CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE Why Are You Lifting So Heavy?

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

Why are you lifting so heavy?

Understanding the Experiences of Asian American Female Powerlifters

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

For the degree of Master of Science in Kinesiology

Jolie Pitetta

December 2019

The thesis of Jolie Pitetta is approved:

______

Dr. George Kioussis Date

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Dr. Douglas W. McLaughlin Date

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Dr. Chris Bolsmann, Chair Date

California State University, Northridge

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Acknowledgements

I would like to acknowledge those that have provided me with unwavering support and strength throughout my thesis process. I appreciate each and every one of the six Asian American women who took the time out of their day to share their stories and lived experiences with me. You are an inspiration to Asian American females who are learning to make their own space in this world. This thesis would not have been possible without your kindness and willingness to share your journey in powerlifting.

I would like to thank my thesis committee members, Dr. Kioussis and Dr. McLaughlin, and my advisor, Dr. Bolsmann, for all their support and encouragement. Your diverse perspectives and experiences allowed me to delve deeper into the research and create a study that I am proud of. Dr. Bolsmann, I am especially grateful for your patience and guidance throughout the thesis process. You believed in my abilities and pushed me to succeed right from the beginning, and for that, I am eternally grateful.

To Kim Gabriel, my partner and best friend, I am thankful for our trips to coffee shops and the library. You supported me with your presence during those long nights and always reminded me to take a break. You kept me focused by always providing positive words and treating me with love and kindness. I appreciate you and everything you do for me.

To my family, thank you for checking in on me and encouraging me to reach the finish line. To Mary Ann and Steve, thank you for being my parents away from home and providing a safe and enriching environment for me. I appreciate all the fun trips and experiences we had to take my mind off of school and work. I love you all.

Finally, I would like to thank my mother, Thanh, for instilling confidence and resilience in me. I was never the typical Asian American girl, and you supported me in both my personal and academic endeavors. Thank you for buying me my first skateboard when I was a little girl and showering me with support in your own way. From you, I learned that I can persevere with hard work and dedication. I always admired your fighting spirit; you never let me give up. I love you, mom, from the moon all the way down to the sea.

Table of Contents

Signature Page ii

Acknowledgements iii

List of Tables v

Abstract vi

Introduction 1

Literature Review 3

The social location of women in sport 3

Racism as barrier to representation in sport and society 7

Dispelling stereotypes for Asian American women in sport 11

Research Questions 16

Method 17

Participant Selection 17

Data Collection & Analysis 19

Results & Discussion 22

Conclusion 40

Limitations and Recommendations 42

Recommendations for Future Research 44

References 45

List of Tables

Table 1. Emergent Themes from Significant Statements, Participants 1-3 38

Table 2. Emergent Themes from Significant Statements, Participants 4-6 39

Abstract

Why Are You Lifting So Heavy?

Understanding the Experiences of Asian American Female Powerlifters

By Jolie Pitetta

Master of Science in Kinesiology

Asian American women are a doubly marginalized group, especially in sports that focus on physicality. There is insufficient research directed at the complex impact of “multiple marginalized categorizations,” such as race, ethnicity, gender, and how they construct a social location for affected groups; Asian American women would serve to benefit from a better understanding of its implications. Even with the label of model minority, Asian Americans are discriminated by society’s narrative of intelligent, but passive and submissive “outsiders” that lack any indication of aggressiveness or athleticism, the antithesis to hegemonic masculinity. The abilities of Asian American women are underplayed when it comes to physically demanding sports; their bodies are reduced to exotic, submissive, hyper-feminine caricatures that fare far better in feminine, appearance-based sports. This restriction deters Asian American females from competing and taking up sports that require high physical demands. Powerlifting is a physicality- focused sport that has recently surged in popularity among Asian Americans, especially females.

Taking into account the intersectional experience, this study aims to bridge a gap in the literature by focusing on Asian American women and their experiences with powerlifting. After analyzing the interviews of six participants on their lived experiences as an Asian American female

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participating in powerlifting, six main themes emerged: (1) body negotiations to balance muscularity and femininity, (2) social media as source of community and support, (3) parental concerns of injury and image, (4) evolving the Asian American identity, (5) disrupting gendered spaces in the gym, and (6) feeling more empowered in life. The results revealed that Asian

American females that powerlift go through a path of transformation and self-reflection to seek balance with their sense of self and choose whether or not to compromise with the expectations of the dominant American culture and the traditional Asian culture.

Keywords: Asian American, female, lived experiences, intersectionality, powerlifting, identity

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Introduction

On February 24, 2019, a few weeks before International Women’s Day, Nike premiered a commercial advertisement, “Dream Crazier,” an ode to the women throughout history who have broken barriers and the women of today who continue the good fight. Narrated by professional tennis player, Serena Williams, the ad highlights the double standards female athletes face, such as controlling their anger to avoid accusations of “being crazy,” and concealing negative or emotional reactions to quell any notion of dramatics. During the video, Williams gives a call to action to female viewers: “Show them what crazy can do.” Be crazy. Dream crazy. Fight for your future and your right to be treated equally in your sport. Hailed as an inspiring battle cry for women’s empowerment, the video calls on women of all ages, all abilities, and all representations to dismantle stereotypes and to keep pushing forward, despite all the failures, setbacks, and criticisms fired their way. Even with the United States’ storied history of Olympic

Games participation and the passage of the 1972 anti-sex discrimination law Title IX, gender equality in the realm of sports continues to be a pressing issue. We have seen a strong increase in female participation in sports, especially in Western countries, but gender stereotypes in sports remain a constant reminder that female athletes live in two clashing cultures: social culture that celebrates feminine women and the inherently masculine and athletic sport culture (Krane, 2004;

Plaza, 2017).

Strength sports represent an even greater paradox for female athletes. They are perceived as “masculine” sports as they involve heavy implements or physical and forceful contact, and exclude “feminine” characteristics, such as artistic or aesthetic expression and gracefulness

(Plaza, 2017). Hegemonic femininity, the culturally idealized form of feminine character, dictates that female athletes must appear feminine and refrain from participating in sports

perceived as masculine (Choi, 2000). This cultural standard puts an emphasis on appearance, specifically a slender and “toned” ideal feminine body (Choi, 2000; Krane, 2004). Strength- based sports, specifically powerlifting, do not take appearance into account. Athletes are categorized by age, body weight, and sex, and compete in three main lifts: the squat, the bench press, and the deadlift (Bishop, 2018; “Powerlifting vs Olympic weightlifting”, n.d.). With only three allowed attempts for each lift, athletes win by lifting the highest total load in their weight class; judgement is based strictly on absolute maximal strength (Ferland, 2019; Kozub, 2012;

“Powerlifting vs Olympic weightlifting”, n.d.).

With the growing popularity of social media and the ability to share emerging trends and activities, individuals turning to powerlifting are more visible to people outside the sport. The objective and quantitative measure of success in powerlifting does not include discriminating factors, such as physical appearance or race. The sheer physicality of this sport does not consider the hegemonic athletic standard. Despite this fact, it is possible that female athletes may still face discrimination during their powerlifting journey, whether that be in or out of the gym. I aim to focus on Asian American females, who may answer to various biases and stereotypes based on both their race and gender.

Literature Review

The social location of women in sport

The physicality of sport has long been a way for men to assert their social and physical dominance. Media coverage of female athletes is often dismissive, regardless of their athletic ability, unless the athlete ascribes to the ideals of conventional attractiveness and femininity

(Kaskan & Ho, 2016). Although the definition of femininity in Western cultures may change over time, multiple studies describe a hegemonic femininity specific to sporting culture: a slim, toned White, heterosexual […] feminine body (Choi, 2000; Krane, 2004; Ussher 1997). By controlling how female athletes are framed to the public, the sport media suppresses the defiance of hegemonic ideals (Messner, 1988).

Recent studies indicate there is a cultural shift in the muscularity scale for women, challenging the definition of hegemonic femininity with a new ideal body (Bozsik, 2018;

Rodgers, 2018). Within the last few years, fitness and inspiration media, also known as

“fitspiration” or “fitspo,” has proliferated among multiple social media platforms. Under the guise of promoting fitness and overall health and wellness, they are promoting a new ideal body, one that is both thin and “toned,” slightly muscular, but not “bulky” (Bozsik, 2018; George,

2005; Rodgers, 2018). The “fit woman” with an athletic body type is a new and desirable body type (George, 2006). Bozsik et. al. (2018) found that when study participants were presented with side-by-side photos of a thin and muscular body and a solely thin body, they preferred the thin and muscular body. Since exercise is required to achieve this new ideal, it may be associated positively with health and wellness. However, it ignores the creation of the same negative side effects women experience under media that promotes a thin ideal (Bozsik 2018). Furthermore, this body ideal may be even more difficult to attain for the average woman as it requires a

lifestyle change in regards to both fitness and diet; women captivated by “fitspiration” must maintain a strength regimen that produces just the right amount of muscle while staying in a caloric deficit to stay appropriately thin (Bozsik 2018). They must find a balance that does not skew towards excessive body fat or excessive muscle (George, 2005). Rodgers et. al (2018) noted that past research suggests that exercise done for improving physical appearance may be linked to negative outcomes that include questionable diet practices and body image issues; unfortunately, this means the surge of thin and toned ideal bodies on social media can push more women to engage in exercise to change their appearance, potentially increasing their exposure to negative practices in regards to body image and disordered eating (Rodgers, 2018).

These beauty norms impact female athletes as well. Sport demands may require more muscle and body mass; however, female athletes must negotiate how well their body performs in sport as well as the femininity of their physique (George, 2005; Podmore & Ogle, 2018). Some develop displeasure in how muscular their physiques are from participating in sport, while others purposely defy norms of “feminine muscularity” (George, 2005; Podmore & Ogle, 2018).

Female athletes compete in leanness sports, where weight and appearance are important for performance (e.g. weight class, aesthetic, endurance, anti-gravitation), and non-leanness sports, where weight and appearance are less important for performance (e.g. power sports, technical, ball game) (Podmore & Ogle, 2018; Torstveit, Rosenvinge, & Sundgot-Bor, 2007). In a study by

Torstveit et. al. (2007), both groups of women in leanness and non-leanness sports are found to be susceptible to decreased body satisfaction and increased disordered eating behavior.

Nevertheless, body dissatisfaction was not as significant of a factor as predicted, as fewer leanness sport athletes expressed body dissatisfaction compared to non-leanness athletes

(Torstveit, Rosenvinge, & Sundgot-Bor, 2007). In fact, several studies have found that

participating in sports can decrease the risk of body dissatisfaction and disordered eating and increase “body positive” experiences, healthier attitudes about themselves, and emotional wellbeing (DiBartolo & Shaffer, 2002; Eklund & Masberg, 2014; Krane et. al., 2004; Smolak et. al.,

2000). The experiences of female athletes vary widely, which can be attributed to social context

(Podmore & Ogle, 2018). Sports can allow female athletes to relish the physicality of the game, while prizing their strength and performance over their physique, proving to be a source of empowerment and self-confidence (George, 2005; Eklund & Masberg, 2014; Krane et. al.,

2004). Outside of sports, female athletes may feel that their muscular physiques “stand out” and defy ideal body standards (George, 2005).

Although the muscularity scale has shifted, sports continue to be a male-defined realm.

Globally, the number of women competing in traditionally masculine sports has increased.

Women’s boxing made its Olympic debut at the 2012 Summer Olympic Games (Coche &

Tuggle, 2016). Boxing and judo, the women’s hard contact and power sports that year, received over thirty minutes of prime-time overage for the first time (Coche & Tuggle, 2016). The 2014

Winter Olympic Games held a women’s division in the formerly men-only halfpipe snowboarding event. Despite more coverage and awareness of women in sports, female athletes still experience microaggressions, or subtle biases on a daily basis (Kaskan & Ho, 2016). Kaskan

& Ho (2016) identify three common microaggression themes experienced by female athletes: (1) assumption of inferiority, (2) objectification, and (3) restrictive gender roles. Assumption of inferiority indicates that women are not as physically or mentally competent as men. In a study by Messner & Cooky (2010), the total percentage of time spent on women’s sports coverage declined between 1999 and 2009. Whether sports media lacks the budgetary resources to highlight women or not, the scarcity in sports coverage for female athletes may convey the

message that they are inherently inferior and less valued compared to male athletes (Kaskan &

Ho, 2016; Messner & Cooky, 2010). Sexual objectification is defined as seeing a woman as a body or body parts, an object of sexual desire, rather than seeing the woman as an individual

(Kaskan & Ho, 2016). This is an especially large barrier to overcome as the worth of a female athlete is determined by her desirability as a sexual object, rather than athletic abilities, especially in the mass media. Reflected in sexualized magazine covers and skimpy uniform regulations, the notion that interest in sport can only be acquired by the degree of the athlete’s attractiveness burns in the minds of females trying to advance and gain support in their sport of choice (Brace-Govan, 2002; Kaskan & Ho, 2016). Lastly, restrictive gender roles are social roles that encompass appropriate behavior based on gender (Kaskan & Ho, 2016). For women, this includes displaying stereotypical characteristics such as being delicate and subdued, essentially, the opposite of “being crazy.” Athletes that compete in the more feminine sports of gymnastics and figure skating receive more media coverage due to adherence to the hegemonic expectations of femininity in our society, while other athletes must limit masculine behaviors like yelling and grunting in order to gain approval (Brace-Govan, 2002; Kaskan & Ho, 2016).

Female bodybuilders have been cited as athletes that blur the line between masculinity and femininity due to the competitive physique requirements, creating an alternative standard for beauty (Lewis, 2004; Roussel, 2010; Scott, 2011; Shea, 2001). Even when faced with social stigmatization from mainstream society, these women continue to develop their muscular potential (Roussel, 2010). Bodybuilding may be empowering as women can improve their self- esteem and self-image as they get stronger and feel more powerful (Shea, 2001). Although some may see this participation as an act of resistance and empowerment against the hegemonic feminine ideal, some researchers highlight that bodybuilding still objectifies and manipulates the

female body under the traditional norms of beauty (Roussel, 2010; Scott, 2011; Shea, 2001).

These authors contend that female bodybuilders face a double standard; while men are celebrated for their effort to grow maximum muscle, women must operate under the understanding that muscles can be “sexy,” but there is an aesthetic limit for women when competing on the bodybuilding circuit (Lewis, 2004; Scott, 2011). Judging criteria for bodybuilding competitions is subjective as judges are only looking for “an ideal feminine physique,” while biased by their personal idea of femininity (Shea, 2001). Female competitors must walk through their posing routine with grace and exude the feminine ideal as judges assess if they have crossed the threshold of excess muscle (Shea, 2001). They compete to showcase their dense, muscular bodies, but must also uphold traditional notions of beauty by playing up feminine aspects in their presentation, such as hairstyle, skin tanning, makeup, and posing suits (Scott, 2011; Shea, 2001).

It is in this battle for balance that most competitors toe the line between “athlete” and “woman,” defying socialized norms of femininity with their muscular look while manipulating their bodies in hopes of conforming to the judges’ image of ideal femininity.

A paradox presents itself as the physicality of certain sports cannot be avoided. In bodybuilding, athletes are judged solely on appearance, whereas in the sports of weightlifting and powerlifting, athletes are judged on the physical activity itself, how much is lifted, not the appearance of the physical activity or the athlete and whether they ascribe to the hegemonic ideal of femininity or sexual desirability. However, sports are not experienced in a vacuum. The notion of an ideal feminine body still affects female athletes and their social location in sport, regardless of their athletic prowess.

Racism as barrier to representation in sport and society

Despite the growth of sports on a global scale, racism still permeates American sport culture today. Although organized sports over the past century have inscribed masculinity and affirmed male superiority over females and subordinated males, race is just as much of an issue as gender (Messner, 1992). Many “hypermasculine” sports champion high contact and physically demanding performance in a team setting, such as basketball, ice hockey, and football, embodying our society’s hegemonic masculinity. Other sports, such as tennis and gymnastics, while just as physically demanding, are viewed as feminine due to no physical contact and the emphasis on grace and individual performance (Park, 2015; Wachs & Dworkin,

1997). Just because a male athlete competes in a “feminine” sport, he is relegated to a subordinated masculinity (Messner, 1992; Park, 2015). Athletes are consigned to this lower tier of masculinities based on social factors, such as sexual orientation, class, age, and ethnicity

(Wachs & Dworkin, 1997).

Physical stereotypes also paint a socially undesirable picture of Asian American men and women in organized sport. High-contact, physically demanding sports are the embodiment of the dominant form of masculinity, teaching the principles of “how to be a man,” yet mass media presents Asian American men as a subordinated group, ill-equipped to pursue and excel in sport

(Park, 2015). Park (2015) presents Jeremy Lin, the first Taiwanese-American to play in the

National Basketball Association (NBA), as a prime example of the mass media’s racialized coverage of an exceptional Asian American male athlete. Not only did the media parade the underdog narrative to Lin’s swift, impressive rise to stardom, but they also reinforced the idea of low expectations of Asian American men’s bodies (Park, 2015). Instead of attributing it to athletic prowess, commentators praised him on his “hard work” and “perseverance” (Park,

2015). To be celebrated in the world of sports, Asian American men must prove themselves the hard-working “model minority” that goes beyond the low standards already set by their less- than-masculine bodies.

Regardless of gender, the status of Asian Americans as a subordinated group in sport and society can be attributed in part to stereotypical representations that diminish their identity, personality traits, and physical prowess. Although touted as the “model minority” that perseveres and achieves success, Asian Americans are discriminated by society’s narrative of intelligent, but passive and submissive “outsiders” that lack any indication of aggressiveness or athleticism (Li,

2014; Park, 2015; Xu, 2013).

Many scholars have noted that the growth of minority populations, including Asian

Americans, has caused a shift in race relations in the United States; they suggest that America’s color line has evolved from the black-white color divide to a new paradigm. While most studies on America’s racial system have focused primarily on the black-white dichotomy, some researchers theorize a transition to a multiracial hierarchy that reflects America’s diversity

(Abascal, 2015; Bell, Marquardt & Berry, 2014; Bonilla-Silva, 2002; Lee & Bean, 2007; Xu &

Lee, 2013). Lee and Bean (2007) note a possible binary color line: a white-nonwhite divide.

With the popularity of the label, “people of color,” in the late 1980s, all nonwhite groups could be grouped together due to their minority status, homogenizing their experiences as subordinate groups. This suggests that Asians have more experiences in common with minorities than whites

(Lee & Bean, 2007). Lee and Bean also recount how social scientists in the 1900s notice the emergence of a black-nonblack divide, where blacks are separated not only from whites, but from nonwhite groups. These nonwhite groups have the ability to change their status from nonwhite to almost white by leveraging economic mobility and modeling white customs and

traditions. The authors note the shift of Asians in this hierarchy as “model minorities” and hard workers earned them the status of “honorary whites” (Lee & Bean, 2007). In this racial stratification, Asians are able to slide closer to the white category, a fluidity not shared by blacks.

Bell, Marquardt, and Berry (2013) suggest that tri-racial stratification is more fitting to the changing racial and ethnic landscape, noting theories by Bonilla-Silva and C.K. Kim. The system proposed by Bonilla-Silva includes three racial strata that grow darker in skin color: Whites,

Honorary Whites, and Collective Blacks (Bonilla-Silva, 2002). With the “darkening of

America,” he notes that color gradation will be a significant factor in this racial stratification as colorblind racism ignores the impact race has on people’s lives and potential opportunities

(Bonilla-Silva, 2002). In this paradigm, Asians are separated by ethnic groups, with those of

Vietnamese, Hmong, and Laotian descent in the Collective Blacks category and the lighter- skinned Asians in the Honorary Whites category (Bonilla-Silva, 2002; Lee & Bean, 2007).

The ethnic diversity and variance in socioeconomic attainment between ethnic groups reveals the complication in grouping Asian Americans into one racial category. According to the

C. K. Kim’s Racial Triangulation Theory, racial stratification cannot be modeled by a racial hierarchy, where racial groups are placed in a single dimension based on “superiority” and

“inferiority” in relation to each other. She argues that Asian Americans do not exist on the basic continuum of white-black race relations, but rather on a triangulated position that accounts for

“racial valorization” and “civic ostracism,” due to the complex nature of the Asian American experience (Xu, 2013). Their high placement on the scale of racial superiority due to their model minority status masks the fact that Asian Americans are forever condemned to the status of foreigner, while whites and blacks have insider status (Xu, 2013). Although these theories vary

in where they place the social location of Asian Americans, they all point to the significance of racial and ethnic relations in how groups are treated in America.

Stereotypes of Asian Americans and their place in society can have deleterious effects on the mental health of Asian Americans and their place in Western society. A 2001 Surgeon

General’s Report highlighted both racism and intolerance as critical factors in the exacerbation of mental illness as they worsen instances of anxiety and depression (Iwamoto, 2010). Race- related stress also threatens mental health as the cognitive capacity needed to endure these experiences is often overwhelming (Iwamoto, 2010). A study by Liang et. al. (2004) theorized that Asian Americans face race-related stress that falls under three categories: (1) socio-historical racism, (2) general racism, and (3) perpetual foreigner racism. Socio-historical racism includes seeing Asian men as passive and effeminate and Asian women as hypersexual and submissive.

General racism includes assuming all Asians are overachieving students devoid of athletic abilities or skills. Perpetual foreigner racism includes seeing Asians as “other,” not quite

American, even if they are American citizens.

Dispelling stereotypes for Asian American women in sport

Asian American women fight stereotypes of race and gender when participating in their sport of choice. Some scholars attribute this to the unique cultural barriers young women of minority background face on top of stereotypes in sport culture (Hanson, 2005). Vertinsky

(1998) argues that the small body of research available on Asian American women in sport is wrought with stereotypes; it assumes Asian American women can be categorized in a homogenous group that lacks the skills needed to excel in sports as they are fragile and passive.

This creates barriers to sports participation and physical activity for young Asian American women as these culturally insensitive views can be held and perpetuated by their teachers,

community members, and classmates (Vertinsky, 1998). In turn, the marginalizing stereotypes result in lower levels of physical activity for the young Asian American women (Vertinsky,

1998). With minimal support in their environment and inadvertent multicultural insensitivity,

Asian American women must fight to dispel the stereotypes that work against them.

There is insufficient research directed at the complex impact of “multiple marginalized categorizations,” such as race, ethnicity, gender, and among other socially constructed categories, and how it mutually constructs a social location for affected groups; Asian American women would serve to benefit from a better understanding of its implications (Jang, 2018).

Scholars use the term intersectionality in critically studying this evolving paradigm (Collins,

1998; Jang, 2018). Coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw, intersectionality can be defined as the interactive dimensions of social categorizations and the various ways they shape and define an individual’s experience (Bello, 2016; Collins, 1998; Jang, 2018). This concept can be applied to

Asian American women. Rather than being an “additive” issue, the complexity of intersectionality argues that multiple marginalized social constructions interact in

“multiplicative” ways (Jang, 2018). Issues cannot be studied within a race-only perspective or a gender-only perspective as the intersectional experience is an added complexity; Asian American women are not just a subgroup of Asian Americans or women, but rather their own multidimensional category (Collins, 1998).

Historically, the abilities of Asian American women are underplayed when it comes to physically demanding sports; their bodies are reduced to exotic, submissive, hyper-feminine caricatures that fare far better in “lady-like” sports like gymnastics or figure skating (Lee, 2005;

Park, 2015). This restriction deters Asian American females from competing or taking up sports that stray from the feminine standard. Whether they face discrimination because of their race or

gender, Asian American women must strive beyond greatness, while conforming to society’s dominant ideals to receive any recognition. With a narrow focus that centered on Korean

American women, Lee (2005) examined the cultural meanings Korean women associated with sporting experiences. These women were caught between two cultures, the dominant American culture and traditional Korean culture. Sports allowed them to create a space for themselves in

American culture, while retaining their Korean roots. Despite intergenerational conflict in regards to strict gender roles, they were able to strike a balance between white American society and Korean society. As Asian Americans, they are caught between two worlds; rather than either hiding within their traditional culture or rejecting it to immerse themselves fully in American culture, Asian American women have negotiated a place for themselves by combining the values and standards of both cultures to create a new identity that they have chosen for themselves (Lee,

2005).

At the intersection of gender and race, Asian American women must appease both the

American feminine ideal and prove that they are truly American. Studies on popular Asian

American athletes reflect how the sport media can control narratives and how they present these athletes to the public (Billings, Angelini & Eastman, 2008; Fabos, 2001; Tuan, 1999). Recalling successful Asian American female athletes, the figure skaters Kristi Yamaguchi and Michelle

Kwan have made their mainstream mark both in competition and in sports media (Fabos, 2001;

Tuan, 1999).

Fabos (2001) asserts that during the 1992 Winter Olympics, the CBS television network dramatized the figure skating coverage in order to fit a fairytale-like narrative, manipulating television viewers and pushing the American female ideal. Three American figure skaters, Kristi

Yamaguchi, Nancy Kerrigan, and Tonya Harding, vied for the gold medal in figure skating

singles and the reputation of media darling (Fabos, 2001). Although Kristi Yamaguchi, a

Japanese-American, won the gold with her athletic and artistic skill on the ice, she did not receive an abundance of product endorsements and sponsorships like past gold medalists (Fabos,

2001; Tuan, 1999). Many speculate that she was passed over for Nancy Kerrigan due to her

Japanese heritage; the American public was uneasy about accepting Kristi Yamaguchi as one of their own (Fabos, 2001; Tuan, 1999). Nancy Kerrigan, on the other hand, was the classic fair- skinned “girl next door” (Tuan, 1999). Although her skating ability was not as consistent at

Kristi Yamaguchi’s, Nancy Kerrigan’s striking good looks and mainstream appeal garnered her magazine spreads and six-figure endorsements deals (Tuan, 1999). CBS chose to highlight her as she represented the ideal Western image of feminine beauty, appearing in television commercials and People Magazine’s “Most Beautiful People of 1992” feature (Fabos, 2001; Tuan, 1999).

Yamaguchi passed up the next Olympics and competed in professional competitions instead

(Fabos, 2001). She was viewed as “not American enough” due to her Asian background, and thus did not receive the same opportunities afforded to a the “American darling” bronze medalist.

The 1998 Olympics pitted the “mature” Michelle Kwan against the young and ambitious

Tara Lipinski. Leading up the event, Michelle Kwan was easily the favorite, growing into a more feminine and woman-like contender (Fabos, 2001). Unlike years earlier for Kristi Yamaguchi, the American public and sports media readily embraced Michelle Kwan despite the stark contrast to the usual European-centric feminine ideal (Fabos, 2001). CBS presented a narrative of a young, dignified woman who diligently trained and put her family first (Fabos, 2001). Although

Tara Lipinski won the gold medal that year, Michelle Kwan won the hearts of viewers with her quiet charisma in the face of defeat (Fabos, 2001). Her popularity soared after the Olympics; she

accepted multiple deals with Disney for books, televisions specials, and an autobiographical film, Heart of a Champion (Fabos, 2001). Unfortunately, an MSNBC internet article announced the 1998 Winter Olympics figure skating results with the title, “American Beats Kwan,” normalizing Tara Lipinski as the American and labelling Michelle Kwan as a foreigner.

Although the mistake was quickly rectified, this upsetting error highlights the “otherness” that

Asian Americans must deal with in this Western-centric society. Despite the public’s acceptance of an Asian American media darling, Michelle Kwan’s status as a second-generation American was not enough to evade the foreigner stereotype. With Asian Americans consigned to their ethnic background, they may never live up to the public’s image of a “real” American. As stellar

Asian American athletes like Michele Kwan and Kristi Yamaguchi are not marketed as true

American idols, Asian American females may feel insignificant in the dearth of high-profile

Asian representation and role models in society and in sport.

Recent articles echo the fact that Asian American women are nearly invisible in social science literature, along with Asian Americans in general (Hanson, 2005; Lee, 2005; Wong,

1999). Research on race and sport emphasizes the White-Black dichotomy, while research on female minorities in sport often focus on African American and Hispanic women (Hanson,

2005). However, the tide is turning as scholarship grows and recognizes the ethnic diversity within the Asian American group, and how studying their participation in sports is a means to analyze the differences in their responses and experiences in regards to varying cultural and societal factors (Lee, 2005). With the rise in women’s sport participation, Asian American women are garnering more encouragement for and having a greater interest in sports and physical activity despite the barriers they may face (Hanson, 2005).

Research Question

With a scarcity in the research regarding the lived experiences of Asian American women in sport, I examine the various encounters concerning race and gender that influence and affect

Asian American women. This serves to benefit educators, mentors, sporting organizations, and athletes themselves. The purpose of this study is to investigate the following research question: what are the lived experiences of Asian American females that participate in powerlifting? I will explore the instances that shape and define the participants’ outlook on their sport and their participation, and whether it has influenced other parts of their life. I strive to understand the experiences of a group in society that breaks the mold of submissive femininity by focusing on the physicality of powerlifting lifts. These women challenge conventional notions of femininity in both traditional Asian culture and American culture.

Method

This section describes the methodological approach used to gather and analyze data from interviews conducted with six Asian American female powerlifters. The purpose of this study was to explore the experiences of Asian American females that choose to powerlift and why they continue to participate in the sport despite stereotypes of race and gender.

To attain the purpose of this study, a qualitative approach was adopted. According to

Creswell (2013), qualitative research is used when an issue or research problem must be explored; qualitative researchers use an approach to qualitative inquiry to gain a complex understanding of the issue. This may be due to a scarcity in research for certain groups or populations, a need for identifying variables that cannot be quantified, such as participants attributing meanings to a social problem, or giving a voice to those that are silenced or underrepresented (Creswell, 2013). This study is conducted within the phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of Asian American females that participate in powerlifting. According to Creswell (2013), a phenomenological study looks at the lived experiences of a group of individuals and the common ascribed meaning of the concept or phenomenon for them. By collecting data from participants that have experienced the phenomenon, one can distill the description of the essence of the experience, such as “how” and

“why” they experienced it (Creswell, 2013).

Participant Selection

The participants selected for this study were Asian American women living in the Bay

Area and Los Angeles area who participated in the sport of powerlifting. They are members of the local powerlifting community that provide important insight and provide leads to more information (Creswell, 2013). By having six participants, I was able to conduct in-depth

interviews in a conversational manner, capture their many stories and experiences, and foster a better connection with each participant. According to Patton (2002), a smaller sample of participants can be beneficial for “information rich cases.” Having ties with both areas, I knew a large Asian American population was present, especially in the powerlifting community. Three women were interviewed Northern California, and the remaining three were interviewed in

Southern California.

Two different recruitment methods were used: (1) criterion sampling and (2) snowball sampling. Criterion sampling requires that all cases meet specific criterion to ensure quality in sample population (Creswell, 2013). In this study, participants must have participated in the sport of powerlifting for two years. I wanted the participants to be active in powerlifting, training for competitions and not just for the novelty of it. With more experience with the sport, perhaps there would be a greater range of experiences. All participants had competed in at least one competition within the last two years. Snowball sampling allows the researcher to find cases of interest via current participants that can provide information-rich cases. In this study, the participants were asked to provide referrals after the first interview was completed.

I contacted individuals that met the inclusion criteria and had public profiles on the social media app, Instagram. I stated the nature of the study and its requirements, and once participation was confirmed, I exchanged contact information, such as full name, email, and phone number, so that I could stay in contact with them before the interview.

The Institutional Review Board at California State University at Northridge granted approval for this study. Each participant signed a consent form and gave permission for the use of interview data prior to the start of the study.

Data Collection and Analysis

Once the athletes agreed to participate in the study, semi-structured interviews with open- ended questions were scheduled at various coffee shops that were close to the participants. The participants signed consent forms and had one-on-one interviews that consisted of one interviewer, the author, asking questions to one athlete while the interview was recorded with a device to be later transcribed. In-person interviews were chosen instead of telephone interviews as the interviewer can observe verbal data along with nonverbal data, such as facial expressions, gestures, and body language that can enhance meaning into the interview responses (Carr &

Worth, 2001; Hiller & DiLuzio, 2004; Knox, 2009). It can also help build the rapport needed for the participant to disclose information about their experiences more freely and effectively than telephone interviews (Knox, 2009).

Field and ethical issues were addressed by obtaining written consent from the participants; informing the participants about the purpose of the study and assuring them that they are not pressured to participate; creating rapport by respectfully observing and communicating with the participants and other members of their lifting community; guaranteeing participants that confidentiality would be maintained if preferred; and storing interview data and identifying information in a safe, secure location.

I used a list of interview questions to provide some structure to the interview: (a) What is your main motivation for participating in powerlifting? (b) What are some significant personal accomplishments you have achieved in powerlifting? (c) What draws Asian American women to powerlifting, and why do they continue to participate in light of many perceived barriers? (d)

Where do you find support in this sport? and (e) What does powerlifting mean to you? The in-

depth interview format allowed me and each participant to have an intimate and personal connection during our conversation.

For data analysis, Colaizzi’s method of phenomenological inquiry was utilized (Edward,

2011). After the interview, the audio files were reviewed multiple times before interview data transcription began to best understand the meaning behind the participant’s responses. Once completed, the participants validated their respective interview transcript. Significant statements related to the phenomenon of participating in powerlifting as an Asian American female were highlighted and assembled into a list. General meanings were formed from the significant statements and grouped into emergent theme clusters, which the participants reviewed to ensure their responses and the essence of the phenomenon were conveyed accurately.

Most of the participants were interested in why I decided to take on this study and if I participated in powerlifting myself. I disclosed my background during initial contact and again at the start of the interview. It is crucial that researchers disclose their past experiences with the phenomenon they are studying, which may highlight potential biases. Although I am not a participant in powerlifting, I have direct contact with colleagues that participate in the sport. My strength training regimen is based on the main lifts of powerlifting, so that the main lifts take precedence over any accessory work. As a female of a multiethnic background, including

Vietnamese, I recognize my position in historically marginalized groups that may lead me to make assumptions under the pretense that I may share a direct similarity with some participants as an Asian female. Due to cultural values held by their families, Asian American females may be discouraged to participate in certain sports as it may not be seen as proper for a female. This also may influence their decision to participate in strength sports, which is often male- dominated. Although Asian Americans are often stereotyped with limited physical ability, many

are taking on powerlifting by connecting with others on social media, such as Instagram. This community of peers encourages and inspires their participation in powerlifting. It is through this discovery that I became cognizant of the increase in Asian American females in this sport in spite of many potential barriers.

Results & Discussion

This study explored the experiences of Asian American females that choose to powerlift and investigated how they negotiated their space in a sport culture that is both male-defined and male-dominated, a far cry from the traditional Asian values of their family and culture. After analyzing the interviews of six participants on their lived experiences as an Asian American female participating in powerlifting, six main themes emerged: (1) body negotiations to balance muscularity and femininity, (2) social media as source of community and support, (3) parental concerns of injury and image, (4) evolving the Asian American identity, (5) disrupting gendered spaces in the gym, and (6) feeling more empowered in life. See Tables 1 and 2 on pages 38 and

39 for a full chart of emerging themes and significant statements from each participant.

Body negotiations to balance muscularity and femininity

With the cultural shift in the muscularity scale and the rise of fitness inspiration on social media platforms, women began to see the “ideal body” as thin and muscular, instead of just thin

(Bozsik, 2018; Rodgers, 2018). Most participants mirrored this switch in their responses. When asked about what motivated them to start lifting weights, all six participants mentioned body image issues as a key factor.

Unhappy and unconfident in her own skin, Participant 1 looked to lifting weights to proactively build her self-esteem and body image. Rather than change her mindset, she was focused on the superficial as her primary goal was to change her appearance. She stated:

In my past life, I’ve just been really skinny. I was never comfortable with my body. I felt

unconfident talking to guys, and fell into a tomboy vibe. It just made it easier. After high

school, I decided to stop being not confident with my body. I’d go to the gym and try to

focus on getting “toned.” What led me to get serious was not being the most feminine

looking girl I know.

As she took on the sport of powerlifting, she changed how she negotiated physical changes shaping her body and the mental changes in how she viewed herself. She stated:

What I really liked about powerlifting and what really drove me to it was that it wasn’t a

sport based on appearance. It didn’t matter if you were skinny or curvy or had more

attractive features and had what guys definitely want to see in a girl. What I really like

about this sport is that it’s not subjective. You go compete, and it’s literally your numbers

compared to someone else’s numbers. It’s not like bodybuilding where this one particular

judge thought you looked less bad than this other girl, so you won, but what does that

even mean? You looked the best on the stage that particular day, according to this

particular judge.

Although she gained weight, Participant 2 saw a change in her body composition and welcomed it. She stated:

I’ve gained weight. That actually was a good thing for me to see as a positive change. As

an Asian American female, you’re always told you should be smaller. I’ve put on 10-15

pounds since I’ve started weightlifting. But I don’t necessarily look like I did. It’s cool

because when you’re doing powerlifting, it’s more for strength and not aesthetics; it’s

funny that the aesthetics come with it, too. I like the way I look a lot better than before I

started lifting. Obviously, more muscle mass and everything, too.

Most participants started a gym routine to lose weight to appear slender. A few began to get extremely skinny and experience negative side effects, such as amenorrhea. Rodgers (2018) stated that exercise done for improving physical appearance may be linked to negative outcomes

that include questionable diet practices and body image issues. However, as the participants saw more muscular bodies in the media, they began to take resistance training more seriously. They wanted defined muscles, a trim waist, and a thick, muscular lower body.

Over time, they began to learn to love their bodies and focus less on appearance and more on sport performance. Some participants gained weight and were grateful; they learned that the number on the weight scale did not define their worth. They held power in their strength and abilities, not in how they looked compared to society’s thin and slightly muscular ideal.

However, their body image was not completely positive.

Some still felt doubts about their muscle gains. One participant mentioned how she wanted to be stronger and grow, but the powerlifting-style workouts grew her muscles in areas that produced a more “masculine” look. Participant 5 reported that she still had a negative view of her body due to powerlifting. She stated:

Being a girl, sometimes you want to feel small, slim-thick, where you don’t have broad

shoulders. But then, a part of me is like, I want traps! I want shoulders! I want all of that!

So I think that’s what stops me from powerlifting. I think I’m so half in powerlifting, half

in bodybuilding, trying to get that physique that is in music videos. Again, powerlifting

makes me feel good about myself, and sometimes it makes me feel bad, like why are my

quads so big, instead of my butt? Why can’t that grow instead? I have to deal with

knowing that with powerlifting, I grow muscles in places I wouldn’t want to, but it

doesn’t really stop me. It’s a balance thing.

As powerlifters, these women must negotiate the balance between muscularity for performance and femininity to enhance their physique (George, 2005; Podmore & Ogle, 2018).

The participant negotiated this by evolving her training style to include both workout goals: to be

fit and strong, yet feminine and maintain a proportionate figure for a woman. As found in prior research by DiBartolo & Shaffer (2002), Eklund & Masberg (2014), Krane et. al. (2004) and

Smolak et. al. (2000), the participants increased their body satisfaction and had more “body positive” experiences by participating in powerlifting. They worried less about appearing too muscular and not feminine enough, accepting their body for its innate strength and power. Like bodybuilders, they are improving their self-esteem and self-image as they get stronger and develop their muscular potential (Roussel, 2010; Shea, 2001). However, powerlifting focuses on the weight lifted, not the density of muscularity. While the participants are creating an alternative standard of beauty in contrast to the hegemonic ideal, their experiences with powerlifting differed from bodybuilding. Instead of trying to attain the ideal feminine physique, the participants are able to compete based on performance, not appearance.

Social media as source of community and support

Many of the participants were introduced to powerlifting via social media, specifically

Instagram. When participants were asked about how they became involved with powerlifting or find support in the sport, five participants reported social media as an influence. They saw a welcoming community and other Asian American female powerlifters they could identify with.

Participant 1 saw social media as both a community and an accountability tool. She stated:

I would see people competing in Instagram, and I just wanted to be a part of it. It was so

cool. It’s motivating to myself, especially since I think what really helps is I record a lot

of my workouts. When I post it to Instagram, it keeps me accountable. I like to go back

and hit a weight I previously hit and compare the videos, and say, wow, my back is so

much straighter, or my knees are more in a better place and not caving in.

Participant 2 used social media to motivate herself by connecting with like-minded individuals. She stated:

I saw that girls were lifting and not being super bulky like everyone says. The online

community and people I’ve met at meets, a lot of them might not live around here, like at

Nationals or competitions in SoCal. I’ve met people in SoCal and Davis. It’s an

interesting experience, being able to connect with different people from different places.

Having that community aspect has been really helpful. There are times where I have to

work around an injury and it’s harder to be motivated, but having friends in the sport

helps me to keep trying.

Social media is a key communication tool. It keeps us connected to our social group and explore other experiences we otherwise would not see or hear, allowing us to live vicariously through the power of the internet. On the other hand, it can present unrealistic and edited views of life experiences that can cause a negative spiral of comparison where the grass is always greener on the other side (Bozsik, 2018). Whereas female powerlifters mainly post their workouts and personal records in the main lifts, most fitness influencers use fitness media to emphasize their sexualized appearance, which can lead to “physique anxiety” for female viewers

(Rodgers, 2018; Sabiston & Chandler, 2009). Fortunately for the participants, it allowed them a glimpse into a world where women were not judged by their looks, but on their pure willpower and strength.

On Instagram, Asian American powerlifters share their training and lifestyle videos related to their sport. By posting her powerlifting workouts on Instagram, one participant likened the app to an accountability tool as she could measure her progress with each new video. Other participants created online friendships, leaving motivating and celebratory comments on each

other’s social media pages. One participant was surprised to see Asian American girls lifting such heavy weights. She had never met any of them, but already felt a connection with them.

Social media became a beacon of support for these women that may not know any other Asian

American female powerlifters in person.

Sands, Campbell, Ferraro, and Mavrommatis (2019) state that social media is prevalent with American adults, with 88% of adults aged 18 to 29-years old accessing any form of social media in a given day (Sands et. al., 2019). Platforms give users the ability to connect with individuals with similar interests. These new connections can allow for information exchange and a sense of connectedness as users form a community of peers (Sands et. al., 2019). This promotes high activity and a sense of belonging to a larger social group that would otherwise be physically impossible (Mano, 2014). There are reported side effects of social media use, such as sharing private information or data; stalking, harassment, and bullying; and risking one’s reputation or identity (Sands et. al., 2019). The participants did not report negative interactions on their powerlifting content on Instagram. This may be due to having mainly friends, acquaintances, and other powerlifters following their account. However, if their pages had more exposure to individuals outside their community, it is possible they would experience similar comments and interactions as they do in commercial gyms.

Parental concerns of injury and image

The traditional values of their Asian culture had a significant influence on how their parents viewed their participation in powerlifting. There were two main concerns: (1) injury risk, and (2) too much muscularity. Asian American women are brought up in two different worlds where cultural expectations vary from life at home to life in larger society (Pyke, 2003). The parents play a significant role in the lives of their children, from their behavior and beliefs to

academic choices (Samura, 2018; Trieu, 2016). While women can exercise and play sports in

Western culture, the parents of Asian American women still hold on to their traditional cultural values. When participants were asked if their family and friends support their powerlifting involvement, all participants reported that their parents had reservations about the sport, though for different reasons.

Participant 1 explained that her mother’s expectations for her went beyond risk of injury.

Her mother believed that women had set gender roles. Participant 1 stated:

My dad just wanted me to be safe, injury-free. But my mom was definitely concerned.

She grew up with the mindset that women should stay in their lane and not be in the gym.

When I did my first meet, she saw the videos of me pulling 300 and squatting and stuff

like that, and she was like, oh my god, you’re going to hurt yourself. I think it’s just the

way she grew up. She grew up in Taiwan, and her mom taught her to basically have skills

that would make her a good candidate for marriage, how to cook, how to clean, and take

care of your husband, and just try to be pretty and marry rich.

Participant 4 explained how her mother’s worries were a barrier for her. However, her family took the time to understand her motivation to participate in powerlifting. She stated:

My mom would say that I didn't need muscles. I just needed to lose weight and be skinny.

My mom has a tiny frame. When she was my age in the Philippines, she weighed around

105, 110 pounds. In the beginning, it was really hard because I had to get my family to

accept and understand why I want to train and go to the gym. My family wasn't used to

seeing someone in our family work out that much or do that type of stuff, especially as a

woman. They don't think women should lift, and so it wasn't until after my first meet that

my parents finally got it and said I could keep doing it. That could count as one of my

biggest accomplishments. Finally getting my family's acceptance and encouragement.

Now, they ask, when are you going to do it again?

Most participants stated that their parents just wanted them to be safe. They viewed the sport as dangerous, especially after male family members injured themselves at the gym. On the other hand, some mothers believed their daughters would get bulky muscles and look like men.

They wanted them to lose weight and stay skinny like them, not gain muscularity. These responses fall in line with a paper by Hanson (2005). Even with their own parents, these powerlifters must fight stereotypes of both race and gender. As women of minority background, they face unique cultural barriers to sport. Many participants noted that Asian females in their culture are waif-like and demure, taking little space, especially in male-defined places. Deemed fragile and passive by outdated stereotypes, Asian American females are not encouraged to participate in sports as much as other groups (Vertinsky, 1998). Interestingly, in Asian cultures, it is far more common to participate in “lady-like” sports like gymnastics or figure skating. These sports are physically demanding sports that require strength and power, yet it is the appearance- focused aspect that renders it socially appropriate for Asian American women (Lee, 2005; Park,

2015). While powerlifting may not take into account gracefulness and artistry, like gymnastics and figure skating, the participants defied the view that Asian American females are not athletically inclined by showing their parents the real side of powerlifting and how it was not as extreme or dangerous as they thought.

Evolving the Asian American identity

Their status as Asian American women meant they traditionally would not have considered sports, especially strength-based powerlifting. They were exploring new and

unknown territory. As Asian American women, they did feel that there were some obstacles in their way. When participants were asked about why they think Asian American women are drawn to powerlifting, all six participants reported they experienced barriers to the sport due to being Asian American.

Participant 1 noted that Asian American females are expected to fit a certain profile under traditional Asian cultural views. She views powerlifting as a way to reject that profile and make her own path in life. She stated:

They want you to be quiet and submissive, live in a patriarchal society, and just focus on

learning the certain handy skills to be a good wife. We’re groomed to think our role in

society is to essentially care for a man or care for your family. I think those are good

traits to have. It’s important to know how to take care of other people, but I don’t think it

is something we women should be forced to do. What draws a lot of Asian American

females to powerlifting is that you just look badass. I think a lot of females that have

never done anything like that in their life; it’s enticing to them. It gives them the

opportunity to ditch all of the expectations of being quiet by getting on the platform and

squatting as much as possible. There’s no way to not look badass squatting as much as

possible.

Participant 2 described how powerlifting allows her to fight stereotypes. She mentions how her Asian family members do not understand why a female would participate in a strength- based sport. She stated:

Since Asian Americans are expected to do more graceful sports, weightlifting or

powerlifting are things that aren’t encouraged. When you come from a background like

that, it’s empowering to go against those stereotypes. Growing up American, you struggle

with that side. I have family in Taiwan. It’s even more of a stretch there because that’s

something they can’t imagine women doing. They would actually say comments like,

girls shouldn’t do sports like that. I had an uncle say, you should leave the lifting to guys

or they’re going to be threatened. Well, maybe they should lift more!

Participant 3 recognized how having more Asian American female representation can help break stereotypes and encourage more females to take on sports. She stated:

I encounter stereotypes about Asian women, like how they are perceived as small and

petite. Some people look down on it, like powerlifters are trying to make their bodies

look a certain way or their bodies turn out a certain way because of lifting weights. More

Asian women are powerlifting, and other Asian women are like oh, I’ll feel more

comfortable doing it because there are other girls like me doing it.

A few participants stated that as Asian American women, they are groomed to fit a certain profile. Their traditional culture dictates that a proper woman is quiet and submissive; one’s role to further society is to be a good housewife and take care of the family. Fong (1997) states that Asian culture holds women to a traditional sex role expectation. “Masculine” characteristics, such as being independent and assertive are strongly discouraged, while the traditional “feminine” characteristics of being submissive and timid are reinforced (Fong, 1997).

The larger Western culture pulls on stereotypes of Asian American women as meek, exotic, and more likely to do graceful sports, such as figure skating. Racial stereotypes can negatively impact the self-esteem and self-identity of Asian American women, leading them to question their self-worth and feel inferior to white women as they accept their subordinate femininity

(Fong, 1997; Pyke, 2003). Even though Asian American women can compete in sports, they do not have complete freedom over their choice of sport. These participants noted that this

motivated them to do something different, something “badass.” Similar cases can be seen in alternative sports that champion counterculture, such as skateboarding and surfing (MacKay &

Dallaire, 2012; Wheaton & Thorpe, 2018). Many are drawn to action sports for the thrill and the freedom. Skateboarding and surfing may be more approachable for females in comparison to traditional sports (MacKay & Dallaire, 2012; Wheaton & Thorpe, 2018). Researchers attribute this to its anti-competitive nature and lack of strict rules and hierarchical structure (MacKay &

Dallaire, 2012). Skateboarding and surfing are a means of self-expression and focus on a carefree lifestyle. Female skateboarders and surfers are included in the dominant discourse of female athletes; however, their sport allows them the freedom to construct their own representations with their own media (videos, blogs, etc.). While skateboarding and surfing are viewed as alternative sports and powerlifting as a traditional sport, female athletes in these sports upend society’s expectation of their place in society through their participation. By participating in powerlifting, the participants were fighting against how society wanted to frame them within the racial stereotype. As in the literature, they negotiated for their space in society by owning their

Asian American identity and by casting aside the outdated and stereotypical image of an Asian

American woman (Lee, 2005).

Disrupting gendered spaces in the gym

Aside from their racial status, the participants experienced gender discrimination as well, fighting stereotypes in public spaces and on social media. Most situations occurred in commercial gyms, which can be a highly gendered space where women stay in the aerobic training areas and men stay in the free weights section (Johansson, 1996; Brace-Govan, 2004).

When participants were asked if they thought they have ever been treated differently due to being female, most participants mentioned gender stereotypes and expectations. These

experiences happened in commercial gyms where female powerlifting is not fully understood and where females are still in the minority.

Participant 1 noted that more women are taking up more space in the gym, and greater numbers are participating in sports. However, women still face certain stigmas that cause them to seek acceptance in the male-dominant gym. She stated:

Lifting in general, like any sport, is pretty male-dominated, but enough time has passed

and enough women have participated in the sport that we are treated a bit more equally

than maybe the male-female aspect of other sports, like wrestling or football. I think

there’s still a lot of stigmas against females that compete in those sports, but with

powerlifting, there’s so many strong women, and they have made themselves known. It

really helps us out because we’re given more credit. I feel like people who are more girly

have a harder time because they’re not taken as seriously. You wearing makeup and

having your hair done won’t have any effect on your strength or your ability to squat,

bench, or deadlift, but people—guys and girls—when they see that, they take you a little

less seriously. Those are things that we face in terms of being a female powerlifter. We

have to find that balance where we can still maintain our appearance to our comfort and

also maintaining to the point where people don’t think we’re a walking joke at the gym.

Participant 2 recounted her experiences at a big commercial gym and how they varied from her experiences at a powerlifting gym. She attributed this difference to the ignorance of male members as they do not usually see females lifting heavy weights. She stated:

At 24 Hour Fitness, sometimes you’ll get comments from people. They’ll run up to spot

you when you don’t need it, which is really annoying, or give unsolicited advice on

machines. I’ve gotten advice on how to do cable rows from this old guy, like okay,

whatever, I’m just going to not talk to you. At a powerlifting gym, you don’t get any of

that. Obviously, there’s been a lot of progress in the last three years. There’s more girls

getting into it. I would say, overall, it’s still a male-dominated sport. If you look outside

of competitive lifting, it’s so rare to see women in the weight room for a lot of people that

they feel threatened by the idea. They feel the need to tell them how to lift better. Usually

it’s not framed in the way of a question. It’s more, that’s bad for you, don’t do that.

That’s the reality of the situation until more girls get into strength training in general, it’s

still a very male-dominated space if you go outside of competitions.

Participant 6 knew the free weights section as a male-dominant space in the gym, but learned to negotiate her way through the gym as she began to lift weights herself. In her experience, male members in the gym were encouraging. She stated:

When I was in high school and college, the stigma was when females touch a weight,

they get muscular, jacked. That’s not true. When I first started, I was more of a cardio

person, sticking to the treadmill and avoiding the weights because it was so scary and

male-dominant. But as I got used to being in the weight training area, I don’t see that as a

barrier anymore. I feel like you have to be part of the community at the gym to feel

welcomed. I feel like as a female, it’s very encouraged by male lifters.

As powerlifting focuses on the three main lifts and accessory exercises to improve overall strength, the participants spent more of their time in the male-dominated free weights area of the gym. Many of the participants were warned that lifting weights would make them bulky and undesirable. They received unsolicited advice from male gym members. Although these men did not understand powerlifting techniques, they still believed that these women had no idea what they were doing as they trained. Some patronizing men told participants that they were doing it

all wrong and that they would injure themselves if they did not listen. Other men underestimated the participants’ abilities by stepping in to help spot a lift when no help was needed. One participant noted that men would often flirt and joke that she was making them feel bad with her muscular physique, as if they were not sure if they found her desirable or not. Women often have to navigate their place on the muscularity scale, making sure to have just enough muscle to look athletic and toned, but not enough to defy the hegemonic definition of femininity (Rodgers

2018). Essentially, they reach a glass ceiling for muscular strength where they are not limited by biology, but by a broader social context, one where women must weigh femininity higher than muscularity (Dworkin, 2001).

Many agreed that gyms are becoming less gendered as more females take on resistance training. Some participants received praise and acknowledgement from male gym members, which made the gym a more welcoming space for them. The glass ceiling regulating muscularity is not static; women can shift it as they negotiate their space in society (Dworkin, 2001). One participant was hesitant about combining femininity with powerlifting. She thought people may not take female lifters seriously if they put on a full face of makeup and draw attention to their feminine appearance. Even as women claim space in the gym, they often feel they must conform to a certain behavior to feel safe and accepted.

Feeling more empowered in life

Powerlifting helped many participants better themselves both physically and mentally.

These women learned how to empower themselves and translate their accomplishments into other areas of their lives. A similar finding by Krane et. al. (2004) found that the female athletes in the study felt empowered by their strength and skill; they were able to generalize these feelings beyond sport and become independent. In this study, powerlifting built the confidence of

the participants not only in the gym, but in school, work, and social life. By setting and exceeding goals, these women built a resilient mentality and learned to stay consistent and focus on their accomplishments. When participants were asked about how powerlifting has changed them mentally and physically, four participants reported the feeling of empowerment.

Participant 1 talked about how powerlifting changed her mindset and improved other facets of her life. She stated:

I think powerlifting has affected me more mentally than physically. It has that effect

where it both builds your confidence, and it humbles you at the same time. It really built

my confidence because I know what I’m capable of accomplishing if I put my mind to it.

I remember when I first started powerlifting, one of my biggest goals in life was to squat

two plates. I thought it was the coolest thing to see a girl squat 225, and I remember for

the longest time I was like, I’ll never get there. And then a year later, I finally squatted

225, I remember being so happy and accomplished. That made me more confident to set

my goals a little bit higher.

Participant 4 found that she could easily make achievable goals and found motivation and self-acceptance with powerlifting. She stated:

I enjoy the feeling of getting strong and getting better. Pretty much bettering myself. You

see people and you would think people are comparing themselves and all that. But really,

you are your own competition. It’s good to have goals, like I want to be as strong as her

or I want squat that, I want to bench that type of thing. Seeing yourself improve and

watching yourself along the way is motivating. I’ve learned to love myself and accept

myself for who I am. I know I’m not the most athletic person or have a background like

some people do. I know that there’s people who are just like me, so I’m just like, this is

cool. This is a cool thing to learn!

When asked about why she thinks women choose to start the sport of powerlifting, she answered, “Empowerment. Telling people we are capable of doing stuff. Fuck social norms and all that.”

Instead of comparing themselves to other women, society’s ideal woman of hegemonic femininity, or heeding the traditional female role of their family’s culture, the participants came to love themselves and their bodies. They enjoyed rooting for other women online and in person, even if they were competing at the same sporting meet, just as men did. In powerlifting, there are rankings that can pit participants against each other to claim the gold medal, but many participants enjoy reaching personal bests in their lifts as their ultimate achievement. These women train to improve their athletic prowess and enjoy the process both physically and mentally.

Table 1

Emergent Themes from Significant Statements, Participants 1-3

Emergent Themes Participant 1 Participant 2 Participant 3

I’ve gained weight. That actually was a good thing for me mentally, to see that as a In my past life, I’ve just been really positive thing. Just because I think as a [I did powerlifting] at first to lose skinny. I was never comfortable female, especially as an Asian American [weight]. Now, it’s kind of to beat Body negotiations to with my body. That’s kind of what female, you’re always told you should be the stereotype kind of thing, like balance muscularity let me to get into the gym. And smaller. I’ve put on 10-15 pounds since I’ve you have to look skinny and not and femininity then what led me to get serious, started weightlifting, but I don’t necessarily like be strong or you’ll look like was not being the most feminine look like I did. It’s cool because when you’re manly or not attractive. looking girl I know. doing powerlifting more for strength and not aesthetics, it’s funny that the aesthetics come with it, too. I can’t remember if it was Instagram or YouTube first, but I did get exposed to the whole fitness thing blowing up on social What really helps is I record a lot media. I saw that girls were lifting and Social media as source of my workouts and so when I post getting really good at it, and not being super of community and N/A it to Instagram, it keeps me bulky like everyone says. I thought this support accountable. actually looks really fun, and doing a bit of research, there’s a lot of programs to get started, like a very structured way to get into it. That’s something that I liked. My parent specifically, they are worried My family just thinks it’s My mom was definitely very about injuries and such. I just took a while dangerous. That’s mainly the Parental concerns of concerned. She grew up with the for them to come around, with me showing reason why they’re iffy about it, injury and image mindset that women should stay in them I know what I’m doing, and I did a lot but they think I’m going to injure their lane and not be in the gym. of research because I don’t want to get hurt. myself. I think just being an Asian [Some barriers are] stereotypes American, you’re already groomed about Asian women, how they are to fit a certain profile by your I think since Asian Americans are expected perceived as small and petite. parents, assuming your parents are to do more graceful sports, or weightlifting Maybe some people look down a bit on the traditional side, and Evolving the Asian or powerlifting are things that aren’t on it, like powerlifters are trying they want you to be quiet and American identity encouraged. When you come from a to make their bodies look a submissive, and live in a background like that, it’s empowering to go certain way, or their bodies turn patriarchal society, and just focus against those stereotypes. out a certain way because of on learning the certain handy skills lifting weights. to be a good wife. I think we’re

really groomed in that way. I think the reason it’s male dominated is that girls feel When I got to 24 Hour fitness and At 24, sometimes you’ll get comments from intimidated about going to the try to pull 300lbs, I get all sorts of people, like run up to spot you when you gym in general to begin with. So, guys come up to me, “oh be don’t need it, which is really annoying. Or to go into another thing, like careful, you’re going to break your Disrupting gendered giving unsolicited advice on machines. I’ve powerlifting, it’s hard for them back.” They don’t really get it. spaces in the gym gotten advice on how to do cable rows from because they feel like they are They’re not used to seeing it. They this old guy at 24, like ok, whatever, I’m just going to be judged even more. assume that I don’t know what I’m going to not talk to you. At a powerlifting Because the stereotype, for guys doing, and I’m going to hurt gym, you don’t get any of that. to lift weights, it’s normal, for myself. girls, to lift and then even heavier weights, is like double. A year later, I finally squatted 225, I remember being so happy and, in For me, it’s something I can easily stay that moment, that feeling inside consistent with. If there’s something going I feel like I challenge myself where you’re like, wow, I on with life, the time I spend in the gym is more mentally. I discovered more accomplished something, I really very nice, in that it’s a couple of hours for Feeling more about why people push accomplished this. That made me me to tune all that out and focus on my empowered in life themselves so much more to more confident to set my goals a accomplishments in that area, and being able achieve things, like in little bit higher and higher and to stay consistent with it. It really helps me higher, and that’s really translated grow as a person, too. Being able to do powerlifting. over to other goals I set for myself things that people think you can’t do. outside of the gym.

Table 2

Emergent Themes from Significant Statements, Participants 4-6

Emergent Themes Participant 4 Participant 5 Participant 6

I wanted to lose some weight, too. Being a girl, sometimes you want to feel That was the time I was I was about 30 pounds heavier, so small, like that appearance of being slim- experimenting not eating out, just it goes hand in hand. That’s why I thick. You don’t have shoulders and you’re focusing on everything I look type started and continue to do that not broad, and then, a part of me is like, I of thing. Since it was in the today. It helps me build certain Body negotiations to want traps! I think I’m so half in beginning, I can’t eat out, it's going parts of my body the way I want balance muscularity powerlifting, half in bodybuilding, like trying to ruin what I'm trying to do. Once it. It’s bodybuilding, too. and femininity to get that physique that is in music videos, I stopped caring so much, I got Powerlifting gives us the power, like that. I have to deal with knowing that over that phase, I just wanted to be and bodybuilding makes sure our with powerlifting, I grow muscles in places I strong, I started eating out, doing muscles are in check and in the wouldn’t want to...but it doesn’t really stop what I wanted. right proportions. me. It’s a balance thing.

I would see people on my Instagram, my feed, and I thought, You see so many Asian Americans on social wow, that's so cool. How can they media, I can think of four off the top of my I have a lot of friends on IG that I lift that? That's amazing. I ended head, and I think, why do they post that have never met in person before, Social media as source up meeting a lot of people who stuff? I’m like, how did they get into it? but we support each other. Most of community and were into powerlifting or lifting in Maybe some of them have the same issue as of my friends on IG are female support general, weightlifting, all that kind me, so they keep doing it. I never met those powerlifters. of stuff. I think it was more my people before, but I already have a surroundings that really shaped me connection with them. and motivated me to want to do powerlifting. My family wasn't used to seeing someone in our family work out They were scared that I’m lifting that much, or do that type of stuff, I don't think they would say anything about too heavy initially, but now I Parental concerns of especially being a woman. They pushing myself or me being in that lifestyle. I think they have accepted the fact injury and image don't think women should lift, and think it's more they're just scared I'm going that it’s safer and I’m not going to so it wasn't until after my first meet to hurt myself. get injured with lifting. that my parents finally got it and said I could keep doing it. People are getting used to seeing women or Asian American women Especially because I’m Asian, Asian girls are supposed to be small, and I Evolving the Asian lift. I think it's a little more they’re all lifting’s for boys, and know four of us. I do it because I know I American identity common now. I think the one thing don’t get so skinny, you should want to post about it because it’s different. that still irritates me are racial pack on more weight. norms. I've had people tell me, what are you doing, When I first started, I was more you're going to hurt your back. One told me of a cardio person, sticking to the In the beginning, I was scared to that I can't get pregnant or some people even treadmill, ignoring or trying to squat. Going into the gym for the push me, why are you lifting so heavy, avoid the weights because it was Disrupting gendered first time, I was scared to go into shouldn't you get into a hobby like hiking. so scary and male-dominant. But spaces in the gym the free weight area. After easing But I do have a lot of support. Random as I got used to being in the my way there, I learned to not care people have come up to me, like wow, I can't weight training area, I don’t see what anyone else thinks. even do that myself, and coming from a girl that as a barrier anymore. that weighs like you, that's cool to see. I saw other benefits from it At the end of it, you feel empowered by it. [besides losing weight]. You know some girls can do it, but you can Confidence was increased. People [More women are powerlifting do it, too. You can beat your own record, too. around me noticed. And then it because of] empowerment. Telling A personal record where you see the progress Feeling more started being little achievements people that we are capable of doing you make, the changes, you see you messing empowered in life here and there, like squatting the stuff. Fuck social norms and all with different forms. The change you see first plate, doing pull-ups. It gets that. through yourself, both physically and more fun and challenging as I set mentally. Pushing yourself to do something little goals for myself. completely different.

Conclusion

Asian American females are turning to powerlifting despite racial and gender stereotypes.

This study explored the lived experiences of Asian American females as they navigate their way through this sport. After analyzing the interviews of six participants, six main themes emerged:

(1) body negotiations to balance muscularity and femininity, (2) social media as source of community and support, (3) parental concerns of injury and image, (4) evolving the Asian

American identity, (5) disrupting gendered spaces in the gym, and (6) feeling more empowered in life. The findings are not completely consistent with the literature. Racial stereotypes held by non-Asians did not play as significant of a role as gender stereotypes in the experiences of the participants. Negative interactions in the gym did not focus on their Asian background, but on their status as women in a gendered space. The traditional cultural values held by Asian parents and family members instead proved to be a barrier based on race, albeit a rather minor one in the scope of potential barriers to sport. The results demonstrate that these Asian American females had the resolve to take on powerlifting to improve their fitness, which helped them heal their self-esteem and improve their “body positive” mindset. The participants utilized social media as a motivational and accountability tool to build their support group online, growing a sense of community with other like-minded Asian American females. While their parents were apprehensive about their sport participation, some participants were able to ease fears and highlight the benefits of powerlifting, citing health and wellbeing. As Asian Americans, they balanced their Asian heritage with the dominant American culture. The participants challenged the status quo by choosing to powerlift and create their own alternative femininity. In commercial gyms, they occupied the male-dominated spaces of the gyms, such as the free weights section, and deflected gender stereotypes and condescending advice to learn the right

way to lift or perform exercises with lighter weights. Finally, the participants found powerlifting to be empowering in many aspects of their lives. They enjoyed lifting heavy weights and becoming stronger despite the many perceived barriers, learning that they are able to achieve more than they thought possible. This study helps bridge a gap in the literature regarding Asian

American female participation in sport; it takes into account various factors that augment their experiences. Ultimately, Asian American females that powerlift go through a path of transformation and self-reflection to seek balance with their sense of self and choose whether or not to compromise with the expectations of the dominant American culture and the traditional

Asian culture.

Limitations and Recommendations

The goal of this study was to explore the experiences of Asian American females that choose to powerlift and to investigate why they continue to participate in the sport despite stereotypes of race and gender. This study is a platform for Asian American women in strength sports to emphasize their experiences in a safe space. Current and past research on Asian

American women is limited, and sport studies often focus on more “feminine” sports, such as figure skating or golf (Billings, Angelini & Eastman, 2008; Fabos, 2001; Tuan, 1999). Although these findings help fill a noticeable gap in the literature, they cannot be generalized for all Asian

American women that participate in powerlifting. In this study, “Asian” is defined by the United

States Census Bureau: “a person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East,

Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including, for example, Cambodia, China, India,

Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam” (“About

Race,” 2018).

The participants are first- or second-generation Asian Americans that live in urbanized populations that have a high density of Asian people and a strong ethnic culture. As the participants hail from the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles area of California, their experiences may differ from women in rural or homogenous communities that lack diversity.

Rural or homogenous communities may have a different proportion of Asian American females that participate in powerlifting compared to urban communities. This may influence access to the sport or willingness to participate.

For most of the key informants, they were familiar with each other via social media or in person, as the snowball method was used to select participants. This may have skewed their

collective experiences to be similar compared to participants that did not connect with each other in person or on social media.

Recommendations for Future Research

The inclusion of more key informants may result in more variance in experiences.

Subjects could be sourced from different locations nationwide to understand the range of experiences. This would require more manpower to perform in-depth interviews, interview transcription, and data analysis.

The in-depth interviews allowed for rich data on Asian American women and the sport of powerlifting, but the questions may have set a narrow focus on the six themes found after data analysis. Perhaps a revised edition of the interview questions could be used to shift the focus to other aspects of their lives, so that future researchers can uncover a well-rounded picture of

Asian American women and their place in current society as they challenge conventional social norms.

The research question could be altered to explore a few different areas. As the current study had participants of Taiwanese, Chinese, Filipino, and Vietnamese decent, future subjects can consist of varying Asian ethnicities to determine if there would be a difference in lived experiences. Future subjects can also consist of female participants of varying races to determine their perceptions of Asian American female powerlifters.

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