, to Dear Father Provincial, October 25, 1959. 269 See Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., Polillo, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, April 29, 1957. 115
Father Eliseus (Jose Maria) Lopez who was ordained priest in Rome on
October 27, 1957 joined Fathers Bernard and Xavier. Their studies in Rome kept them much longer from working in the prelature. Father Bernard Ybiernas would only return to the Philippines on September 9, 1959. Fathers Xavier Labayen and
Eliseus Lopez arrived on October 11, 1959. The three priests were subsequently assigned to St. Joseph’s priory in Polillo Island.270
Growing Personnel Problem in the Prelature
As the prelature steadily developed, the American friars’ handicap became more conspicuous. There were just not enough men to respond to its growing needs. This condition made the American friars consider the possibility of inviting the Italian friars to the prelature. This development marked a shift in their perspective. They were no longer adhering to their earlier idea of an exclusive
American mission in the country. Instead, they proposed the division of prelature of Infanta into two territories.
The plan was to invite the friars from the Venetian province to work with the friars from the Washington province in the prelature. It was proposed that the
Italian province would be tasked with the pastoral care of the northern part of the prelature, covering the parishes of Baler, Casiguran and Palanan.
On the other hand, the southern part of the prelature would continue to be administered by the friars from the Washington province including Dingalan Bay, although it is geographically situated in the northern part.271
270 Father Giles, to Father Provincial, October 25, 1959. 271 116
The general leadership in Rome however rejected this proposal. Hence, the problem of personnel in the prelature of Infanta continued to linger.
I talked to Father General about the various propositions. The first about permitting the Carmelite Fathers of the Venetian province to take over the Northern Section of the Prelatura. Father General in no way will give his consent to this. He told me that the Venetian Province is not able to do it. They have already too many commitments, having taken upon themselves Sicily and Japan, and he is not content because they have not fulfilled all of the committments (sic) as they should. And so he just said it is out of the question to hope for the Venetian Fathers to take over the Northern Section of the Prelatura. So in this matter there is nothing we can do for it seems there is another question, namely, that the Holy See will not let any Italians out except for those missions under the Propagation of the Faith at the present time.272
Bishop Patrick Shanley Resigns
In the midst of all these developments, Bishop Patrick Shanley left the prelature of Infanta in the early months of 1961. The Bishop suffered from ill health which jeopardized his ministry in the prelature of Infanta. After a medical surgery in Manila, the Bishop flew to London for recuperation.273 All these took place in the midst of an accusation made against him, although its exact nature remains unclear.
At about the same time, the Father General sent his delegate, Father
Pierluigi, to the Philippines. One among his many purposes was an investigation on the matter that concerned Bishop Shanley.274 Minutes of the First meeting of the Def. (sic) Provincial and His Councilors, Polillo, August 1, 1958. 272 Unsigned copy of letter to Most Reverend Bishop Patrick Shanley, O.C.D., Infanta, October 14, 1958. 273 Father Thomas, O.C.D., Rome, to Very Reverend and Dear Father, May 5, 1960. 274 See Letter to Very Reverend and Dear P.N. Thomas, February 17, 1960 and Father Thomas, O.C.D., Rome, to Very Reverend and Dear Father, February 24, 1960. 117
Subsequently, Bishop Shanley resigned from office, left the country and returned to the United States. He spent the rest of his years assisting at a church in
Miami, Florida. He also served as chaplain to an old age home and to a community of religious sisters. He died on January 2, 1970.275
Filipino Carmelite Heads the Prelature
Meanwhile, Father Joseph Mary Flannery, O.C.D., took the reins of government in the prelature of Infanta. He acted as the Apostolic Administrator during the succeeding months of vacancy. Thereupon, Father Xavier Labayen,
O.C.D. was appointed by the Pope John XXIII as the new Apostolic
Administrator on June 23, 1961.276
Five years later, Monsignor Xavier Labayen was promoted to the episcopacy. On July 26, 1966, the Holy See appointed him as Bishop-Prelate
Ordinary of the Prelature of Infanta.277 His episcopal consecration was celebrated at the Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in Broadway, Quezon City, on
September 8, 1966.278
A few days later, on September 12, 1966, he was installed as the Bishop-
Ordinary of the prelature at the Cathedral of Saint Mark in Infanta, Quezon. It was
275 See unsigned copy of letter to Reverend Bernard Ybiernas, O.C.D., Bacolod City, January 15, 1970. 276 “New Prelature Head of Infanta Chosen,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 35 (September 1961): 580. 277 “Decree of Appointment,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 19 (October 1966): 641-46. 278 “Msgr. Labayen to be Consecrated Bishop,” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 19 (September 1966): 598. 118 the Apostolic Nuncio himself, Archbishop Carlo Martini, who officiated at the installation rites of the new Bishop of the Prelature of Infanta.279
Peak of the Carmelite Missions in the Prelature
During the 1960s the number of Teresian Carmelite friars working in the prelature of Infanta reached its peak. A total of eighteen friars from the
Washington province came to work in the missions during this decade. These were: Fathers Cyril Guise, Richard Lindgren, Nicholas Riddell, Alan Rieger,
Thomas Martin, Ignacio Read, Benjamin Green, Ernest Unverdorben, Simeon
Mahoney, Alfred Wood, Theodore Centala, Arnold Boehme and Lawrence
Daniels. The Brothers were: Bonaventure Potter, Charles Druke, Leo Bishop,
Martin Murphy and Gilmary Manning.
Moreover, it was also during the mid 1960s when non-Carmelite priests started to work in the prelature. They were a welcome addition as the activities in the prelature continued to make headway. At this time nine new parishes were established in: Real (Quezon), Patnanongan, Panukulan, Jomalig, San Luis
(Aurora), Maria Aurora, Dilasag, Dinalungan, and Dingalan.280 There was no doubt, these “reinforcements” lessened the burden of the work in the prelature, and provided valuable answers to the personnel problem.
. . . Things look bright for a change, at least in regard to personnel, for he has two American volunteers from the Diocese of Tarlac – one is an old timer here, but the other is a recent recruit from a military chaplaincy at Clark Field (and who apparently had a sharp personality conflict with the other ordinary). The monsignor plans to use the two
279 Ibid. 280 Cf. The 1996 Catholic Directory, 129-30. 119
of them for opening up Dingalan Bay -- which has been on our collective consciences since Bishop Shanley’s time. In addition, he is getting two Ilocano loans, which may eventually be permanent grants, and plans to use them in our predominantly Ilocano areas up north (Maria Aurora, Baler or Casiguran); also two, possibly three, Tagalog priests, one of whom will be his companion in the palace, and another will almost surely be sent to help Fr. Serafines in Burdeos.281
It was during the late 1960s when the prelature of Infanta installed its new radio station, the DZJO. Father Theodore Centala, O.C.D., who had the necessary license to put up a radio station, facilitated this operation. This was formally inaugurated on July 7, 1968. Rafael Salas, the Executive Secretary to the
President of the Philippines, was present for the occasion.282 From that time on,
DZJO became a valuable aid in the catechetical program of the entire prelature.
Its operation still continues to the present.
Plans for a Retreat House
Amid the activities in the growing prelature, the American friars began to consider a new venture. This was born out of the friars’ need to underscore the
Teresian Carmelites’ identity in the Philippines. Some quarters felt that this might be done if the friars began to emphasize and to get involved in the apostolate of promoting the spiritual life. This was the context for the friars’ efforts to secure the permission for a foundation in Bacolod City.
C - The causes of this foundation: 1) . . . In the Philippines we need a house of Discalced Carmelite Fathers which will express to the hierarchy and to the Catholics of the Philippines just what the Discalced Carmelite Fathers stand for. The Provincial of Washington has been told that there is confusion in the
281 Father Joseph Mary, Polillo, to Dear Father Provincial, March 21, 1964. 282 See “Bayanihan Broadcasting Corporation, DZJO, Infanta, Quezon,” The Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years: 1947-1997, 47. 120
minds of the Filipinos about the nature of the Order since we have distinguished ourselves so far by having the Mission of Infanta and leading a missionary life. This, of course, is a great work, but the bishops, priests, and laity are asking the Carmelite Fathers: “What is the difference between you fathers and the Society of the Divine Word, the Maryknoll Fathers, the Columban Fathers, and the Mill Hill Fathers? They all have missions, and you have a mission and you are missionaries? Where is the difference?” Therefore, it seems necessary to make a foundation to assert the fundamental aspects of the life of the Discalced Carmelites. 2) The end proposed for this house, save any other dispositions made by our higher superiors, would be that it would be a house of regular observance and devoted to the giving of retreats. It is proposed, also, that we would build a retreat house on the property where our Fathers would conduct closed retreats for those interested. . . .283
The proposal of the friars was met with a positive response from the Major
Superiors in Rome. On November 18, 1958, Father Anastacio of the Holy Rosary, the General of the Order gave the rescript to the American friars, with the permission to start the religious house in the city of Bacolod.284
The choice of Bacolod City for the new foundation was in part due to its stability. “. . . After Manila, it is probably the richest city, and the climate is one of the best. Everyone recognizes the golden opportunities present in Bacolod City, and aware of the increasing commercial importance of the city and the number of religious seeking admission into that Diocese. . . .”285
The distance between Bacolod City and the prelature of Infanta was also an important factor in the consideration of the site. The many concerns that confronted the friars in the prelature were also considered, so as not to cause any undue disturbance on the Regular life of the members of the retreat community.
283 Unsigned copy of letter to the Venerable General Definitory, November 1958. 284 Photocopy of the Resrcipt. 285 See Letter to the General Definitory, November 1958. 121
Father Gabriel Gates, one of the founding friars in the Philippine missions, was chosen as the person in charge of the friars’ foundation in Bacolod. He worked in the Infanta missions for six years (1947-1953), returning to the United
States in 1953. He came back to the Philippines on June 5, 1959 with the specific instruction that the nature of the Carmelite foundation in Bacolod City would be that of a retreat house.286
The permission was given for this Foundation with this scope in mind that the Bacolod House was to be a Retreat House. Great care must be taken to begin rightly and with the best spirit. It is the will of the Major Superiors both in Rome and in the States that the Community of Bacolod when formed is to manifest to the Philippine Catholic the perfect Carmelite Observance with an intense spirit of prayer and interior life. May God help you powerfully in the realization of this plan. With best wishes for the accomplishment of this, I remain287
Meanwhile, Bishop Manuel Yap, D.D., of the Diocese of Bacolod was supportive of the retreat house project. On September 24, 1958, permission was given for the American friars to start the foundation in his diocese.288 It was
Father Giles Dzuban, O.C.D., who was the current Delegate Provincial of the friars who were in the Philippine missions when the Bacolod foundation started.
Accordingly, he set off on the task of looking for a suitable place, from among the various offers.289
. . . Have been looking over some properties that have been or could be offered to us. There is one particular piece of land in mind.
286 See Very Reverend Albert Bourke, O.C.D., to Most Reverend Manuel Yap, Bacolod, March 6, 1959 and Unsigned copy of letter to Dear Father Provincial, Polillo, June 16, 1959. 287 Unsigned copy of Provincial’s letter to Father Gabriel, February 26, 1959. 288 Photocopy of the letter of permission. 289 See unsigned copy of Provincial’s letter to Father Gabriel, February 26, 1959. 122
We could possibly get 20 acres of it within the next 9 months. The land has been surveyed for a Provincial road to pass right along side of it. No telling, though, how soon the road will be constructed. The property in question is much more elevated than the land in and around the City of Bacolod. It is only about 15 to 18 kilometers from the City. Am to go to look at more property this morning. Of the 5 or 6 different properties thus far seen, the above mentioned would be more suitable for our purposes. After things are more arranged, Fathers Hyacinth and Andrew or one of them will be brought down to look over the situation and a final choice can then be made.290
On June 5, 1959, Father Gabriel Gates arrived in Manila from the United
States. The plan for the proposed Retreat House in Bacolod was first presented to the Delegate Provincial and his councilors.291 After a brief visit to the prelature of
Infanta, Father Gabriel proceeded to Bacolod City. Shortly after, he looked into the proposed properties for the foundation.
A few months later, he sent a report to the Father Provincial of the
Washington province. A description of the chosen property for the future retreat house was given. It is located 12 kilometers away from the city proper of
Bacolod. Today, it is geographically part of Bago City, Negros Occidental.
. . . The best (in our estimation) piece of property seen thus far and sufficient for our purposes, is the Guanzon property. At the present, the 10 to 20 hectares on an elevation are still somewhat of a distance outside the City of Bacolod. The very edge of the property has been surveyed for a Provincial road but nothing will be done about starting the road until after elections.292
Opposition to the Retreat House Project
290 Father Giles, O.C.D., to Dear Father Provincial, September 27, 1958. 291 Father Giles, to Father Provincial and Defnitory, July 10, 1959 and Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and His Councilors, June 5, 1961. 292 Father Giles, to Father Provincial, October 25, 1959. 123
The Bacolod project however drew the apprehension of some of the friars in the prelature. Some friars felt that the new foundation was impossible to finish.
Hence, those who were stationed in the Prelature of Infanta petitioned the
Provincial Definitory in Washington to stop the Bacolod project. It was their position to let Father Gabriel Gates either work with them in the prelature or return to the United States. 293
The friars’ main apprehension was the huge amount that was needed in order to complete the project. The amount of $50,000.00 (its equivalent at that time was more than P100,000.00), was needed just to start the construction of the said project. This amount would cover one wing of the whole plan, i.e., one third of the whole Retreat House project.294 Among the friars themselves, there was a doubt as to their capacity to finish the project.295 Hence, negative opinions were not slow to come.
It is interesting to note that despite their strong opposition to the Bacolod project, the friars who were stationed in the prelature proposed that a Minor
Seminary should also be constructed together with the Retreat House.296 It was envisioned that the minor seminary would eventually increase the number of aspirants to the Order in the Philippines. Those who finished their studies in the
293 Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and His Consultors, Infanta, August 21, 1961. 294 Father Gabriel, O.C.D., Bacolod, to Dear Father Albert, March 6, 1963. 295 See Father Dominic, Infanta, to Dear Father Christopher, June 24, 1961. 296 See Minutes of the Meeting of Very Reverend Father Joseph Mary Flanery, O.C.D., Apostolic Administrator of the Prelature “Nullius” of Infanta, Quezon with the Very Reverend Father Christopher Latimer, O.C.D., Provincial of the Discalced Carmelite Fathers (Province of Washington), the Very Reverend Father Dominic Scheerer, O.C.D., Delegate Provincial, and their Respective Consultors, Bishop’s Palace, December 26, 1960. 124
Minor seminary may then be sent to the novitiate in Jaro, Iloilo City for their formation in Carmelite spirituality.297
Despite the apprehension and the disparagement from the friars in the prelature, the Bacolod project continued. In the midst of the many heated discussions, the land for the future retreat house was blessed, on July 20, 1961.
Regarding the retreat house. I just received a telegram this morning from Fr. Gabriel. It states . . . BISHOP WILL BLESS LAND FOR RETREAT HOUSE MORNING JULY TWENTIETH CAN YOU COME AT LEAST DAY EARLIER FOR BIG AFFAIR. Signed GABRIEL . . . It is the first I heard about any blessing of the land. However, I stick to my opinion about the retreat house . . . no matter how well blessed the land is. The minor seminary………??? I didn’t ask about this in the meeting. It seems that this was going to be sneaked into the deal if the retreat house went through. I believe that the same problem exists. There are no priests to run one. It will need financial backing to keep it running. . . . I just asked Monsignor Xavier, Fr. Joe-Mary and Fr. Benedict about this question. They all think the idea is wonderful . . . as the retreat house is . . . but they can’t see how it can be done.298
While the friars in the missions were not enthusiastic over the retreat house project, the general leadership in Rome gave its complete support. It was the Father General’s express desire to continue the foundation in Bacolod despite the difficulties. He wanted to establish a house of observance, where the
297 Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., Baler, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Provincial, December 2, 1958. 298 Letter of Father Dominic, Infanta, to Very Reverend and Dear Father Christopher, Holy Hill, July 13, 1961. 125
“missionaries could go and renew themselves from time to time.”299 Moreover, it was also the opinion of the general leadership that the Retreat House can help bring out the contemplative identity of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the
Philippines.300
The biggest problem of the Bacolod project concerned finances, besides the lack of moral support from the friars in the prelature. This was due to the fact that there was no foreseeable source of financing to finish the project. Moreover, the friars’ resistance against the Bacolod undertaking was caused in large part by the fact that they were not consulted during its initial stages. Hence their reaction was precisely “because of the way it was forced on us as the idea of two men who tried to gamble a brilliant success out of nothing.”301
In the beginning, the project was placed directly under the supervision of the Washington Provincial. In time, the faculty of the Delegate Provincial was extended to include the Bacolod project. The standing difficulties however, moved the Delegate Provincial in Infanta to report to the Washington provincial of his plan to give up the Bacolod endeavor.302
About Bacolod your letter made it pretty clear that you don’t want to borrow any more money and I am now going to follow my real judgement (and I have tried to be honest and give Gabe every break I could); I am writing to him today also to ask him to meet me here after my return from Hong Kong (next week). I will tell him that I will not endorse his efforts to borrow money in the States (citing your present
299 Cf. Letter of Father Albert of the Blessed Sacrament, Rome, to Dear Father Provincial, May 16, 1963. 300 Ibid. 301 Letter of Father Benedict, to Father Provincial, July 14, 1964. 302 See Unsigned Letter to Very Reverend and Dear Father Giles, O.C.D., Polillo, January 19, 1959. 126
desperate situation and his complete unreliability). As far as I am concerned, I think that his presence down there is foolish in the circumstances. He is doing nothing but bringing ridicule on the Order. Far better if we quietly move Gabe out to the States on his six year furlough to plead his case in the States and then keep him there. We can wrap up his so called operation and let it lie until someone (perhaps the Irish) can do something with it years in future - when it might be ready with the men and money.303
Construction and Blessing of Our Lady’s
Hill Retreat House
Despite the problems, the construction of the Carmelite Retreat House continued albeit slowly. The actual start of the construction of the first wing of the
Retreat House in Bacolod started only in the summer months of 1964.304 This would take place after Father Bernard Ybiernas and Brother Bonaventure Potter were assigned to Bacolod in order to help Father Gabriel Gates.305
On May 15, 1965, the cornerstone of the retreat house was laid. A year later, the first wing of the retreat house was ready to be inaugurated.306 Finally, the retreat house was blessed, inaugurated and dedicated to Our Lady on July 17,
1966. Father Dominic Scheerer, O.C.D., the Delegate Provincial of the Carmelite friars of the Washington province and Bishop Manuel Yap, of the Diocese of
Bacolod were among those who graced the occasion.307
303 Letter of Father Benedict, Infanta, to Dear Father Provincial, November 1, 1964. 304 Letter of Father Gabriel, Bacolod, to Dear Father Christopher, April 25, 1964. 305 Letter of Father Gabriel, to Father Albert, March 6, 1963. 306 See Our Lady's Hill Inauguration and Blessing Souvenir Program, July 15-16-17, 1966. 307 Ibid. 127
The original plan of the Bacolod foundation was a massive three-wing building that would house the monastery of the friars, a Retreat House and a
Minor Seminary. What the Teresian Carmelite friars of the Washington province accomplished was one wing of the whole original plan.
CHAPTER VII
THE BIRTH OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSARIAT
Aspirations for Unification
On April 1959, the Very Reverend Father Pierluigi of St. Christina
O.C.D., conducted a General Visitation, to the Carmelite missions in Infanta.308 It
308 Cf. Letter to Very Reverend Father Gabriel, O.D.C., Dublin, January 20, 1958. 128 may be important to note that the Visitation took place a few years after the friars of the Washington Province expressed their objections with regard to the Anglo-
Irish friars’ missions in the Philippines. Among the issues that were taken up during the course of the said Visitation was the novitiate house that was being set up in Jaro, Iloilo City by the Irish friars. The American friars had originally wanted to initiate and thus have jurisdiction over it.309
In the course of the Visitation, the friars from the Washington Province came to know of the Father General’s desire for the unification of the Teresian
Carmelites in the Philippines. At the time however, some of the friars understood unification in the Philippines to mean that “the whole Philippines with all of its projects” be given to the jurisdiction of the Washington province.310 Hence, a discussion on the unification topic ensued between the Infanta friars and the
Father Visitator.
At the end of the Visitation, Father Giles Dzuban of the Sacred Heart, the
Washington Delegate Provincial, and his Councilors convoked a special meeting.
A letter in regard to the probable unification of the Carmelites in the Philippines was drafted. This was given to the Father Visitator, Father Pierluigi with the request to present the matter to Father Anastacio of the Holy Rosary, the Father
General, and to the General Definitory at that time.
Having spoken to Very Rev. Fr. Pier Luigi [sic] about the Unification of the Order of the Discalced Carmelites in the Philippines, and having considered and discussed this matter, we would like to make the following observations: 1. That there be vested jurisdiction in the Philippines.
309 Cf. Letter to Very Reverend and Dear P.N. Thomas, December 27, 1956. 310 Letter from Holy Hill, to Dear Father Giles, April 26, 1959. 129
2. Concerning the matter of Personnel -- good, exemplary Religious should be chosen and sent with a choice of: a. Missionary activity in the Prelature of Infanta. b. Regular monastic observance. c. That these Religious, after a period of some time, be permitted to return to their respective Provinces, if they so choose. 3. That the financing of this Unification be undertaken, until such time that the Province can finance itself, by: a. The American Province b. The Irish Province c. The Generalate We consider the above observations as necessary for Unification of the Order in the Philippines.311
The House of Studies in Quezon City
Meanwhile, the young Filipinos in the novitiate house in Jaro were about to start their academic studies. A house of studies was therefore an urgent need.
The Irish friars started to plan for the construction of a monastery wing at the
Shrine of our Lady of Mount Carmel in Broadway. This would serve as “the scholasticate – the students attending Santo Tomas seminary if PN General permits.”312
. . . I was invited to a meeting last Tuesday morning at the Irish Frs. QC [sic] church. Present were Fr. Mark, Fr. Reginald and Fr. Alban, their newly appointed vocation director. At this meeting it was decided that Fr. Mark would have construction of the monastery wing at the QC property completed by the beginning of the 1966 school year. They intend to use it as the Major Seminary -- or rather, residence since they intend to ask permission to send the students to the SVD Seminary near by. . . . They have agreed to accept anyone at the novitiate that we send to them after the completion of 2nd year college at San Jose [Seminary]. In fact, I think they have scrapped their plan to have a special Latin school in Jaro and will follow our
311 Minutes of the Special Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and his Councillors [sic], Infanta, May 29, 1959. 312 Letter of Father Benedict, to Dear Father Provincial, July 14, 1964. 130
lead and also use San Jose to prepare for the novitiate any candidates they may have.313
The construction was expected to be fast. It was anticipated that the project would be started and finished within 1966. In the meantime, arrangements were made in regard to the incoming student-friars’ academic training.314
Since my return, I had a brief meeting with Father Dominic [Scheerer]. Since the most urgent area of coordination seems to be that of vocations and formation, we shall implement as energetically as possible the points of agreement between Your Reverence and Father Reginald. If I remember rightly, these are the chief points: 1) Send Minors [sic] to San Jose Seminary 2) Send majors for Philosophy and Theology to Loyola House of Studies. 3) Change Novitiate to Carmel Heights near Manila.315 . . . It is my opinion, there is no need for us to participate in a common residence.316 It may result in a big common head-ache. After all, Broadway is only ten minutes ride from the Ateneo and the obvious solution would be to transport the students to Loyola while housing them at Bway [sic]. In fact, before my departure from Dublin, Father Reginald and I agreed that we should start building immediately at B.way [sic] to provide for the first batch coming from the novitiate. At the moment, Max Vicente is planning a new wing of three floors which will provide sixteen cells, refectory, offices etc.317
313 Letter of Father Benedict, to Dear Father Provincial, August 12, 1964 and Letter of Father Benedict, to Dear Fathers and Brothers, August 29, 1964. 314 Cf. Minutes of the Inter-Provincial Meeting, San Jose Seminary, May 3, 1967. 315 This was 5 hectare piece of land located in Holiday Heights, Muntinlupa City. The novitiate project never materialized and friars of the Anglo-Irish province, lost this piece of property inasmuch as they were not able to fulfill the stipulations of the contract which provided that a public church had to be built in the area within ten years. 316 During those years, religious superiors from various religious congregations considered the possibility of setting up a common residence. Planned to be constructed within the Ateneo de Manila University Campus, the residence would serve the needs of the religious seminarians who were enrolled at the Loyola House of Studies. A committee was thus set up in order to explore the feasibility of such a project. (Cf. Report of the Committee to Explore the Feasibility of a Common Seminary, Loyola House of Studies, September 6, 1966). 317 Letter of Father Mark, O.C.D., Quezon City, to Very Reverend, Dear Father Benedict, October 13, 1966. 131
The actual construction of the monastery wing at Broadway however, started only in the middle of 1967. Father John Mary Chin, O.C.D., who took over the project from Father Mark Horan, O.C.D, modified the original plan of the monastery. A floor was added to the original three-story building. This building is the present site of the Monastery of St. John of the Cross, the Discalced Carmelite
House of Studies.
Local Vocations to the Order
With the construction of the new monastery wing in Broadway, the matter of recruitment of vocations to the Order began to be considered in depth.
Independent of each other, the Anglo-Irish and Washington friars’ apostolic endeavors in the country were generally impressive. There was no doubt that they had contributed much to the prelature of Infanta, Jaro, Iloilo City and Quezon
City. However, there was a lack of growth in regard to native vocations to the
Order.
Assuming it is timely and that a healthy renewal will continue within the Order it is clear that we should have a definite vocation policy. Such a policy will give guidelines to all as well as those assigned to handle candidates. Less anyone think recruiting is solely the job of the vocation promoter, a mistake of the past, let it be understood that every member of the community must play some part in recruiting and developing new members. If such concensus [sic] can not be reach [sic] it is evident we are not ready as community to receive new members. I would like to make some personal observations regarding my survey of some ten religious groups in the Philippines. . . . 6. Our present commitment to the Prelature should be carefully noted. Furthermore, the fact that after 24 years of service to the people of the Prelature we have not had a single priest ordained for either the diocesan clergy or the Order says something. At this time it might be in the interest of the Church if we spend what extra energies we have 132
on developing a local clergy. This should be in keeping with Vat. II and sound mission thinking.318
Proposals were then made in regard to the issue of vocation promotions in the Philippines. These transpired during a meeting that was held in the course of the Pastoral Visitation of Father Benedict Bishop, the Washington Provincial
Superior, to the friars in the Philippine missions. The said proposals were an attempt of the friars of the Washington province to foster and thereby increase the number of local vocations to the Order. A copy of the proposals was subsequently sent to the Order’s General Definitory in Rome.
1. “In view of our established general objective, which is to: build up the Christian community and the promotion of the Discalced Carmelite Order in the Philippines, we, the Carmelites of the Washington Province in the Philippines, propose to take a more active part in the promotion and development of the Order in the Philippines; to this end, we propose to establish a house of formation in the greater Manila area, which will serve as a pre-novitiate, novitiate and house of studies, to staff this house with an educative community, and to accept resources -- manpower and finances from the generalate and from the provinces of the Order.” This was carried by a vote of 20, with 1 abstaining. 2. “That Father Benedict, Father Simeon and Bishop Labayen be authorized to take up this proposal with the Irish Carmelites.” Carried unanimously. 3. “That Father Benedict fully endorse the above consensus to Father General in view of immediate implementation.” Carried unanimously.319
It is important to take into account that the first resident of the prelature to be ordained priest for the Order was Father Salvador De la Cruz. A resident of
Polillo island, but is actually a native of Tabaco, Albay in the Bicol region. He came to know of the Carmelite friars while working in the parish church of
318 Copy of Notes on Vocations, Father Richard, July 1970. 319 Letter of Father Benedict Bishop, O.C.D., Provincial, Hubertus, to The Venerable General Definitory, Rome, September 11, 1970. 133
Polillo. He eventually decided to join the Washington province of the Teresian
Carmelites and took his vows on July 31, 1967. He was subsequently ordained priest on April 2, 1975. He has since left the Order and the active ministry in
1996.
The second resident of the prelature to enter the Order was Father
Florentino Santiago. He grew up in the town of Maria Aurora, but was actually a native of Bagong Sikat, Gabaldon, Nueva Ecija. He was professed as a Carmelite religious on May 15, 1974 and was ordained priest on December 28, 1978. He has left the Order and is currently incardinated in the diocese of Houma-Thipodeau,
Louisiana, United States.
It would only be after the Philippine Commissariat was created that the first local resident born in the Prelature of Infanta would enter the Order, in the person of Father Joel Borreo. He joined the Order on June 12, 1978 with the intention of becoming a religious brother. He professed the vows on September
15, 1979 and on April 16, 1986 he was ordained priest.
Meanwhile, the Irish friars’ community in Broadway welcomed the
American friars’ proposal, in general. They resolved to “wholeheartedly support the proposal to take a more active part in the promotion and development of the
Order in the Philippines.” However, “the same community unanimously rejected the proposal to establish a new house of formation in the greater Manila area, as being impracticable now.”320
Perceived Causes of the Slow Growth
320 Minutes of the Meeting of the Broadway Community of Discalced Carmelites of the Irish Province, n.d. 134 in Local Vocations
The lack of growth of vocations to the Order was allegedly caused by the formators’ inability to inculturate Carmel into the Philippine situation. This was referred to as the Irish friars’ “cultural weakness.” The friars of the Washington province contend that the major area of conflict between the personnel of the Irish and American province was cultural.
This is probably centered on our American opinion that the Irish are very insular and formalistic and that they do not like the idea of Filipinization or a loosely structured “team” approach to an educative community. Our Americans are very strong for this.321
The option of establishing a new house of formation: a novitiate and house of studies, in the greater Manila area was broached. This was due to the fact that the Irish friars were perceived by their American counterparts to be incapable of handling the formation work, both in the Jaro novitiate and the Quezon City house of studies. Hence, “the American missionaries have no confidence in the superiors of these Irish houses or the personnel presently stationed in them to do what must be done now.”322 The friars of the Washington Province were convinced that the newly proposed set-up would ensure an increase of Filipino membership in the
Order.
. . . The educative community of this proposed new house of formation would be composed (ideally!) of suitable American and Irish religious with at least one of our Filipino priests. The superior should be of our Washington Province so that we could be sure that the policy agreed on would be fully implemented. We feel that the principal financial aid should come from the Irish community in the
321 Father Benedict Bishop, A Report “On The Situation of the Discalced Carmelite Order in the Philippines,” January 1971, 6. 322 Ibid. 135
Philippines since they have more funds available and greater resources, and have fewer demands on their resources.323
From the interviews conducted by the author with the senior Filipino friars, there was never a lack of aspirants to the Order and there were a good number of aspirants who entered the novitiate in Jaro. However, it is interesting to note that during the years of the Jaro novitiate’s operation (1962-1971) only six
Filipino Carmelites were professed. Two were professed for the Washington province: Father Salvador de la Cruz (professed July 31, 1967) and Jose C. Dural who left the Order while he was in theological studies (he is now a diocesan priest in the Diocese of Lucena).
On the other hand, four were professed for the Anglo-Irish province. They were: Father Ildefonso Mirabueno, Jr. (professed September 9, 1970), Bishop
Rolando Tria-Tirona (p. July 31, 1967), Brother Herminio (Herman) Gaylan (p.
February 28, 1966) and Brother Dominic Escorpiso (p. 1964). Brother Dominic later became a Third Order Carmelite Regular. He continued to live in the Jaro community from 1967 to 1974. He re-joined the first Order when the Davao
Commission was started. He subsequently took his vows on June 12, 1977, as a first Order friar again.
The need for establishing the Order in the Philippines was apparent as indicated by both the American and Irish friars. However, certain problems still needed to be addressed. The above-mentioned proposal by the friars of the
Washington province brought to the fore once again the conflict on jurisdiction
323 Ibid., 1. 136 over the novitiate program. This time the American friars did not lack words in their proposal to establish a new formation house.
. . . (c) To accomplish this goal our Province must establish a house of formation over which it has full jurisdiction. This does not rule out full co-responsible participation by members of other Provinces in this particular educative community; (d) If this cannot be granted by Gen. Def., members of Wash. Prov. will in conscience refuse to recruit vocations.324
The Beginnings of an Independent
Filipino Carmel
These developments must have impelled the Order’s general government in Rome to conduct another Visitation in the Philippine missions. The
Washington Provincial Superior was subsequently informed of such a decision.
We have discussed the matter of a visitation to the Philippines in our General Definitory and have decided that one of our Definitors will go there to study the situation and carry our (sic) the visitation. Afterwards a decision will be made by the Definitory General. The Canonical Visitation will include your houses and those of the Anglo-Irish province. I have informed the Irish provincial of this and I feel sure much good will accrue to the Order in the Philippines as a result.325
The Very Reverend Father Christian of St. Teresa, a member of the
General Definitory, was tasked to undertake the Visitation in the Philippines.
Intensive preparations were made for the impending Visitation. The friars of the
Washington province held a plenary meeting in Manila. The matter of increasing the number of Filipino vocations was then discussed. All were agreed that a separate Filipino province or a Commissariat had to be eventually established in
324 Unsigned copy of notes, “Manila House,” n.d. 325 Letter of Father Michael Angelus, Rome, to Dear Reverend Father Provincial, December 11, 1970. 137 the country. This could be facilitated through the proposed house of formation in the Greater Manila area.
The said formation house was intended to be a joint venture of the Irish-
Filipino-American Carmelites in the Philippines. Moreover, it was the Filipino
Carmelites who would direct and have the leadership of the formation house.
They would also have the authority to select the members of the formation community.326 This scheme was part of the American friars’ intention for the
Filipinization of all the Carmelite activities in the country, including formation work.
It is important to note that in 1970s, the Irish friars requested for a Filipino
Carmelite from the Washington province who would act as the Master of Students in Broadway. Father Eliseus (Jose Ma.) was chosen by the Irish friars for the mentioned position. However, the request was turned down due to the continued lack of manpower in the prelature of Infanta. Thus, the work of formation of the student-friars remained in the hands of the Irish friars.327
The Very Reverend Father Christian of St. Teresa, who conducted the
General Visitation, came to the Philippines with specific instructions from the general government.
According to the instruction given me by the General Council on January 15, 1971, I have been designated to collect all information and to make a thorough investigation, in so far as possible, so that the General Council can judge concerning the question of how to promote vocations for the Order in the Philippines and so that the General Council can make the necessary decisions regarding this question. In other words I have to prepare as well as possible all the information
326 Cf. Minutes of Meeting, Manila, January 5-7, 1971. 327 Cf. Letter of Father Reginald, Dublin, to Dear Father Benedict, July 6, 1970. 138
for the decision of the General Council so that Carmel will be firmly planted in the Philippines.328
During the course of the Visitation, Father Christian observed the mission activities of the American and Irish friars’ in the country. Moreover, an assessment was made on the existing condition of the inter-provincial effort in forming young Filipino candidates to the Order.
I think this is a fact we have to accept: up till now, both the Irish and Washington Fathers tried to make one common novitiate and one study house for both provinces. After a couple of years, it was impossible to go ahead together. There were a lot of reasons for this: the difference in the “mentality.” It means that the Irish Fathers did not trust the Washington kind of Carmelite-life and wanted to give a formation according to their own opinions. On the other hand, the Washington Fathers did not trust the Irish mentality and wanted that the education would be according to their opinions regarding to Carmelite-life after Vatican II and the last General Chapter. Another important reason was a big lack of communication. . . . After this explanation, it will be clear that it is quite impossible to go ahead in this way, so that the novitiate and the formation can be in a house either of the Irish or Washington Province. On the basis of the experience in the past, the Filipinos are the group that are [sic] neglected, because the Irish and Americans disagree on the way to be followed for the formation and education of the Filipinos. Therefore the Filipinos request for a house with a Filipino atmosphere, free of the influences of the Irish and American “mentality.”329
The Need for an Independent
House of Formation
At the end of the General Visitation, a report was submitted to the General
Council. Father Christian presented his recommendation in the light of the
Filipino friars’ future and that of Carmel in the Philippines.
328 Copy of “Report on Promoting Vocations to Carmel in the Philippines,” n.d. 329 Ibid. 139
It should be possible to organize one house for novitiate and formation with a Filipino atmosphere, independent of the missionaries, but under the responsibility of both Delegate Provincials and, eventually their councils, or directly under the General Council. If it is not possible to organize such a house, the Washington and Irish Provinces have to go their own ways. But they do not want to do this. Because if they do, it appears that the Order will not have any real future in the Philippines. Then, on the supposition that each province will go their own ways, Carmel will be less attractive to the Filipinos than it was in the past. And the peace between the Washington and Irish Fathers will be gone completely. Also, the Filipinos will not accept this solution, because they are interested in a Filipino Carmel and a Filipino education. According to the new decrees, I think it will be possible to make a statute for an independent house.330
The Visitator also took into consideration the American friars’ recommendation for a house of formation in the Greater Manila Area and the Irish friars’ proposal for a new novitiate in Holiday Hills in Muntinlupa City. To the former recommendation, the Father Visitator opined: “the conclusions are very idealistic, but typical of a meeting held by men with noble intentions but without the obligation to realize something on their own responsibility.”331 To the Irish friars’ proposal, Father Christian was convinced that it was also unacceptable due to finances that would be involved in the construction of a new building.
Moreover, the site of the proposed new novitiate was far from the nearest seminary making it impractical. Hence, he preferred not to take any of the proposals given by the Irish and American friars. “At present, it seems to be prudent to go out of Manila and not to go to Holiday Hills. Until now, there is only one possibility outside Manila.”332
330 Ibid. 331 Ibid. 332 Ibid. 140
Consequently, Father Christian visited the Archdiocese of Davao. The intention was to consider the possibility of establishing a formation community in
Davao. It would be far enough from the influence of both the Irish and the
American friars. An ocular inspection was therefore made for the probable location. Subsequent offers were not slow in coming. Among the properties that were first offered for the use of the Carmelite friars was that of the Santos’ family, located adjacent to the compound of the Shrine of Infant Jesus of Prague in Davao
City.333 However, the Archbishop of Davao cautioned the friars from accepting offers that might get them entangled in the political affairs of donors, in this particular case, the Santos’ family.334
Nonetheless, the Archbishop himself positively welcomed the possibility of the Carmelite friars’ foundation in Davao.
It gives me great joy to know that you are considering the idea of sending your Filipino seminarians here to study at St. Francis Xavier Regional Seminary. I wish to state here, as I have already assured you during your visit here, that they are heartily welcome; I am almost sure that they could readily fit in the Course of Study that is offered here; this will be the subject of further arrangements later. We have been considering also the proposal you broached to me and to my Coadjutor Archbishop of establishing a Community here of three Carmelite Fathers with the three Carmelite seminarians. This is also a very welcome idea for us, and we feel overjoyed realizing how much our people here will profit spiritually with the presence and, to some extent, the ministration of the Carmelite Fathers among us. . . . If you wish, we could help you find a place which you could rent and where you could start temporarily your community; this would not be difficult, and in fact we have already one in mind for you; this also would give your Community a good image here since the Church here is trying to project itself as a Church of the poor.335
333 Cf. Letter of Catalina G. Santos, to Dear Father Christian, March 1, 1971. 334 Letter of Archbishop Clovis Thibault, P.M.E., D.D., and Archbishop Antonio Mabutas, D.D., Davao City, to The Very Reverend Father Definitor, Rome/Manila, March 2, 1971. 335 141
Soon after, Archbishop Mabutas would request the friars to look after the spiritual needs of the Carmelite nuns and Secular Carmelite members in Davao by
“providing a chaplain for them, taking care of the religious services in the
Carmelite Chapel and taking care charge [sic] of the Tertiaries of which we have a big group here.”336
The Davao House of Formation
Meanwhile, the General Definitory in Rome received the results of the
Visitation conducted by Father Christian with much satisfaction.337 Preparations were then made by the Definitory for the establishment of a new foundation in
Davao City.
On March 23, 1971, the Father General of the Order, Father Michael
Angelus of St. Joseph, established a new house of formation in Bajada, Davao
City.338
You will be very happy and thankful to Our Lord and the General Definitory -- and so I am -- that our proposal should be accepted of starting a new house of formation and education in the Philippines,
Ibid. 336 Letter of Archbishop Antonio M. Mabutas, D.D., Davao City, to Very Reverend Father Definitor, Rome/Manila, March 8, 1972. 337 Cf. Letter of Father Christian, O.C.D., Rome, to Dear Father Simeon, March 3, 1971. 338 Decree of Father Michael Angelus of St. Joseph, Rome, Erection of the House of Formation, March 23, 1971. 142
Davao City, with a Philippino [sic] atmosphere, preparing the independence of Carmel in the Philippines. The General Definitory has accepted the results of our discussions, interviews and meetings as general norms to realize this house. . . . The new house in Davao is, both, the house of the novices and the house for the students, according to the New Decrees of the last Chapter General of 1967-1968.
This house will be under the authority of the General Definitory; it will be governed by special Statutes. . . . Our Father General appointed Most [sic] Rev. John Chin al Phen as his General Delegate for the new house in Davao, because one of the members of the has to be the official person for the communication with the General Definitory, particularly to give every three month [sic] a report to the General Definitory about this house and al the things done by the Commission in connection with this house.339
The Davao Formation Commission
Thereafter, the General Definitory appointed a team of three friars that would staff the newly established house of formation.
The Superior of the house has all the rights given to the Superior of a house of formation according to the New Decrees of the last Chapter General. The Superior of the house in Davao City will be Father Eliseo Lopez, Philippino [sic] and member of the Province of Washington. He is already appointed member of the Commission. Besides are appointed for the educative community of this house of formation and education: Father Elia (John Walsh) of the Province of Anglo-Hibernia and Father Alfred of the Province of Washington and former Parish-priest of Polillo. In case it should be impossible to appoint Father Alfred, Father Arnold of the Province of Washington is appointed. He is the present Parish-priest of Baler. Later on Our Father General will send the official documents for the nomination of Father Eliseo, Father Elia and Father Alfred or Father Arnold. In this document will be the date of the transfer of the
339 Letter of Father Christian, O.C.D., Rome, April 1, 1971. 143
new house and the nominations of the Master of the Novices and the Magister for the students.340
The Davao Commission
Furthermore, the General Definitory created, on the same day, a
Commission that would supervise the newly established house of formation.
Appointed were: Bishop Julio Xavier Labayen, the Bishop-prelate of the Prelature of Infanta; Father John Mary Chin Al Phen, the Delegate Provincial of the Anglo-
Irish province; Father Simeon Mahoney, the Delegate Provincial of the
Washington province and Father Eliseus (Jose Ma.) Lopez of the Washington province.341 The nature and function of the new Commission was specified.
It is the task of the Commission to prepare these Statutes and to propose them to the General Definitory; very important will be to define in these Statutes the relations between the General Delegate and the Commission; also to define the relations between the Commission and the educative community of the new house; and also to define the powers of the Commission! For this the Commission will need some experience of this new house. . . . It is the task of the Commission, after certain time of experiment, to give the General Definitory its opinion about how long time a General Delegate has to be incharge [sic]; how a candidate for this function can be proposed, etc. For instance, it could be advised that a General Delegate would be appointed for one, two or three years and that he would be proposed by the Philippino [sic] Carmelites; or that he would be the Provincial Delegate of the Washington Province, taking turns with the Delegate Provincial of the Province of Anglo- Hibernia; or a nomination “ad nutum” could be the best solution! . . .
It will be necessary that the General Delegate and the Commission at the beginning will have a meeting to discuss how to start the new foundation; to make a plan for all the work to do, concerning this new foundation; and especially to decide who will take charge of it.
340 Ibid. 341 Decree of Father Michael Angelus of St. Joseph, Rome, Establishing the Davao Commission, March 23, 1971. 144
The General Delegate, in full agreement with the Commission, has to supervise this new house; he has to promote vocations for this house according to the general norms in the Philippines for the admission of candidates for religious life and the priesthood, and naturally according to the norms for the admission of candidates for the religious life in Carmel; he has especially to supervise this house from the religious and economic point of view.342
Accordingly, the Commission held a meeting and discussed the instructions that were given by the General Definitory. Tasks were then set in order to ensure that the formation community could acquire a temporary residence as soon as possible.
Davao Commission on Formation Pioneering Team
On May 1971, Fathers Sean Walsh and Eliseo (Jose Ma.) Lopez, the first two members of the Commission, took possession of the temporary residence in
Bajada, Davao City. Father Arnold Boehme later followed on August 24, 1971 after it was ascertained that Father Alfred Wood, the original appointed member of the Commission, would not return from the United States. All these were in view of starting the formation program during the Schoolyear 1971-‘72.343
“1. In compliance with the instructions of the General Definitory, all four of us discussed about the means of setting up as soon as possible the new House of Formation in Davao. It was suggested that Father John Mary and Father Eliseo should approach and request the Rev. Mother Ignatia, Mother General of the R.V.M. Sisters, for the use of
342 Letter of Father Christian, April 1, 1971. 343 Minutes of the Meeting at the Tertiary House, April 13-15, [1971]. 145
their Practice House at Bajada, Davao City, as our temporary House of Formation.”
“2. It was also agreed that Father John Mary should go ahead to Davao to inform the two Archbishops, Msgr. Thibault and Msgr. Antonio Mabutas, of the decision of our General Definitory, and to make the preliminary arrangements for the opening of this new house; that Father Eliseo, the superior of the new house, should go soon to Davao to get the place ready for occupation.”344
The Carmelite student-friars: Brothers Jose Dural, Ildefonso Mirabueno and Salvador Cruz, arrived in Davao City in July 1971. They subsequently took their seminary studies at the St. Francis Xavier Seminary in Davao City.
Moreover, the admission of novices was postponed until June 1973.345 By that time, Father Arnold Boehme had already been appointed Novice Master and
Student Director of the house of formation in Davao City. At the same time, he was also appointed as Vicar Provincial of the American friars in the Philippine missions.346
The American friars in the Infanta missions objected to the multiple responsibilities handled by their Vicar Provincial. They felt that the distance between Davao and the prelature of Infanta would render the Vicar Provincial inaccessible to the friars in the mission area. There were perceived problems in
344 Minutes of the Meeting of the Commission, April 14, 1971. Negotiations for the Carmelite friars’ use of the property owned by the R.V.M. sisters started in April 18, 1971. On May 6, 1971, the friars were informed by the Superior General of the R.V.M. Sisters of their General Council’s approval of the friars’ request. Thus, did the Home Economics Practice House of old Immaculate Conception College in Bajada, Davao City become the friars’ temporary residence. Moreover, part of the agreement between the R.V.M. Sisters and the Carmelite friars was the chaplaincy of the R.V.M. Retreat House in Davao City. 345 Cf. Father Arnold Boehme, O.C.D., Philippine Community Report for the Provincial Chapter of the Washington Province, June 1972. 346 Cf. Letter to Fr. Arnold Boehme, O.C.D., September 27, 1972 and Letter from Rome, to Dear Reverend Father Arnold, n.d. 146 terms of coordination and communication with the existing set-up. However, despite the objections raised by the American friars in the missions, the General
Definitory and the Washington Provincial Superior upheld the previously mentioned appointments.347
Eventually, Father Arnold was also appointed by the General Definitory as the Vocations Director for the Teresian Carmelite friars of the Davao
Commission. This brought an added wave of opposition from the American friars.348
Moreover, the Irish friars later registered their dissatisfaction and complaint towards the formation given to the Filipino formands in Davao. They contended that the many responsibilities of Father Arnold had led to the detriment of the formation of the young Filipino Carmelites in Davao. Hence, a letter signed by eleven Irish friars was sent to the Father General in Rome.349
Consolidation Plans in the Prelature
Meanwhile, the problem of manpower continued to affect the friars in the prelature of Infanta. The establishment of a new foundation in Davao City compounded this. The friars therefore, began to consider the option of concentrating their small number in one section of the prelature.350 They felt that
347 Ibid. 348 Cf. Letter of Father Terence J. Flynn, O.C.D., Provincial, to Very Reverend Michael Angel Batiz, O.C.D., Rome, April 18, 1973. 349
Cf. Letter to Father General, January 25, 1975. 350 147 this arrangement would make them more effective in their pastoral work.351
Hence, negotiations were made for the eventual entry of other religious congregations.
Bishop Labayen read to the group the letters of the Apostolic Nuncio and the Superior of the Augustinians which showed interest and capability of taking over the northern portion of the Prelature. The matter has been referred to their General Superiors in Spain, and, if approved at their recent Chapter, will have to [be] referred to Rome. If there is no hitch in the proceedings, this help may be available within 6 months to a year. The offer of the Dingalan parish to Bishop Reyes of Cabanatuan City by Bishop Labayen was mentioned, but although Bishop Reyes has shown interest, nothing definite about such a transfer has been discussed or decided between the two Ordinaries up to the present time.352
The Carmelite friars were hoping that they would be able to regroup themselves within the Polillo-Infanta area while the Spanish-Filipino Augustinian friars administer the northern part of the prelature.353 The issue of concentrating the friars in one area of the prelature would again be taken up during the
Visitation of the Washington provincial. The friars then informed Bishop Labayen of their plan and intention to concentrate in just one part of the prelature by April
1973.354
Cf. Letter from Waverly, to Very Reverend Simeon Mahoney, O.C.D., Ermita, June 12, 1971. 351 Boehme, “Philippine Community Report,” June 1972. 352 Minutes of the Meeting at the Cenacle, Quezon City, August 15-17, 1972. 353 Cf. Letter of Dominic, Maria Aurora, to Dear Ben, August 31, 1972. 354 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting, February 22-23 [1972] and also Letter of Terence J. Flynn, to Very Reverend Michael Angel, April 18, 1973. 148
The Augustinian friars’ kept on delaying their final decision whether to move to the prelature or not. The possibility of the Augustinian friars helping out in the prelature was never realized, for reasons that remain unclear.
Meanwhile, Bishop Labayen requested the S.V.D. Fathers to administer the parishes of Polillo and Bordeos, in the south, for a period of three to five years. This request was turned down by Father Simeon Valerio, the S.V.D.
Provincial Superior due to their own problem in regard to the lack of manpower.355
These above-mentioned developments in the Prelature of Infanta may have led the Carmelite friars to reconsider their planned consolidation to go to the north rather than remain in the south. This would eventually take place by the end of 1974. By that time, the prelature already had an additional four newly ordained diocesan priests, who were assigned in the south. These men had started their theological studies at the San Carlos Major Seminary of the Archdiocese of
Manila. However, a disagreement broke out between Cardinal Rufino Santos of
Manila and some of the seminary professors. Protest ensued on the part of the seminarians.
In due course, Cardinal Santos dismissed these seminarians from the
Major Seminary. Subsequently, four of those dismissed seminarians who were among those involved in the protest action applied to Bishop Labayen. After their theological studies in Maryhill School of Theology they were ordained for the
Prelature of Infanta.356
355 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting in Manila, August 7-8, 1973. 356 Cf. Letter of Arnie, Bajada, to Dear Father Terence, November 14, 1973. 149
Phase-out Plan
Accordingly, Father Terence Flynn, the Washington Provincial Superior, set a Visitation to the country.357 This was intended to help clarify the issues that were raised by the friars. Moreover, he informed the General Definitory of such an action in order to avoid anything that would further disturb fraternal relations with the Irish friars.
I am writing to inform you that I am planning a visit to our men in the Philippines. I will leave Youngstown on the 10th of February for the Redlands, California where I will meet the Provincial of Ireland. I will confer with him before proceeding to the Philippines. My projected date for arriving in Manila is February 19th. I hope to be there a month. . . . Since our meeting in Amsterdam, I have thought a great deal about the situation and prayed hard over it. In light of what I have gathered from afar, I have the following impressions: 1) That there is a mounting division among the mission community which I do not think is serious but nevertheless surfaces from time to time. I would hope that perhaps we can work through some of this during my visit. 2) That they feel to some extent that the Province is disinterested in them and their efforts at this time. (Perhaps this feeling has arisen since I have become Provincial. I think they felt in the past that Father Benedict understood the situation there fully and could represent it adequately to the Provincial Council.) I am hopeful that my visit will be able to stem some of this. 3) That the hope and future of the entire effort there is with the house of formation.358
In the meantime, there were already informal talks of the friars’ phase-out from the prelature in 1974.359 This was brought about mainly by the steady decline
357 Telegram of Terence, to Manila, January, 26, 1973. 358 Letter of Terence J. Flynn, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Christian, O.C.D., Rome, February 1, 1973. 359 Letter of Joe-Mary, Dingalan, to Dear Terry, May 29, 1974. 150 in the number of Teresian Carmelite friars who were stationed in the parishes of the prelature.360
In 1975, the friars proposed for a five-year phase out plan in the prelature of Infanta.361 At the time, there were only seven friars who were working in the prelature. This was a drastic decline considering that there were seventeen friars stationed there in 1970.362 The mother province, although interested in the missions, was no longer capable of sending enough men to the Philippines.
Moreover, the prelature of Infanta was steadily getting a number of diocesan seminarians for the prelature.363 It was therefore considered that the northern part of the prelature would be gradually taken over by the diocesan clergy. Subsequently, the Carmelites were to take on a new apostolate that would manifest the Carmelite spirituality and charism.
PROPOSALS: “1. That the Discalced Carmelites of the Washington D.C. Province continue to support, in the way they are able, the work in the Prelature of Infanta.” “2. That this support be in terms of manpower and funds.” “3. That as the Filipino diocesan priests take over, the Discalced Carmelites take up the apostolate of formation of the people of the local Church of Infanta according to their special charism of prayer.” “4. That for this purpose they are invited to put up in the Prelature of Infanta a center of Carmelite Spirituality in the context of the Pastoral trends of the local church in the Philippines today.”364
360 Cf. Minutes of the Carmelite Meeting, August 1, 1974. 361 Cf. Copy of the Report of Father Arnold Boehme, “Evaluation of the Philippine Community,” n.d. 362 Ibid. 363 Ibid. 364 Notes on “Suggested Plan,” February 10, 1975. Cf. also Minutes of the Meeting of the Discalced Carmelites (Washington Province), Quezon City, March 6, 1975. 151
Plans of a Philippine
Regional Vicariate
It was on the occasion of the Provincial Visitation of Father Terence that the general government’s plan of a Filipino Carmel became increasingly likely.
The General Definitory made efforts towards the integration of the Washington and the Anglo-Irish communities in the Philippines.365
The possibility of a regional vicariate in the Philippines, as stipulated in the norms of the Order’s General Chapter in 1973 at Rome, began to be discussed.
It is organized “where the special need to expand and consolidate the Order warrants it, the Provincial Chapter should organize into a regional vicariate the various houses in a given region or territory far from the center of the province.
This should be done according to the norms established by the General
Definitory. It shall be governed according to the aforesaid norms and also according to a special statute for that vicariate.”366 The Philippine situation however was of a special kind of arrangement. This was due to the fact there were three different juridical entities that were involved: the American, Irish and the
Davao Commission.
Thereafter, the American friars in the Philippine missions submitted to their Provincial Council a proposal.
“1) We the members of the Washington Province working in the Philippines are in favor of establishing in due time a Filipino Province.”
365 Ibid. 366 1977 Constitutions and Directory, Discalced Brothers of the Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel, Directory, Part III, Chapter 1, no. 153a. 152
“2) Moreover, to facilitate this process we recommend to the provincial Council that they request the General Definitory to inaugurate dialogue between themselves and all the Discalced Carmelites in the Philippines with a view toward establishing in conjunction with them an appropriate structure to achieve this goal.” “3) Moreover, in making these proposals, we want to state clearly that any structure established by the General Definitory, after consultation with the Carmelites in the Philippines, would initially have to guarantee the following: 1… Retention of the right of the members to remain incardinated in their home province 2… That the present three (3) juridical entities (Davao; Anglo- Irish; Washington) be able to function separately for as long as it seems expedient in regard to personnel and finances, without prejudice to the protocol (211/74 D.F.) of the General Definitory.”367
It is important to note that the friars of the Washington province used to stay at the guest quarters of the Carmelite nuns’ monastery in Gilmore Quezon
City from 1947 to 1955, whenever they came to Manila for business. By 1955, they were able to obtain some place at the Ramona Apartments, located in
Adriatico St., Ermita, Manila. This was offered to the friars for free by Mrs.
Ramona Favis, a Secular Carmelite member.
In 1972, after the Provincial Visitation of Father Terence Flynn, they transferred residence to No. 3 Campanilla St., Quezon City. After almost two years, the friars moved to the fourth floor of the constructed monastery wing at
Broadway, Quezon City. Both the Irish and American friars subsequently signed a contract of agreement. It would suffice to say that the two circumscriptions, while staying in one compound remained distinct entities, with their own house policies, telephone line, chapel, refectory, etc.
367 Minutes of the Meeting of the Discalced Carmelites, March 6, 1975. 153
In a related development, Father John Venard Smith, who was a member of the Davao Commission and then Delegate Provincial of the Anglo-Irish province proposed for the inclusion of the Irish Carmelite missions in Australia into the planned regional vicariate.368 However, the Washington provincial opposed the idea.369
The above-mentioned proposal was subsequently presented to the General
Definitory in Rome. Moreover, suggestions were given on the nature of the proposed regional vicariate.
These proposals were formulated bearing in mind the juridical problems cited to me personally when I met with the general definitory before going to the Philippines. One possible manner in which we felt that this might be structured would be to have it structured at the beginning in a loose fashion so that a greater trust and familiarity between the three separate juridical entities might be gradually established. We felt that this could be possibly achieved in the following way. Presuming such an idea would be deemed advisable and approved by the provincial chapters of both Ireland and Washington, the general definitory could then sent out its representative to the Philippines to initiate a dialogue with all the Discalced Carmelites working in the area. After consultation some type of regional vicar, who would be acceptable to the three juridical entities, might be appointed and his role defined in the special statutes provided by the general definitory. It was suggested that this regional vicar might have as his council the vicar provincials of Ireland and Washington in the Philippines as well as the superior of the house of Davao or the president of the commission set up by the general definitory for the care of Davao.370
A Permanent House of Formation in Davao City
368 Cf. Letter of Arnie, Bird Island, to Dear Terence, Youngstown, June 16, 1975. 369 Cf. Letter of Terence J. Flynn, O.C.D., Youngstown, to Reverend Arnold Boehme, O.C.D., Bird Island, June 27, 1975. 370 Letter of Terence J. Flynn, O.C.D., Youngstown, to the Venerable General Definitory O.C.D., Rome, April 10, 1975. 154
The formation community of the new house in Davao City steadily settled into the new set-up. With the temporary house of formation in operation, the formative community began to look for a new place where the future monastery could be built.371 After much work and negotiations, the friars in Davao finally struck an agreement.
We finally got the title to our property. It was approved on April 29, the feast of St. Catherine and we got the title at 3:00 P.M. on April 30, first vespers of St. Joseph. It was only on May 2nd when we went to see the property to begin improvements that we noticed the patron saint of the small chapel near our property is St. Catherine! Now that we are land owners we will start immediately with improvements and the building.372
Arrangements were immediately set for the construction of a new monastery. It was the general government’s desire that the new foundation in
Davao City would be an inter-provincial effort. Hence, both the Washington and
Anglo-Irish province would equally share the expenses incurred in the construction of the monastery.373
. . . The Commission proposes that we in the P.I. try to raise as much as we can of the estimated 2,00,000 [sic] pesos required for the building, and that the Provinces make up the deficit. Agreed? The
371 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting, February 22-23 [1972]. 372 Letter of Father Arnie, to Dear Father Terence, June 1974. 373 Cf. Letter from the Casa Generalizia Carmelitani Scalzi, Rome, to R.A.P. Ioanni Venardo Smith, O.C.D., June 28, 1974. 155
building is under way, and we hope to have it completed in October. Of course the estimate is nearly twice the original.374
In a subsequent letter, it was clarified that the estimated cost of the building was P300,000.00 ($45,000.00 at an exchange rate of P6.65 to a dollar).
Moreover, the formation community in Davao felt that they would be able to raise
P100,000.00 on their own. Hence, they expected the Washington and Anglo-Irish province to contribute P100,000.00 for each province ($15,000.00).375
In their meeting, the members of the Commission for the Davao foundation noted a seeming change of attitude by the General Definitory in regard to the status of the Davao foundation. “It appears that they prefer to consider it now rather as an Inter-Provincial House rather (sic) than as one directly under the jurisdiction of the Definitory General.”376 Hence, a clarification was sought regarding this matter.
Simple Profession in Davao City
In the middle of the above-mentioned developments, the novitiate program in Davao yielded its first fruits. This took place a year after the community began to accept novices in 1973.
Our two novices “Tino” [Florentino] Santiago and “Synx” [Sincero] Elma made their first profession this May 15th. Fr. J.V. [John Venard] Smith came to receive their vows. It was a simple ceremony here at the chapel of the R.V.M. Sisters. It was however an historic occasion because they were the first to make their profession here since we started our foundation in Davao. They are the first real
374 Letter of John Venard Smith, O.C.D., Manila, to Dear Father Terence, July 27, 1974. 375 Cf. Letter of Arnie, to Dear Father Terence, August 21, 1974. 376 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting of the Commission for the Davao Foundation, Broadway, May 25, [1975]. 156
members of the Davao community which, we hope, will someday become the Philippine Province of Carmelites. Also, at the end of July Salvadore [sic] Cruz will make his final profession. Salvadore [sic] “Buddy” is a member of the American province. The three of us Fathers here have been busy following up papers for the property, giving retreats during the summer, and preparing the novices for the profession. The retreat of the novices was given by a Good Shepherd Sister, a Presentation of Mary Sister, a Sacred Heart Brother and myself. Let us hope they got the “best of everything.”377
Blessing and Inauguration of the
Monastery of the Holy Family
Finally, the construction of the new monastery in Davao was completed.
The Inauguration Mass and Blessing was set on December 28, 1975 (Feast of the
Holy Family, the patronal feast of the Davao monastery) at 10:00 A.M.378
Archbishop Antonio Mabutas of Davao presided at the Eucharistic celebration and blessing of the monastery. Bishop Julio Xavier Labayen of the Prelature of
Infanta was the homilist during the historic occasion.379 The Provincials of both the Washington and Anglo-Irish province, Very Reverend Fathers Terence Flynn and Jerome Lantry, signified their intention to attend.380 However, it was only
377 Letter of Father Arnie, to Dear Father Terence, June 1974. 378 Letter of Invitation to the Inauguration Mass and Blessing of the Carmelite House of Formation. 379 Cf. Letter of Arnie, Tugbuk, to Dear Father Terence, October 3, 1975. 380 Cf. Letter of Arnie, Manila, to Dear Terence, November 18, 1975. 157
Father Jerome Lantry, the Anglo-Irish Provincial Superior who was able to attend the affair.381
With the construction of the Davao monastery accomplished, the friars now geared their attention towards the future of the Davao foundation. Hence, discussions were made between the Irish provincial, Father Jerome Lantry,
Bishop Labayen, Father Michael Fitzgerald, the Irish Delegate Provincial and
Father John Venard Smith, the current Superior and Novice Master of the Davao foundation. It was meant to come up with an agreed-on proposal over the projected regional vicariate.
. . . Off hand, the most painless idea proposed is a Commission . . . made up of the two Vicar Provincials and a couple or one of something else. This Commission would meet and regularly deal with the situations or items of common interest and common responsibility. Since it would dove-tail by membership into the Davao Commission, it could, feasibly, handle questions such as assignments of future Carmelites coming out of the Davao House . . . if by that time something more advanced has not evolved. The Commission would decide among themselves who should be Vocation Director. It could fairly decide how to share the expenses. It could decide on an American or an Irishman to handle the Corporation Paper work which is of common interest to both groups. At least it sounds good in fantasy.382
Meanwhile, the members of the Commission in Davao requested the
General Definitory for a new appointment of friars who were to be assigned to the house of formation in Davao. They were as follows: Father John Venard Smith
(as Superior, Master of Students and Novice Master), Father Jose Ma. Lopez
[Eliseo] Lopez and Father Thomas Martin.383
381 Cf. Letter of Dominic, to Dear Terence, January 11, 1976. 382 Ibid. 383 Letter to Very Reverend Father Finian Monahan, O.C.D., Rome, July 26, 1975. 158
Correspondingly, the official letter from the General Definitory appointing
Father Venard Smith as Superior, Student Master and Novice Master was received on November 1975.384 Likewise, Father Tom Martin was officially appointed to the Davao house of formation on April 13, 1976.385 However, Father
Tom Martin would only make the transfer in June of 1976.386 A year later, he would leave the Davao house of formation and be reassigned elsewhere due to personality differences with the house superior.387
The Regional Commission
The Davao Commission was entirely different from the Inter-Provincial
Regional Commission. This was because the Regional Commission was “an advisory body to the two Provincial Delegates on matters concerning Carmelite activities in the Philippines. It is an organ that would foster and facilitate the smooth inter-merging of the three Carmelite groups in the Philippines. It also acts as a ‘grievance committee’ that openly and fraternally accepts complaints and grievances from any Carmelite Father and Brother, and it hopes to help thresh out the difficulties brought to its attention.”388
384
Cf. Letter of Arnie, to Dear Terence, November 18, 1975. 385 Cf. Letter of Father Finian of the Queen of Carmel, to Father John Venard Smith, O.C.D., Davao, April 13, 1976. 386 Cf. Minutes of the Meeting of the Davao Commission, Broadway, March 5, 1976. 387 Cf. Letter of Dominic, Maria Aurora, to Dear Terence, February 10, 1977. 388 Report on the “Meeting of the Inter-Provincial Reginal Commission,” Broadway, August 5, 1976. 159
Father Jerome Lantry also made subsequent discussions with the friars from the Anglo-Irish and Washington Provinces. Thereafter, the friars who attended the said meeting, voted upon a proposal. They were nineteen in number, all of whom were stationed in the Philippines.389 “There were three who could not make it, one from theirs [the Anglo-Irish Province] and Elias and Anselm from ours.”390
The main topic discussed was co-operation between the Washington Province, the Irish Province and the Davao Community. The following proposals were voted upon. 1. That a commission be formed to facilitate co-operation between the members of the Washington Province, the Irish Province and the Davao community. RESULT: 17 for ; 3 against 2. That the Delegate Provincials of the Washington and Irish Provinces be ex-officio members of this commission. RESULT : UNANIMOUSLY APPROVED 3. That the third member of the commission be chosen from the Davao community. RESULT : UNANIMOUSLY APPROVED 4. That a fourth member be elected by all the Carmelites in the Philippines. RESULT : UNANIMOUSLY APPROVED 5. That a fifth member be elected by the Filipino Carmelites from the entire group, (i.e., all finally professed Carmelites in the Philippines having passive voice, finally professed Filipinos only having active voice). RESULT : UNANIMOUSLY APPROVED 391
On August 5, 1976, the members of the Regional commission held their first meeting. Father Bernard Ybiernas was elected “ad hoc” chairman of the
389 Cf. “Memo on the Joint Meeting of the Members of the Washington and Anglo-Irish Provinces in the Philippines with Father Jerome Lantry, Irish Provincial,” Broadway, January 17, 1976. 390 Bernard, Bacolod, to Dear Father Provincial, January 20, 1976. 391 “Memo on the Joint Meeting,” January 17, 1976. 160 commission, with Father Rolando Tria-Tirona as secretary. Among the items that were discussed was the nature of the new commission.
Nature of the Commission
The Inter-Provincial regional Commission is an advisory body to the two Provincial Delegates on matters concerning Carmelite activities in the Philippines. It is an organ that would foster and facilitate the smooth inter- merging of the three Carmelite groups in the Philippines. It also acts as a ‘grievance committee’ that openly and fraternally accepts complaints and grievances from any Carmelite Father and Brother, and it hopes to help thresh out the difficulties brought to its attention.392
By September 1976, the members of the new Regional Commission were complete. Fathers Michael Fitzgerald and Dominic Scheerer, Delegates Provincial for the Anglo-Irish and Washington provinces, were automatic members of the new commission. Fathers Bernard Ybiernas, Anselm Cañonero and Rolando Tria-
Tirona were elected members of the said commission.393
Visit of Father General in 1976
Meanwhile, there were already talks, as early as July 1976 that the Father
General of the Order would conduct a Visitation to the Philippines before the end of the year.394 Preparations were made in view of the rumored General Visitation.
On October 19, 1976, a joint meeting was held between the members of the
Davao Commission and the recently created Regional Commission. Proposals were subsequently presented.
392 Report on the “Meeting of the Inter-Provincial Regional Commission,” August 5, 1976. 393 Cf. Letter of Dom, to Dear Terence, July 13, 1976. 394 Cf. Letter of Terence J. Flynn, O.C.D., Hubertus, to Father Dominic Scheerer, O.C.D., Manila, July 28, 1976. 161
“1. That our students in theology be transferred from Davao to Manila, e.g., to our house at Broadway.” “2. That an educative community be set up in Manila for continued formation of our students.” “3. That the function of the Davao Commission be absorbed by the new Regional Commission.” “4. That the educative community in Manila be under the supervision of the Regional Commission.” “5. That the Regional Commission be given the capacity to assign new priests and brothers coming from our House of Formation.”395
Consequently, the friars proposed to the General Definitory for the transfer of the house of studies to Manila. It was suggested that the formation community in Manila should be separate from the Broadway community.396
Moreover, it was recommended that the transfer be made the soonest time possible -- at the start of the academic year 1977-‘78.397
Reasons in favor of the possible transfer of our professed students from Davao to Manila were presented and discussed. The main reasons favoring this move are the following: 1) Low academic standards in the Davao Seminary 2) The emphasis in the Davao Seminary is too pastoral considering the present and future apostolates we are in. 3) It is difficult to have three different groups of students, and thus, three different programs in the same house, i.e., a different program for the postulants, the novices, and the students. 4) An educative community could be set up at Broadway for them. 5) Good seminaries are available in the Manila area. 6) The House of Formation is not large enough to be a complete house of formation.398
395 Cf. “Minutes of the Joint Meeting of the Davao and Regional Commissions,” Tugbuk, October 19, 1976. 396 Cf. Letter of Father Dominic T.A. Scheerer, O.C.D., Manila, to Very Reverend and Dear Father General, Rome, March, 10, 1977. 397 “Minutes of the Carmelite Inter-Provincial Meeting,” Manila, January 26, 1977. 398 Ibid. 162
The Father General formally approved the request for the transfer of the house of studies to Manila on April 29, 1977.399 However, the formation community was still part of the Shrine-Parish community. It would only be in the
1980s that the House of Studies became independent from the Shrine-Parish community. Moreover, the impending visit of the Father General opened new options in regard to the existing Davao circumscription.
OPTION I To begin setting up a semiprovince of the Order in the Philippines in such a way as: a) to discover how many of our brothers in or outside the Philippines are willing to become permanent members of a semiprovince here, (count me in) b) to gather other pertinent data on our situation and conditions extant in the Philippines in the light of the requirements of a semiprovince as set down in the 1976 Constitutions, 141, 142 and 220, and in the Directory 144 to 149. c) To present this data to a group meeting to get a consensus of those who volunteer to join as to whether it be opportune to present the proposition to the General during his visit. If this be judged as not feasible at this time then I submit for your deliberation. . . .
OPTION II Following the same preliminary procedures to request the General Definitory to grant the Regional Commission and its chairman the same ordinary power and jurisdiction as a provincial has in a province with his provincial council, so that what the provincial council can do the Commission could do and what the provincial can do the Chairman can do. . . .
OPTION III Without affecting the incardination of those who already have it in the U.S. or Irish province or their government in the Philippines, to request the General Definitory to give the Davao Commission and its Chairman the same jurisdiction over the conventuals of the Davao House as the Provincial Council and the provincial has over the houses in a province, with exceptions specified. . . .
399 Cf. Letter of Very Reverend Father Felipe Sainz de Baranda, Vicar General, Rome, to Reverend Father Dominic T.A. Scheerer, O.C.D., Greenhills, May 26, 1977. 163
OPTION IV To revise the Statutes of the Davao Commission in such a way as to mention each specific article needed in it for the smooth operation of the House of Formation.
OPTION V To remove the immediate jurisdiction of the House of Davao from the General Definitory and put it into the hands of the General. . . .400
The decrees of the 1968 OCD General Chapter provide that circumscriptions other than provinces or semi-provinces are to be placed under the jurisdiction of the General Definitory.401 However the same decrees provide that the General Definitory can “grant dispensations from the Constitutions in matters concerning the government of Provinces and monasteries, but only in special cases (C.C. 463).”402 In effect the General Definitory may, in some cases, delegate powers to the General of the Order in so far as the jurisdiction of some houses is concerned.
Meanwhile, it was already ascertained that a General Visitation in the
Philippines was set for September or October of 1977.403 A joint meeting between the Anglo-Irish and Washington provinces with the Father General was scheduled on October 19-20, 1977. They intended to discuss the following issues: a) the future direction of the Carmelite Order “today”, i.e., its response to the needs of
400 Letter of Father Herman, to the Regional Commission, May 19, 1977. 401 Cf. Carmelite Renewal: Decrees of the General Chapter 1968, On Government, The Erection, Suppression and Modification of Provinces, Part V, Section III, Chapter 14, no. 144. 402 Carmelite Renewal: Decrees of the 1968 OCD General Chapter, no. 109k. 403 Cf. Letter of Arnie, to Dear Terence, July 20, 1977. 164 the local church [c. 1977] and b) the “unity of the two provinces.”404 An inter- provincial meeting that was held on September 22, 1977 would precede it.405
Earlier on, the friars of the Washington province held a meeting in order to prepare themselves for the scheduled inter-provincial meeting in October. They were unanimously agreed to consider the possibility of a unified system of government for the Carmelites in the Philippines. Hence, a proposal was made.
. . . What emerged was a Regional Commission which is sort of a Hybrid Commissariat, which was referred to as “the new five man commission.” Although similar to the Commissariat there would be a five man commission with the authority of a provincial instead of a commissary. This commission would have a rotating chairman. Many were of the opinion that two members of the five man commission should be the two delegate provincials. All Carmelites in the Philippines would be members of the “Commissariat” by virtue of incardination or by being on loan to the “Commissariat.” The above system of government would insure the following: a) It would preserve the Irish and American identity. b) There would be one body in charge of formation and the apostolate. c) It would give teeth to the regional commission which would take over the responsibility of the Davao Commission and would also have the power of a Provincial and his Council. d) The members coming from our Houses of Formation would have a home or place where they could be incardinated.406
The Birth of the Philippine
Commissariat
404 Minutes of the Provincial Meeting of the Washington Province (Philippines), June 17, 1977. 405 Cf. Minutes of the Discalced Carmelite Fathers Meeting, Manila, September 20-21, 1977. 406 Ibid. 165
The visit of the Father General finally laid to rest the concerns regarding the Davao Commission, the Davao house of formation and the Regional
Commission. On October 26, 1977, Very Reverend Father Finian of the Queen of
Carmel, O.C.D., established the “Philippine Commissariat of the Discalced
Carmelites.” Thus was the Filipino Carmel born.
The Commissariat shall be administered in the same way as a semi-province (cfr. [sic] Directory No. 152) with the following clarifications: 1. The religious of the Washington and Anglo-Irish provinces at present assigned in the Philippines are members of the Commissariat. They shall retain their incardination in their respective home provinces with passive voice in elections in provincial chapters and councils. However, in order to accept any office in their home provinces, the consent of the Definitory General is required. In accordance with our legislation, they have active voice in the Commissariat only. 2. Those already professed in the Davao House of formation and anyone professed in the future in the Philippines shall be incardinated in the Commissariat. 3. The withdrawal of any member from the Commissariat must be approved by the Definitory General. 4. The Commissary shall be automatically religious superior of the religious in the mission of the prelature of Infanta. 5. Any conflicts that may arise in connection with the interpretation of those norms or the government of the Commissariat shall be referred to the Definitory General.407
The Father General subsequently appointed Father Michael Fitzgerald as the first Commissary of the Philippine circumscription. Preparations were then made for the first Philippine Commissariat Chapter. Thus, a meeting was convened with the purpose of formulating the general goals and objectives for the upcoming Commissariat Chapter and the corresponding necessary steps that were
407 Decree of Father Finian of the Queen of Carmel, O.C.D., Superior General, Manila, October 26, 1977. 166 to be taken in order to achieve them, especially in regard to Carmelite ministry and identity.
Five Committees were approved to prepare material for the Chapter. These committees and their members are as follows: 1) Vocations: Father Arnold and Brother Dominic 2) Finances and Corporation Matters: Fathers Arnold, Paul & Gregory 3) Formation of Students: Fathers Michael, Herman, Jun, Arnold, Rolando and Brothers Amang & Sincero 4) On Going formatioin: Fathers Bernard, Alan, and Tom Martin 5) Apostolate: Fathers Dominic, Elias, Salvador, Tom S. [Shanahan] , Francis, Alban, Anselm, and Brother Herman. A sixth committee was added for Community Life but no members were assigned.
After some discussion about where to start, we set up these priorities for the agenda: 1) Goal Formation 2) Present Commitments and Personnel 3) Procedure for the Chapter 4) Chapter: Agenda, Time and Attendance 5) A Common Retreat 6) Vacation Leave Policy 7) Regional Meeting 8) Terminology of the Commissariat408 9) Status of Joe Birmingham and Noel Power.409
The First Philippine Commissariat Chapter
On April 10-14, 1978, the first Commissariat Chapter was held in Jaro,
Iloilo City. Father Michael Fitzgerald opened the Chapter with a call for all the friars to work together towards the creation of a future Filipino Carmelite province. The first step has been accomplished. The Philippine circumscription
408 During the regional meeting, it was agreed: “although we are a Commissariat with a Commissary as our superior, we decided to agree on what terminology to use for public consumption. We will use the terms Philippine Province, Provincial and Provincial Council”. (“Minutes of the Regional Meeting of the Discalced Carmelites,” Manila, January 10-12, 1978.). 409 Ibid. 167 was now a Commissariat. The challenge is to plant firmly a Filipino Carmel that would truly be at the service of the local churches in the Philippines.
What we must aim at is, in general terms, a progressive discovery of the meaning and demands of our vocation and mission in the context of the present needs and expectations of the church in the Philippines. At this, and at subsequent meetings of this kind, we must shape a policy and define steps to be taken which will aid us to cherish and foster our personal and shared charisms and turn them to maximum benefit in the service of each other and people of God amongst whom we live and work. . . .
A great spirit of sacrifice, dedication and faith is called for – faith in ourselves individually and as a group, faith in one another, faith in Carmel, faith in the Filipino, faith in the envisioned Filipino province of the future, above all, in and through all, faith in the Spirit of God at work in our midst and in the midst of the people to whom we are sent. The setting up of the Commissariat was a striking manifestation of this Spirit at work in and through us, drawing us beyond the narrow limits of our own vision, impelling us out of our timidity and prejudices, bridging traditional rifts and inspiring us with a dream – the dream of an eventual, sturdy, flourishing Filipino province, and convincing us that we are the men chosen to begin translating that dream into reality. . . . In this respect ours is a great responsibility – the responsibility of enfleshing the spirit of the Order in its integrity and purity, and passing it on intact, and, hopefully, enhanced, to future generations of Filipino Carmelites. If we fail in this, then the setting up of the Commissariat will seen from the standpoint of the men of the future as a cruel deception, and all our talk about a future Filipino province will be seen as just so much Quixotic nonsense.410
With the birth of the Philippine Commissariat, the task of realizing the Filipino Carmel now begins. . . .
410 “Opening Address of the Father Provincial,” [First Philippine Commissariat Chapter]. 168
CHAPTER VIII
CONCLUSION
Assessment of the Work of the Teresian Carmelite Friars in the Philippines
This section aims to assess the work of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the
Philippines in the light of the following dimensions: the spirit of the founder, theology of mission and the growth in faith of the people being ministered to.
The Spirit of the Founder
The Teresian reform was generally aimed at the restoration of the way of life of the early hermits on Mt. Carmel.411 “The renewed Carmel -- like the ‘little flock’ in the Gospel -- was to be made up of a chosen few, totally pledged to living the Gospel and keeping the ‘primitive Rule’ in solitude, and strict poverty.”412 Interestingly, Teresa of Jesus’ stress on the renewed Carmel’s apostolic spirit became intense as she progressed in the spiritual life.
411 Joachim Smet, The Carmelites: A History of the Brothers of Our Lady of Mount Carmel, vol. 2 (Darien: Carmelite Spiritual Center, 1976), 28.
412Discalced Carmelites Constitutions and Norms, Constitutions, Part I, Chap. 1, no. 5, 36. 169
Finally the renewed Carmel’s vocation was fully and clearly defined when the Holy Mother’s growing experience of the Church focussed [sic] her attention on those who had not yet had the Gospel preached to them. Then the immense prospects of the missions dawned on her. As a result her apostolic spirit fully evolved, and she made up her mind not only to have the first group of her nuns spread out into other foundations, but to include in her project a group of friars who would share in the same spirit.413
Although the reform of the Carmelite nuns began in 1562, that of the friars began to take shape five years later. This was brought about by Teresa of Jesus’ request to the Very Reverend Father General, John Baptist Rossi, who was conducting Visitations to the Carmelite monasteries in Spain in 1567.414 While the
Father General encouraged Teresa of Jesus to continue and establish more houses of the reform for the Carmelite nuns,415 he was reluctant to grant her the permission to start establishing houses of the reform for the Carmelite friars.416
Nevertheless, Teresa of Jesus was not one who would easily give up. After her chance to meet and talk with the Father General in Avila, she followed up her request that “some friars observing the same rule with that of the nuns be established.”417 “Her aim in founding a family of friars was to foster the fidelity and spiritual growth of her nuns through the assistance of brothers of the same spirit, and to provide the Church with a manifold service of prayer and apostolic activity.”418
413 Ibid., no. 7, 37. 414 Cf. Kieran Kavanaugh, OCD and Otilio Rodriguez, OCD (trans.), The Collected Works of St. Teresa of Avila, vol. 3 (Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1992), 103. 415 Ibid., 103. 416 Smet, The Carmelites, vol. 2, 38. 417 Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 3: 105. 418 170
The Father General eventually acceded to Teresa of Jesus’ request.
Hence, he decreed on August 10, 1567 that “. . . some houses of friars of our order
[be established] in which Mass will be said, divine office recited and chanted, prayers, meditations and other spiritual exercises engaged in, so that they be called and actually be houses or monasteries of contemplative Carmelites; the latter should also help their neighbor when occasion arises.”419 It was made clear by the same Father General “that these foundations be referred to as houses or monasteries of contemplative Carmelites.”420
Consequently, the first foundation of the friars of the reform began in the hamlet of Duruelo on November 28, 1568.421 Anthony of Jesus and John of the
Cross were the first to join the reform of the friars that had been initiated by
Teresa of Jesus. Initially, they were placed under the jurisdiction of the Province of Castille.422
While the first friars of the Reform were given to contemplation, prayer and solitude, they were also very much given to the apostolate and priestly ministry. Teresa, as Mother Foundress was edified by the friars’ pastoral involvement.
They used to go preach in many of the neighboring towns where the people were left without any instructions in Christian doctrine. On this account also I rejoiced that the house had been founded there. For I had been told there was no monastery nearby nor any place from
OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 8, 37-38. 419 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 38. 420 Kavanaugh and Rodriguez , The Collected Works, 3: 59. 421 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 50. 422 Ibid., 39. 171
which the people could get instructions, which was a great pity. In a short time the reputation of the Fathers was so great that I experienced the deepest consolation when I learned of it. For their preaching, as I say, they journeyed barefoot a league and a half, or two, for at that time they did not wear sandals (afterward they were ordered to wear them), and in much snow and cold. When finished with their preaching and confessing, they returned very late to their house for supper. In their happiness, all they did seemed small to them.423
In due course, the friars of the reform became a separate province. On
June 22, 1580, Pope Gregory XIII issued the brief “Pia Consideratione.” The document stipulated that the new province of the Carmelites of the Reform was placed under the jurisdiction of the Father General.424 Fray Jerome Gracian of the
Mother of God was elected as the first Provincial Superior of the Reform during the historical chapter in Alcalá on March 3, 1581.425
Fired by Teresa’s early desire and zeal to lead others into serving God, the friars of the reform would embark on their initial missionary activity to Congo in
April 5, 1582. However, they would only reach African soil, after three setbacks, on April 10, 1584.426 Thus did the missionary efforts of the friars of the Reform begin to unfold.
In 1585, Jerome Gracian and the Franciscan missionary Martin Ignatius
De Loyola met in Lisbon.427 As Provincial of the Reform, the former was trying to
423 Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 3: 166. 424 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 90. 425 Ibid. 426 Ibid., 104-5. 427 It is important to point out that it is this same Franciscan friar whom Teresa of Jesus earlier met in 1566. It was during that meeting with this missionary that Teresa of Jesus would be so inspired to expand the Reform of the Order that she had started (Cf. Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 3: 1-4). 172 expand the missionary efforts of the friars there, while the latter had just recently returned from the Far East. Both men entered into an agreement that would ensure their mutual missionary collaboration. The “‘Vinculo de Hermandad misionera’ was signed for the conversion of the pagans in Ethiopia (Africa), the kingdom of
China, the Philippines, and other parts of the East and West Indies.”428
In 1923, a Teresian Carmelite presence was established in the Philippines.
This was brought about by the foundation of the Carmelite nuns’ monastery in
Jaro, Iloilo City. However, it would only be in 1947 when the presence and the missionary activity of the Teresian Carmelite friars would take place in the country.
The friars began their ministry in the setting of a post-war Philippines. The entire nation, the civil government and the Church were both reeling from the ravages of the Second World War. It was in this context that the friars zealously contributed their share in helping re-build and start anew the life of the God’s people -- the Filipino Church.
As the friars steadily took the task and challenge of taking care of a vast area in Eastern Luzon, which was entrusted to them by the ecclesiastical authorities, the communities that were ministered to started to evolve into becoming prayerful and praying communities. Undoubtedly this was brought about, in part, by the friars’ efforts to lead God’s people into the ways and path of friendship with God. The parochial and sacramental ministry; catechetical and educational programs; spiritual direction and retreat movements were all geared towards this purpose. In all of these, the friars were filled with dedication and commitment. During her childhood years, Teresa of Jesus exclaimed to her brother
Rodrigo: “I want to see God!”429 The Teresian Carmelite friars in the Philippines
428 Smet, The Carmelites, 2: 105. 429 Giorgio Papasogli, St. Teresa of Avila (New York: Society of St. Paul, 1973), 24. As a child, Teresa wanted to die at the hands of the Moors in order to be united to Him for eternity. 173 made this cry their own rallying call. Their efforts: the sacramental and catechetical ministries and the varied apostolic activities were all geared at facilitating a friendly, frequent encounter with God.430 Indeed, the missions enabled the friars “to see God” in the faces of the people whom they served. At the same time, the people too were assisted so that they too could encounter God in the reality of their daily life. Faithful to the charism of the Order, the friars steadfastly responded to that universal call to mission.
The evangelization of the world, so intimately part of the very nature of the Church, in as much as it is to be accomplished primarily through love and prayer, has always been a priority in our Order’s apostolic work. Our Holy Mother St. Teresa passed on to the Order the ardent missionary zeal that burned within her heart, and it was her wish that her friars should also undertake missionary activity. This missionary zeal should be faithfully fostered, all should have the missions very much at the heart, and vocations to the missions should be encouraged throughout the Order.431
The beginnings of the Carmelite mission in the Philippines were, no doubt trying and difficult. To start with it was a fledgling Washington province that initiated the missions. Armed with determination and faith in Divine Providence, the friars opted for an isolated area in the then diocese of Lipa.
The six pioneering friars were welcomed by the abandoned convento and dilapidated church in Infanta. All throughout the mission area, the condition was generally the same, except in Baler. Decent physical structures for the church and convento were conspicuously absent.
430 It is important to take into account that Teresa of Jesus herself defines prayer as: “A loving, friendly, frequent encounter with God whom we know first loved us”. Cf. Kieran Kavanaugh, and Otilio Rodriguez, The Collected Works of St. Teresa of Avila, 1: 67. 431 OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 94, 77-78. 174
By necessity, the friars broke up into two groups: Baler-Casiguran and
Infanta-Polillo. Both mission stations were located at the opposing ends of the region. The terrain was rough and the road system was very poor. Moreover, both outposts were far from Manila. Consequently, correspondence from the Mother
Province in Washington was always delayed and regularly hampered. The same predicament was also true of the regular communication among the friars from the different mission stations.
The language and cultural barriers; the poverty of the people in the mission area; the tropical climate of the country; the financial status and the condition of the human resources of the young Washington province were among the challenges that the friars had to surmount. These were inevitable problems that compounded and accentuated the above-mentioned communication problem.
Moreover, certain places like the town of Infanta were wary in their reception of the friars upon their arrival.
With all these challenges mentioned, the friars themselves had to contend with the challenge of living out faithfully the Teresian Carmelite lifestyle of contemplative prayer and apostolic service in the mission area.
After the spirit of Teresa of Jesus, the friars’ enthusiasm and zeal were not dampened even in the face of so many demands and challenges. Armed with the
Teresian character of “determinada determinacion”432 they remained steadfast in their missionary commitment.
432 Part of the text from which this statement was written would read: “Ahora tornando a los que quieren ir por el, y no parar hasta el fin, que es llegar a beber de esta agua de vida, como han de comenzar digo que importa mucho, y el todo, una grande y muy determinada determinacion de no parar hasta llegar hasta ella. . .” (Obras de Sta. Teresa [Madrid: Editorial Apostolado de la Prensa, 1964], 449). 175
Despite the few number, the friars established numerous parishes and schools in the prelature of Infanta. Indeed, their work is a reminder of their dedication and commitment. The same impressive enthusiasm is also true of the
Teresian Carmelites friars from the Anglo-Irish province who were established in
Jaro, Iloilo City and in Quezon City.
The Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in New Manila became a popular place for confessions especially among the clergy and religious.
Propagating the devotion to our Lady and the Brown Scapular was a full time apostolate of the friars of the Anglo-Irish province. Moreover, they were also very much involved in spiritual direction and in the Retreat and Cursillo Movements.433
Eventually, the members of Secular Carmelites began to increase. The need for Religious Assistants and Spiritual Directors who would take care of their formation program, conferences, individual consultation and counseling was, therefore, in place.
At the same time, there was also a marked increase in the number of monasteries of Teresian Carmelite nuns. The vocation to the cloistered- contemplative life also needed to be attended to by the friars, in keeping with the mind of Teresa of Jesus.
Indeed, the mission was for all people to share in the life of God.434 For the
Teresian Carmelite this is a call to be witnesses of God through the practice of
433 Father Angus Cantwell, who arrived in the country and was assigned at the Shrine of our Lady of Mt. Carmel in New Manila in the mid 1960’s, was the first Executive Secretary of the Cursillo Movement in the Philippines. 434 Cf., Austin Flannery, OP (ed.), “Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation,” Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents (Northport: Costello Publishing Co., 1998), 750-51. 176 contemplative prayer for the service of the Church. At the same time, it is also a call to teach and form people in a life of prayer and meditation on the Word of
God, the source of Christian hope and commitment. In all these, we come to see that the missionary zeal of the first Carmelite friars of the reform was re-lived by the Teresian Carmelite missionaries to the Philippines.
It is not surprising that the teresian (sic) style of life has the perfect love union with God, as its aim, for all religious institutes have this as their primary object and tending towards evangelical perfection as their essential obligations. St. Teresa’s originality consisted in an explicit missionary dimension, in such a definitive way and with such force that she seemed to have put it in the foreground. . . .435
Theology of Mission
The end of the nineteenth century witnessed the renaissance of missionary activity in the Church.436 The prevailing theology of mission at the time focused on the establishment of local churches in the different mission areas. This was meant to bring the people under the fold of the Catholic Church. Generally, this was the constant challenge of the established churches in America and in Europe.
The Teresian Carmelite friars in the Philippines operated within the framework of the above-mentioned missiology. Initial efforts were geared towards the establishment and construction of parish churches and conventos.
Correspondingly, the Catholic educational system was also instituted and made operational. This was meant to provide the young in the area with religious instruction that was practically nonexistent. In fact, it was only upon the arrival of
435 Emmanuel Renault, The Apostolate of Contemplatives According to St. Teresa of Avila (Paris: Desclee Co., 1981), 118. 436 Bernard de Vaux, History of the Missions (London: Burns & Oates, 1961), 127. 177 the Teresian Carmelite friars that the Catholic educational system and religious instruction started in the Infanta-Baler region. At the same time, this particular ministry also sought to improve the literacy rate of the people in the mission area.
Despite their small numbers, the presence of the friars in the various mission centers ensured the regular administration and celebration of the sacraments. Hence, even the more isolated and far-flung places of the mission like
Casiguran and Palanan eventually functioned as a regular parish, staffed with a full time pastor. Once more, the churches and chapels began to become thriving centers in the mission area. A sense of unity was beginning to be fostered among the people.
The same holds true in the case of the friars from the Anglo-Irish
Province. They operated the mission stations in Quezon City and Jaro, Iloilo City.
Through the Retreat and Cursillo Movements and the Marian devotion through the Brown Scapular, the friars drew people to an experience of God through a life of prayer. Eventually, the people were also tapped to become active collaborators in the friars’ missionary activities.
As the work of the friars in the missions continued, more and more prospects for apostolate, ministry and missionary activity were discovered and opened.
Cooperatives were organized; credit unions were put into place and communities began to be organized. Unknowingly, these were little steps that eventually led the friars to organize Basic Christian Communities (BCC’s) in the Prelature of
Infanta and in Jaro, Iloilo City. 178
The Second Vatican Council was concluded in 1965. Apparently, it was the spirit of this Ecumenical Council that continued to inspire the friars in their endeavors. The friars were affirmed that their missionary activity was in fact a participation in the Church’s mission of continuing the mission of Jesus himself: of proclaiming the kingdom, of healing the sick, of establishing a dispensation of justice, peace and love.437 Hence, it may be stated that the friars’ missionary efforts were all geared towards trying to present the Church as the sacrament of
Jesus’ presence in the world.438
The Growth in Faith of the People
The growth of the people’s faith is a helpful basis for assessing the
Teresian Carmelite mission. It has been noted that the pastoral care given to the people in the mission area was extremely minimal prior to the arrival of the
Teresian Carmelite friars, due to the absence of priests. This condition was true, both for the friars from the Washington and the Anglo-Irish Provinces.
The friars of the Washington Province manned the Baler-Infanta region.
The people’s initial attitude towards the friars’ presence was one of indifference.
The seeming lack of interest in things that concerned faith and religion was in large part due to the long absence of priests in the area. The friars especially felt this attitude of the people during their early years in Infanta.
437 Cf., Flannery (ed), “Decree on the Church’s Missionary Activity,” Vatican Council II, 817. 438 Cf. Flannery (ed), “Dogmatic Constitution on the Church,” Vatican Council II, 350-60. 179
The Anglo-Irish friars for their part initially stationed themselves in Jaro,
Iloilo City. Their primary objective in coming to the country was the care of the
Carmelite nuns and the Secular Carmelites. They settled in Barangay San Isidro,
Jaro, Iloilo City, where the “casa madre” of the Carmelite nuns was nearby. The friars however, found themselves at the heart of a Protestant enclave.
A tremendous development in their respective communities gradually became visible shortly after the friars from both circumscriptions started their work. The Sunday masses and other liturgical celebrations gradually became well participated in by the people. The number of those who regularly received Holy
Communion improved. Also, the number of volunteer catechists, who regularly gave religious instructions to a growing number of interested people, increased.
The friars themselves who had worked in the mission attest to the great developments that had taken place.
The friars from the Anglo-Irish Province also noted an improvement in the faith life of the people. With their presence, Catholic liturgical services became more accessible to the Catholic residents in the largely Protestant-dominated area.
Gradually, the people began to actively take part in the religious celebrations.
Catholic students too, who were studying at the nearby university, found a nearby place where they could practice their faith and celebrate the sacraments.
In time, the clergy, religious and laity came to associate the presence of the Anglo-Irish friars with confessions and spiritual direction. This was true both for the stations in Jaro and in Quezon City. 180
Likewise, the so-called “apostolate of presence” of the American friars was a considerable help in fostering the faith of the people. People saw that their priests no longer just occasionally visited them. In fact the friars lived among and with them. It was this same presence that motivated the people to gradually become active, responsible and mature members of the Christian community.
Eventually, these very same people would be tapped to become the reliable servant-leaders of the local Church.
It is important to note that as the friars actively conducted themselves in the affairs of the mission, balancing the contemplative-apostolic dimension of the
Teresian Carmel remained a constant challenge. The expression of this charism often resulted in tension. Indeed, this is a tension that seeks a healthy balance.
This has been the challenge since the early days of the reform. This will be a tension that would continue to confront each Teresian Carmelite friar, as he tries to be faithful to the charism and place it in the service of the Church for the glory of God.
Action and contemplation are united and merged. In order to remain with God, the soul must obey the impulse of the Holy Spirit, who leads it here or there to accomplish His work. And everywhere the Spirit leads it in this manner, it finds God; for it bears within and enjoys Him in the sweet light of its inner experience. It is never more active nor more powerful than when God keeps it in solitude and contemplation; it is never more united to God nor more contemplative than when engaged in works to do God’s will, under the impulse of the Holy Spirit.439 Historical Lessons for the Teresian Carmelite Friars Today
439 P. Marie Eugene, O.C.D., I Am A Daughter of the Church, vol. 2 (Westminster: Christian Classics, 1979), 661. 181
The pioneering Teresian Carmelite friars had tremendous trust in Divine
Providence and in the protection of St. Joseph and our Lady. After the spirit of St.
Teresa of Jesus, they continually submitted their struggles and difficulties -- the entire mission -- to our Lady and to God who is Merciful Love.440
The friars counted on the support and the prayers of the brethren, as they went through the course of their mission. These, coupled with fraternal encouragement enabled the friars to remain steadfast in their work even as they confronted problems that were varied in nature.
The work is going ahead slowly but surely and our Lady is helping us to do her Son’s work. Pray that we may do it well.441
Like the first Teresian Carmelite missionaries to the country, the friars of the Filipino Carmel today need to continually entrust to Divine Providence, to St.
Joseph and to our Lady the new thrusts, directions and approaches to ministry.
The continual need for that contemplative stance – an “active listening” to the
Lord is very important. This is because “In the contemplative encounter, the Word of God in Scripture becomes the Word of God in us joined to the Word of God in life.”442
God himself in his loving designs closely associated St. Joseph with our Lady in the mystery of the Incarnation. This is why in our
440In all of her journeys, where she started the convents of the Reform, Teresa would always bring with her “a water clock, a tiny bell, their breviaries, holy water, a crucifix and some statues of our Lady, St. Joseph or the Infant Jesus”. Cf. Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 3: 51. The first house of the Reform, was placed under the care and protection of St. Joseph and our Lady (Cf. Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 1: 217). Moreover, of the seventeen convents of nuns that Teresa of Jesus herself founded, twelve were placed under the patronage of St. Joseph and two under our Lady. 441Father Andrew Mary, OCD to Dear Father Raephal (sic), Discalced Carmelite Monastery, n.d. 442 Camilo Maccise, Passing Through the Holy Door: As Brothers and Sisters Let us Enter the New Millennium (Rome: 1999), 12. 182
Order the cult of St. Joseph is so closely linked with that of our Lady. Led by St. Teresa, we lovingly venerate him as the spouse of the Virgin Mary, as the humble servant of Christ and his Mother, as a master and model of prayerful union with Christ and as provident provider of the Order.443
Moreover, the Teresian Carmelite friars today face the task and the challenge of “creative fidelity.” It is the call to remain faithful to the Reform’s original charism. At the same time it is also an invitation to seek creative and innovative ways of expressing that same charism.
As the century draws to a close we become more sensitive to the possibility of understanding the charism and mission of our Carmelite family in new and fresh ways. Many great writers and historians of the spiritual life have contributed to this insight. They were aware of emerging needs and called our attention to them: a more ordinary spirituality, a growing hunger for wider fraternity, the mystery of the Trinity and the challenge of culture, the new face of the Church and remembering our Jewish roots, new forms of communication, an awareness of the dignity of women, dialogue with other religions, a new theology of the Cross and martyrdom, the centrality of the Saviour and the freedom of the mature Christian. Inspired by our great heritage our saints have taught us the new approaches and languages needed to speak to new generations.444
Second, the pioneering friars were filled with zeal and enthusiasm as they volunteered themselves for the Philippine mission. True to the spirit of St. Teresa of Jesus, they always had the good of the Church and the promotion of the charism of the Order as foremost in the list of priorities.
The many missionary structures and various ministries that the friars themselves were involved with, despite the many contingencies, e.g., the perennial problem on the lack of human and material resources, the distance
443 OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 10, 59. 444 Maccise, Passing Through the Holy Door, 7-8. 183 between different mission stations, personal and cultural differences between the missionaries from the different provinces, all point to the friars’ fervor in the missions. Testimonies attest that there were friars who were willing to be assigned to the isolated and far-flung parish in Palanan, Isabela alone; or there were also those who accepted the task of building the present day Shrine of our Lady of Mt.
Carmel, while serving the Carmelite nuns as Religious Assistants and the Secular
Carmelites as Spiritual Directors.
However, there was a down-side. The above-mentioned enthusiasm and zeal of the friars reinforced the already strong tendency to be individualistic and
“parochial” in mentality. This later led to difficulties in collaborating with the other friars, especially those from other circumscriptions. Personality clashes, cultural disparity, as well differences in the monastic tradition, culture and expression of the Carmelite life were among the reasons for such a condition.
Given the present number of friars in the Filipino Carmel, there is that ever-urgent need for mutual trust and collaborative ministry. This may be expressed in the sharing of human and physical/material resources of every monastery. Individual and community apostolates, which form a part of the service of the Order to the local church, become more effective and powerful contributions, if well coordinated. This aspect of the Teresian Carmelite charism
-- of fraternity and community, become incarnated when friars are able to work as a team, going beyond disparity in personal views and cultural differences.
Our vocation unites us as brothers in a family modeled on the community of Christ and the apostles (ese colegio de Cristo’). This fraternal sharing must be evident in our life of prayer together, in our apostolic work and in the loving concern we show by sharing 184
everything we have with one another. There should be mutual acceptance in a true family relationship, with no one being made to feel excluded. The inevitable difficulties of community life should be faced up to in truth and charity, and overcome in a spirit of humility and forgiveness, so that all grow in mutual esteem and true friendship.445
Third, the problem of personnel needs to be seriously taken into account.
In the past, vocation recruitment was not given emphasis, nor was it a priority.
Lack of financial support, and the absence of personnel who could work full-time, made vocation promotions to the Carmelite way of life apparently deficient.
It is a given fact that a steady and adequate number of friars in the
Commissariat would ensure the continued work of the Order in this part of the world. A resolute, intensive and aggressive Vocation Promotions and Recruitment
Program is therefore in order. It is noteworthy that especially the since the triennium of 1999, up until the present, the OCD Vocation Promotions Ministry is considered a priority and has therefore been given special attention and support.
Friars in their individual capacity as well as on a community level have been giving significant assistance to the said ministry.
Fourth, it may be observed that the prevailing problem in regard to their small number did not dampen the friars’ enthusiasm to extend their ministry and expand their missionary presence. The Anglo-Irish friars in Jaro, for instance, also worked as formators when the said foundation was made the novitiate, aside from their regular work as religious assistant to the Carmelite nuns and spiritual directors to the Secular Carmelites. This same house in Jaro, would be elevated into a parish a few years later.
445 OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 73, 69. 185
On the other hand, more and more parishes were being established in the
Prelature of Infanta where the friars from the Washington Province were stationed. There were more parishes than there were priests. There was not much choice; the friars had to take care of more than one parish that was situated far from each other.
Given the pace of the growth in the mission stations, friars from both the
Washington and Anglo-Irish Province had to cope with the problem of personnel in their respective ministries. The growing needs of the Prelature of Infanta, the sacramental and spiritual needs of the people in the public churches in Jaro and
New Manila, the challenge of living the Regular life in a Novitiate and the formation needs of the Carmelite nuns and the Secular Carmelites were just tremendous.
This zeal and enthusiasm no doubt, brought out the best in the friars.
Moreover, their hard work and patience provided inspiration for the people who were placed under their care. They saw their pastors as intensely immersed in attending to their needs. Indeed, the Order dutifully placed herself at the service of the local church in nurturing and expanding the Catholic faith.
Fifth, the young friars of the Filipino Carmel also need to derive important lessons from those experiences in the past where undertakings may have been deemed a failure. It is important that new foundations, projects and undertakings need to undergo thorough feasibility studies and consideration. In the process of consultation, the friars’ opinions have to be given credence, deliberation and genuine serious consideration. 186
At the same time, the support of the individual friar is also very important in every undertaking and initiative, once a decision has been agreed upon. Such support is validly needed even in decisions and projects where the individual may not fully agree.
Since charity does not seek its own advantage but that of others (cf. 1 Cor 13:5, Phil 2:4) all should pray for one another and help one another with brotherly concern. There should be real wholehearted cooperation between the houses and the provinces. Any common projects proposed by the central authority of the Order should get our willing support; in this way we shall unite all our energies in fulfilling the Order’s mission at the service of the Church and of mankind throughout the world.446
Sixth, devotion to our Lady held a significant place in the missionary life of the friars. The Marian devotion was intensely propagated especially among the friars of the Anglo-Irish Province. Keeping in the mind the Marian features of the
Order, the friars made Mary better known to the people as Mother, Patroness,
Sister and Model -- themes that are very close to the Carmelite heart because they also reflect the experience of the Order itself throughout the centuries.447
This special bond with our Lady influences our whole approach to the pursuit of perfect charity. It pervades our communities and stamps our life of prayer and contemplation, our apostolic zeal and activity and even the kind of self-denial we practise, with a distinctly marian character. . . . Led by our Holy Parents, our Teresian Carmel treasured this commitment and strongly reaffirmed it. They acknowledged Mary as ‘Lady’ and ‘Mother’ of Carmel and propose her to us as a model of prayer and surrender of self on our pilgrimage of faith. They present her as she eagerly ponders God’s word in her heart and, with complete docility to the grace of the Holy Spirit, is inseparably united with her Son in the joys and sorrows of his Paschal Mystery. . . .
446 OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 81, 71-72. 447 Joseph Chalmers, O.Carm and Camilo Maccise, O.C.D., With Mary the Mother of Jesus: Our Lady in the Life of Carmel (Aylesford, 2001), 5. 187
In this way our profession, which binds us in a special manner to our Lady, and which we have put in her hands, will become a reality in our life. That too is what the scapular we wear symbolizes: that we belong to Mary and that we strive to be clothed with her virtues so as to mirror in the world the beauty of her holiness.448
It was particularly through the Brown Scapular of Carmel that the friars promoted devotion to our Lady. No doubt, it was an effective tool for evangelization that was used by the friars. Through the scapular, the devotees were challenged and reminded, as it were that “if we are clothed in Mary’s habit, we should strive also to be clothed in her virtues.”449 Thus, “the [brown] scapular is the Carmelites’ means of directing God’s people to Mary and thus to her
Son.”450
Seventh, the current challenge for Teresian Carmelites is to imbue our parishes with elements of our own Teresian charism. In so doing, the Order shall be able to transmit and share the richness of our spirituality to the people whom we serve through the parish apostolate.
What we are and what we do ought to bear the seal of, and be marked by, those traits that every Carmelite ought to give place of prime importance in their life. As a result, we understand Carmelite Parish to mean what has been entrusted to us the general objective of which must be particularly marked by the following features: to be witnesses to God’s love and fraternity, placing emphasis on spiritual life, devotion to Mary and living in service to others with the deep humanism found in Teresa and John of the Cross.451
448 OCD Constitutions and Norms, no. 48, 57-58. 449 Chalmers and Macisse, With Mary the Mother of Jesus, 23. 450 Ibid. 451 First International Congress for O.C.D. Paishes. Witnesses to the Experience of God: Global Plan for the Carmelite Parish, First International Congress for O.C.D. Parishes (Villa de Leyva: 2001), 6. 188
Final Remarks
This study attempts to provide a descriptive, historical survey of the various pastoral ministries of the Teresian Carmelite friars during the early stages of its mission in the Philippines.
As with most beginnings, the times that the friars were in from 1947 to
1977 were replete with various ordeals. This is not to say that there were no
“success stories” during these times. Despite the many challenges, they were able to sustain their passion for the ministry. Even with the scant human and material resources, they were able to significantly move ahead.
True to the spirit of the Holy Mother, St. Teresa of Jesus, the Philippine mission was carried out with courage and her classic “muy determinada determinacion.” The friars had always placed themselves at the service of the
Church.452
They must have a great and very resolute determination to persevere until reaching the end, come what may, happen what may, whatever work is involved, whatever criticism arises, whether they arrive or whether they die on the road, or even if they don’t have the courage for the trials that are met, or if the whole world collapses.453
Zeal for the ministry characterized the friars’ mission. Whether in parishes or in their own monasteries; in the formation program of the Carmelite nuns or secular Carmelites; in schools or in retreat programs; sacramental or other
452 Cf., Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, vol. 2, 41-43. 453 Ibid, 117-18.
189 pastoral activities the friars were imbued with solicitude and concern for the people.
In the midst of the many challenges in the missions, the call to live out the contemplative life was still very much present among the friars. The monastery in
Polillo island was envisioned to be a house of regular observance. Taking leave from the pressures and demands of the mission where most of the friars were stationed alone, St. Joseph’s monastery in Polillo was the place where prayer and the regular life in common was observed.454
Indeed, the missionary activities of the Teresian Carmelite friars in the country have significantly contributed to what the Filipino Carmel has become today. In its own right, the presence of the friars in the Archdioceses of Manila,
Jaro and Davao; in the Diocese of Bacolod and the Prelature of Infanta have significantly contributed to the people’s transformation and the growth of the local Church.
From 1947-1977, the missionary efforts of the friars have seen the establishment of Infanta as a prelature. Also, Fathers Patrick Shanley, Julio
Xavier Labayen and Rolando Tria-Tirona have been elevated to the episcopacy and subsequently appointed as Local Ordinaries. In 1977, the Father General amalgamated the friars from the Washington and the Anglo-Irish Province, who were working in the Philippines, and established a distinct circumscription in this part of the world-the Philippine Commissariat of the Teresian Carmelites friars.
454Although the structure for the house of observance was put up, the ideal of making the friars come together was not realized. This was largely due to the fact that the friars in the prelature of Infanta were very few in number. As the prelature continued to grow and as the friars were more and more hard put with vocations, they had to gradually withdraw from Infanta. 190
Today, almost thirty communities of secular Carmelites and twenty-two convents of Carmelite nuns have been established. At the same time, vocations into the Teresian Carmelite way of life continue to interest more and more college graduates and young professionals. Of late, the Filipino Carmel accepted the challenge of helping in the formation of aspirants to the Order from Vietnam.
Moreover, St. Joseph the Worker Parish in Jaro and the Shrine-Parish of our Lady of Mt. Carmel in Quezon City, are steadily flourishing. Indeed, the field for evangelization and the spread of the Carmelite spirituality has become wider than ever.
The young friars of the Filipino Teresian Carmel can only look back and hope to learn from the lessons of the past. Today, the words of St. Teresa of Jesus continue to challenge the friars of the Filipino Carmel in their call to become apostolic-contemplatives: “This is the reason for prayer . . . the purpose of this spiritual marriage: the birth always of good works, good works.”455 Indeed the great reformer of Carmel and Doctor of the Church, affirms the friars of the
Filipino Teresian Carmel in their charism of prayer and in their vocation to be pray-ers, dedicated to the service of the local church.456
This is what I want us to strive for, my Sisters; and let us desire and be occupied in prayer not for the sake of our enjoyment but so as to have this strength to serve. . . . In sum, my Sisters, what I conclude with is that we shouldn’t build castles in the air. The Lord doesn’t look so much at the greatness of our works as at the love with which they are done. And if we do what we can, His majesty will enable us each day to do more and more, provided that we do not quickly tire. But during the little while this life lasts – and perhaps it will last a shorter time than each
455 Kavanaugh and Rodriguez, The Collected Works, 2: 446. 456 Cf. OCD Constitutions and Norms no. 6, 36-7. 191
one thinks – let us offer the Lord interiorly and exteriorly the sacrifice we can. His majesty will join it with that which he offered on the cross to the Father for us. Thus even though our works are small they will have the value our love for Him would have merited had they been great.457
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The 1996 Catholic Directory of the Philippines. Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1996.
The 1998 Catholic Directory of the Philippines. Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 1998.
The 2000 Catholic Directory of the Philippines. Quezon City: Claretian Publications, 2000. 195
1977 Constitutions and Directory, Discalced Brothers of the Order of the Blessed Virgin Mary of Mount Carmel.
Periodicals
Alvarez, Tomas. “The Teresian Carmelite: An Overview.” Carmelite Studies 4 (1987): 138-48.
Arevalo, Catalino. “After Vatican II: Theological Reflection in the Church in the Philippines 1965-1987.” Philippinum. Silver Anniversary Issue (1987): 87-102.
“Bula de S.S. Pio XII Erigiendo la Prelatura Nullius de Infanta.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24, no. 269 (November 1950): 738-40.
“Consagracion Episcopal de Su Excia. Rma. Mons. Patricio Shanley, O.C.D., D.D., Obispo Titular de Syphene y Prelado de Infanta.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 27, no. 298 (April 1953): 230-36.
“Decretum, De Mutatione Finium Dioecesium.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 29, no. 329 (November 1955): 676-77.
De la Costa, Horacio. “The Woodstock Letters, LXXV.” Philippine Missions 1945, 75, no. 1 (March 1946): 34-56.
Fox Frederick W. “Primary Education in the Philippines, 1565-1863.” Philippine Studies 13 (1965): 228.
Garcia, Father Excelso O.P. “Su Eminencia El Cardenal Santos.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 34, no. 384 (May - June 1960): 263-70.
“Infantensis, Administrationis Apostolicae Praelaturae Nullius, Decretum.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24, no. 266 (August 1950): 511.
Maccise, Camilo P. “New Prospects and Challenges For Missions. IInd World Missionary Congress, Quito, September 27 – October 5, 1998.” Servitium Informativum Carmelitanum 31, no. 1 (1998): 50-60.
“Msgr. Labayen to be Consecrated Bishop.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 40, no. 452 (September 1966): 598.
“New Prelature Head of Infanta Chosen.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 35, no. 398 (September 1961): 580-81. 196
“Nombramiento del Prelado ‘Nullius’ de Infanta.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 27, no. 300 (June 1953): 339-41.
“Official Declaration of Rehabilitation for Fr. Jerome Gracian of the Mother of God, OCD.” Communicationes O.C.D. no. 87, 1 (2000): 32-35.
“Prelatura Nullius de Infanta.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 24, no. 268 (October 1950): 730-31.
“Sacra Congregatio Consistorialis, Infantensis Administrationis Apostolicae, Decretum.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 25, no. 281 (November 1951): 680.
Schumacher, John N. “Foreign Missionaries and the Politico-Cultural Orientations of the Roman Catholic Church, 1910-70.” Philippine Studies 38, 1st quarter (1990): 151.
Sin, Jaime Cardinal. “The Church in the Philippines: Twenty Seven Years After Vatican II.” Philippinum. Silver Anniversary Issue (1987): 18-26.
“Tuguegarao-Infanta Annexio Municipiorum, Decretum.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 28, no. 315 (September 1954): 549.
Villaroel, Fr. Roel, O.P. “The Making of a Diocese in the Philippines – Jaro 1865.” Boletin Eclesiastico de Filipinas 39, no. 438 (May 1965): 538-57.
Wilkinson, Peggy. “The Mission of Carmel: Contemplative and Apostolic.” Spiritual Life (Spring 1989): 13-21.
“Witnesses to the Experience of God: Global Plan for the Carmelite Parish, First International Congress for O.C.D. Parishes.” (2001): 6.
Letters/Telegrams
Batiz, Very Reverend Father Michael Angelus, to Reverend Father Provincial, December 11, 1970.
Bishop, Father Benedict, to Father Provincial, July 14, 1964.
Bishop, Father Benedict to Father Provincial, August 12, 1964.
Bishop, Father Benedict to the Fathers and Brothers, August 29, 1964.
Bishop, Father Benedict to Father Provincial, November 1, 1964.
Bishop, Father Benedict O.C.D., Provincial, to the Venerable General Definitory, Rome, September 11, 1970. 197
Bob [?], President C.S.M.C. Unit, St. Francis Xavier Mission Unit, Central Catholic High School, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi- Province, February 20, 1947.
Boehme, Father Arnold, O.C.D., September 27, 1972.
Boehme, Father Arnie, to Father Terence, June 1974.
Boehme, Father Arnie, to Father Terence, August 21, 1974.
Boehme, Father Arnie, to Terence, Youngstown, June 16, 1975.
Boehme, Father Arni, to Father Terence (Joe), October 3, 1975.
Boehme, Father Arnie, to Terence, November 18, 1975.
Boehme, Father Arnie, to Terence. July 20, 1977.
Bourke, Very Reverend Albert, to the Most Reverend Manuel Yap, Bacolod, March 6, 1959.
Bourke, Father Albert of the Blessed Sacrament to Father Provincial, May 16, 1963.
Christian, Father O.C.D., to Father Simeon, March 3, 1971.
Christian, Very Reverend Father, O.C.D., April 1, 1971.
Telegram of Terence, January 26, 1973, to Manila. de Jesus, Silverio, General, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, November 6, 1951. del Illuero, Riccardo, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, February 13, 1952. del Illuero, Father Riccardo, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Holy Hill, May 12, 1952. del Illuero, Father Riccardo, to Most Reverend Monsignor, May 10, 1953.
Dzuban, Father Giles of the Sacred Heart, to Father Provincial and Venerable Definitory, July 10, 1959.
Dzuban, Father Giles, O.C.D., to Father Provincial, September 27, 1958.
Dzuban, Father Giles of the Sacred Heart, to Dear Father Provincial, October 25, 1959. 198
Esselmann, Father Herman, to Reverend Father Provincial and Definitors, Washington Province of the Discalced Carmelite Friars, April 5, 1948.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, June 28, 1951.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Provincial, November 28, 1951.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph of the Infant Jesus of Prague, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, May 4, 1952.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, to Very Reverend Father Provincial and Definitors, December 31, 1952.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph of the Infant of Prague, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, March 27, 1952.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, November 28, 1952.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Albert, April 12, 1953.
Eseelmann, Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Provincial, Hubertus, August 5, 1953.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, to Very Reverend Father Provincial, September 20, 1955.
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Provincial, April 29, 1957.
Esselmann, Father Herman, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Provincial, December 2, 1958.
Esselmann, Father Herman, to the Regional Commission, May 19, 1977.
Flannery, Father Joseph Mary, to Father Provincial, March 21, 1964.
Flannery, Father Joe-Mary, to Terry, May 29, 1974.
Flynn, Father Terence J., O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Christian, O.C.D., Rome. February 1, 1973. 199
Flynn, Father Terence J., O.C.D., Provincial, to Very Reverend Michael Angel Batiz, O.C.D., Rome, April 18, 1973.
Flynn, Father Terence J., O.C.D., to the Venerable General Definitor O.C.D., Rome, April 10, 1975.
Flynn, Father Terence J., O.C.D., to Reverend Arnold Boehme, O.C.D., Bird Island, June 27, 1975.
Flynn, Father Terence J., O.C.D., to Father Dominic Scheerer, O.C.D., Manila, July 28, 1976.
Gabriel, Father, O.D.C., to Very Reverend Father Albert, O.D.C., Provincial, Hubertus, January 15, 1958.
Gabriel, Father, O.D.C., to Very Reverend Father Provincial, February 7, 1958.
Gates, Father Gabriel of the Sacred Heart of Jesus, to Father Provincial, March 2, 1949.
Gates, Father Gabriel, O.C.D., to Father Albert, March 6, 1963.
Gates, Father Gabriel, to Father Christopher, April 25, 1964.
Gomez, Very Reverend Father Silverio of St. Teresa, Vicar General, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-Province, November 27, 1946.
Grialou, Very Reverend Father Marie-Eugene of the Child Jesus, to the Fathers and Brothers of the Infanta Mission, Quezon City.December 30, 1954. Horan, Father Mark, O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father Benedict, October 13, 1966.
Lefebvre, Father Andrew Mary, O.C.D., to Father Raephal (sic). Discalced Carmelite Monastery. N.D.
Lefebvre, Father Andrew Mary, O.C.D., to Father Raephal (sic).
Letter to Very Reverend Thomas, December 27, 1956.
Letter to the Venerable General Definitory, January 7, 1957.
Provincial, to Very Reverend Father Giles, O.C.D., Delegate Provincial of the Philippine Islands, August 19, 1957.
Letter to Very Reverend Father Gabriel, O.D.C., Dublin, January 20, 1958.
Letter to Most Reverend Bishop Patrick Shanley, O.C.D., Infanta, October 14, 1958. 200
Letter to the Venerable General Definitory, November 1958.
Letter to Very Reverend Father Giles, O.C.D., Polillo, January 19, 1959.
Letter, to Father Giles, April 26, 1959.
Letter to Father Provincial, Polillo, June 16, 1959.
Letter of Father Provincial to Father Gabriel, February 26, 1959.
Letter to Very Reverend Thomas, February 17, 1960.
Letter to Reverend Bernard Ybiernas, O.C.D., Bacolod City, January 15, 1970.
Letter from the Casa Generalizia Carmelitani Scalzi, to R.A.P. Ioanni Venardo Smith, O.C.D., June 28, 1974.
Letter to Father General, January 25, 1975.
Letter to the Very Reverend Father Finian Monahan, O.C.D., Rome, July 26, 1975.
Letter to the Very Reverend Simeon Mahoney, O.C.D., Ermita, June 12, 1971.
Letter to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, March 7.
Letter of Scheerer, Brother Vincent, O.C.D., N.D.
Letter. N.D. Letter, to Reverend Father Arnold, O.C.D., N.D.
Mabutas, Archbishop Antonio M., D.D., to the Very Reverend Father Definitor. Rome/Manila, March 8, 1972.
Mary of Christ, Sister to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, November 27, 1945.
Memo on the Joint Meeting of the Members of the Washington and Anglo-Irish Province in the Philippines with Father Jerome Lantry, Irish Provincial, Broadway, January 17, 1976.
Monahan, Father Finian of the Queen of Carmel, to Father John Venard Smith, O.C.D., Davao, April 13, 1976.
Reginald, Father, to Father Benedict, July 6, 1970. 201
Sainz de Baranda,Very Reverend Father Felipe, Vicar General, to Reverend Father Dominic T.A. Scheerer, O.C.D., Greenhills, May 26, 1977.
Santos, Catalina G., to Father Christian, March 1, 1971.
Scheerer, Father Dominic of the Holy Rosary, to the Very Reverend Father Prior. Brookline, January 23, 1951.
Scheerer, Father Dominic, to Father Christopher, June 24, 1961.
Scheerer, Father Dominic, to the Very Reverend Father Christopher, Holy Hill, July 13, 1961.
Scheerer, Father Dominic, to Ben, August 31, 1972.
Scheerer, Father Dominic, to Terence, January 11, 1976.
Scheerer, Father Dom, to Terence, July 13, 1976.
Scheerer, Father Dominic, to Terence, February 10, 1977.
Scheerer, Father Dominic O.C.D., to Very Reverend Father General, Rome, March 10, 1977.
Shanley, Father Patrick of Saint Cecilia O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial and the Venerable Definitorium, Washington Province of the Discalced Carmelite Friars, April 6, 1948.
Shanley, Father Patrick O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, Milwaukee, May 1, 1948.
Shanley, Father Patrick O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, March 17, 1951.
Shanley, Father Patrick O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, May 3, 1951.
Shanley, Father Patrick O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, August 23, 1951.
Shanley, Father Patrick O.D.C., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, Feast of St. John.
Smith, Father John Venard O.C.D., to Father Terence, July 27, 1974.
Thibault, Archbishop Clovis, P.M.E., D.D. and Mabutas, Archbishop Antonio, D.D., to the Very Reverend Father Definitor. Rome/Manila, March 2, 1971. 202
Thomas, Father O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father Provincial, Hubertus, April 26, 1952.
Thomas, Father O.C.D., to Father Provincial, November 27, 1957.
Thomas, Father O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father, February 24, 1960.
Thomas, Father O.C.D., to the Very Reverend Father, May 5, 1960.
Versoza, Bishop Alfredo, Bishop of Lipa, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar-Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, May 17, 1946.
Versoza, Bishop Alfredo, Bishop of Lipa, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar-Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, August 7, 1946.
Versoza, Bishop Alfredo, Bishop of Lipa, to Father Thomas Kilduff, Vicar Provincial of the Washington Semi-province, September 30, 1946.
Vicar Provincial of Washington Semi-province, to Archbishop Michael O’Doherty, Archbishop of Manila, May 7, 1946.
Ybiernas, Father Bernard, to Father Provincial, January 20, 1976.
Unpublished Articles
Bishop, Father Benedict. “A Report on: The Situation of the Discalced Carmelite Order in the Philippines.” January 1971.
Chalmers, Joseph, O.Carm. and Camilo Maccise, O.C.D. “With Mary the Mother of Jesus: Our Lady in the Life of Carmel.” Aylesford, 2001.
Ciullo, Father Michael. “St. Florian’s: History of the Washington Province (Rough Draft, Part 2).”
Esselmann, Father Herman Joseph and others. “History of the Philippine Missions 1947- 1977: History of the Washington Province (Rough Draft).”
Latimer, Father Christopher. “Washington: History of the Washington Province (Rough Draft).” 203
Maccise, Camilo, O.C.D. “Passing Through the Holy Door: As Brothers and Sisters Let us Enter the New Millennium.” Rome, 1999.
Technical Working Group assisted by Infanta Integrated Community Development Assistance, Inc. “Binangonan del Ampon, Ecological Profile, Infanta Quezon,” Philippine Partnership for Development of Human Resources in Rural Areas; Development Catalysts, Inc.
“The Coming of the First Batch of Carmelites to Infanta: A Brief History of the Parish of Infanta.”
“The Implantation of the Christian Faith and the Birth of the Parish: A Brief History of the Parish of Infanta.”
Souvenir Books
Farolan, Sylvia J. “Twenty-Five Years of Carmel… How the Parish Grew.” Our Lady of Mount Carmel Shrine Parish, Great Jubilee/Silver Anniversary Fiesta.
Invitation Letter to the Inauguration Mass and Blessing of the Carmelite House of Formation.
“Phase I. The Infanta Mission.” History of the Discalced Carmelite Friars in the Philippines: 1947-1977.
Our Lady’s Hill Inauguration and Blessing Souvenir Program, July 15-16-17, 1966.
“Settling Down in Jaro.” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years: 1947 – 1997, 86.
“The Making of St. Joseph the Worker.” St. Joseph the Worker Souvenir Program, n.p. May 1, 1997. “The Church and Her Story…” St. Joseph the Worker Parish Souvenir Program, 8.
“The Origins: How It All Started.” The Discalced Carmelite Friars Celebrate 50 Years: 1947 – 1997, 20.
Minutes of the Meeting
Minutes of the Meeting of the Broadway Community of Discalced Carmelites of the Irish Province. n.d.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and the Counsellors of the Discalced Carmelite Fathers in the Philippines. March 20, 1952. Polillo. 204
Resolutions Adopted During a Series of Meetings. Carmel of St.Joseph. February 3-6, 1956. Jaro, Iloilo City.
Minutes of the First Meeting of the Def. (sic) Provincial and His Councillors. August 1, 1958. Polillo.
Minutes of the Special Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and his Councillors. May 29, 1959. Infanta.
Minutes of the Meeting of Very Reverend Father Joseph Mary Flannery, O.C.D., Apostolic Administrator of the Prelature “Nullius” of Infanta, Quezon with the Very Reverend Father Christopher Latimer, O.C.D., Provincial of the Disclaced Carmelite Father (Province of Washington), the Very Reverend Father Dominic Scheerer, O.C.D., Delegate Provincial, and their Respective Consultors. December 26, 1960. Bishop’s Palace
Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and His Councillors. June 5, 1961.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Delegate Provincial and his Consultors. August 21, 1961. Infanta.
Minutes of the Inter-Provincial Meeting. May 3, 1967. San Jose Seminary.
Minutes of the Meeting. August 12-15 [1970]. Bacolod.
Minutes of Meeting. January 5-7, 1971. Manila.
Minutes of the Meeting at the Tertiary House. April 13-15 [1971].
Minutes of the Meeting of the Commission. April 14, 1971.
Minutes of the Meeting at the Cenacle. August 15-17, 1972. Quezon City. Minutes of the O.C.D. Meeting. February 22-23 [1972]. April 18, 1973. Rome.
Minutes of the Carmelite Meeting. August 1, 1974.
Minutes of the Meeting. August 7-8, 1973. Manila.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Discalced Carmelites (Washington Province). May 6, 1975. Quezon City.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Commission for the Davao Foundation. May 25 [1975]. Broadway.
Minutes of the Meeting of the Davao Commission. March 5, 1976. Broadway. 205
Minutes of the Davao Commission Meeting. August 5, 1976. Broadway.
Minutes of the Joint Meeting of the Davao and Regional Commissions. October 19, 1976. Tugbuk.
Minutes of the Carmelite Inter-Provincial Meeting. January 26, 1977. Manila.
Minutes of the Provincial Meeting of the Washington Province, “Philippines”. June 17, 1977.
Minutes of the Discalced Carmelite Fathers Meeting. September 20-21, 1977. Manila.
Minutes of the Regional Meeting of the Discalced Carmelites. January 10-12, 1978. Manila.
Minutes of the Chapter, Philippine Commissariat. April 10-14, 1978. Manila.
Official Document/Rescript/Decree
Copy of the Decree of Father Michael Angelus of St. Joseph. Erection of the House of Formation. March 23, 1971. Rome.
Copy of Decree of Father Finian of the Queen of Carmel, O.C.D. Establishing the Commissariat of the Discalced Carmelites in the Philippines. October 26, 1977. Manila.
Decree of the Canonical Erection of the House in Infanta as a Regional House of the Discalced Carmelite Friars. June 5, 1947.
Decree of the Laying of the Cornerstone of the Shrine of Our Lady of Mount Carmel.
Photocopy of the Rescript.
Photocopy of the Letter of Permission.
Reports
Boehme, Father Arnold O.C.D. “Philippine Community Report for the Provincial Chapter of the Washington Province.” June 1972.
Boehme, Father Arnold. “Evaluation of the Philippine Community.” n.d.
Father Richard. “Vocations.” July 1970. 206
“Manila House.” n.d.
McCrudden, Father Leo of St. Isaac Jogues. “Report of Expenses and Income: Mission of Baler.” January 21, 1948.
“Report on the Meeting of the Inter-Provincial Regional Commission.” Broadway. August 5, 1976.
“Report of the Committee to Explore the Feasibility of a Common Seminary.” Loyola House of Studies. September 6, 1966.
“Reporting on Promoting Vocations to Carmel in the Philippines”. n.d.
“Suggested Plan.” February 10, 1975.
Personal Collection of Newspaper Clippings
“Brief History of Mount Carmel College.”
“Carmelites to Depart for New Mission: Archbishop Blesses Six Volunteers.” September 21, 1946.
“First of Order to Work in Philippines.” September 21, 1946.
“Holy Hill Missionary Reported Safe.”
“One Holy Hill Missionary is Safe; Fear Other Died: Brother Tells of Thirst of Men on Soaked Craft Off Luzon; Carmelite Priest Still Missing.” July 8, 1948.
“Rescue Mission Saves Lives of Priest and Two Others.” 1948.
Robinson, Pat. Today. no. 21.
Romulo, General Carlos P. “Philippines Resident Commissioner.” Today, no. 3.
“Six Discalced Carmelites to Work in Philippines, Departure Ceremony Held.”
“Two From Holy Hill Missing in Typhoon: Missionaries Feared Dead Off Luzon; Attempted to Save Others.”
207