DOCSLIB.ORG

On the Nature of the Romanian Political Regime

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
On the Nature of the Romanian Political Regime www.ssoar.info On the nature of the Romanian political regime: reflections on the recent jurisprudence of the constitutional court Carp, Radu Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Carp, R. (2013). On the nature of the Romanian political regime: reflections on the recent jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 13(3), 411-425. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-447247 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de On the Nature of the Romanian Political Regime 411 On the Nature of the Romanian Political Regime Reflections on the Recent Jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court RADU CARP The participation to the European Council, an issue that generated vivid debates during the summer of 2012 and it was one of the episodes that have amplified the conflict between the Prime Minister and the President which culminated with the suspension from office of the former and the referendum that invalidated the suspension, has led to the emergence of another topic that unfortunately did not benefit from the same intensity in the public debate: the nature of the Romanian political regime. Since the issue had not been permanently clarified within the public law doctrine, the Constitutional Court has added a new episode concerning the clarification of this regime. From the moment the Court was notified regarding the issue of the participation to the European Council, there were two options: that this conflict would not fall under the category of legal conflicts of constitutional nature that the Court is entitled to judge, or that this conflict would fall under this category and, in order to find a solution, to determine more precisely the nature of the political regime. The Court has chosen the second option. An option that proved to be an extremely difficult one, since the Decision no. 683/20121 was adopted with a majority of 5 to 4, and all the 4 judges that voted against felt the need to express separate opinions. In order to resolve the notification of the Presidential Administration, the Court wished to decide first upon the fact whether the given situation corresponds to a legal conflict of constitutional nature. A positive answer in this regard was given by the Court invoking the letter exchange between the Minister of Foreign Affairs and a deputy minister from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, on the one hand, and a presidential counselor, on the other hand. Thus, the conflict situation is, according to the Court, ”born and present” due to certain concrete acts already committed, which means that this conflict cannot emerge only with the effective participation of the President to the European Council. From this article’s perspective, it does not matter that much why this conflict has been labeled as having a legal nature, but mostly why it has been decided that it has a constitutional nature. In order to reach this conclusion, the Court stressed the fact that this conflict concerns the interpretation of article 80, paragraph 1 and article 102, paragraph 1 from the Constitution and, according to a previous decision of the Court, if the public authorities interpret and apply differently a constitutional disposition, the existence of a legal conflict of constitutional nature is proven2. Thus, the answer to the first question (the existence of a conflict that the Court is entitled to judge) is strongly linked to the answer to the question that has to right to represent Romanian to the European Council. 1 Official Journal, no. 701/12.10.2012. 2 Decision no. 270/2008, Official Journal, no. 290/15.04.2008. Romanian Political Science Review • vol. XIII • no. 3 • 2013 412 RADU CARP In order to provide an answer to the second question, the Court has analyzed first the nature of the European Council and of the representativeness of the EU Member States. The Court notices that it is not possible to partition the agenda of the European Council on certain issues that could possibly justify the participation of the President in certain situations and of the Prime Minister in other situations, because the mandate of representation of the state is ”a permanent one and not one divided between two public authorities”. Furthermore, the appointment of the right person to represent a Member State is aimed at ”ensuring the representation of the Member State at the highest level by the competent public authority”. Why is it important to clarify the nature of a political regime in order to decide who participates to the European Council? The Court states that the participation at presidential level occurs due to the existing political regime (the case of France – semi-presidential regime and of Cyprus – presidential regime) or due to an agreement between the political actors (case of Lithuania – semi-presidential regime). As a consequence, if in Romania the Constitution does not divide the competences within the executive in order to affirm without any reservation the right of the President to participate to the European Council, if there is no agreement between the political actors as in Lithuania, it remains only the solution of interpreting the norms from the Constitution by the Court in order to determine the nature of the political regime. In order to carry out this analysis, the Court based itself on certain interpretations from the doctrine. The first such interpretation used is that of Maurice Duverger, the first author who theorized semi-presidential regime1. The Court quotes two of his contributions in order to affirm that the semi-presidential regime shall fulfill three conditions: – The President to be elected by universal suffrage; – The President to be empowered with considerable competences; – The President to be assisted by a Prime Minister and ministers, part of the executive power, who can stay in power unless the Parliament opposes. According to the Court, the first and the third conditions are fulfilled in the case of Romania, remaining to discuss the second condition based on the analysis that Robert Elgie dedicates to Duverger’s model2. The nature of ”the considerable competences” is argued by the Court as follows: ”Along with other elements, in addition to the Romanian President’s role in the foreign policy, as well as his capacity as head of the armed forces, president of the Supreme Council of National Defense, his competence to request the reexamining of a law, to notify the Constitutional Court, to designate the candidate for the Prime Minister seat, to appoint an interim Prime Minister, to appoint ministers, to request the prosecution of the members of the Cabinet, to consult the country’s population through referendum, to make appointments to public offices, to grant individual pardons, the political regime must be labeled as a semi-presidential one” (our emphasis). 1 Maurice DUVERGER, Échec au roi, Albin Michel, Paris, 1978; IDEM, ”A New Political System Model: Semi-presidential Government”, European Journal of Political Research, no. 8, 1980, pp. 165-187. 2 Robert ELGIE, ”Duverger,Semi-presidentialism and the Supposed French Archetype”, West European Politics, vol. 2, no. 32, 2009, p. 248 et seq. Romanian Political Science Review • vol. XIII • no. 3 • 2013 On the Nature of the Romanian Political Regime 413 The Court did not limit itself to give this verdict based exclusively on the interpretation of the constitutional norms, but withheld to invoke its own jurisprudence1 to prove the existence of the President’s ”considerable competences”. Regarding the participation to the European Council, the Court stated that, in accordance with art. 80, paragraph 1 of the Constitution, the President represent the Romanian state, which ”allows him to draw the future guidelines that the state will follow in its foreign policy”. Such a statement is, according to the Court, ”legitimated by the representative character of his office, the Romanian President being elected by the citizens through universal, equal, direct, secret and freely expressed vote”. The Prime Minister has the competence to ensure the achievement of the foreign policy, in accordance with art. 102, paragraph 1 from the Constitution, which means that the Government ”is due to duly implement the measures the state has committed to”. The representation of the state can be thus delegated by the President to the Prime Minister. The Court has also analyzed the Parliament’s Declaration no. 1/2012, which established a division of competences between the President and the Government in the field of foreign affairs. The Declaration credited the idea of a horizontal division of competences but this division is in practice vertical, between the definition of the foreign policy guidelines (President) and their implementation (Government). This Declaration was invoked by the Government in front of the Court in order to justify the participation of the Prime Minister to the European Council. In a separate opinion, three judges of the Court consider that there was no legal conflict of constitutional nature to justify the Court’s competence, but rather the problem of deciding who represents Romania, a problem of political nature ”that needs to be settled by the Parliament when there are disagreements regarding this between the President and the Prime Minister”, hence justifying the relevance of the Parliament’s Declaration mentioned above. In another separate opinion, it was considered that this Declaration cannot be subject to the Court’s control, being a political act, and this act does not create a legal conflict of constitutional nature between the President and the Prime Minister.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
    TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Romania Redivivus
    alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head.
    [Show full text]
  • Philo-Germanism Without Germans. Memory, Identity, and Otherness in Post-1989 Romania
    Durham E-Theses Philo-Germanism without Germans. Memory, Identity, and Otherness in Post-1989 Romania CERCEL, CRISTIAN,ALEXANDRU How to cite: CERCEL, CRISTIAN,ALEXANDRU (2012) Philo-Germanism without Germans. Memory, Identity, and Otherness in Post-1989 Romania, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4925/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Philo-Germanism without Germans. Memory, Identity, and Otherness in Post-1989 Romania Cristian-Alexandru Cercel PhD School of Government and International Affairs Durham University 2012 3 Abstract The recent history of the German minority in Romania is marked by its mass migration from Romania to Germany, starting roughly in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War and reaching its climax in the early 1990s, following the fall of Communism. Against this background, the present thesis investigates a phenomenon that can be termed “philo-Germanism without Germans”, arguing that the way the German minority in Romania is represented in a wide array of discourses is best comprehended if placed in a theoretical framework in which concepts such as “self-Orientalism”, “intimate colonization” and other related ones play a key role.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Communist Romania
    Political Science • Eastern Europe Carey Edited by Henry F. Carey Foreword by Norman Manea “Henry Carey’s collection captures with great precision the complex, contradic- tory reality of contemporary Romania. Bringing together Romanian, West European, and American authors from fields as diverse as anthropology, politi- Romania cal science, economics, law, print and broadcast journalism, social work, and lit- ROMANIA SINCE 1989 erature, the volume covers vast ground, but with striking detail and scholarship and a common core approach. Romania since 1989 provides perhaps the most comprehensive view of the continuing, murky, contested reality that is Romania today and is a must read for any scholar of modern Romania, of East-Central Europe, and of the uncertain, troubled, post-socialist era.” since 1989 —David A. Kideckel, Central Connecticut State University Sorin Antohi “The wealth of detail and quality of insights will make this an excellent source- Wally Bacon book for students of political change after the Cold War. It should be taken seri- Gabriel Ba˘ descu ously by policy practitioners increasingly involved with Romania’s problems.” Zoltan Barany —Tom Gallagher, Professor of Peace Studies, Bradford University, U.K. Politics, Jóhanna Kristín Birnir Larry S. Bush Those who study Romania must confront the theoretical challenges posed by a Economics, Pavel Câmpeanu country that is undergoing a profound transformation from a repressive totali- Henry F. Carey tarian regime to a hazy and as yet unrealized democratic government. The most and Society Daniel Da˘ ianu comprehensive survey of Romanian politics and society ever published abroad, Dennis Deletant this volume represents an effort to collect and analyze data on the complex prob- Christopher Eisterhold lems of Romania’s past and its transition into an uncertain future.
    [Show full text]
  • Represiunea Si Disidenta Anticomunista
    Represiunea si Disidenta anticomunista Disidenta- persoana care are pareri politice sau opinii deosebite fata de colectivitate, organizatia din care face parte. Sistemul represiunii- Sistemul de represiune comunist s-a manifestat dupa instalarea guvernului Petru Groza (1945). Principalele organe de represiune sunt: - Directia Generala a Securitatii Poporului (1948), condusa de agenti de la Moscova: Gh. Pintilie, Bodarenko, Alexandru Nicolski. - In 1949 desfintate Politia si Jandarmeria inlocuite cu Militia si trupele de securitate. Forme ale represiunii: - anihilarea fizica (dusmani ai poporului). Oameni politici: Iuliu Maniu, Ion Mihalache, Constantin I. C. Bratianu, Constantin Argetoianu au fost arestati. Oameni de cultura: Mircea Vulcanescu si oameni ai bisericii: Vladimir Ghica au fost arestati. -domiciliu fortat. -internarea in spitale de psihiatrie. -gulagul romanesc: - inchisori: Sighet, Gherla, Galati, Ramnicu-Sarat, Aiud, Pitesti (Fenomenul reeducarii de la Pitesti); -santiere nationale: Canalul Dunare-Marea Neagra; -colonii de munca: Baia Sprie, Salcia, Cavnic. -deportari: - 1951- in Baragan din Banat- 40 000 de oameni. Sitemul disidentei: Disidenta anticomunista a imbracat mai multe forme de manifestare: -emigratia: intelectuali si oameni de cultura; Paul Goma, Vlad Georgescu, Gh. Calciu Dumitreasa. Forme folosite: -articole de presa, demersuri pe langa puterile Occidentului pentru implementarea Planului Marshall in S-E Europei. In 1949-1975 s-a constituit Comitetul National Roman din S.U.A. Etape si forme ale disidentei: - 1. in 1944-1956 formele de disidenta au avut loc in vedere rasturnarea regimului comunist cu ajutor American (,,vin americanii”) -rezistenta armata: grupuri de rezistenta: Banat, Oltenia, Muscel- Fagaras (Haiducii Muscelului, Col. Arsenescu si Fratii Arnautoiu), Bucovina, Muntii Fagaras (Ion Gavrila Ogoranu), Sumanele Negre, Miscarea Nationala de Rezistenta, Haiducii lui Avram Iancu, Graiul sangelui.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Fact Sheet
    COUNTRY FACT SHEET ROMANIA July 2007 Research Directorate Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Research Completed 10 July 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 2 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Romania Geography Romania is located in south eastern Europe. The region has a total area of 237,500 km2 and is composed of mountains and plains. Romania shares borders with Ukraine to the north, Hungary to the northwest, Serbia to the southwest, Bulgaria to the south, and Moldova to the east. Its southeast coast meets the Black Sea. Romania has a moderate amount of precipitation, with cold winters and hot summers; however, to the far southeast, the climate is temperate. Population and density Population: 22,276,056 (July 2007). Density: 90.9 people per km2 (mid-2004). Principal cities and populations (as of mid-2003) Bucuresti (Bucharest, capital) 1,929,615; Iasi 313,444; Constanta 309,965; Timisoara 308,019; Craiova 300,843; Galati 300,211; Cluj-Napoca 294,906; Brasov 286,371; Ploiesti 236,724; Braila 221,369.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of National Identity in the Trajectory of Romania's
    The Role of National Identity in the Trajectory of Romania’s Foreign Policy (1990-2007) Loretta Crina Salajan Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD in International Politics Aberystwyth University October 2014 DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not being concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed Date 22 October 2014 STATEMENT I This thesis is the result of my own research, except where otherwise stated. Where correction services have been used, the extent and nature of the correction are clearly marked in footnotes. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A bibliography is appended. Signed Date 22 October 2014 STATEMENT II I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed Date 22 October 2014 STATEMENT III I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be deposited in the University’s Institutional Research Repository. Signed Date 22 October 2014 Abstract This thesis explores the significance of national identity in shaping the trajectory of Romania’s foreign policy between 1990 and 2007. It explains why and how Romania’s Euro-Atlantic national identity was subject to re- definitions and discursive dialogue prior to the European Union accession on 1 January 2007, as well as how and why these identity re-definitions influenced the state’s foreign policy decisions. The research employs a multi- dimensional framework of national identity, which draws from four academic literatures related to: constructivism, nationalism studies, collective memory and self-esteem and international recognition.
    [Show full text]
  • Assimilation, Segregation, Integration: State Control on Minority Policies in Modern Romania (1918-2007)
    W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 6-2011 Assimilation, Segregation, Integration: State Control on Minority Policies in Modern Romania (1918-2007) Doina Anca Cretu College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Cretu, Doina Anca, "Assimilation, Segregation, Integration: State Control on Minority Policies in Modern Romania (1918-2007)" (2011). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 436. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/436 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction Looking back across Romania‟s twentieth century, Romanian philosopher Emil Cioran once said: "Some countries are blessed with a sort of grace: everything works for them, even their misfortunes and their catastrophes. There are others for whom nothing succeeds and whose very triumphs are but failures. When they try to assert themselves and take a step forward, some external fate intervenes to break their momentum and return them to their starting point."1 Interestingly enough, this particular concept of fate has always been part of socio-political discourse in Romania. Often times the focus shifted towards the benefits of a suprastate, mirrored by what is often called a Romanian inability for decision- making. The idea of the impossibility for Romanians to make their own decisions and determine their own fate has, in fact, become a national cliché as of late.
    [Show full text]
  • Post-Communist Romania: a Peculiar Case of Divided Government Manolache, Cristina
    www.ssoar.info Post-communist Romania: a peculiar case of divided government Manolache, Cristina Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Manolache, C. (2013). Post-communist Romania: a peculiar case of divided government. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 13(3), 427-440. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-448327 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Post-Communist Romania 427 Post-Communist Romania A Peculiar Case of Divided Government CRISTINA MANOLACHE If for the most part of its post-communist history, Romania experienced a form of unified government based on political coalitions and alliances which resulted in conflictual relations between the executive and the legislative and even among the dualist executive itself, it should come as no surprise that the periods of divided government are marked by strong confrontations which have culminated with two failed suspension attempts. The main form of divided government in Romania is that of cohabitation, and it has been experienced only twice, for a brief period of time: in 2007-2008 under Prime-Minister Călin Popescu Tăriceanu of the National Liberal Party and again, starting May 2012, under Prime Minister Victor Ponta of the Social Democratic Party.
    [Show full text]
  • Romania Eroica 1
    Revista Asociaţiei Naţionale Cultul Eroilor “Regina Maria” • Fondată în 1920 sub numele “Cultul Eroilor Noștri“ • Anul XXIV • Nr. 1 (62) - 2021 - Serie nouă 24 DOSAR România Eroică 5 Dinastia celor aleşi 7 Concursul “Premiile Cultul Eroilor”, Mari familii militare ediţia a VIII-a 21 Amintirile mele din război 52 Nobleţea eroilor. Tudor Greceanu Apelul Asociaţiei Naţionale Cultul Eroilor „Regina Maria” Biroul Executiv Central mulţumeşte tuturor persoanelor care doresc să sprijine financiar activităţile de cinstire a memoriei eroilor noştri. Susţinerea financiară constă în depunerea a cel puţin 100 de lei la sediul asociaţiei noastre (Bulevardul Ion Mihalache nr. 124-126, Sector 1, Bucureşti, Cod poştal: 011203), pe bază de chitanţier sau mandat poştal) sau în Contul Asociaţiei Naţionale Cultul Eroilor “Regina Maria”: RO45RNCB0082004534620001, BCR, Sucursala UNIREA, Bucureşti Toţi cei care vor răspunde apelului nostru vor primi câte un exemplar gratuit din fiecare număr al revistei “România eroică”, iar la sfârşitul anului conducerea Asociaţiei Naţionale Cultul Eroilor “Regina Maria” va acorda fiecărui susţinător o Diplomă de Excelenţă. În anul 2021 au răspuns apelului nostru: 1. Opritsa Dragalina Popa, Elk Grove, SUA 2. Dr. Cornel și Nina Dumitriu, New York, SUA 3. Irina Nelson, New York, SUA 4. Dr. Radu Manoliu, Olanda 5. Prof. Jean Cantacuzene, Paris, Franţa 6. Gl. mr. (r) prof. univ. dr. Visarion Neagoe, București 7. General dr. Ioan Hurdubaie, București 8. Gl. bg. (r) Dan Radu Şerban, București 9. Col. (r) Satnoianu Anișoara, București 10. Plt. adj. princ. (r) Sanda Nicolae, București 11. Col. (r) Vasile S. Popa, București 12. Col. (r) ing. Marin Alniţei, București 13. Col. (r) Constantin Bostan, București 14.
    [Show full text]
  • Palatul-Aisci.Pdf
    ISTORIA PALATULUI ACADEMIEI DE ÎNALTE STUDII COMERCIALE ŞI INDUSTRIALE ŞI OAMENII EI 2 Comportament organizaţional 3 Ion Gh. Roşca ISTORIA PALATULUI ACADEMIEI DE ÎNALTE STUDII COMERCIALE ŞI INDUSTRIALE ŞI OAMENII EI Ediţia a II-a revizuită şi adăugită Colecţia ASE 100 Editura ASE Bucureşti 2013 4 Comportament organizaţional ACADEMIA DE STUDII ECONOMICE DIN BUCUREŞTI Copyright © 2013, Editura ASE Toate drepturile asupra acestei ediţii sunt rezervate editurii. Editura ASE Piaţa Romană nr. 6, sector 1, Bucureşti, România cod 010374 www.ase.ro www.editura.ase.ro [email protected] Referenţi: Prof. univ. dr. Maria Mureşan Conf. univ. dr. Mihail Opriţescu Editura ASE Redactor: Claudia-Marinela Dumitru Tehnoredactor: Doroty Ionescu Coperta: Simona Buşoi Autorii îşi asumă întreaga responsabilitate pentru ideile exprimate, pentru originalitatea materialului şi pentru sursele bibliografice menţionate. 5 Descoperiţi-vă, descoperindu-vă înaintaşii. Eu am făcut-o şi mă simt mai aproape de fericire. 6 Comportament organizaţional CUPRINS Introducere ...........................................................................................................................9 Capitolul 1 ÎNCEPUTURILE ...............................................................................................................15 1.1 Înfiinţarea Academiei de Înalte Studii Comerciale şi Industriale..................................16 1.2 Primele cadre didactice ale Academiei de Înalte Studii Comerciale şi Industriale (1913-1918) .............................................................................................20
    [Show full text]
  • Romanian Public Management Reform
    Lucica MATEI Romanian Public Management Reform Theoretical and Empirical Studies Volume 2. Civil Service Collection of Socio-economics English Series Scientific coordination of the collection: Ph.D. Professor Ani Matei Ph.D. Professor Tudorel Andrei Coperta: Alexandru ION Revizie text: Carmen SĂVULESCU Tehnoredactare computerizată: Nicoleta BOBOCEA Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României MATEI, LUCICA Romanian Public Management Reform: Theoretical and Empirical Studies / Lucica Matei. – Bucureşti: Editura Economică, 2009 2 vol. ISBN 978-973-709-450-6 Vol. 2. – 2009. – Bibliogr. – ISBN 978-973-709-452-0 65.012.4 Lucica MATEI Romanian Public Management Reform Theoretical and Empirical Studies Volume 2. Civil Service ISBN 978-973-709-450-6 ISBN 978-973-709-452-0 (Vol. II) Copyright © Editura Economică, 2009 Autorul este responsabil de clarificarea dreptului de utilizare a informaţiilor cuprinse în lucrare. Table of contents Volume 2. Civil Service Chapter 4 Europeanization of Higher Education. Social perception, comparative studies, transfer of best practices ......................... 7 4.1. Europeanization of Higher Education in the Area of Administrative Sciences in Romania. Empirical Researches Concerning the Social Impact........................... 7 4.2. Europeanization or Curricular Harmonization in the area of Administrative Sciences in Romania (follow-up of Bologna process) Comparative Analysis and Empirical Research ........................................................ 54 4.3.Dialogues and Thematic Experiences about
    [Show full text]