What Is the Canon in American Politics? Analyses of Core Graduate Syllabi Sean M
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The Liberal Tradition and the Law: Half a Century After Hartz
What Hartz Didn’t Understand about the “Liberal Tradition” Then, and Why It Matters for Understanding Law Now1 Carol Nackenoff Department of Political Science Swarthmore College [email protected] For Presentation at the University of Maryland Law School/Georgetown Law Center Schmooze, March 3-4, 2006 To what extent, and in what sense, is it meaningful to talk about the liberal tradition as a context within which constitutional deliberation takes place in the United States? There certainly are very real constraints on what most of those who don black robes and speak the language of constitutional law seem to be able to think. Justice Robert Jackson wrote that “never in its entire history can the Supreme Court be said to have for a single hour been representative of anything except the relatively conservative forces of its day."2 The Constitution establishes much tighter boundary conditions for deliberation for some legal scholars and jurists than for others, and arguments abound about whether the principles and values expressed in that document are fixed or available to later generations to interpret for themselves. That legal discourse has been relatively constrained remains clear.3 It is also reasonably clear that the 2004 election assured that 1 Portions of this paper have just been published as “Locke, Alger, and Atomistic Individualism Fifty Years Later: Revisiting Louis Hartz’s Liberal Tradition in America,” Studies in American Political Development 19 (Fall 2005): 206-215. Thanks to Aaron Strong and Ian Sulam for research assistance. 2 Robert H. Jackson, The Struggle for Judicial Supremacy (New York: A. A. -
Comparative Government
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Syllabi Course Syllabi Fall 9-1-2001 PSC 520.01: Comparative Government Louis Hayes University of Montana - Missoula, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Hayes, Louis, "PSC 520.01: Comparative Government" (2001). Syllabi. 7024. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/syllabi/7024 This Syllabus is brought to you for free and open access by the Course Syllabi at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Syllabi by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Political Science 520 COMPARATIVE POLITICS 9/13 Comparative Government and Political Science Robert A Dahl, "Epitaph for a Monument to a Successful Protest, "AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW 1961 763-72 -------------------- ---- ----- 9/20 Systems Approach David Easton, "An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems," WORLD POLITICS (April 1957) 383-400 Gabriel Almond _and G. Bingham Powell, COMPARATIVE POLITICS: A DEVEtOPMENTAL APPROACH, Chapter II 9/27 Structural-functional Analysis William Flanigan and Edwin Fogelman, "Functionalism in Political Science," in Don Martindale, ed. , FUNCTIONALISM IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 111-126 Robert Holt, "A Proposed Structural-Functional Framework for Political Science," in Martindale, 84-110 10/4 Political Legitimacy and Authority Richard Lowenthal, "Political Legitimacy and Cultural Change in West and East" SOCIAL RESEARCH (Autumn 1979), 401-35 Young Kim, "Authority: - Some Conceptual and Empirical Notes" Western Political Quarterly (June 1966), 223-34 10/11 Political Parties and Groups Steven Reed, "Structure and Behavior: Extending Duverger's Law to the Japanese Case," British Journal of Political Science (July 1999) 335-56. -
Gether They Form the Backbone of Madison’S Vision for the New Congress
REVISITING AND RESTORING MADISON’S AMERICAN CONGRESS BY SARAH BINDER Looking westward to Virginia’s Blue Ridge Mountains from his Montpelier library, James Madison in 1787 drafted the Virginia Plan—the proposal he would bring to the summer’s Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. Long after ratification of the Constitution—and after the Du Pont family had suffocated Montpelier in pink stucco— preservationists returned to Montpelier to restore Madison’s home. Tough to say the same for the U.S. Congress, the institutional lynchpin of Madison’s constitutional plan. True, Congress has proved an enduring political institution as Madison surely intended. But Congress today often misses the Madisonian mark. The rise of nationalized and now ideologically polarized parties challenges Madison’s constitutional vision: Lawmakers today are more often partisans first, legislators second. In this paper, I explore Madison’s congressional vision, review key forces that have complicated Madison’s expectations, and consider whether and how Congress’s power might (ever) be restored. MADISON’S CONGRESSIONAL VISION Madison embedded Congress in a broader political system that dispersed constitutional powers to separate branches of government, but also forced the branches to share in the exercise of many of their powers. In that sense, it is difficult to isolate Madison’s expectations for Congress apart from his broader constitutional vision. Still, two elements of Article 1 are particularly important for distilling Madison’s plan for the new Congress. First, Madison believed (or hoped) that his constitutional system would channel lawmakers’ ambitions, creating incentives for legislators to remain responsive to the broad political interests that sent them to Congress in the first place. -
Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D
Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D. Teaching Portfolio Andrew Dilts, Ph.D. Pedagogical Statement 1 Teaching History 4 Selected Comments from Teaching Evaluations 5 Summary Statistics from Teaching Evaluations 8 Sample Syllabi 9 Pedagogical Statement My approach to teaching is centered on developing my students’ skills of critical engagement of texts, phenomena, and discursive objects of analysis so that they can ultimately employ those skills to understand, interpret, and respond to the world around them, as well as their own selves. In this sense, I see my teaching as part of a larger project of enabling students to develop their entire selves, reflecting their own multiplicity, plurality, and difference. Practically, this mean that the most important thing that I want to impart to my students is that any text, practice, discourse, or object of thoughtful analysis that is worth thinking and writing about calls for a sympathetic critique. By this I mean that texts of all forms require something akin to what Nietzsche calls an “art of interpretation,” and that the essence of this “art” is to provide careful support from one’s reading first and foremost from within the text itself. My pedagogy is driven by a strong preference for teaching original and primary sources by reading them closely while attending to their historical, social, and political contexts. But above all, I want to teach my students that a critical engagement with a thinker begins with taking them seriously on their own terms, sympathetically and internally. I work for my students to appreciate the power and pleasure of such an approach, and to come away from any seminar, lecture, or advising session with the practical reading and writing skills to put this into practice in their own well-supported reading of a text. -
US Racial Politics II New Deal to the Present
U.S. Racial Politics: New Deal to the Present Political Science 449/549 CRN: 37625 Professor: Joseph Lowndes Office: PLC 919 email: [email protected] Graduate Employee: Course description: In this course, we will examine the ways that race shaped the major political dynamics in the United States from the Great Depression to the present. Materials: There are two books for this course, available in the bookstore. The books are The Unsteady March, by Philip Klinkner and Rogers Smith; and When Affirmative Action Was White, by Ira Katznelson. PS 5549 will have one additional text: Lowndes, Novkov and Warren, eds. Race and American Political Development. All other readings will be available on Canvas. Requirements for 449: This is a heavy reading course 1. Seven in-class quizzes. These quizzes will assess your comprehension of the assigned reading, lectures and class discussions. Your lowest two scores will be dropped. No make-up quizzes are possible. (50% of final grade) 2. Midterm in-class exam (25% of final grade) 3. Final exam (25% of final grade) 4. Participation: Students will be expected to attend class and participate in class discussions. Constructive, informed, respectful participation that contributes directly to conversations about the course material will raise borderline grades; lack of participation may result in lower grades. Requirements for 549: Research paper 18-20 pages, due Wednesday of Finals Week. Meet with me by 4th week with thesis topic to discuss. Policies: Students with disabilities. If you have a documented disability and anticipate needing accommodations in this course, please make arrangements to meet with the professor soon. -
Introduction to American Political Culture
Bellevue College INTRODUCTION TO AMERICAN POLITICAL CULTURE Political Science 160/Cultural & Ethnic Studies 160 Item 5361 A (POLS 160) or 5638 (CES 160) (Five Credits)1 Winter 2011 (Jan. 3-March 22), 11:30 a.m.-12:20 p.m. (L-221) Dr. T. M. Tate (425) 564-2169 [email protected] Office: D-200C Office Hours: See MyBC course site Pre-requisite: None Course Description This course treats the ways in which American cultural patterns influence and shape political outcomes and public policy. Study of the political culture may shed light on the nature of the political struggles and on the policy process in general. Political outcomes in the United States are not random but are structured and connected by certain enduring values. We seek answers to questions such as: How do Americans thinks about government, political institutions, social welfare, and the market? What are the origins and sources of American political culture? How has it changed over time, and what factors account for this change? How is American political culture distinctive, and how is it being reshaped in a time of globalization? In the process of this broad inquiry, we necessarily treat concepts such as democracy, liberty, individualism, American “exceptionalism,” political community, and political culture itself. Learning Outcomes On completion of this course, you should be able to: Explain the concept of political culture and its relevance to contemporary political society. 1 One credit hour of this course is online via MyBC. Identify the core values in American political culture and understand their influences on political life. Demonstrate how the political culture influences and shapes American politics and the policy process. -
Citizenship Denationalized (The State of Citizenship Symposium)
Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies Volume 7 Issue 2 Article 2 Spring 2000 Citizenship Denationalized (The State of Citizenship Symposium) Linda Bosniak Rutgers Law School-Camden Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Bosniak, Linda (2000) "Citizenship Denationalized (The State of Citizenship Symposium)," Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies: Vol. 7 : Iss. 2 , Article 2. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijgls/vol7/iss2/2 This Symposium is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Citizenship Denationalized LINDA BOSNIAK° INTRODUCTION When Martha Nussbaum declared herself a "citizen of the world" in a recent essay, the response by two dozen prominent intellectuals was overwhelmingly critical.' Nussbaum's respondents had a variety of complaints, but central among them was the charge that the very notion of world citizenship is incoherent. For citizenship requires a formal governing polity, her critics asserted, and clearly no such institution exists at the world level. Short of the establishment of interplanetary relations, a world government is unlikely to take form anytime soon. A good thing too, they added, since such a regime would surely be a tyrannical nightmare.2 * Professor of Law, Rutgers Law School-Camden; B.A., Wesleyan University; M.A., University of California, Berkeley; J.D., Stanford University. -
"The New Non-Science of Politics: on Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen
"The New Non-Science of Politics: On Turns to History in Polltical Sciencen Rogers Smith CSST Working CRSO Working Paper #59 Paper #449 October 1990 The New Non-Science of Politics : On Turns to Historv in Political Science Prepared for the CSST Conference on "The Historic Turn in the Human Sciences" Oct. 5-7, 1990 Ann Arbor, Michigan Rogers M. Smith Department of Political Science Yale University August, 1990 The New Non-Science of Po1itic.s Rogers M. Smit-h Yale University I. Introducticn. The canon of major writings on politics includes a considerable number that claim to offer a new science of politics, or a new science of man that encompasses politics. Arlc,totle, Hobbos, Hume, Publius, Con~te,Bentham, Hegel, Marx, Spencer, Burgess, Bentley, Truman, East.on, and Riker are amongst the many who have clairr,ed, more or less directly, that they arc founding or helping to found a true palitical science for the first tlme; and the rccent writcrs lean heavily on the tcrni "science. "1 Yet very recently, sorno of us assigned the title "political scien:iSt" havc been ti-il-ning returning to act.ivities that many political scientist.^, among others, regard as unscientific--to the study of instituti~ns, usually in historical perspective, and to historica! ~a'lternsand processes more broadly. Some excellent scholars belie-ve this turn is a disast.er. It has been t.ernlod a "grab bag of diverse, often conf!icting approaches" that does not offer anything iike a scientific theory (~kubband Moe, 1990, p. 565) .2 In this essay I will argue that the turn or return t.o institutions and history is a reasonable response to two linked sets of probicms. -
Review Article the MANY VOICES of POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches
Review Article THE MANY VOICES OF POLITICAL CULTURE Assessing Different Approaches By RICHARD W. WILSON Richard J. Ellis and Michael Thompson, eds. Culture Matters: Essays in Honor of Aaron Wildavsky. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1997, 252 pp. Michael Gross. Ethics and Activism: The Theory and Practice of Political Moral- ity. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997, 305 pp. Samuel P. Huntington. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996, 367 pp. Ronald Inglehart. Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in Forty-three Societies. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997, 453 pp. David I. Kertzer. Politics and Symbols:The Italian Communist Party and the Fall of Communism. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996, 211 pp. HE popularity of political culture has waxed and waned, yet it re- Tmains an enduring feature of political studies. In recent years the appearance of many excellent books and articles has reminded us of the timeless appeal of the subject and of the need in political analysis to ac- count for values and beliefs. To what extent, though, does the current batch of studies in political culture suffer from the difficulties that plagued those of an earlier time? The recent resurgence of interest in political culture suggests the importance of assessing the relative merits of the different approaches that theorists employ. ESTABLISHING EVALUATIVE CRITERIA The earliest definitions of political culture noted the embedding of po- litical systems in sets of meanings and purposes, specifically in symbols, myths, beliefs, and values.1 Pye later enlarged upon this theme, stating 1 Sidney Verba, “Comparative Political Culture,” in Lucian W. -
Political Development Theory in the Sociological and Political Analyses of the New States
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT THEORY IN THE SOCIOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL ANALYSES OF THE NEW STATES by ROBERT HARRY JACKSON B.A., University of British Columbia, 1964 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA September, I966 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission.for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of Polit_i_g^j;_s_gience The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date September, 2, 1966 ii ABSTRACT The emergence since World War II of many new states in Asia and Africa has stimulated a renewed interest of sociology and political science in the non-western social and political process and an enhanced concern with the problem of political development in these areas. The source of contemporary concepts of political development can be located in the ideas of the social philosophers of the nineteenth century. Maine, Toennies, Durkheim, and Weber were the first social observers to deal with the phenomena of social and political development in a rigorously analytical manner and their analyses provided contemporary political development theorists with seminal ideas that led to the identification of the major properties of the developed political condition. -
Civic Culture
1 Civic Culture Civic culture is a set of political attitudes, habits, sentiments and behaviour related to the functioning of the democratic regime. It implies that although citizens are not necessarily involved in politics all the time, they are aware to a certain extent of their political rights and also of the implications of the decision making process that affects their life and society. Both political awareness and participation are supposed to be relevant to the stability of a political regime. By contrast citizens´ withdraw from political life has consequences not only for their ability to get what they want from the political community, but also for the quality of democracy. Civic culture involves, therefore, some level of perception of the republican character of modern politics, and adds a psychological dimension to the concept of citizenship. The concept of civic culture is part of a long tradition of thought that investigates the nature of democracy from a historical perspective. It refers to the role of political tradition, values and culture for the achievement of democratization and the stabilization of a regime. Its rationale goes back to the thinking of ancient political philosophers such as Aristotle, but in modern and contemporary times also Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Tocqueville, J. S. Mill, Weber and Bobbio, among others, have discussed whether a set of specific political attitudes, convictions and behaviour are a necessary and/or sufficient condition for the success of modern democracies. The question is controversial, but it has never disappeared from the debate about the necessary conditions to achieve the “good government”, e.g., a political regime committed to the ideal of full human realization. -
Coming in the NEXT ISSUE
Association News contributors to the international scientific DBASSE can be accessed at http://sites. community. Nearly 500 members of the nationalacademies.org/DBASSE/index. Coming NAS have won Nobel Prizes” (See http:// htm. Presiding over DBASSE presently nasonline.org/about-nas/mission). is political scientist Kenneth Prewitt. in the For the past century and a half, mem- Scholars who are not NAS members also NEXT bers have investigated and responded to regularly participate as members of NAS questions posed by our national leaders committees, and we urge all political sci- ISSUE as a form of service to the nation without entists to give serious consideration to financial recompense. As Ralph Cicerone, these requests. A preview of some of the articles in the president of the NAS, never fails to relate The discussion at this year’s meeting April 2014 issue: to new members at the annual installation of NAS-member political scientists at ceremony, while our advice is often solic- the APSA convention centered on how to SYMPOSIUM ited—its first report to the Lincoln admin- effectively transmit the best social science US PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION istration addressed whether our country knowledge to the government through FORECASTING should adopt the metric system, and sent the NRC. One issue facing the NRC in Michael Lewis-Beck and back a consensus “yes” answer—this ad- general and the DBASSE in particular Mary Stegmaier, guest editors vice is not always followed. Scientific is that by charter the NAS is not permit- FEATURES objectivity is the goal of the Academy, not ted to solicit contracts from government political advocacy.