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Acknowledgements 1. Wonder and the Working Print: an Introduction Notes Acknowledgements 1. The tenacity of Karl May, the great chronicler of American Indian fiction of the GDR period, whose works about the Apache Winnetou would seem to suggest that it is re- quired reading for German schoolchildren. For the Karl May Museum near Dresden, the first museum in Europe exclusively devoted to North American Indians, see Christian F. Feest, “European Collecting of American Indian Artefacts and Art,” Journal of the History of Collections 5:1 (1993), 8. For German Amerindian enthusiast groups in the twentieth century, see Peter Bolz, “Life among the ‘Hunkpapas’: A Case Study in German Indian Lore,” and Rudolf Conrad, “Mutual Fascination: Indians in Dresden and Leipzig,” both in Christian F. Feest, ed., Indians and Europe (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 455–475–491. For other German Indian hobbyists, see the Native American Association of Germany e.V., http://www.naaog.de/. The ethnographic efforts of these groups are typical of the work of German hobbyist Alex Biber who, in his stud- ies of the Lakota, has “perfected his obsessive search for authenticity over thirty years, now says his work could fool a modern-day ethnographer, not to mention Sitting Bull or Crazy Horse . like the German language, Lakota is filled with hissing and throat- clearing sounds. ‘It’s not so hard for us to speak it,’ he said.” See James Hagengruber, “Germany’s Weekend Warriors,” January 12, 2003, Billings Gazette, also http://dir.salon. com/story/mwt/feature/2002/11/27/indians/print.html. For photographers Max Becher and Andrea Robbins who produced a series entitled German Indians (1997–98) in which they explore German enthusiasts of Native America and some of the other cultural dislo- cations to which some modern Germans migrations have given rise, see Andrea Robbins, Max Becher, Maurice Berger, and Lucy R. Lippard, The Transportation of Place (New York: Aperture, 2006), 14–25. 1. Wonder and the Working Print: An Introduction 1. “I saw the things which have been brought to the King from the new land of gold, a sun all of gold a whole fathom broad, and a moon all of silver of the same size, also two rooms full of the armour of the people there, and all manner of wondrous weapons of theirs, har- nesses and darts, very strange clothing, beds and all kinds of wonderful objects of human use, much better worth seeing than prodigies. These things are all so precious that they are valued at a hundred thousand florins. All the days of my life I have seen nothing that rejoiced my heart so much as these things, for I saw amongst them wonderful works of art, and I marveled at the subtle ingenia of people in foreign lands. Indeed I cannot express 182 ● Notes all that I thought there.” As quoted in Jean Michel Massing, “Early European Images of America: the Ethnographic Approach,” in Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration, Jay A. Levenson, ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 515. I use Massing’s trans- lation of “prodigy” to express Dürer’s term Wunderding. For the original German, see Dürers Schriftlicher Nachlass, Konrad Lange and Franz Fuhse, eds. (Halle a.S.: Niemeyer, 1893), 123, “das do viel schöner anzusehen ist dann Wunderding;” and Hans Rupprich’s edition: “viel schöner an zu sehen ist dan wunderding” in Dürer, Schriftlicher Nachlass, 3 vols., Hans Rupprich, ed. (Berlin: Deutsche Verein für Kunstwissenschaft, 1956–69), 1:155. For the etymology of wunder, see Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park, Wonders and the Order of Nature (New York: Zone Books, 1998), 16. English translations have rendered Wunderding[e] as prodigies, or marvels, or marvelous things, but most use prod- igies: “much more beautiful to behold than prodigies,” in Hugh Honor, New Golden Land (New York: Pantheon, 1975), 28; “more beautiful to behold than prodigies,” in Harold Jantz, “Images of America in the German Renaissance,” in Fredi Chiappelli, et al. First Images of America: the Impact of the New World on the Old (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 94. Marvels, or prodigies, from Antiquity to the medieval pe- riod, were beings that represented the upside-down map of the moral universe, see Mary Campbell, The Witness and the Other World: Exotic Travel Writing 400–1600 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), 53. Travelers to the Americas also used the discourse of marvels to reconcile what they saw there with the wonders and prodigies Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville found in the Indies. The wonder that Columbus experienced was a felicitous meeting of the “wonders” he anticipated finding in the territories and the adjec- tival form of “wondrous” or “marvelous.” See Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: the Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 73ff. 2. For Dürer’s admiration of the artistic ingenuity of the producers of the Aztec objects, and for his 1520–21 visit to the Netherlands, see Massing, “Early European Images of America: the Ethnographic Approach,” 515–520; “The Quest for the Exotic: Albrecht Dürer in the Netherlands,” 115–119, in Jay A. Levenson, ed., Circa 1492: Art in the Age of Exploration (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1991); also Claire Farago, ed., Reframing the Renaissance: Visual Culture in Europe and Latin America 1450–1650 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 1. See also M. Kopplin, H. Jantz, F. Anders and J. Elliott, as quoted in Christian F. Feest “ ‘Selzam ding von gold vill ze schreiben were’: Bewertungen amerikanischer Handwerkskunst im Europa des frühen 16. Jahrhunderts,” in Pirckheimer-Jahrbuch für Renaissance- und Humanismusforschung 7 (1992), 105–120. Christian F. Feest believes the prescience given to Dürer for his appreciation of the Mexican treasures to be overstated in the secondary literature. A properly contextual- ized translation would show that Dürer, in fact, found much of what he saw in Brussels on the afternoon of August 27, 1520 worthy of note. Feest claims that Dürer’s aesthetic evaluation of the Aztec artifacts as “art” in the modern sense would have been anach- ronistic, and renders Dürer’s ineffability before them as “a very common expression of surprise at the technical quality and the otherness of the exotic works, which defied easy verbalization.” When Dürer sketched a new world indigene in the pages of a prayer book dedicated to Maximilian, he produced an exotic, a miniature displayed on a half-shell, a figure with European physiognomy and clothed in Indian feathers. For folio 41r in Maximilian’s Book of Hours, see Walter L. Strauss, ed., The Book of Hours of the Emperor Maximilian the First: Decorated by Albrecht Dürer, Hans Baldung Grien, Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Jörg Breu, Albrecht Altdorfer, and Other Artists. Printed in 1513 by Johannes Schoensperger at Augsburg (New York: Abaris Books, 1974), 81. For bibliography on the iconography of the Native American, see William Sturtevant, “First Visual Images of Native America,” First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old, Fredi Notes ● 183 Chiapelli, ed. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 423, and Jean Michel Massing, Circa 1492, 515. 3. As Stephen Greenblatt does, see Marvelous Possessions, 14. 4. Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 195. A host of Renaissance com- mentators claim speechlessness when confronted with wonder in art, as was the case when the Italian visitor Antonio de Beatis encountered Hieronymus Bosch’s Garden of Earthly Delights at the residence of Henry III of Nassau between 1516–17, “And then there are some panels on which bizarre things have been painted . birds, animals of all kinds, executed very naturally, things that are so delightful and fantastic that it is impossible to describe them properly to those who have not seen them,” as quoted in Keith Moxey, The Practice of Theory: Poststructuralism, Cultural Politics, and Art History (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 122. 5. Edward Said considers the pure and complete scholarly Orientalism produced by eighteenth-century commentators Wolfgang von Goethe and Friedrich Schlegel, whose Westöstlicher Diwan and Über die Sprache und Weisheit der Indier were sourced in their imperialist neighbors, to belie the Germans’ own lack of colonial possessions. They can- not be seen as heirs to the sixteenth-century humanists whom this study engages, who chose a different set of registers with which to contemplate the world outside of Europe. See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994 reprint), 19. 6. Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980). 7. Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” informs my notion of an early modern Germanic nation whose conceptual borders were determined by humanist research into their own antiquity. Germany at the time explored here was only a collection of loosely as- sembled regions with common linguistic ties, not a sovereign entity. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991 [1983]). 8. Many scholars have celebrated their accomplishments, see, for example, Anthony Grafton, Defenders of the Text: the Traditions of Scholarship in an Age of Science, 1450– 1800 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991) and New Worlds, Ancient Texts (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press, 1992). Lisa Jardine, Erasmus, Man of Letters: The Construction of Charisma in Print (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); Ingrid D. Rowland, The Scarith of Scornello: A Tale of Renaissance Forgery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), and The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth-Century Rome. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. For German humanism, see Dieter Wuttke, Humanismus als integrative Kraft. Die Philosophia des deutschen “Erzhumanisten” Conrad Celtis: eine ikonologische Studie zu programmatischer Graphik Dürers und Burgkmairs (Nuremberg: H.
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