CIVIL – MILITARY RELATIONS IN : AN ANALYSIS OF ERA (2000-2008)

BY

ZAHIR SHAH

Thesis submitted to Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan in the partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Ph. D

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

ABDUL WALI KHAN UNIVERSITY MARDAN

SESSION (2015 – 18)

DEDICATION

To my parents, children and my dear wife Farah Shah

Abstract

Institutional imbalance has been the hall mark in the state of Pakistan right from the time of its inception in 1947. It has inherited the whole state apparatus from the British Raaj, including legal, political and military institutions. Talking about administrative and political institutions, especially the military one, remained imbalanced in terms of their respective maturity and growth. Main reason for the institution imbalance is our weak political institution and non- democratic political parties which could not bring strong dynamic and sustainable political institutions.

Failure of political administration and bureaucratic regimes caused to create space for army into the political domain which was more organized, strong and disciplined. During the four military regimes have imposed martial law, political activities and parties were banned, censorship on media was imposed, assemblies were dissolved and constitution was suspended and abrogated.

Besides the mentioned internal factors, external factors like geo-strategic location of Pakistan and its security-centered foreign policy also plays important role in supporting such anti-democratic steps by the military. The findings revealed that poor governance and legitimacy crises has contributed to the imbalance between the civil-military relations.

This study investigated to discern the fluctuation in the Civil-Military relations, especially during Musharraf regime. Qualitative and Quantitative methods have been used to analyze the variable dynamics which interplay significant role in the Civil-Military relations.

List of Abbreviations

SEATO South East Asia Treaty Organization

WWII World War II

NCA National Command Authority

NWFP North Western frontier Province

LOC Line of Control

COAS Chief of Army Staff

GHQ General Head Quarter

AL Awami League

VCOAS Vice Chief of Army Staff

DG-ISI Director General Inter-Services Intelligence

PLM (N) Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz)

CMR Civil Military Relations

CIA-ISI Central Investigation agency – Inter Services Intelligence

JCSC Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee

NAB National Accountability Bureau

TTP Tehreek e Pakistan

LFO Legal Framework Order

PCO Provisional Constitution Order

HRCP Human Right Commission of Pakistan

PPP Pakistan People Party

MMA Mutahidda Majlis e Amal

MQM Muhtahidda Qaumi Movement

ARD Alliance for Restoration of Democracy

GDP Gross Domestic Product

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

CEO Chief & Executive Officer

SC Supreme Court

PTI Pakistan Tahreek e Insaaf

NACTA National Counter Terrorism Authority

DCC Defense Committee of the Cabinet

PILDAT Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency

FGCM Field General Court Martial

NDMA National Disaster Management Agency

ECW Construction Work

FIA Federal Investigation Agency

NRB National Reconstruction Bureau

LGO Local Government Ordinance

DC Deputy Commissioner

DCO District Coordination Officer

FPSC Federal Public Service Commission

KPK Khyber Pakhtun Khwa

CMLA Chief Minister of Legislative Assembly

Table of Contents Chapter One ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 Historical Accounts ...... 3 Statement of the Problem ...... 25 Objectives of the Study ...... 25 Research Questions ...... 26 Research Methodology ...... 26 Organization of Study ...... 27 Chapter Two ...... 29 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 29 Works Related to Civil-Military Relation in Pakistan ...... 29 Theoretical Paradigms ...... 44 Chapter Three ...... 68 THE MUSHARRAF ERA ...... 68 Political Maneuvering Of Musharraf ...... 73 Legal Framework Order 2002 ...... 80 Uniform Issue ...... 84 The Event of 9/11 ...... 90 Devolution of Power ...... 92 Military and Religious Parties ...... 92 War on Terror and Musharraf ...... 93 End of Musharraf Era ...... 93 General Musharraf’s Seven Points Agenda ...... 97 Islamization under Pervez Musharraf ...... 100 Treason Case against Musharraf ...... 105 Party Pledges on Civil-Military Relations ...... 107 Institutional Solutions for Civil-Military Relations ...... 109 Revised Military Doctrine – not from Democratic Government ...... 110 .Revelations made on Kargil Operation ...... 111 Lal Masjid Commission ...... 112 Amend the Army Act: Asks the Supreme Court ...... 113 Rising Power of Civil-Military Bureaucracy ...... 123 Security Threat ...... 126

Civil Dependence on Army ...... 126 Chapter Four ...... 128 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY ...... 128 Study Design ...... 128 Sampling ...... 128 Sample Size ...... 129 Characteristics of Respondents ...... 129 Data Collection ...... 130 Tool of Data Collection ...... 131 Indexation ...... 131 Data Analysis ...... 131 Uni-variate Analysis ...... 131 Bi-variate Analysis ...... 132 Chi-square test ...... 132 Chapter Five ...... 134 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS ...... 134 a. Demographic profile ...... 134 i. Age composition of the respondents ...... 134 iii. Educational qualification of the respondents ...... 136 b. Uni-Variate Analysis ...... 137 4.1 Governance ...... 137 4.2 Bureaucracy ...... 145 4.3 Judiciary ...... 154 4.4 Weak Civilian Institutions ...... 163 4.5 Corruption ...... 172 4.6 Foreign Policy ...... 181 4.7 Weak Political System ...... 195 4.8 Terrorism ...... 209 4.9 Civil-Military Relations ...... 220 Chapter Six ...... 228 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 228 Reasons of Military Intervention ...... 230 a. Internal Political Dynamics ...... 230 b. Corporate Interests of the Army ...... 234

c. Regional Factors and Geo-Strategic ...... 234 Consequences of Military Rule ...... 236 REFERENCES ...... 243 Appendix I ...... 255 QUESTIONNAIRE ...... 255

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

It is an irrefutable fact that the intervention of military in the politics of Pakistan is an undeniable reality that has left deep imprints on the whole political apparatus of the country. The state and its various institutions are primarily the outcome of a social contract concluded by people at different stages in history.

These institutions include mainly the judiciary, parliament, civil intelligence and security agencies, bureaucracy, policing and the military. On behalf of the society, the state delegates power, rights and prerogatives to the military in order to safeguard the citizens from all internal and external threats and aggression and protect the borders of the state. Delegating powers to the military by the state allows it to take actions of an agent democratically, morally, ethically and constitutionally. Apparently then, the equation of delegating power from the state to the military should not be turned around into getting to be delegating power from military to state unless there is a will of former or the will of principal in the form of the majority.(Economist 2002).

In the nineteenth and twentieth century the military has made several attempts to intervene into politics. Ironically, military coup has often staged d’état. Thus, there are many examples of direct or indirect military interventions in the

Asians, Africans and the Latin Americans countries. It is obvious that military had a number of motives or reasons to intervene in the politics of these countries. These reasons include corporate interests, national interests or sectional interests and personal interests.

Over the period of time, the democratic norms gained ground in these Afro-

Asian and Latin American regions, where military’s direct or indirect intervention continued to take place from time to time. Specifically in the context of South Asia, democracy has always been considered as a topic of constant interest by the experts in this field. The military intervention in the politics of Pakistan and Bangladesh seems to be direct i.e. in the form of coups.

However, in some other countries like Nepal and Sri Lanka, the military is playing a significant role with certain interest of the institution. However, the military has refrained itself from taking over the power, (Chadda, 2000). In the context of South Asia, the case of India in the conditions of its devotion and the custom or practice of self-ruled operation and relating institutions are paradoxically and remarkably unique. Although both of the states, Pakistan and

India were part of the same British Rule and both of the countries have inherited almost the same state institutions like military, parliament, civil bureaucracy, legal norms and practices. This shows a fascinating and uninterrupted presence of democracy in India as against the state of Pakistan. Therefore, it needs to analyze the difference in the situations existing in both of the countries and pin point the weak areas in case of Pakistan, where the military coups have taken place recurrently. Hence, it is essential to identify and explain the dynamics of political policies of Pakistan, more especially focusing on the role of military in the politics of the country (Gardezi, et al, 1983).

The relations of the civil-military are at the sentiment of the central democracy concern. However, there are two major characteristics that Asian politics have shown over the period of previous twenty years along with the interaction between two of them is concerned. All these are the democracy erosion and also the effective concern of military of the basis of the political change. In some of

the states, there is direct power assumed by the military in some of the states and sometimes in the cooperation with the other parties they are performing their political roles. There was hardly any country found in the South Asia excluding India which has been successful in restricting the borders defenders to be at their designated constitutional responsibilities. In the way of viewing the involvement of the military in the civilian's affairs, an everlasting taste for the prestige and the power has been developed. The thirst for power and weak democracies has combined so that they could make the military as the stake holder in the civilian's affairs of the country (Shah, 2004).

In case of Pakistan military it has come to recognize itself as the state rather then they watch itself as one the main core element of the constitutional state.

First, the army of Pakistan is known by many as the corporate entity which is performing as the most effective politicians in the country. Second, due to the reason of their distinct institutional interest they cannot make any compromise.

Army is always in the strong and the better position after being the strongest of all the state institutions; now it can give practical shape to the perceived institutional interests. So at the cost of the tremendous democratic country, the generals can go to the level of the imposing the martial law. However there is an opinion or the impression created in the society that there is ability in the armed forces that they handle the situation when it is not controlled by the civilians government. Third, the citizens are provided with the reason that in the uniform they welcome the men being the new rulers of the state (Abbas, 2005).

Historical Accounts

In Pakistan, all the civilian-military relations have not only been stormy throughout the Pakistan history. And in the process of the historical growth, it

has been proved an uneasy relationship with the general military interventions.

Over the time through the largely unfettered access and coup to the state resources the important coercive powers were used by an army with the military underlying threat so that they could challenge the authority of the state, and then they capture the power time. In general, the armed force remained the dominant and the key element in the Pakistan’s polity. They have enough power to fill and move any vacuum they may see in the political system. It is true that there was not any role of the constitution in the affairs of the country civilians, so they have crafted the role for themselves (Ahmed, 2006).

The Pakistan government is a pendulum swinging between the military rule and the democracy. Since independent, has maintained the hampering tradition to the process of the politicians. Then again through coup d’état, the mid-20th-century scourge so that they could make its presence feel.

There has been the direct and the indirect involvement of the military in the affairs at the political level. On the Pakistan directions which had taken, it had the huge impacts.

There is a long history of army appeals to common sense. The accumulated frustration and bitterness and pain associated with the creation of the state of

Pakistan, and there is a constant threat to the existence of the larger neighbor conditioned political history since I947. Akhand Bharat will continue to dominate the politics of Congress and agreed to go to war until they were returned to Pakistan and India. Goa occupation by the Army of India was interpreted in Pakistan as the signal for the warning. Then the domination fear of India became a very important factor in the providing the guidance to the external and the internal factors and the actions. Then the failed to

reconcile to Pakistan and then they made the hostile gestures so that the latter could feel insecure. Due to this insecurity, there was huge expenditure on the troops and the arms. As there is not any enough industrial base in the newly born country, so they can support the huge expenditure of the defense (Zaidi,

2005).

In the period of 1954, the Assistance Program (MAP) as session was made to the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and joining was made with the Baghdad Pact in 1955 not only the funds were made to the defense arena and capacity of the strengthened defense and they were exposed to the armed forces personals to the advanced training of the nations which are developed.

The armed forces institutional superiority in the financial terms along with the human capacity coupled with their exposure to the civil administration in the weakening writ wake that gave them enough confidence for doing the interference in the matters which can be called civilian influence purely domain(Almond, 1966).

On October 7, 1958, by a military coup d’état an end was out to the parliamentary democracy. The 1956 constitution was also abrogated by the

Field Martial , and the power of the Chief Martial Law

Administrator was assumed after when the political dispensation of the civilian- military was dismissed. Some of them were available who accepted the coup as to the weak political system of Pakistan the inevitable was given while on the other hand the others attributed to the superior organization the leadership and training of the armed forces from British imperialism, after winning the freedom was gained. Unluckily when the freedom was won from the British imperialism the politicians were not succeeded that they think about the regional interest and

the narrower communal and they were found involved in the cruel race for the fighting and power with each other (Amin, 1994). All this had the net result that in the system people had lost hope that they could relieve them of the miseries that they had to face in the newly born country and that they were doing wait for the saviors. For the cash on the imagination of the people, the army had been in the better position. The concept of ‘Controlled Democracy' was introduced by

Ayub Khan for winning the will of the public and along with the legitimacy for years ahead. In the year of 1962, the general army framed the constitution in the way so that they could have the maximum power. When all the good and the bad works were given to the mounting public pressure Ayub had to surrender and the power was handed over to the General Yahya in 1969. There was not any planning of new Chief Martial Law that they stay in the planning for a long period. In the year of 1971, they had the elections order of under the Provisional

Constitution and those kinds of elections which resulted in the United Pakistan breakup. The transfer of power to the national leader and newly Zulifqar Ali

Bhutto appeared in an appropriate manner. So once again the country to representative democracy again with Z.A. Bhutto as Prime Minister (Ansari,

2002).

It had often proved by the General elections need to be discussed for the

Pakistan. It as the country disintegration that was the result of the elections while in the case of next in 1977 they caused serious differences among the actors and the political forces. When the announcement was made for election data, there was a general impression, and that was there would be the emergence of the strong opposition that would work as the effective check on the activities of PPP. But the results of the actions stunned everyone with surprise that PPP was winning the seats 155 and to Pakistan National Alliance

35 were won. The elections were termed with the help of the opposition parties, and then they refused to reject the results. Then on a large scale, the demonstration was started and by all the parties which are in the opposition in the country. As the time went on, then the situation was worsened with every negotiation round that was making the no headway. The martial law was imposed by General Zia ul Haq for the third time in Pakistan’s short history on

5th July (Arif, 1995).

Military intervention in politics is hardly unique to Pakistan. Military intervention is seen commonly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and also in some Arab countries, though military rulers have been forced by the people with the help of external forces to leave their palaces. The recent example in

Egypt is glorifying the democratic forces in other authoritarian Muslim states for instance Libya, and Morocco, etc. The military rulers only can be ousted with massive support which is encouraged by the international or regional forces. Indeed, military rulers come and survive with indigenous and external supporters. There are several factors which lead the army to come out from their barracks to command civilians. It was observed by Edmund Burke that in its essence the armed discipline body is considered harmful to liberty. No doubt at first glance the conflict potential between military and democracy seems too much obvious. If the democracy is defined as the political system that gives promotion to the individual system and as the organization, the military is based on the strong application of hierarchy, and discipline and then the contrast are stark. So in spite of asking that why there was involvement of the military in the politics we need surely to ask what why they ever do otherwise. The military- political advantages at first sight vis-a-vis other and the groupings of the civilians are overwhelming. Finer also suggested four levels of intervention e.g.

(1) influence, (2) blackmail, (3) displacement, and (4) supplement. The military works upon for the first and the second level and the civil authorities which remained behind the scene, the third replacement level that leads to the removal of one special set of the civilians throwing the civilian regime (Bamforth,

2006).

The level of supplement which sweeps ways the civilian regime and establishes the military in its place. Thus tangible and intangible features support to the military to intervene in politics in any week state. Many weak states have failed to maintain the relationship of civil-military for the longer time and independent states created after the WWII have experienced direct or indirect military rule.

William Jesse defined civil-military relation; a national decision will be made politically responsible civilian officials and using providing the guidance to these policies that will be under the control of civilians’ officials which are politically responsible. If the balance between the civil-military relationship fails, it affects state's domestic sovereignty, security and leads to military intervention. Pakistan's international sovereignty has been threatened twice, in

1971, East Pakistan (Present Bangladesh) separated and security threatened again in 1973-77 when the Baloch nationalists took weapons against their state(

Baluchistan). Political crisis provided an opportunity for the then chief of the army staff, General Zia-ul-Haq, to impose Martial law to curb the nationalist

(separatist) movement in an important province in Pakistan.

Finer said it: there are three massive advantages of the armed forces over those organizations which are civilians. A symbolic status which is highly emotional and monopoly of arms. An example of how the military is capable of governing the country as successfully as the government of civilians does. It

possesses its democracy view, good governance and political stability(Belkin,

2003).

In many parts of the world, the military takes over and runs the so-called civilian administration permanently or periodically. The liberal democratic assumption that executive and their senior administrators control the military is just invalid in many states. The military is involved to some extent in the politics of every country, it is not only Pakistan.

According to C.E.Welch, the civil-military relationship is determined as:

1) Civilian Control: In the liberal democratic model the civilian

government maintains the dominant position. The military acts like any

other large Bureaucracy. It fights for personal and resources within the

government. It has the influence to the extent that it manages to

convince the public, government, and politicians that it has the best case.

2) Civilian Control and Military Participation: In wartime, for example,

military power increases even in a liberal democracy. It is not as just

equal layer with other parts of the bureaucracy it can insist on having a

dominant role in decision-making

3) Military Control and Civilian Participation: when the government is

controlled by the military then it possesses the degree of the civilian's

participation either for the purpose of practical or symbolic. For the

objective of missing the effect that the strings are pulling by the military

behind the scene and at the government head the civilian leaders may be

put.

4) Direct Military Control: In such system, the military publically and

unabashedly controls the government. It may employ civilian for tasks

the bureaucracy, but the military is Cleary the political authority

(Bennett, 2011).

Over the decisions that are considered very important, there is a monopoly of the military of the state. So aside from being the external society guards of this institution is well accepted. The Pakistani Army has the direct control over Pakistan's nuclear program and foreign policy. The National

Command Authority (NCA) was established by the Army Staff former Chief and, General Pervez Musharraf, President of Pakistan to assure the West that

Pakistan's nuclear weapon is safe (Chaudhri, 1967).

The Pakistani Army has unique characteristics. It has been called by the civil regimes in the time of crisis. It feels itself the true guardian of the country, in fact, it has proved it whenever the state faces internal security dilemma. The military of Pakistani got such a strengthen position has its deep roots in history.

Pakistan faced several crises after its inception 1947.It was the army which rescued the nation in times of true crisis. During the disaster of earthquake 2005 and sad flooding situation, the army had had always protected the people and had left immensely positive impacts on their minds and heart. In fact, the

Pakistani army has won the people's mind and heart in their favor no matter what the circumstance is.

Pakistan is a multi-ethnic nation. Internal riots had weakened the civil regime in the 1950s. East Pakistan and the West Pakistan, both Pakistani wings were being threatened by the ethnic-nationalists. Army curbed the linguistic and ethnic movement when it rose in Sindh and Baluchistan in 1952-54. In 1953 the army assisted the civilian governments when the people stood up against

Ahmad in (Choudhury, 1967).One would be surprised to know that

under the ‘operation service first' the army also played its role in nation building process; executive and the magisterial power was granted in 1956 for controlling the widespread hoarding along with the black marketing which resulted in the shortage of food in East Pakistan. In 1951-1952 earlier, the army carried out "process jute" to stop smuggling jute between India and East

Pakistan. Pakistan lost an important source of income. This process was a good cooperation with civilian agencies. Thus began the military's role in civilian areas to expand, which cannot be prevented. Pakistan could not have the high quality of leadership after Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In the early 1950s, social chaos in Pakistan did make the political organizations weak and corrupt which promoted nepotism. The newly born ‘Islamic state' was passing through the gravest situation. Landlords, powerful politicians, and bureaucrats were holding powers and influence over the public offices. The mainstream forces

‘Political parties' lost the people's trust. Doubtful circumstances created by the politician's enhanced military are power. Very often elections were avoided by the state elite, and when conducted they led political turmoil. A Worth mentioning fact is that Pakistan's neighboring countries e.g. India and

Afghanistan both created tension and trouble in Pakistan's internal provinces such as NWFP (North Western Frontier Province), currently Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan. The separatists and ethnic movements had been supported either by Afghanistan or India to destabilize Pakistan. Unfortunately, the civil governments have always failed to control the situation. External forces and conflicting neighboring states also provided strong grip to the army over

Pakistan's week institutions. Army's direct interaction and interference in public affairs had affected politicians' credibility. Army's cooperative image toward the

people created trust deficit between the people and political leaders, which is still going on (Cochrane, 2008).

Usually, because politicians are considered responsible for inviting the army to share their burden during the conflicting situation in the country, the military has legitimized its involvement by the state destabilization threat and doubted leadership, the political leadership was perceived as ‘security risk' to stage the military coup. As mentioned earlier military rule could not be effective or last long without political co-optation of the same elites who held public offices in the civilian governments. But their cooperation with the military government could never be possible without political fragmentation that the military regime and intelligence agencies under it caused

In the inner functioning of the political parties the regular intervention, the election of the assemblies, other institution and media that proved the in making the political institutions weak and that are considered important for the parliamentary democracy. The tradition of the Generals of Pakistan accusing their political leaders has continued from the first army ruler to the last one.

“The army meanwhile learned over time to establish patron-client relationships with the Islamic parties and with the bureaucracy, and that was used in the efforts for fighting the populist leaders in both the West and East Pakistan.

Coup d'états in the history of Pakistan have been validated by the superior courts by the misinterpretation of Roman law" that which otherwise is not lawful; necessity makes lawful" (Cohen, 2006).

So into the direct government control, the army of Pakistan pushed itself through sidelining the weak class of the politicians. In the year of 1958, the first martial law was imposed and then to become the dominant player the military

has made its position very strong in the politics. Over the period of 63 years for the four times, the army had experienced the direct power and then learned to the negotiate authority when they were not in the direct government control

The Ayub Khan Regime: The Counter Coup

In 1958 after seizing power, chief of Army staff Ayub Khan, made himself and gave promotion to Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces and Field

Marshal, and he was witnessed as a compliant political officer. Compared to other military rules Ayub Kept the army at a distance to run the day to day affairs of the country. The administration was mainly handled by the bureaucracy he used to rely on; this was the reason many senior officers did join military regime of Ayub and became ministers, governors, Ayub by introducing

―Basic Democracy and the constitution 1962 replaced the parliamentary government. Basic Democracies bestowed legitimacy on Ayub rule and elected him as a president in 1960 to 1965, with the time, Ayub started relying more on civilians for the formulation of public policies, instead of his staff and corps commanders. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was foreign minister during Ayub‘s resign, who became has closest confidants. On the other hand, he gave the military significant high degree of autonomy (Country Profile, 2009).

With massive enlargement in the defense expenditure and the enormous moderation secured there were US Military aid packages first visible splits were seen in 1964–65 between the military and Ayub. For the favorable path on

Kashmir Ayub, Bhutto and other started plotting a military solution. But military as an institution showed reluctance, so the planning for the operation was delegated to the joint civilian-military cell by Ayub. This cell has been influenced and controlled by men of Bhutto officer and some foreign

intelligence officers. This cell has undermined the military leadership and challenged his independence, strength, and unity. The plan for the two-stage system was the first infiltration across the Line of Control in India held Kashmir through 30,000 Fedayeen, and incitement to revolt. The second phase of the plan was, Army would cross the LOC and would capture strategic areas before the Indian Army could take action, having reservation about the high risk of escalation. COAS Musa Khan and senior Army officer raised the objection to

Ayub Khan about the plan‘s success, which he dismissed. The army was confident in case of Indian army loses a fight in Kashmir vale, they would counter attack on Punjab border and the military knew it was unlikely to win.

In alliance with the military high command that was avoided in the supporting plan with the objective of war, and to General Malik‘s divisional headquarters were assigned the responsibility for the operations of Kashmir and then by general headquarters the solely execution. No efforts were made for notifying the combat and then the army preparation and the other war services. With the

Pakistan‘s bitter defeat the war of Kashmir was ended, but some success was achieved in the Kashmir. At that time when the Indian counter attack into

Punjab, ‘s forces were there, and they were not prepared, and as an institution, the military was not for this plan, and then they were disappointed became disillusioned with Ayub & Bhutto‘s war mishandling (Easterly, 2001).

The poor generalship showed by the GHQ, totally disappointed senior combat commanders and mid-level officers. In place of COAS Musa Khan, General

Yahya Khan was appointed as a COAS. Breach rapidly diverged after the war between Ayub‘s regime and military, furthermore political support also declined, resulted in the rising of political parties. Bhutto separated from Ayub

Khan and established his own Pakistan people‘s Party (PPP). In 1967, and

larger popularity in Punjab West Pakistan and Awami League (AL) had a separatist agenda was on rising became threatening for the military regime.

Traditional opposition parties started demanding parliamentary democracy, and soon Ayub‘s Basic Democracy collapsed seek imposing marshal law, tried to suppress the violent mass protests. With the Army, consequences were not agreed that there would be a martial law on Ayub’s behalf. Ayub Khan had already lost the support of the Army active leaders finally resigned and handed over powers to .

The General’s Revolt: The Yahya Khan Regime

In the period of 1969 the prudence from Ayub Khan was assumed by Yahya

Khan. He structured the entire new shape ―Military – as – Government by promoting his close associates General Abdul Hamid Khan as Chief of Army

Staff. General Yahya Khan himself wanted to address the underlying political domestic issues of Pakistan, which could not be solved as independence for the objective of extraditing the military form from the direct power. He announced free elections for National Assembly within 1970 and abrogated the constitution of 1962 given by Ayub and proportional representation to East Pakistan compared to West Pakistan was guaranteed for the first time in Pakistan.

Military on the other head, had reservations to transfer political power to civilians because they had engaged in long-term corporate business and did not want to put at risk and especially enfranchising the Bengalis, split between the various political parties showed throughout the each wing of the country. There wasn‘t constitution in the country and the regime used to believe among the divided parties it could perform as it could perform as arbiter and it could also protect the military-corporate long term interest. Election results totally derailed the military regime‘s plan, to withdraw in East Pakistan the Awami League got

an outright majority concept. Bhutto in West Pakistan could win two-thirds of the seats. The sweeping majority in East Pakistan by Awami League issued six demands which were having regional autonomy based and East Pakistan‘s

Military. On the other hand, Bhutto did not want to make a government with

Awami League. Negotiations were drawn between the parties and the regime, in

March 1971 but failed, and indefinite delay of National Assembly was delivered. Awami League provided East Pakistan as an independent state as

Bangladesh and descended into open revolt. Excluding Bengal regiments,

Yahya with the support of Army called a brutal military crackdown in the East wing. This situation turned into full seek civil war, during nine months thousands of civilian were killed. Due to the massive flow of Bengali refugees into India, Indian Army in 1971 invaded East Pakistan to support Bangladeshi rebels in early December (Fair, 2011).

Pakistan launched an invasion on East Pakistan. In response, India successfully fought on two fronts, and a third was captured by the Pakistani army trapped in

Eastern Pakistan, Yahya was forced to surrender. Yahya and his team wanted to remain in power, but the fault of many military commanders and senior quarters of the head of Yahya complete disaster for both the prestige of the state and military and good bottoming regime. Many of the demands of the lowest leaders sent Chief of Staff (CGS), Lieutenant General Gul Hassan threat to the regime's tanks roll into the capital and out of the seat if by next day Yahya, army astronomy not out of the government. Sub coordination of the Army, General

Yahya. Hamid Khan represented himself as an acceptable replacement by senior officer corps, but they rejected him. Yahya and Gen, Hamid had to resign by late December 1971. Once the top leadership of the regime was removed, Gen.

Gul Hassan was honored to be COAS and arrangement were made to transfer

the power to Bhutto and the People‘s Party and returned the military to the barracks after the downfall of East wing of Pakistan (Gondal, 2011).

General Zia-ul-Haq Regime

In 1977, Bhutto rigged parliamentary elections to suppress opposition protests; efforts were made to implement the martial law, but Zia-ul-Haq and the Army seized power, and he wanted to have military as- institution a stakeholder in his regime and made lots of efforts at the beginning of his administration. Zia was not expecting that he would be the army head before the senior officers and the coup and then their policy view is used to solicit. A claim was made by Rizvi to the Zia-ul-Haq invulnerability the main core was the assistance and the support that he enjoyed from the senior commanders of the army. Zia showed lots of favors in the form of incentives to the military regarding private pay, defense expenditures enlargement, residences, and bank loans the large track of agriculture and other sides of perks. In 1980, the military showed favor, for free elections to return to democracy. It wanted to go along with Zia‘s efforts as long as military‘s self-interests were not threatened in 1984 referendum gave Zia presidentship for five years term. Zia wanted to hold a general election on the nonparty basis in the coming year (Gul, 2010). Muhammad Khan Junejo was appointed as Prime Minister and the martial law was lifted. Zia had a misperception about Junejo and legislature that they would fulfill the wishes of

Zia, but they proved that instead of being anticipated and refused to act like rubber stamp they want to be more dynamic. These differences in a relationship brought political divisions within the military-as-government, whereas for the opposition political parties, were fuel for revival. Biggest Political Party that time PPP started demanding the end of military rule to bring parliamentary democracy. Between Zia and Junejo relations, military‘s corporate interests

become tangled, disagreements arose over cabinet appointments, military spending, promotions, perks and Zia‘s dual hated role. The military showed resentment about Junejo's Attitude, like an attack on its autonomy and Zia, inability to protect the institutional interests of the army also intervene in its internal affairs, to save his civil own. To save the civilian government, Zia kept distanced from the army as an institution. Zia had to ignore the system static update and interference in the hierarchy of the Army showed blatant favoritism and small series extracted command, rather Zia was surrounded by civilians and loyal agents. Many active and retired officers established and enforced civil bureaucracy, so that could not be commanded. Due to turnover of seniors at the top, Zia had to promote Junior officers on the senior posts, and stop taking political inputs and meeting with senior officers and with corps commanders and top brass became infrequent Zia started giving importance to meet the commanders of the younger group and the junior officers privately. There was a lot of tension of the politicians in the regime and between the military and the government. For the purpose of arming the Afghan mujahideen, an ISI ammunitions dump used was exploded in the military capital of and hundreds of civilians were killed (Haleem, 2003).

To stop public outrage, Junejo demanded the trail of the head of the ISI and the directorate‘s former head who was the Zia‘s closest. In return, Zia dismissed

Junejo and dissolved the legislature without the consultation of VCOAS or corps commanders and ordered to seize key buildings and arrested civilian leaders of his government. Ignore political setbacks and agitation, Zia planned for new elections to stay in power. In August 1988, Zia after leaving a demonstration of tanks, along with most of his closest the US ambassador in

Islamabad military aide, died in an accident in C-130. Shortly after the death of

Zia-ul-Haq, the General Command issued for Big VCOAS, during the hours of

Big Feet, leaders of the Force and the General Command of the employees decided unanimously to return to barracks. It has been designated as the civil works for the government to hold free elections in November 1988, Benazir

Bhutto regained the ability of the administration of democratic parliamentary government in Pakistan.

The Musharraf Regime

It could be said that Pakistan is a suitable model of praetorian state with the military that is performing efficiently in the country mainstream politics. Once again Pakistan returned to the army after playing hide and seeks with the democracy in the period of eleven years, when with the COAS General Pervez

Musharraf on October 12, 1999, in a bloodless coup, took power from Prime

Minister Nawaz Sharif. At the moment of the coup, a democratic reversal occurred, but ‘democratic reversal' for the time of military brought about the coup, when the government of Islami Jamhoori Ittehad was sent packing, out of its 53 years of existence it was the period of the age of 25 when the military was in power. When in Pakistan army took charge of the government for the fourth time in October 1999. It was not any shocking or the surprising thing for most of the foreign politicians. Unlike the previous Pakistan military coups, there was not any law imposed by the General Musharraf in the country. As being the only state in the in South Asia, the coup left the Pakistan with the government of military in Pakistan.

The immediate provocation of the Sharif's for precipitating the political crisis and sacking Musharraf was the exciting clash between the two state institutions.

Before the departure to Sri Lanka, the army chief had made some moves due to

which the interest of the prime minister was affected. This was now considered something unique to occur. It was expected from the army men that they would show huge loyalty to the military as the institutions and the institution's priorities would be on the top. To antagonize the PM considered two steps sufficient army commander on the one hand, while on the contrary a clear line between the two heads of institutions, respectively is drawn. Even one of the confrontational approaches to this aspect, for some time can be seen at the head of two recorders (Haqqani, 2002).

During the army chief time, the tension between the civilian leadership and the military was started, when the letter of the mismanagement was made of the affairs of the government in the public gathering and then for the public remedies they were asked. There was a very clear message between the lines to the civilian ruling agenda. When the doors were closed to the army chief, it was the strong reaction by the Sharif in October 1998 to the Army Chief. It was for the first time in the history when the Army Chief resigned. And in the next step,

Admiral Fasih Bukhari was forced by the Prime Minister to quit. Being misled and driven by the past arbitrary but the successful political encounters like kicking out the president, Naval Chief of Staff, Chief Justice and also the Army

Chief. It was continued by to perform in the same way. Due to the successful encounters with the armed forces gave enough confidence to Nawaz Sharif that they intrude the affairs in the proper way (Haqqani, 2007).

One of the primary element which made the contribution to the military takeover in the year of 1999 was effort of PM to get away from "Troika" model of power that are being shared in Pakistan. Three triangles arms were composed of the Army Chief, President and the Prime Minister with each balancing the

other by not giving any permission to disturb or tilt the system to its advantage.

From the 1973 Constitution with the scraping off 58-2(b) and for the Prime

Minister the power balance was shifted. In the Pakistan Constitution, the

Article 58 2 (b) was the clause which was instituted by the General Zia-ul-Haq in 1985 and that gave the power to the president that they dismiss the government which was elected. The Army was stopped from the direct takeover. That was the strong argument since this provision addition to the constitution, and there was not any martial law in Pakistan. There were complaints every time by the government and then as the result the assemblies were dissolved it was ordered that there would be new elections. Due to the instability, the 1990's era was marked and due to which war was caused by the president and the prime minister and the role of mediator was performed by the army chief. To all these issues the 58 2 (b) was not the proper issue rather it was the part of the problem (Haqqani, 2005).

There were two factors which added to thefury of the fire. One of the acts of

Sharif of the commission when in October 1998, the Karamat left service was to provoke the army with the replacement of the DG-ISI, by a new officer,

General Nasim Rana, and Lt General Zia Uddin. Another factor which was more important was that it performed again and again without the new COAS, known as the General Musharraf the Pakistan Inter-Services Intelligence is apex spy agency whose reputation touched the new heights after the active role in the war of Afghan against the defunct USSR in 1980's. Direct reports were made by the head of ISI to the country prime minister. So it was doubted that Nawaz

Sharif wanted that someone who is very trustworthy enough that he keep on informing that what can be the army ill intentions against the government of civilians. For the two reasons the army was antagonized, the first one had not

been taken into the consideration and the confidence when the new DG ISI was appointed. The second was that over the number of years the army had protected itself from the civilian's interference in almost all the respects. With the new appointment, General Musharraf was not satisfied, and he was waiting for the right occasion for demonstrating the new displeasure. These were the four months when the time came, the visit A.B. Vajpayee to Lahore which is of high profile in February 1999. On occasion, Army General remained absent. In the coffin, the factor of Kargil proved to be the last nail. Although there was involvement of the two arch rivals in the confrontation since independence, between the two the Kargil was the first battle in May 1998 they acquired the nuclear weapons. The Pakistan Army militants of Kashmiri in the case of Kargil episode whoever were involved for highlighting the issues of Kashmir by taking the control over the main route through Kargil (Hassan, 2004). However, there is an opinion difference as it is believed by some of the scholars which have the belief that on the part of the military Kargil was a deliberate effort to damage the efforts of the civilian government for improving the relations within the next neighbor door. It was objection by Nawaz Sharif that he had been kept in vague of the Kargil operation and the whole fault on the military was moved when in the wake of Kargil scene the global group arranged against Pakistan. Musharraf had all the acclamation for the fruitful conduction of operation on sloping statures being an armed force man. In the historical backdrop of the Pakistan

Army the Kargil operations were a milestone considered absolutely in military terms, keeps up Army General. However seeing more grounded in the field

Pakistan involvement was deliberate. Politically and strategically military course was in especially awkward position. On Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif

International weight had a dampening impact. Between both PM Sharif and

General Musharraf, there was a distinction of conclusion over the military withdrawal from Kargil. There would be no Pakistani drawback, was expressed by Musharraf all the while wanting to hurry to Washington and "surrender singularly" to India was made by Sharif. A discretionary catastrophe for the nation against India was made so Pakistani impression of the Kargil issue is anticipated as a military victory. The previous submitted a stumble by disregarding the institutional standards of the armed force on the day when

Nawaz Sharif rejected General Musharraf in the arrangement of the new armed forces however in any given setting line and staff power. For performing principle exercises (for which the association exists mainly), Line power is the one considered fundamentally dependable and team power helps line power in giving special counsel. The convention that the armed force was the first attacking corps, line control for this situation were kept up by the Pakistan military. Considering that no DG-ISI has ever turned into the armed force boss till now in Pakistan Prime Minister Sharif's decision of Lt General Zia Uddin as the new COAS had left from custom. The armed force all in all will undoubtedly respond as new Army Chief was not from the standard battling wing of the military and was from the Engineering Corps. (Huntington, 2006)

The performance of PML (N) was exceptionally great. Out of 207 general seats it won 136 seats in the National Assembly. For the military, the takeover was the walk that there was a vast majority which voted Sharif and to the corridors of power of his company. Why no one resisted this action of the radical unconstitutional? Why there was not any who came out on the roads that they could show the solidarity with the solidarity democracy? The welcome was made by the people in the Pakistan.

There were some unforgiving facts in which the answer lied. To the inconvenience of the selected government the societal elements further warped the circumstance unless to bring the economy again from the edge of failure, some supernatural occurrence can help and reestablish its discolored picture; an unlawful upset is completely on the cards. A point where nonmilitary personnel government had surrendered certain crucial state claimed foundations and

Inefficiency had come to there. The Army had assumed control as substantial parts of the state by doing welcome even before the coup of 1999 in which

General Pervez Musharraf kicked out or overthrow Nawaz Sharif. While regular citizen government was giving way, the armed force was advancing. Execution gives authenticity to any selected government in vote based system and a solid base to remain on. The government that was elected turns out to be more powerless against a military overthrow in a creating nation like our own for being discovered non-receptive to the essential issues and requests of the voters.

As far as monetary pointers the year 1998 was may be the most noticeably bad especially when authorization commenced in the wake of May 1998 nuclear tests. By nation's desperate financial circumstance Pakistan's government officials did not appear to be troubled. With their lavish spending spree on themselves, they proceeded to the dishonor of the administration, estranging the socialized society the attack on Supreme Court constructing further included.

On the weak establishments, the legislature was. There is huge importance to the concepts of shirking and working for the selected government through the popular vote. If the factor is avoided that what has been elected or mandated, then it will be punished with the extreme comfort. Coup d etat is the extreme form of this punishment by the military. One in the messes the support base is lost in case of underperformance, then the government mandate is put into the

question, and for resisting the coup, the government finds it difficult. Due to that reason, there was hardly a dissenting opinion in the country which is expressed. As once again the army took charge so sensible Pakistanis are not happy astonishing.

Statement of the Problem In Pakistan, poor governance, legitimacy crises, corruption and poor socio- economic conditions are the motivating factors behind every military intervention in to main stream politics and due to these factors, the public overwhelmingly support such intervention. Due to personal interest, civilian institution, oppositions and anti-democratic lobbies also endorse the take-over of military. Besides the mentioned internal factors, external factor like geo- strategic location of Pakistan and its security centered foreign policy also plays in important role in supporting such anti-democratic steps by the military. The disequilibrium and imbalance in civil military relationship is mainly due to the above mentioned internal and external factors. Sufficient work have been done on civil military relationship however, the general perceptions about the civil military relationship needs to measured and assessed for better understanding of civil-military relations in Pakistan in general and during Musharraf regime in particular.

Objectives of the Study  To find out contributing factors towards imbalanced civil-Military

relationship in Pakistan.

 To explain the core bases for military intervention in politics.

 To assess the dynamics of changing civil-military relationship.

 To identify the perceptions at different level regarding civil-Military

relationship in Pakistan.

 To determine the different variables effecting the relationship between

the Military and Civil government in the country.

 To put forward recommendations for the consideration of Policy

makers.

Research Questions

 What are the bases for military intervention in politics during Musharraf

era?

 How the civil society (politicians, judiciary and bureaucracy) interacted

with Musharraf in the civil-military relations?

 How did Musharraf interact with civil society after coming into power?

 What are the perceptions of the civil society towards military regimes,

especially Musharraf regime in Pakistan?

Research Methodology

This study is relevant to in depth analysis of the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) in Pakistan and to discern the causes of repeated incursions of military into politics on one hand and highlight the military activism during the civilian government on the other hand. Direct interaction with various political and military stake holders will be done to reach the roots of the matter. Also empirical and qualitative assessment of the available data on the topic will help this research more productive. An attempt will be made to fill the gap and highlight the lacunas in the subject. The sudden change in the governments as a result of military coups will be treated as dependent variables, while the interests of military versus the society interests, and agency/ shirk will be taken as independent variables. Both primary and secondary sources are used to make the study more objective and coherent. Identification of variables and

recognizing the significance of relationships among explanatory variables can be done by qualitative interpretative methodology. The perceptions of the civil society towards military regime are identified and measured through quantitative analysis conducted through questionnaire distributed among a set of respondents. Data is then analyzed through Statistical Package for Social

Sciences (SPSS).

Organization of Study

The present thesis has been organized in six chapters. A brief introduction of each chapter is given below.

Chapter One (Introduction): The chapter focuses on a broader introduction of the subject in question and the historical account of the military coups in

Pakistan. It also includes statement of the problem, objectives of the study, research questions and a brief methodology of study. The detailed methodology for quantitative analysis is given in chapter four of the thesis.

Chapter Two (Literature Review): The review of the literature given in this chapter is based on global and National level. This chapter briefly describes the issue in hand coupled with theoretical perspective and the theories significant to the study under the consideration.

Chapter Three (Musharraf Era): This chapter provides a brief analysis of the events that led to the military Coup of 1998 and describes the events and the civil-military relations during Musharraf regime.

Chapter Four (Research Methodology): The research methodology involves the nature of the study, universe, parameters of the study, research techniques

used for the selection of respondents, tools which were used for data collection and procedure of data analysis and presentation.

Chapter Five (Data Anlysis and Discussion): This chapter consists of result and discussion that deals with data analysis and presentation. Data is presented in Uni-variateand Bi-variate cross tabulations. Standard statistical techniques are applied for exploring association between the variables and testing statements. The brief explanations of the table have been given for the understanding of the readers.

Chapter Six (Conclusion and Recommendations): This chapter comprises of research findings, conclusions of the study and finally important recommendations have been given towards the resolution of the research problem.

At the end, specimen copy of questionnaire and list of references have been annexed.

Chapter Two

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter critically analyzes and reviews already existing literature about the civil-military relationship.

Works Related to Civil-Military Relation in Pakistan

According to Gardezi (1983), the legal intervention of the military in politics can be assessed and analyzed from the "legitimization of regimes" till 1971 in

Pakistan. It is recognized that the military is being served as a kind arbitrator.

There had been no interest by the army to interfere in the political system of

Pakistan unless the government has failed due to the civil bureaucracy of

Pakistan. Failure of government brought Ayub Khan in power and presented himself as a military ruler of Pakistan during 1958-1969. General Fazal

Muqeem Khan (1963) states that military rule is legitimized and justified by organization's history, warfare and recruitment of Pakistan army. Ayub Khan

(1967), showed himself for political developments as a legitimist. During this tenure, it was believed by various writers that the masses were guided towards development and democracy by ignoring the suppression of fundamental human rights and pinching questions concerning the 1956 constitution and its abrogation. Ayub Khan had legitimized and justified subsequent political developments and his martial law (Hassan, 1998).

Lt. Gen Gul Hassan Khan (R) (1993) stated himself as the legitimist narrative in his biography. He was the first chief of army staff after the separation of East

Pakistan (Bangladesh) in December 1971. It was also demonstrated by Gul

Hassan Khan that, since the birth of Pakistan political authority and the civil

bureaucracy are dealing with the affairs of this country. General Ayub Khan ensured to take over his flight and had a pleasant relation with Head of the

State, President Iskander Mirza. However, he had feared from some other generals of his team members who had a plan to takeover against Ayub Khan.

India was able to hostile Pakistan at that serious stage. However, Iskander

Mirza imposed the martial law under the supervision of Ayub Khan. After the martial law of 1958, the responsibility of Pakistan was put on the shoulders of an incompetent politician. Gul Hassan Khan was exiled from the country after three weeks of the hostile takeover.

Though there is no empirical evidence that can be provided for the cause of politicization of generals in Pakistan, it can be seen that the ex-army chief holds a view that Field Marshal General Ayub Khan was not having interest to participate civil authority in the country. All he provided Pakistan was a

"constitution and a half-baked democracy" (Khan, 1993). Again, legitimacy in the Ayub-Yahya encounter is given to Ayub by the writer. Hassan Khan considers that it was the cabinet members who forced Ayub to takeover in

March 1969. The latter did not do any progressive thing for the good of this country, and Yahya Khan imposed martial law (Khan, 1993). The family and

General Ayub Khan himself had no involvement in corruption. Moreover, the author is also silent on the fact that the ambassadorship of Austria was accepted that was offered by Bhutto, the same man who forced Lt-Gen to resign from the command of the Army as a chief after being putting in protective custody.

Despite all these compassion from Bhutto, the researcher still has a view that it was Bhutto, not Zia who dragged the country on the edge of another martial law. Due to this belief of the researcher, he did not highlight the causes and consequences of the coup in 1977. Tariq Ali’s writings are extensively based on

a conspiracy point of view about the different phases of Pakistan's politics

(1970; 1983). According to the author, the involvement of Pakistan's military in politics is directed by America. Against the communist USSR, the alliance of

Pakistan with the capitalist block in the context of the Cold War. Brave

Generals could provide a better service to Washington's geostrategic interests.

Therefore, the military was encouraged to stage a coup in 1959, 1969 and 1977.

In 1999, General Pervez Musharraf overthrew the nominated Prime Minister and imposed martial law. There is also an "internal aspect" of the conspiracy theory of the writer. The theory explains that there is an argument in contradiction of the already established view by the great leader of East

Pakistan, namely Sheikh Maulana Bashani and Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman. They had information about the 1969 takeover by the Pakistan army. Furthermore, after information and encouragement from General Headquarters (GHQ),

Bhutto started denouncing the six points by the Awami League (Jalal, 1995).

Later, it was only with the support of military that Bhutto became The President and Martial Law Administrator in 1972. Although, arguments of the author stand on weak empirical grounds, but they still seem catchy. In addition to this, the researcher fails to include details about the civil-military relationship and politics of Pakistan. A Military coup in 1958 is an example where the author has not put any substantial grounds for the reasons of interference except the 1959 elections. However, elections are the best ways, but these are still not suitable to the takeover by an illegal way (Jalal. 2009). In the light of the relationship with the army of Bhutto, Khan (2005) has assumed military as the master and Bhutto as a weak partner. Moreover, the author has also not mentioned the unpopularity and demoralization of the military's officer. Also, it has not been discussed that a demoralized organization with stakes in Pakistan's politics was in need of a

better strategic understanding with Bhutto rather than the need of Bhutto to form a. Understanding with the former. The writer's accounts are biased and are of negative mind (Burki, et al. 2007).

Rizvi (2015) has analyzed the supremacy and evolution of Military in Pakistan.

He after describing the short background of political history of Pakistan focused on the military interventions into the political arena and its withdrawals, because of the divergence of interests between the leaders of military regimes.

He argued that Nawaz Sharif’s attempt to fire Musharaf, peace and friendship with India, Military defeat in Kargil war, amid the rising civil military tension.

Furthermore, he stated that for strengthening his military rule, General

Musharaf increased defense budget as well as other side benefits to the Corps

Officers but Honorable Supreme Courts of Pakistan challenged the legality of military regime in 2007 and Military also withdraws from its supports to the

Military Government. General Musharaf at this time took sharp move and declared the national emergency, suspended the courts again. The divisions grew up between Military and General Musharraf over the issue of Emergency and ended in the defeat of Musharraf led Political Party, PML (Q). The author of the paper highlighted the causes of Military interventions in Pakistan as; instability in the nation’s political regimes, violent internal behavior, powerful neighbours, role of Army as an Arbitrator in domestic politics, army’s unacceptability of democratic authority, inability of Judiciary not to question the interventions of Army, lobby of religious preachers against Democracy and the corrupts civil administration. Beside these internal factors, the geo-strategic importance of Pakistan always attracts the super power to favour the army over the Politicians. Rizvi concluded the paper by advising the civil Government that they must exercise their control over military and work sincerely to regain full

Civilian institutional Control. Civilian Governments must watch the coup opportunities like floundering political process, external security threats, internal threats and economic crises.

Faqir, Islam and Rizvi (2013) studied the role of lawyers in support for independence of judiciary. Judiciary must be independent from all other institutions in the country. In

Pakistan, Judiciary faced challenge due to authoritarian governance. In shape of military coup, Musharraf came into power which negatively affected this institutions after 2007, when chief justice was deposed, judicial require was started in a movement of lawyers begins for independence of judiciary in the country.

Kalia (n.d.) highlighted dynamics of policy making under different regimes by configuration of the nature of Pakistan bureaucracy and its role in policy making in the country. Bureaucracy is not limited to execution of policies but it is an integral part of government. Bureaucracy due to its political role has been so notorious. Best talent of the country should be recruited to civil services and procedural control must be strengthened with a system of accountability which requires a visionary leadership.

This factor can also lead to the intervention of military into political matters.

Khalid (2012) studied the role of judiciary in the evolution of democracy in Pakistan.

Technical issues and the failure of judiciary to check institutions in Pakistan has affected the journey of democracy in Pakistan. Both the constitutional and political weaknesses have stopped the political and democratic growth in the country. The research concludes that more comprehensive and solid policies are required to reframe the judicial and constitutional weakness, so that a good democratic system may grow in the country. If the judicial and constitutional policies of a country are well conducted and implemented, all the institutions will work in their respective jurisdiction and democratic process will grow up. Check and balance of all institutions backed by efficient judiciary will maintain role of law in the country. However for efficient work of judiciary for a long time all the constitutional and legislative bodies should be made

well established first. The key finding is that both the judiciary and legislative system of the country should move in a coordinated way to grow the democratic system of

Pakistan

Amjad (2006) analyzed Musharraf era from the development and growth perspective of the country. Since Musharraf take over his administration started new strategy for the development of the country called the Musharraf development strategy. Amjad investigated that Musharraf strategy was successful for achieving his own goals and that of the country. The overall face of economic growth in that era was satisfactory. In the era, growth takes place confidence of the private sector grows up public sector investment program increased and unemployment decreased. On the negative side, some macro-economic indicators i.e. inflation and growth was not specifically contributing to eradicate poverty. To conclude, there were some positive as well as negative aspects of Musharraf era. Growth took a boost but with high inflation. There were high infrastructure projects but no focus given to labor market.

Hussain (2007) views that in countering the threat and expansion of communism, jihadists were not only granted legitimacy by CIA-ISI but also their cause was well propagated and their actions were accounted as heroic by the world two largest spy agencies. The incident of 9/11 compelled the state of

Pakistan in parting its ways with those jihadists as a result of which it shakes the whole fabric of Pakistani society. The concept of has been misinterpreted and wrongly propagated; it has found a room in the poor, the uneducated and misguided. The Islamic seminaries became a breeding ground for terrorists; militants in these seminaries were motivated to join Taliban and Al-Qaida forces in Pakistan. Nothing has been done by the state of Pakistan in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s to stop the constant involvement of religious seminaries in jihadist politics. The recent attacks in Pakistan by jihadist

organization is a wakeup call, Pakistan should focus on unraveling the network of terrorism and lawless frontiers of Pakistan.

Kiacker (2007) the continuity of democracy is much needed for the whole world, the world needs Pakistan’s support in fighting its war on terror both in

Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistan as a failed state will have an adverse effect on global and regional level, derailment of democracy or a semi-governed

Pakistan can turn a haven for global militants and jihadists and could bring uncertainty and instability in the whole region. The threat of falling nuclear weapons in the hands of terrorists may cause a serious ramification for the whole world. The western world cannot remain immune to the political instability of a strategically important Pakistan. He further argues that the international community should also support the institutions of the government of Pakistan such as the organization of human rights, the judiciary, media organizations and civil society failing which strengthens the undemocratic forces and will push the state further into Islamic bigotry fundamentalists. The international world should establish bilateral relationship with the civilian government in Islamabad and must contribute in adding money to those programs which strengthen the civilian agencies and judiciary. The world must focus on strengthening good governance practices and service delivery.

Khan (2012) in his paper about the Role of Military in the politics of Pakistan took the historical evolution of political participation of military in India and

Pakistan by giving a detailed description of Pre-Colonial heritage of Muslims in

India, British Colonial Experience of the Muslims in the united India and the

Nature of Muslim League leadership after Jinnah. After a brief over view of historical content, the author argued about the weak civil institutions and political participation of Military in Pakistan due to lack of institutional pre-

requisite for democracy, institutional problems in Pakistan, feudal aristocracy and political legitimacy. Here the author highlighted the Military’s belief about its role in the society, in which military and bureaucracy are more organized and developed than political and democratic institutions. The Military intervention, besides the above stated factors is also due to personal grievances of the

Military officers and the engagement and disengagement of Military with civil society. He also stated that Military bureaucracy was always more concerned with the security problem of the country. Corruption also destroyed the image of politicians and gave rise to increasing public disenchantment with politics and political process. He also highlighted the global factors in this regard by stating that incidents of 9/11 increased the importance of Pakistan’s role in the eyes of Super Powers. The author argued in the paper that Super powers and foreign players promote authoritarian regimes in Pakistan as compared to democratic regimes.

Singh & Singh (2011) stated that Pakistan’s history has been characterized by periods of military rule and political instability. It is a developing country that faces problems with high levels of poverty and illiteracy. Singh & Singh (2011) further said that Military can influence the nature and direction of political change without necessarily assuming power and claimed that the military has seldom had to face opposition in coming into power. Pakistan swings back and forth between military and civilian rule on one side and feudal and capitalist economies on the other. Military rule was welcomed in Pakistan, since the nation had experienced a very unstable political climate since independence.

The Chief of Army Staff, rather than the Defense Minister or the Chairman of

the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (JCSC), is the most powerful position in the defense arena. Hundreds of army personnel have posts in civilian institutions whereby civilian officials have long complained about military officers taking up senior posts in the civil service, universities and ministries. Unlike

Musharraf, current civilian leaders have shown themselves to be poor managers, and have not inspired confidence in the market. The history of Pakistan shows that Pakistani Army Chiefs have never relinquished power voluntarily.

Syed Abdi (2004) declared that Pakistan's political system can best be understood as a pendulum between civilian rule and military rule. Huntington

(2006) claimed that Governance in Pakistan is a delicate balancing act between the military chiefs and the elected civilian government. a weak economy has a major positive impact on the probability of low income and poor economic performances increases the risk, which keep income and growth at low rates and therefore increase the chances of future. Pakistan is the typical example of this situation in which Military leadership hopes to change the situation as they feel the civilian government is not pushing the economic growth and the rampant disturbances by external and internal threats.

Inayatullah (1998) claimed that Military became more independent and thus, powerful for controlling national politics. Its top brass developed an ideology and a set of perceptions to justify their political role. As guardians of the nation,

they believe they have the right to rule the nation. Once the civilians come into power, feeling threatened by the military, they attempt to control them. As with their feudal roots, a pattern of patronage and corruption sets in.

Chaudhary (n.d) claimed that if the civilian governments take rational position against the military agency in Pakistan, then the role of military in shaping foreign policy of Pakistan would be curtailed. The military intervenes in politics because of its inherent agency not culture, identity’ or even its structure, or external or internal threats. The military’s presence in domestic and foreign policy is constrained.

The weak political parties and leadership as well as social institutions created space for governance to civil military bureaucracy. This causes derailment of the democracy and alternate civil and military supremacy. Although the overall socio-political environments have improved and healthy civil military relations are witnessed in the present era. As in any democratic set up healthy civil- military relationship are very necessary where an elected civilian government enjoys the overall control of the military. However during the past history of sixty-five years in Pakistan the control over governance has oscillated between the civilian supremacy and military rule.

For any healthy constitutional and political system to function smoothly strong and well entrenched political parties are very necessary. Unfortunately the

political parties in Pakistan have failed to develop into strong vehicles of national political will. Pakistan had very scare basic infrastructure and resources at the time of independence. The low level of literacy also added a lot in this regard. There was an urgent need of competent and resolute leadership. The feudal leadership of political parties was not able to deal with the multifarious problems faced by the country. Civil military bureaucracy had dominated governance due to the inherited weakness of political parties and incompetent leadership resulting in the derailment of government thrice in 1958,1977 and

1999.The civil military bureaucracy did not have favorable opinion about the competence of political leaders and often took decisions without consulting the political leaders. Hence it increased the tension and conflict between the civil and military leadership and also have negatively affected on training, development and growth in good governance.

The security situation in Pakistan also bitterly affected the sustainable civil governance in Pakistan. The external and internal threats in the country also thwarted the countryis march towards democracy.

A free and fair election is very necessary part for growing democratic governance. Sustainable democracy in Pakistan will also require the establishment of strong civilian institutions like bureaucracy, political parties, judiciary and media. Although it takes time but with foreign assistance and

internal hard work, including technical training, education and financing could pay a vital role in each of these areas.

Khan and Wazir (2015) are of the opinion that Pervez Musharraf weakened the political situation of Pakistan, in many ways, instead of strengthen it. All the institution, ranging from civilian to military and from national accountability

Bureau (NAB) to the judiciary, were manipulated of Musharraf in such a way that the Basic function of these institution were forgotten. They were directed towards victimizing the political opponents of Pervez Musharraf.

Moreover, the economic policy was designed, during Musharraf era in such a way that it gave benefit to few people. The same model of economy was introduced by another military dictator General Ayub Khan. It was not only economy but the institution like NAB was directed for political victimization of the opponents of the Musharraf. The judges and military men who supported

Musharraf were exempted from the activities of NAB. In this way a civilian institution, which was designed to work irrespective of any prejudice, was mismanaged by the military. Similarly the judiciary was targeted by Musharraf for the implementation of his dictatorship. This resulted in the unfair decisions of judiciary on many occasion.

Yousaf in his work “Pakistan a study of political development 1947-97” is of the opinion that the military is of the general perception that the major reason for the disorder in Pakistan is the civilian leadership. The leaders are mainly working for their self interests at the cost of national interest. President

Musharraf was no different from the other military dictators in this regards. He considered the civilian as responsible for the problems of the General

population. Military with this perception intervened in 1999 and tried to sideline the civilian leadership.

Behuria in his work “How Military Dominates the Political Space in Pakistan: a

Study of Musharaf’s Rule 1999-2008” is of the opinion that Musharraf elongated his rule by the use of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) in his favor. NAB took its operations against those elements which were politically against Musharraf. Moreover, those military men and judges who were in favor of military regime were exempted from the activities of NAB. Thus, NAB strengthened the position of Pervez Musharraf by weakening his opponents.

Ziring () in his book “Pakistan at the Cross Current of History” is of the opinion that it was the event of 9/11 that had changed the foreign policy outlook of

Pakistan. Before 9/11, Pakistan was one of those three states that had supported the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. However, after 9/11 a major shift in foreign policy of Pakistan occurred and Pakistan became a front-line state against “was on terrorism” which was led by United States. Pakistan didn’t consider Taliban as the legal political faction that had the mandate to rule Afghanistan. This faced Pakistan with the serious challenge to face the terrorist activities at home.

Musharraf regime saw some worst incidents carried out on Pakistan soil by the terrorist groups.

Chambers (2010) are of the opinion that the economic policy of Musharraf was designed in such a way that the military men can get the major share out of the benefit of the policy. Economic resources and their management were mainly in the hands of military. Civilian desired for the benefits of economic policies.

Moreover, Pakistan faced huge loss in its fight against terrorism at the hands of militants.

Gazdar (2007) is of the view that the Musharraf’s military regime was going to meet the end; abolishment. He argues that the tusslebetween General Musharraf and the Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Choudhery was a great blow to the regime. The judge was charged that he had favored his son by illegal ways and means but the real causes were

i) The Judge was inquiring about the missing persons and

ii) He had stopped the privatization of Pakistan steel mills.

The refusal of the Judge to resign may be based on certain reasons such as his belief that he had a strong support of the lawyer’s community or his belief that he was innocent and would be restored later. He might have any reason; the fact is that he simply refused to resign. On hearing about the matter, the lawyer’s community came to the help of the Judge and started a nation-wide movement to free and restore him as he was kept under house-arrest with his family.

Peter Feaver has done a great job with respect to Civil-Military relations during

1999 besides that he has conducted the research and figure out the research literature on other various subjects of political science. So according to this study it seems, therefore, relevant to seek insight and inference from Peter

Feaver’s work. He wrote about the dependent and independent variable of this model theory. Furthermore, in his research article of civil-military relation he considered the military compliance, coups, civil-military friction, military influence monitoring and delectation as dependent variables. It is universal phenomena that every object has dual effect so as concern to the depend variables these also has their own pros and corns in respect of rational and logical contrast, measurability and theoretical limitedness such as from one perspective military influence marks continuous instead of dichotomous while

in the second sense it is difficult to ascertain it, in light of the prior particularly issues identified with estimation of non-overthrows.

Majority of the research scholars consider the internal and external independent variables in their research study an extensive research so far the extensive research about these factors will explain about these factors whether these are character, structural and socio cultural in nature? In respect to the independent variables these are concerned with the transformation from authoritarianism to democracy. As indicated by O’Kane (1981), Finer (1999) Kposowa and Jenkins

(1990) that in particular phenomenon of interest civil-military relations consider as IVs.

The earlier studies on the topic of civil military relation conducted by Jalal

(1990) and Aziz (2008) concluded that US support to states military, diplomatic, military aid, and security alliances and others are given preference.

Aziz consider these factors as explanatory variables and to make this point more clear the given discussion is the most recent research that explained the civil- military relation in Pakistan.

Mirza (2008) work is for the most part slightly deals with equivalence and causality of concerned issues. He considers the problem in governing issues, saving democracy and political disorder as IVs. This allows him to examine the history, reasons and causes of 1958, 1977 and 1999 coups. As per the present study’s the main point of conflict with that of Aziz begins as to his hypothetical and methodological framework, case and variables determination standard and critically the findings.

Political disorder and bad governance are not considered separately instead considered as one variable. So far concern with saving democracy this is also problematic on at least two grounds. In respect to implication of saving democracy rules system from „our extreme point is to restore vote based system yet of the sort that individuals can comprehend and work‟ is invalid experimentally and literarily: exactly, a day prior to General Ayub’s address,

President Mirza had, however strangely and unethically, officially proclaimed the legislative exercises (under his administration) as „a fascism of the least. In case if the General Iskander Mirza is on the right then there is no room to spare that support the democratic system that Ayub wants to restore and to launch the transparent electoral system.

Notwithstanding, the recent research model theory, while grounded in comparative politics, and it does not consider the external factors or variables.

Besides, over the span of our clarification of every coup story, a contextualized investigation of this variable should be endeavored. Moreover, as ought to be illuminated in full and comprehensive detail component in the written work review, the higher defense expenditure, professional soldier, religious ethnic, army chief personality factors, military class cultural and coup contagious where coupe in the state is contemplated disturbed in another country (Li and

Thompson 1975)- components/variables et cetera., don't have observationally and theoretically the causal ability to clear up the occasion of miracles d’état- and along these lines military invention in Pakistan.

Theoretical Paradigms

Huntington- between ‘Professionalism’ and ‘Praetorians’’

Hypothetically, this kind of riddle has been the key to the writing on CMR. In respect of marvel and course action of intervention by military in legislative issues and the nature and motion of civil-military relations drew the consideration of numerous. . The first research on the topic of CMR was conducted by (Huntington 1957). Building his hypothesis upon the general idea of polished skill, Huntington obliterates convincingly numerous buzzwords from outdated speculations of CMR. In the particular CMR setting of the US, he has endeavored to clarify the nature and progress of CMR and in addition the nature and classifications of non military personnel control, specifically, objective and subjective. In the expressions of Feaver (1996) the causal chain of

Huntington is:

Independence prompts professionalization, which prompts political lack of bias and intentional subordination, which prompt secure non military personnel control.

All things considered, his portrayal and clarification of non military personnel conduct in the CMR framework in a great deal less intensive and persuading.

Additionally, however there is extensive dialog of the power of the important non military personnel workplaces yet the regular citizen component is summarily and outlandishly released in scornful affirmations about liberal belief system. In addition, identified with deficient investigation of regular citizen governmental issues is an over-thorough theoretical focus upon exclusively military parts of the military which reflects insufficient consideration regarding more broad political hypothesis. What's more, there stay a few inquiries in this record of his that request for more clarification.

Such as is the call for tolerant executives dependably an interest that they didn’t show their interest to polish skill? Could it be a request that key choices

uncontaminated by administration pettiness? Is the plan of subjective prerequisites an obscure just for business executives, or ought to non military personnel researchers intercede? Is it intrinsic in the expert capacity that an officer be cognizant to mechanical improvements? The opposite is now and again recommended by deductive rationale. Does the expert military ethic require a pluralistic methodology? On the other hand, in a poor country, there might be such a system that would be expensive as to jeopardize political solidness and in this way military security? All the more for the most part, is there a fundamental character in the middle of polished skill and security? At long last, if the arrangement of partition of forces, regardless of its pernicious impact on regular citizen control and polished skill, is defended on other and higher grounds, has liberal belief system no practically identical repaying points of interest? These inquiries by one means or another drove Feaver to basically aggregate as Feaver (1996), states that the state and soldier into „four‟ theoretical which, contends can't stand the test of thorough experimental examination, and „draws incorrect derivations and makes forecasts that have not demonstrated the true and fair picture.‟

So far the military change in Huntington (1962) has apparently re-underscored the mechanism and obligation of the military. Regarding the military coups/upset or unmistakable mediation the push of the contention is: if the division of capacity and training of military forces is tended to towards threats from external factors instead of internal threats, there is probability that the military would not intercede. This express accentuation on the outside variables verifiably indicates his prior proposal of professional military. Moreover, humorously, the recurrence of military upsets in creating nations is not seeing as neurotic but rather a different option for insurgency and a type of slow change.

In any case, movement, if not an out and out outlook change, is to his origination of interaction of civil-military relations and society-state and this is visible and can be seen during the time of changing society (Huntington, 1968).

This concept is widely related to couple of the concept which is known as political development and political modernization. However, the political modernization is concerned with improvement of political participation while the development of politic is concerned with the development and establishment of the regulatory authority that control and oversee growth and rate of modernization. It has been figured out by Huntington though empirical studies that gradually growth or less growth rate of political development in a nation or society leads to the wastage of the position of modernizing. The other perspective is reveals that great deal of regulations and principle as compare the rate of modernization needed is only severe and might be grievous. Furthermore the sustainability of the political government can be examined by considering the both aspects including expensing and consolidation of interest of society and end in itself. In any case, the most important aspect of political steadiness does not lead him to contradict every progressive change such as the arrival of the praetorian to legislative issues.

In 1968, Huntington proposed theory of praetorian polities related to coups or return of the praetorian. In 1968 Huntington determined the “oligarchical praetorianism” among the praetorian polities. In this particular situation the imperative social forces are the leading clergy, the great landowners and the wielders of sword. So as concern to counter colonial efforts by such countries demonstrated as an “artificial phenomenon” the reason backed on this was their hesitation and less mobilization and conversation with the society members.

Consequently the moderate advancement of political establishments alongside

extensive growth rate of social mobilization into legislative issues brought on by financial modernization brought forth bedlam; increasing and bad political governance and this vacant flaw was overcome by the military leadership. So far, with respect to powerful cases made for the benefits of both modernizing monarchs and trooper lawmakers, such as military leader Ayub Khan as he contends that„ one of the most critical factor that become the cause of intervention by military legislative issues are not military but rather political and reflect not the social and hierarchical attributes of the military establishment however the structure of political institution as well as the society’s structure.

In respect to the significance and importance of Huntington’s work in truth, as there are experimental, if not hypothetical, anomalies in this record as well. As

Huntington, does not consider the probability and likelihood of a developing progressive potential in the important sector of the society as per the recent situation. Besides, his order of political crevice, which as he would like to think is augmenting between the rich and poor nations, is as confounding as the financial hole. By the customary norms of political science, this contention might convey conviction. Be that as it may, his similarity between the quantifiable monetary hole and his purported political gap‟ appears to be questionable. Additionally, his formative postulation, when connected on the

Pakistan case in the 1960s, takes, from one viewpoint, surface-perspective of political substances, and over-invalidates, then again, the vicinity of financial incongruities among various areas of society inside of the nation.

In addition, regarding administration, the inconveniences intrinsic in the examination basically crawl up. To put this evidently, there is no real way to hold that one society is preferred administered or more created over another

with the exception of as an issue of worth or a demonstration of confidence

(Mitra and Singh 2009). Also, it is guileless to address Huntington’s conviction that the modern social orders of the world are less tumultuous than others. Are the modern social orders truly less clamorous than others by Huntington’s own standard of estimation? Moreover, he doesn't anticipate that majority rules system will create in a one-gathering state which endeavors to unify power. His authenticity likewise has a tendency to reject the vision of viable modernization under the support of political organizations that are intended for the scattering of force. The power of request in his idea infers a remarkable anxiety for power

Portraying the ‘Professional’

Janowitz (1964) has tried to depict a political and social picture of professional soldiers, providing sneak peeks into the historical published materials, piloting intensive interviews and documentary which eased his course. Keeping into consideration the jeopardy of the topic, the main focus of his study was to first- rate American military leaders and personnel’s who were considered to be a part of central decision-making think tank as per their high caliber reputations and position. Janowitz has decided to take a sociologist vision based on his paramilitary background which has enticed his personal stance.

The main streams of Janowitz’s study concentrated upon the first-rated military personnel, linking them to the ideology of professionalism and the documentation of inevitable effects of politicization the military. He austerely denied the ideal type of partition of labor; one of the focal points of

Huntington’s study

It appears that in doing his work he faced diminutive complications in regard to the transparency of visualization and accuracy of the opinion, still by some

means, he found himself incapable of having an institutional glance at the problematic control of the military. It can be said that possibly, Janowitz pragmatic professionalism is more affluent than radical professionalism of the

Huntington (Feaver, 1996).

In the political developments of the new nations, Janowitz (1964) has almost followed the same professional way (1964:50-64). The main question raised is to address how the uniqueness of military institution and personnel influence their work in the procedures of renovation and democratizing. The author gathered the data from 151 countries and distributed them into 5 groups; these groups were (angel) civil-military coalitions (beer) authoritarian-personal regime (c) authoritarian-mass party (d) democratic-competitive regimes (e) military oligarchies. Military occupied a secondary role in the 3 of above 5 types. In the other 2 types, they participated in politics as the alliance partners or as the most leading components. For the explanation of these 5 patterns, he got awareness about the economic development, about the duration of independence. In spite of this, he emphasizes that socio-political context and the military be liable to have the same general characteristics in all the new nations which result in giving more authority in participating in the politics.

This intimidation in the developing nations of Janowitz (1964) and a new addition of military institution did not make any additions to the new insights apart from making its efforts at repackaging the professional with an extreme number of cases. Thoroughly the importance of the institutional explanation of civil-military relations was not so much emphasized and on the other side of the picture they compromise the importance of contextuality. The less concentration was paid to the America in the comparison of the East Asia in the strategy of

empirical data. Besides this praetorian society of the Huntington which means that weak state institutions are less valuable tools of civilian control are criticized by Michael Desch. Hunginton different leaves were noticed by Desch that the questions were not answered that where the state has powerful civilian governmental institutions

The Men on Horseback

As in the book “The Man on Horseback” in which the author Samuel E. Finer

(1988) demonstrated the military practice of intervention and the phenomenon of cross nationality from the sociological-historical point of view. Following are the hypothesis determined by this point of view:

 The decision of the takeover by the army depends on the perceptions of

the army regarding the political condition of the country.

 On the basis of the national interest the army of the country goes for

intervention in order to control the government of the country.

 Consistency and control of the weapons and organizations,

representative position in the country, expressive status and armed

qualities are some of the strength of the army. (Finer, 1988)

The greater notes which was provided have not attractive ability for intervene, they do not contain any motivational factor, in the absence of intervene opportunity there is no any activity taking actions and all these factors which are due to the dependency of the citizen on the army particularly in the critical circumstances. The interference of the military can be successes or failures due to this type of relationship and occasion, from the pressure situation to movement of the civil authority. Finer in similar way as Huntington also give training the nature and opportunities to the different stages of the political

environment .On the basis of the following aspects the political structure is ranked.

 The level on the basis of which the population is managed and divided

in to different categories for example business companies, unions of the

labors and political parties. These divisions are independent of the

government.

 The level of awareness of the public in the context of all those

organizations an individual which have an independent power and the

situation or condition in which the people have thinking that no other

party can hold that power.

 In order to transfer the power of politics, the level of the support of the

public is very important. (Finer, 1988)

It Is the fact that if the political environment of the country is well established then there are very low chances that army interfere in the political condition.

Finer (1981) suggested that it is very critical in contrast the praetorians to the

Huntington’s. He suggested the theory of the Huntington is dependent on the relationship among the power of the political institutions and it encourage the political control under the political parties not under the army. He also make study on the five type of relationship theory provided by the Janowitz’s .It was not consider as attractive because it is taken as passive in the context of the criteria for giving the any specific task to one of the categories. .‟Nonetheless work’s performed by him was very comprehensive and not easy to understand conceptually. By taking into account different political aspects there is very little reference which was given to economic, social and institutional

environment which included different type of political culture. In case contrasting circumstances the study lacks deep examination.

Soldiers in Politics

Eric Nordlinger the writer of “Soldiers in Politics” suggested different ways to manage all the aspects of the civilian people of the army by taking into consideration different points regarding this context. Taking into consideration all those aspects on the basis of which army of the country takeover the government position by reviewing different theories. According to him the army of the country takes the decision to collapse the current government in the situation when the discrepancy of authority occurs by the poor performance of the government. Additionally it can be explained as that takeover by the army occurs by taking into account the effect and perception of the army officers to the political environment. It also include all the way of governance and the attitude of the army soldiers in the power circumstances.

Nordlinger by recognizing the importance of this aspect give his explanation about the contrast performance of the army system. All his findings and outcomes regarding the economic performance of the army create an important negative impact on the latter. According to him many of the army systems have a keen interest to secure the country from the status quo by ignoring all the claims regarding this aspect and army as an element of change (Nordlinger,

1977). Additionally it is also noted that fundamental army commands cannot promote the reform in the country effectively. According to Nordlinger the crises occur in the political position of the country by the focus and concentration of the military commands about the thinking for the development and enhancement in the country. It is not consider as the accurate analysis due

to ignorance of the importance of the work. It takes into account all the relative aspects of all the variations in this sway ignoring the importance of these variations.

The important exclusion which is considering in this context is “Latin American military”. After that it can be proved with the help of different type of qualification by taking the aspects from the army personnel to middle class people of the country. According to Huntington, the army has an important role in the customary societies after this it can be transfer to the modern role. In this way the army can rescue the rights of the people of the country from the corruption of the status quo (Feaver 1996). The concept behind this is simple.

Additionally the creativity in this context prevent from some unfavorable dependency on the statistical studies particular in the concern of the cross national and co relational evaluation which h are taken as unsure ways to do this. It is also the fact that there is very low level of the consideration regarding programs on international military help, the help as international advisor, the aid from the international military force and all these aspects show a great professionalism in the army concerns and the reputation of the country in some way depend on the identity of the army of the country (Nordlinger, 1977).

Perlmutter- Praetorianism Revisited

The relations of the civil people of the army are viewed by the Amos Perlmutter

(1974) by taking into account different prospective. The “military praetorianism” is one of the concept in the context which was explained by the

“’s CMR” while recognizing the important and effective role of the army

in the political environment of the country along its political institutions. He was the person who explained that there are two kinds of praetorian army force which are the ruler army and the arbitrator army. The arbitrator army has the power to maintain its writ in case of the critical condition of the country in order to control the social rights, all the institutes which are political independent and fear of the revenge among the civilian people. The other type of the army which is known as ruler army has the tendency to keep it position in the country. All the rules provided by him will not consider as the more productive way of establishment of the political structure in the country.

Military rule is considered as more complex and restrictive and it has not been success in establishment of the new groups of the people and establishment of the classes also. In this way the political environment of the country do not change with the change in the context of the government change, in simple way it can be said that the changes in the economy have no effect on the social solidity on the division of the power. Inner momentum is established in this way

(Perlmutter 1974). The main issues which arises in this concern was the elimination of the army from the management and control of the supervisory services and its control and management over political environments, in this way the political needs of the people can be made smoother. It is the fact that the army of the country creates hurdles in this process due to the fear of the loss of power in the country.

The Perlmutter( 1974) describe that there are three different kinds of soldiers in

“The Military and Politics in Modern Times”. The one is professional, second is revolutionary and the third is praetorian. Every type of the soldiers further divided into subdivisions. In this case all the professional army members are

evaluated by taking historic concern in different countries like Prussia, France,

Japan, Germany and the Soviet Union in accordance with the logic given by the writer of the book that unstable condition in the country may be the reason of overtaking by the army in the country.

In order to explain the nature of the soldiers of the praetorian mostly from the third War the different type of cases are taken from the Africa, Latin America and Middle East. The Perlmutter is emphasized by the praetorian army in order to remove the less stable political parties of the countries. The analysis which he made on the particular concern is criticized because of lack of the ability to evaluate the weaknesses and uncertainty before the undertaking of the army. In the similar way the other types of the soldiers are subdivided in the Routinized revolutionaries and revolutionaries and also with the people “Liberation army” of the country lie China and Israel as an example.

Instead of the relative determination of the account or instructive nature of the account, it has no other substitute theory regarding the relations of the people from civil military because of the following reasons:

 Irregularity of reasonable nature

 Confirmation of all the problems

 Lack of clear explanation of the context.

 Low level of focus on joining. (Perlmutter, 1974)

“Corporatism” in this way is considered as the best idea by him because the status of the definition is changing rapidly with the use by the people with passage of time. In this way this idea given by him can be connected with each definition provided by different people. (Fever 1996)

Again according to the explanation of the Huntington in his book “Modern

Authoritarianism” the Perlmutter consider the praetorianism as one of the kind of the developed controlling system. For this concern according to him there are five different type of the authority of the management which is given below;

 communist party states

 fascist rules

 praetorian repressions

 the system of the Hitler’s Nazi

 states of corporatist (Perlmutter, 1974)

“Oligarchic political elite” is the factor due to which new repression is occupied and dominated. In praetorian-authoritarianism, the “political elite” is eth aspect due to which the military is considered as the analogous and supplementary instrument. The restrictions of the general aspects are clear instead of the importance of the work of the Perlmutter. His main focus was on the Middle

East countries and their armies. He gives more focus on the circumstances in which the army of the country takes over the politics of the country. Other cases taken from countries like America and other European countries where

“praetorian authoritarianism” is taken as bright process. In order to explain more the concept of the politics in relation to the army of the country Perlmutter

(1981) explained the principles of the contrasting political condition by taking different questions into consideration like how the army of the Iraq and

Peruvian interfere the politics of the country. Which are the principles on the basis of which the level of the “USSR and Cuban” is compared?

The comparatives efforts of the literature give explanation of different methods available in the concern of the relationship of the civil military. In natural way it

can said that the vision in this aspect is very helpful and all the information and data is relative and more reliable. In order to establish some alternative theory, it can provide theoretical base in this concern particularly in the developing states. It is the fact that all the relative drawbacks, advantages of this literature are very unaware. The case under discussion can be given small focus by the literature along with logic that the issues are remaining unresolved. (Feaver

1996)

The Structural Theory of Civil-Military Relations

The Structuralist Thought according to its foundational situating endeavors to comprehend and clarify the issue of non military personnel control of the military, specifically, and CMR, as a rule, from the viewpoint of structure. The main concern of the structuralism thought to understand the particular structure of state and vis-à-vis international state structure. By reviewing the previous research literature with the objective either this research enables to deliver the insights to the puzzle and question pretense by the current research study.

An American political research professional Michael C. Desch concentrates on an urgent issue in the context of CMR, in particular, non military or civil personnel control of the military. In addition he endeavors to design, and test a hypothesis which clarifies that why we get distinctive sort non military or civil personnel control? Furthermore, Desch resuscitates an old, uncertain verbal confrontation concerning the impact of the international system of society‟ professionalism and capability to comprehensively deal and manage the military. So far this is not at all like a lot of, he explain the factors of external threats and internal factor as well. However, he recommends that the extent to which state affairs are controlled by the civilian government military is molded

basically by two components and these factors are considered as external environment such as international threat and the internal factor which comprises upon the local or domestic threat.

Besides that, in respect to the given structure research theory that deals with civilian control, Desch concludes a few theories and expectations about the policies and nature of non military personnel control in respect to number of threats. In respect to his argument is: countries and states faces the great amount of threats from external environment while the internal factor is low in nature ought to have great non military personnel control; however, in the context of effective civilian control this prompt towards the low external threats while high internal threats,; and those with high/high and low/low will shift, however are prone to be poor and blended, separately (Desch,). In spite of the desire and additionally relative effectiveness of the given theory, it is not sure in two essential risk designs. In one perspective that deals with the high threat from both side including the external and internal this speculation theory or model didn’t anticipate whether this will be favorable for civilian control, the reason is that the external threats arises due to military outward. On the other side it can be said that there should be inappropriate civilian control, so as that the threats have bound together the military and the vicinity of an internal threat is adequate keeping in mind the end goal to divert the inward military. According to Desch, on ideational variables, for example, hierarchical culture and conflicting world-perspectives, a story that happens pretty much off Desch’s on structural stage basic stage.

Furthermore for the empirical estimation and evaluation of his proposed model

Desch consider the twenty three more research studies that are conducted on the

topic CMR in 8 post-World War II states. This include the Germany, Argentina,

Soviet Union, Brazil, US, Chile and France. There is no doubt in the complex type of research such as CMR researchers include the international civilian control as Desch explain the limitation.

As the model proposed by Desch is innovative in nature so far this section reveals that whether Desch’s model theory is applicable in the context of

Pakistan as military coups several times over state and there is complex situation in CMR relations. The discussion about the suitability of Desch’s model is given on the following situation:

 First one is to assess that it is good or favorable if threats from external

environment is high while internal threat are low.

 Second case reveals that this would be bad worst if a threat from

external environment is low while internal threat high.

 The third one reveals the combination or moderate situation if threats

from external and internal are low

 While the fourth and last one is concerned with poor condition if threats

from external and internal are high

It is contended that regardless of Desch’s model similar capability of generalizability, it appears beneath to the instance of Pakistan on simply exact grounds. Imperatively enough, had it been material observationally, and still, after all that the issue of determination of risk recognition in the setting of

Pakistan would have further confounded and limited the extent of its implication.

Peter Feaver: The Agency Theory (AT) of Civil-Military Relations

An American political research professional Peter D. Feaver set forth his argument in respect to agency theory of CMR. His research paper had faced large criticism before the flaws in Janowitz and Huntington model of civil- military relation. Furthermore, this research considers all the aspect of both and work on different aspect of CMR. As the Feaver argument concerned with empirical test and this argument is the better assumption of new model of CMR it additionally expanded argumentatively. In addition to the research articles that include the Crisis as Shirking (1998) and CMR (1999), in respect to the problematic he explained about how civilian control military and determined the several possible solution regarding to this obstacles. Moreover, by considering the agency theory he explains the souring of American CMR.

According his assumption, the agency theory of CMR got hypothesize and formalized appropriately in the context of his most populist Armed Servants:

CMR (2003) and Agency, Oversight, so far in this context, of Feaver proposed his research literature or arguments that are not in according to Huntington’s and many other research articles after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. In the first place, the hypothetical model or research of this volume lies in organization hypothesis which was basically proposed by financial analysts and

economic professionals. It is fact this is reviewed infrequently by the political researcher.

On a basic level, the term agency theory is considered regularly as the work or shirks trade off. Those in charge of supervision-the „principals‟ always strive to get the desired of maximum output by incurring the given budget or against minimum cost. The individuals who complete the project of task the „agents‟ are merely concerned to get the handsome amount of as remuneration for less pressure or responsibility of work. All things considered, interpreting this model from monetary to political domains prompts significant issues further and these issues are aggravated in imply to military. Feaver (2003) suggests three reasons in which the first one is the soldier interested to advise what is needed to pursue. Further they preferred to manage threats from a position of favorable position as far as controlling the beat and the extent of the contention, hence bringing about a partiality for hostile operations. The military soldier wish to have their achievements given an appropriate acknowledgment by their team members and seniors while the last and third one are military soldier who are interested to perform their job task without the intervention of civilian personnel.

Feaver(2003) considers this logical rational and figures out the six conceivable contextual results in light of decision made by principals to manage and control the military intrusively or something else; by operators to work or shirk, and after that by principals to punished the soldier or not on the off chance that shirking happens. Moreover, the collaboration between a restricted group of variables, whose qualities are exogenous to the model, figures out whether some result is likely to come out or not. In this way, the resultant model can give

capable interpretive instrument to clarifying changing in the framework of civilian or non military personnel control over the military from the Cold War to the present.

Furthermore, Feaver proposed the four distinctive ways in relation to power, as it begin with, he dismembers Huntington’s hypothesis of CMR which recommended that the US expected to receive target non military personnel control in light of a superstitious ideological move to win in the Cold War. In respect to the viewpoint of agency theory Huntington perceived a slender crevice in the middle of civilian and military strategy they much preferred as changed in civilian principal their inclinations to match those of the military. In the context of these circumstances civilian control could work with nonintrusive observing. In contrast to Huntington research “Feaver” records and contends this model as Huntington anticipated, but the United States triumph in the Cold

War. Furthermore, on the premise of a background marked by Cold War CMR,

Feaver exactly depicts that the hole in the middle of non military personnel further the preference of military stayed high all through the Cold War, however it helps to reduce the monitoring cost but shrinking of work still remain high.

By reviewing the current circumstances as agency theory presumes, civil personnel monitoring of the military was meddlesome and military consistence with non military personnel preference this was showing the high working and all these factors revealing that how US assure its success in the Cold War.

The third way that was proposed by “Feaver” in his model is to extract the information about the factor that became the cause of crisis of CMR during the period of Cold War in America. It has been figured out that during the War period the gap between the Civilian leadership and military preference stayed at

high level while the cost of monitoring was comparatively low furthermore, the probability of punishment for military declined as well. The subtle elements that clarify why punishment declined can't be practiced; they incorporate, however absolutely go beyond, the lack of capability of Commander-in-chief (Clinton).

Be that as it may, the impact not surprisingly by agency theory was to push the framework of Civilian control far from meddling observing with progressing in the direction of an pattern of meddlesome checking with evading, which denote an emergency in CM control. The last and fourth describe by Feaver depicts in what manner agency theory discloses the choices to utilize power in the post-

Cold War period. In such manner, his commitment has demonstrated that the choice to work or either is not an either-or suggestion yet rather a significant variety in the shirking.

All the theories of agency like agency theory of Feaver and the preceding agency theories based on civil military relations are framed in the context of

USA civil military relations. For the purpose of creating the concrete structure on the assumptions of principal agent framework, all the researches are restored to the unofficial agency theory of Feaver and this has been done due to the comparative study of contextual. A detailed explanation of all the assumptions of agency theory has been made a comparison of its theoretical advantages is made with the sociological perspective. The main assumption in the principal agent theory is about the relation of these characters and both of these are considered to be the sensible actors who are capable of doing cost benefit analysis and the pair of these two is rational. This assumption was not changed in moving from informal to formal agency theory by Feaver. According to the agency theory the civil military relations are primarily treated as strategic interaction and things are made happen by these two actors’ principal and agent

in spite of making structural settings. These two actors rank their political, military or economic interest according to the priorities and this procedure is a sign of rational calculus. All the interests of actors are defined in particular structural or cultural context and this context sometimes help the both characters in influencing their interests and is the quality of the actors that they behave accordingly even after being affected by structure.

Civilians are assumed to be principals and military has been given the status of agent. These stata are based on the fundamental theory of the long history of civil military relations particularly in Europe. The authority was delegated by civilians to the military and the purpose behind this delegation was to provide protection to civilians from threats (both internal and external). Democratically the civilians are authorized to make the military agents to do its bidding. If the military fulfils the duties that were assigned by the civilians then in the dictionary of the agency theory the military is working but if military agents have enough power to sideways the orders of civilians then it will be shirking.

The base of occurrence of these two “working and shirking” is the inherent difference in the duties played by military and civilians. This theory states that both the military and civilians have a junction of the preferences in the matter of state’s security. But this theory holds true in the context of USA and may not be implemented in the case of Pakistan.

The Agency theory states that a set of preferences had been provided to the civilians to punish the military when they act shirking. In addition to this, civilians are provided with the rewards and incentives that they will use in stopping the military agents from shirking. Any crack in the civil military relations shows the importance of strategic importance between military agents

and the civilian principals. If military finds the civilians cowards and weak, they will have the privilege of more power to increase the interest, most importantly in the economic sector, in the highly developed democracy of USA. The strategic interaction, preference and preceding acts of the agent and principal are the core areas of agency theory.

Feaver (2003) assumes the agency theory as:

 Military relations are primarily a strategic interaction;

 Military has position of agent while the civilians are considered as the

principals.

 Both are the sensible characters as they have a clear notion of cost

benefit analysis, moreover the preferences which help them in leading

the actions are held by them.

 Due to the problem of deviation between their preferences the problem

of delegation occurs.

 Civilians plan to impose the oversight mechanism in order to make its

preferences or to make the military to perform according to the orders.

The sensible military tries to be shirk in the absence of the oversight

regime.

 The questions of military intervention are away from boundaries of the

democracy. As discussed above the control of the military is a diversion

of the strategic interaction. There are many examples in USA about the

potential crises of civil military rations.

 The physical or the financial punishment helps in proving the

explanation that why agent military stops short of the coup (in the

context of the US civil military relations.)

 On daily basis the relation between the military and the civilians could

be explained.

Theory of the Peter Feaver is no doubt a modern and very helpful addition to the narrative of civil military relations. Empirical data in the US civil military relations contexts can be analyzed with the help of these assumptions. Outside the special US context this theory has some operational limits.

 Just two characters are discussed in this theory which are the civilian

and military.

 Military has classified as the constant agent while the civilian are the

constant agent.

 The political system of the United States is democratic, plural and open.

In many developing countries like in Pakistan the above three hypothetical points may not be present, Which means that all the assumptions in the Agency theory are very helpful and have the explanatory power but there is a need for better amendments in these assumptions. Feaver (2003) also agreed with this suggestion that its assumptions need modification so that the main problems of comparability and continuality can be solved.

Chapter Three

THE MUSHARRAF ERA

The PML-N leadership has extensive experience of being safeguarded by the military, however, the civil- military relations is one of the main area of the issue for the federal government led by Nawaz Sharif. Their wrong suppositions that the can intimidate the military by their electoral support base and personalized decision-making have largely impacted their desire to takeup an authoritative role in defense and security affairs. Military to brass is now consulted by them now for security and similar issues, however, it is still unclear that are the applications of decisions in the post-consultation period considers the essence of the consultations

An intense coordination and understanding are extended in the official version of the meetings among the top military leader and civilian leaders. A feeling that the Army top command members thoroughly approves the civilian governments managements of talk with TTP and the "high treason" case in opposition to Pervez Musharraf is developed, in the event we consider the statement of unrelenting federal cabinet member that have a close contact to

Nawaz Sharif. Whether this insight considers the complete reality that is still unclear or the civilian leadership is perceiving the courteousness and expert attentiveness of the top army personals as their complete concurrence with their managing of these two (Amy Zelman, 2001).

The electoral influence in dealing with the military was miscalculated by Nawaz

Sharif, and his close members are indicated by Nawaz Sharif's experience in previous terms (1990-1993, 1997-1999). After the death of Asif Nawaz Janjua

from a heart attack, conflicts raised among Nawaz Sharif the Prime Minister and Ghulam Ishaq Khan the President on selecting a new army chief in 1993

January. In April, the conflict of Nawaz Sharif with the top army leaders was raised after his famous speech of not tolerating anybody's dictates which moved towards pursuing the resignation of Nawaz Sharif as well as Ishaq Khan in July

1993 in ordered to break down the political stalemate. In August-October during the post-Kargil period, the interaction of Nawaz Sharif with the top leaders of the army is also one of the examples of ineffective management of civil-military relations. For democracy to gain the support of America, Shahbaz

Sharif departed to Washington. Due to the attempt of Nawaz Sharif to eradicate

General Pervez Musharraf in a spectacular way and appointed as army chief his apprentice, civilian rule was not secured by this support (Mushtaq, 2007).

Developing a Reliable private governance system that experiences extensive support will help the civilian leadership in securing itself against the interventions of the military. It can only be achieved if electoral legitimacy is combined with performance legitimacy by good governance and political management that is reasonable and flexible (Isabel Cordonnier, 2000). The civilian leaders originate strengths from popular support, in case the crucial consent of the military authority is its organization, discipline and managing the implements of violence. But, without the execution in three main civilian domains the famous support cannot be tended. At first good governance, provision of services to the ordinary people and constantly checking the economic pressure on them (Jahan, 1972)

The second domain is a flexible and supportive collaboration with the societal forces and out- of -power political. The point of concern here is how much

support is offered to the government at the operational level by the other political and societal forces. The political environment can't stay congruous and collaborative for an extended period in case the government develops a tyranny of the majority, and entire political adversaries are kept under check. Political system concerning military cannot be controlled by segregated and fragmented political forces (Rizvi, 1997)

Third, post-military rules, a sense of insecurity required not to be developed by the political forces. The results are always counterproductive of a needless crucial posture or negative campaign led by civil government or political forces.

Through the policy of non-accommodation in the direction of sensitivities of the top military officials or commencing a constant indoctrination in opposition to the military for some reason will make the civilian government lose the support of the military.

Military can't be ignored and sidelined in the nations like Pakistan where there are sever internal and external security pressures. To cut down the status and role of the internal military security of Pakistan needs to amend by the civil leaders along with developing peace on the boarders. The military at its requirement will dominate other factors impacting the policy making and its implementation in the event Pakistan continuous to experience the violence and terrorism, and its ultranationalist wants to instigate war against India, control

Afghanistan and pressurize Iran (Sattar, 2007)

Two highly argumentative policies have been embarked by PML-N when the

‘performance legitimacy' of PML-N has tumbled down, that is talks with TTP and Pervez Musharraf's trial for "high treason". The discussion with Taliban in a self-reproachful way can't continue for an uncertain period. Positive results are

needed to be generated by the civil government in the context of TTP surrendering brutality and approving to work within the limits of the constitution by the end of April. It is not possible for an army to let the 2014 summer pass by and in tribal areas let the Taliban secure and strengthen their position (Diamond, 2000). Subsequently, in 2015 cost of defending the security of Pakistan will rise for the military. Likewise, the prolonging of the Musharraf trail has a huge potential extremely to influence the civil-military relationship to the shortcoming of Nawaz Sharif. The views of the military are expressed in their manner that could be understood by just those who know the ways a professional and disciplined military operates. It would be rare if the military to favor the political leader's outcast Pervez Musharraf. Objective assessment of its policies for both issues needs to be conducted by the civil government. The section of political leaders may criticize the civilian government in case it step backs from these problems. Nonetheless, if the government sleepwalks into the trap of Taliban for the sake of discourse and resolving old notches with

Musharraf it expense is prone to greater.

For modifying the politico-economic conditions of Pakistan, it was requested to

General Musharraf that he should control the power and so he did. In October

1999 another step of domestic experience has been made by the 3rd military coup in Pakistan. It was stated by General Musharraf that it was not pre-decided that army will step in but it was the misdoings of the government that made the army step in as at that time military was the only credible and the organized force for managing the situation.

At that time, the condition of Pakistan was at the lowest ebb. There were some major challenges to Pakistan that were the economic downturn, military coup,

political instability in the country and confrontation from India. General

Musharraf adopted the same strategy as his predecessors as he banned the political parties and arrested the political opponents. A new set of constitutional amendments was made particularly the restoration of Article 58 2(b) for consolidating his power.

Alternatives constitutes were rebuilt, and the main reason behind this was to build the relative positive image, the military was also looking for the new set of politicians that would do the GHQ bidding. There were special techniques used for this purpose which was the localization of the politics and the same methods were used by the previous military regimes (Aziz, 2008). Until the period of 2001, there was no legitimate authority possessed by the government of Musharraf to rule the Pakistan. The world political scenario totally turned due to the tragic event of 9/11, and great opportunities were provided to the military rules in Pakistan for obtaining the international support. The condition of Pakistan on the at the time of September 11, 2001, was in that state that does not have its way with international pariah status, government military, stagnant economy, and social and political institutions. All the Pakistanis were very vigorous about such conditions in Pakistan and they contested such problems like bad governance, corruption, weak political parties, poor education, and malformed and domestic disorder economy vigorously

A local government system was introduced by Musharraf like devolution of power, with the two primary objectives. The first objective was the introduction of the institution; Musharraf intended to obtain support from those stakeholders that were not involved in the politics of the country in spite of obtaining the support from the common people. The other objective was to weaken the role of

bureaucracy. And in the view of Mohammad Waseem (2007) the way after localization of the politics there will be the certain gain of unbridled centralism.

Political Maneuvering Of Musharraf

Following his predecessors, Musharraf also introduced the agenda based on political reforms local government LFO (legal framework order), making the economic reforms and the National Security Council. All the strength that

Musharraf obtained was due to that unusual event of 9/ 11 that shocked the whole world of politics. All the rules of Musharraf were legitimized due to external support.

It was promised by Chief Executive to act on seven-point agenda which include the following points: Reconstruction of spirit and self-reliance countrywide. All the inter-provincial dissonance was taken away; Federation was reinforced along with reinstating the national unity. For bringing back, the confidence of the investors regenerates the economy. Ensuring the application of all the laws and orders along with the depoliticized the State institutions. All the powers are decentralized to the grass-roots level (Behuria, 2009)

The actions of Musharraf were similar to that of Zia. The constitution was deferred by him at the initial phase and then by generating the seventeenth amendment in the constitution the constitution was modified on 24th December.

The stability among the two forces that are political forces i.e. people's representatives and political i.e. that President is the amazing element of this amendment. The President recaptured the authority to dissolve the National

Assembly based on preferences of the President by the revival of Article 58-

2(b) of the Constitution. Likewise, the provisional assemblies can be dissolved by the governors that would be desirable to the Supreme Court with 15 days of

such practice based on the article 112 (2) (b).Moreover, the president who is ineffective figurehead gathered all the administrative authority in his hand with no thought for the prime minister based on the original constitution. Therefore, an overall political system was subdued to just one individual that is the

President by the military dictator turned president. Without a doubt, for

National Assembly and Provisional Assemblies during his rule election were conducted. However, high control was maintained on the democracy process

(Cheema, 2002)

The democratic system of any country has a direct relationship with the

Judiciary of that particular country. The purpose of the Judiciary in a country is to establish law in the country for giving secure life to the people of a country.

The Judiciary protect the core moralities of individuals of the country in the form of constitution. The history of the Judiciary in Pakistan is not bright because it has been seen that the role of the is never found as the independent. It has been observed that during the ruling time of Army in

Pakistan, a great position to carry the sophisticated Judiciary below its tentacles

(Kamran, 2008) Also, strangely the dictators challenged next to no or approaching on apparent resistance and very controlled to their motivations and ideas. The same thing was repeated during the governance period of Musharraf.

At the start, the Musharraf did not touch the Judiciary but after some time when the party members of the Nawaz Sharif came to courts against the takeover of

Musharraf against Nawaz Sharif then it was decided that changes should be carried out by the government. So for that purpose the changes were made by the government of Musharraf, soon in this regard the Musharraf party decided to take the fresh oath of all the judges on January 26, 2000. There were six justices in the Supreme Court who rejected to take the new oath. It was

suggested by the Justice Hassan Khan that Musharraf was the ultimate power under the circumstances of which the decision was taken by the Musharraf in the interest of the country. In the case when it is recognized by the military officers that there is a threat by the higher Judiciary so than for making the

Judiciary domestic a new step is taken by the military. The emergency was created by the Musharraf on November 3, 2007 for suspension of the constitution in the country. At that time, the country was in an emergency situation because of the critical condition of rule and law, so this was the reason that it was very important for the government to take the proper step for controlling that particular situation of a country. This time, also the target was higher Judiciary by which by the legal requirements of new PCO issued by the government which makes it the obligation for higher Judiciary to take oath in new fresh form. Along these lines amid Musharraf administration, he did not save even judiciary, which is usually held in great respect in the fair countries.

As he had power so the policies of a country for foreign countries were established with at the end with the help of the civil policy maker. Anyway, when the Army, well known for strong scenes begin to intervene, it makes the problems and conflict with neighbouring and regional countries. Research abroad under Musharraf made the point clear. The civilian-centred guideline confirmed that there is little room for non-military personnel to manoeuvre

(Niaz, 2010).

The inherent years behind the direction of him and Musharraf was not typical of relations with the United States and Europe, and in the meantime was not at the invitation of the residents of the region. However, the appearance of 9/11 changed the destination for a long weekend. Pakistan joined in collaboration with the United States in the war on terror. The event held on 9/11 in America

was the great opportunity for the Musharraf to come out of his isolation because the foreign policies of the government were not so much attractive. Placed above a couple of times does not mean exclusive of these entities was the only victim of the bane of Musharraf.

The army was reduced from the work piece and the position of people in public and private areas, including industry, business, agriculture, and training and software development, medical services, correspondence and the army eventually became the country's most vital player transport in the state under

Musharraf and trading financial resources and short words Wealth. In, the army was in the driver's seat of the policy framework and subordinates ETMD to take after the registration issued by the top layer of the organization that was one of the armed forces themselves. He made a political solution in Pakistan, and a defect is not considered in the light of the fact that the vast majority of cases tyrants send their active within this framework in the major positions to ensure the ideal repression.

Amongst February 1997 and November 1988 the troika, including the chief executive and management staff of state and the president, reflecting the fact that the case is not restricted very stable. If the parliamentary system and understands that armed force will have to say clearly on issues of resistance and the long approach, including Pakistan, and then surreptitiously nuclear project and arranged in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Screwing with what is known as the

"oppression" given in February 1997 exceeded running Prime Minister Nawaz

Sharif, was forced to reduced vitality and focus of the exhibitors in the transfer of the troika.

Knowing the management of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution that was buried in a sentence, got rid of Article 58 (2) (b), and in this sense the head of the ability to break the "National Assembly", as if to think not can be legislator league for purchases in the Constitution and engage voters they became necessary. Under Amendment XIII, the prime minister bought at the end of the day, the ability to appoint the heads of the services. Perhaps, without having the general headquarters (General Command), (the most critical of the troika element), the complete certainty, Nawaz Sharif, intoxicated by it,

"overwhelming" and order continued in the struggle to strengthen relations with

India, with a large crowd of media transfer Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari

Vajpayee Lahore in mid-1999 the Lahore declaration issued the expected event.

In December 2000 to July 2001, in the whole country, the elections for the various tiers were held which were presumed to will be convened on the basis of non-party. However the fact that political parties like PML (N) and the PPP- sponsored their groups respectively was thoroughly ignored by the government.

The local government was in place as per schedule by August14, 2001. The mean of the devolution plan was to give power at the level of grassroots, but particularly in the rural areas this pious claim was not fulfilled as in those rural areas, the system make stronger to the landlords. The system was intended to be hampered in providing the real benefits to the toiling masses, and it will be done without making the main alterations in the structure of rural power that rely on the values and feudal model. In the urban areas, local bodies launched many projects and the system was considered to be more successful in the urban areas.

In Karachi, the city government enjoyed the independence in the affairs management from the provincial authority that is the reason Karachi is considered the most beneficiary. It was presented by General Musharraf that he

is liberal person in the social matters, and there are no secrets of his administration from the Mustafa Kemal that is the secularist founder of modern

Turkey (Haqqani, 2009).

General Musharraf showed his interests in religious orthodoxy, burgeoning sectarianism and intolerance attitude towards the minorities in the country.

Moreover, General Musharraf also made an announcement in the April 2000 that there will be procedural changes in the laws of controversial blasphemy so that minorities could be protected from the misapplication. He also stated that there will be changes in the Hudood Laws that are presented as being much discriminatory towards women. But due to strong opposition from the religious parties he could not succeed in laws above. An announcement was made of bans by General Musharraf in August 2001 on Lashkar-e-Jangvi, and Sipah-i-

Mohammad. General Musharraf made Pakistan and a supporter of the international coalition against "terrorism" after the event of 9/11, and became the exponent of "". He realized that he is more firmly entrenched in power after facing the emotional outburst, and the protests against the ditching of the Taliban subsided. General Musharraf was in a position to of playing the long innings like General Zia-ul-Haq as he had become the apple of the eyes of United States in its "war on terrorism".

To prolong his illegitimate regime Musharraf issued and order. Section 4 of the

Order stated: “the general population of Pakistan should be considered to give

General Pervez Musharraf the democratic mandate for serving the nation for a time in five years as the President of Pakistan Despite everything included in the constitution or the law for the present in power, in case most of the vote cast are in the referendum are in positive,". Under the article 184(3) this order was

instantly challenged in Supreme Court on the constitutional plane and also in a case of Syed Ali Zafar on the touchstone of the verdict of Supreme Court. A shot mandate that authorized referendum holding was given by the Supreme

Court on the April 27, 2002, the order of Supreme Court considerably specified:

From the total of 44 million, 42.8 million voters cast their vote in "yes" and making a decent percentage of 98% as per the correct facts and figures. It didn't rum well with the liberal intellectuals in the nation, In the point of fact, there was a low turnout of voters, as the entire activity was principally in strife with the judgment of Supreme Court in a case of Zafar Ali Shah. Report on the referendum by Pakistan's Human Rights Commission detected: "Multiple voting persisted on a large scale due to the nonexistence of the measures to avoid voting multiple times. Each province reported about the bolting of the ballot boxes." The general turn-out was very low and end up being less than the official figure set forward was communicated by the observers supervising the referendum for HRCP. This has been particularly valid of females, who remained in all the four provinces virtually completely absent from polling stations. It was similarly observed that voting that took place came to a great extent either by the efforts of district administration or as the outcome of balloting by ‘captive voter,' that is factory workers, government employees, prisoners and so forth. In fact, it was that noted that mainly everywhere the misuse of official machinery to strengthen balloting at large scale with Nazim and councilors controlling the vehicles held for this reason. To bring in votes to polling station councilors themselves endured enormous pressure. Massive inconvenience to the general public was presented by the confiscation of public transport vehicles to transport voters to polls.

Concerning the results, just the astonishingly high percentage of votes in "Yes" gave the impression of being unrealistic, or else, General Musharraf victory was a predetermined inference, once the individuals watched on the TV channels the destruction of Afghanistan and realized the treatment meted out to the volunteers of Pakistan in Afghanistan. It was later acknowledged by General

Musharraf that particular faults were borne by the practices of referendum

(Jafferlot, 2002).

Altering the system that would have guaranteed, that General Pervez Musharraf or strictly speaking the armed forces continued to control the affairs even after the October 10, 2002, holding of the promised General Elections was the next rational step.

Legal Framework Order 2002

With an objective to considerably amend the 1973 constitution since most of its provisions were to be revitalized, Legal Framework Order (LFO) was issued by

General Pervez Musharraf on the 21st of August 2002 for this reason.

Article 58(2) (b) refurbishment that was regarding the authority to dissolve the

National Assembly by the President and Article 152(a) which was new inclusion that postulated for the development of National Security Council “to assist as a consultation forum on the strategic issues related to the authority, reliability and states security along with issues regarding to inter-provincial coherence, democracy and governance” were the two most imperative LFO amendments

The chairman of the National Security Council will be the President while the

Chief Ministers of the Provinces, the Speaker of the National Assembly, Prime

Minister, the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee, Assembly, the Chief of

Staffs of the Pakistan Army, the Chairman of the Senate, Pakistan Navy, the

Leader of the Opposition in the National and Pakistan Air Force were to be the other council members.

LFO also incorporated the provisions in relation to the authentication of law delineated and Orders issued from 1999 October 12th, the 30th April 2002 referendum were legitimized, in which for next five years General Pervez

Musharraf was to act as the President and for the Senate, Provincial Assemblies and the National Assembly, new strengths and alignments were determined. To serve the interest of the military government many different government agencies and department were geared up to accomplish these results. The decision was made by General Pervez Musharraf to support the PML-Q, which was headed by Chaudhary Shujaat, PLM-N defectors and time-savers, other political parties, weathercocks and armed forces collaborators.

The party became well-known as the ‘kings side because of the unabashed support of the government. The disqualification of Nawaz Sharif and Benazir

Bhutto for being a part of electoral process presented a real disadvantage to the actual stakeholders that are the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz Sharif) and the

Pakistan People's Party that participated as Parliamentarians of PPP. A significant force emerged in the political arena was the Muttahida Majlis-i-

Amal formed by the grouping of six religious parties and as a result of sympathy surge developed by the incursion of Afghanistan by the US.

In the National Assembly, there were to be 272 members elected directly along with 60 reserved seats for females, and seats for minorities were to be ten as stated by LFO. With 25.7% of total votes,76(+1) seats were secured by the

PML-Q, with 11.3% of total votes 45(+6) seats were secured by MMA, with

25.8% of total votes 62(+1) seats were secured by PPP according to the results of the pre-poll manipulations and essential engineering on the day of poll. Only

14 seats were captured by PML-N, 13 seats by the National Democratic

Alliance and 13 seats by the Muttahida Quami Movement. Minor parties and independents held the remaining seats for which polling was conducted. The indirect election for woman and minorities seats followed these elections.

Election of the senate was also done in the due course.

To permit the defection of elected members from other political parties, the political parties act for a short while was amended by General Pervez Musharraf so as to expedite the development of coalition government which was headed by PML-Q. Eventually, fundamentally by the support of the MQM, the NDA, the PPP (Sherpao Group), independents and turncoats of PPP, who became patriots of PPP, Zafarullah Khan Jamali of PML-Q became the Prime Minister on November 21, 2002. In the National Assembly, 172 votes were received by

Jamali. United candidate could not be filed by the opposition. 86 votes were received by Maulana Fazlur Rehman of MMA and 70 Votes by Shah Mehmood

Qureshi by PPP Parliamentarian’s

MMA securing a considerable presence in the National Assembly, the majority in NWFP Assembly and the Senate and the Balochistan Assembly was facilitated by the development of anti-PPP and anti PML-N, even though the relations between military and religious parties had come under significant pressures. Government was formed by MMA in NWFP and in Baluchistan became a coalition partner with PML-Q rather than getting along with ARD that is the parliamentarian of PPP, other opposition parties, and PML-N.

LFO issue was presented by the opposition and did not approve it as a part of the constitution since the first session. The revival of 1973 Constitution not including any significant amendment from the government of military was the demand of the opposition. Notwithstanding, due to the General Elections had been held based on the provisions of the LFO, it was after the catch. Protest against the development of National Security Council and the refurbishment if the Article 58 (2) (b) was mainly directed by the opposition. The function of

National Assembly in a normal manner was made difficult due to the protest against LFO. Moreover, legitimacy lacked in the amendments of constitution incorporating those associated to the validity of laws developed by military government and the April 2002 referendum, without parliament’s approval.

However, a middle ground was found of PML-Q and MMA in a year.

The constitutional amendment package agreement was signed by the ruling

PML-Q and MMA on the December 24, 2003. Apparently, in the PML-Q deal, inter alia, settled that instead of the constitutional body the National Security

Council will be established under the Parliament Act, under Article 58(2)(b) the

President's decision to dissolve the National Assembly will be within 15 days referred to supreme court, on the appointment of armed forces chief the prime minister would be consulted by the President, though he would not be compelled by the Prime Ministers advice, by December 31, 2004 uniform would be given up by the President and from the electoral college the President would pursue the vote of confidence

It was further clarified that in Senate, National Assembly and Provincial

Assemblies the MMA members will not be compelled for casting the vote of confidence for the President; however, the amendment offering continuity in

office to President for the ongoing term will be favored. Concurrently, the confidence motion through by any activity would not be opposed by members of MMA, in the Parliament and Provincial Assemblies they would remain present during the confidence motion for the President and neither vote would be cast for the President (Dawn, December 25, 2003).

Uniform Issue

A pledge was taken by General Musharraf while addressing the nation that by

December 31, 2004 he would give up his uniform. From the Parliament and

Provisional Assemblies the vote of confidence was secured by General

Musharraf, and according to the agreement, the 17th amendment of the constitution passage MMA voted with the ruling coalition that was based on

LFO as amended under the Agreement of PML-Q and MMA, By forming the

National Security Council under the non-constitutional body and by extracting a public commitment from General Musharraf to give up his uniform by

December 31, 2004. An exit was provided to the military by MMA was claimed by the party.

Seemingly, work was progressing according to the plans. From the beginning for the discerning eyes, the loopholes of the system turned out to be more prominent. What was in stock for people was illustrated by the electing

Zafarullah Khan Jamali as Prime Minister of Pakistan. From the very beginning any initiative or impart life in the system was not displayed by him. Showing no thought of himself He merely acted at the command of General Musharraf

For the survival of dispensation and giving hope to people some cosmetic change needs to be imparted was realized by General Musharraf after approximately one and half year. He likewise needed to demonstrate that he was

immovably in the seats and was making major decisions in the middle of whispering campaign regarding the system failure with no use of article 58(2b).

On June 26, 2004, Zafarullah Khan Jamali was forced to resign. Chaudhry

Shujaat acted as the Prime Minister for a while and on August 27, 2004 Shaukat

Aziz took over as a Prime Minister. Technocrat in the National Assembly of

Pakistan was a general impression that was developed and with the skills Aziz had the power to perfect many individuals. The cruel reality had remained that no genuine advantages were streaming down to the general public regardless of how the economy performed at the macro level. The opinions started to air that

General Musharraf’s remaining in the uniform is in the best interest of the country and that he is indispensable, these views were given by some Ministers and Parliament members as December 31 moved close. The source of

Musharraf’s strength was the office of the COAS and not the Presidency was acknowledged by him.

General Musharraf was making indications that he might not put off his uniform for the surety that policies are being continued and implemented. National

Assembly passed a law on October 14, 2004 on the base of taking advantage of loophole in the Seventeenth Amendment or the technical flaw and that law was about the General Musharraf that he can hold his dual role as the Chief of Army

Staff and as President, the main purpose of holding both positions was to

"combat subversion and terrorism" and to maintain the "stability and the integrity" of the state (President to Hold Another Office Act, 2004. November

30, 2004). After the decision of General Musharraf MMA found itself in a problematic situation and then MMA started holding the public meetings to press General Musharraf to shed his uniform so that MMA could save its credibility, more over General Musharraf was also threatened that from January

1, 2005, an agitation movement will be launched if General Musharraf failed to keep his pledge. It was a pre-planned decision that General Musharraf will remain in his uniform so for securing the decision General Musharraf made negotiations with PPP to preempt MMA-ARD collaboration, and those negotiations were about the future political set-up. Asif Ali Zardari was released on bail and then all the subsequent statement that Asif Ali Zardari passed gave indications that there is negotiations between the two parties were fruitful and it was declared there would be elections in 2005. A formal announcement was made by General Musharraf on December 30, 2004 that till the end of the presidential term in 2007, he intended to retain his office of Chief of Army

Staff. After few public meetings and demonstrations, the so-called agitation of

MMA against the General Musharraf's remaining in uniform dissolved. At that time, it was clear to MMA that if the fresh elections were held, then it will be certain that substantial electronic support will be lost, and there will be no government in NWFP. In that critical phase General Musharraf survived with much ado as there were not any threats either from ARD or form MMA to system, while on the other hand the anticipated Musharraf-Benazir understanding did not emerge. In August 2005, the local body's elections were the next important landmark that was held by "non-party" at the Union Council level. Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi in Punjab and Arbab Ghulam Rahim at the rudder of affairs in Sindh, the PML (Q) routed the PML (N) and PPP for all the practical purposes backed candidates in rural Sindh and Punjab. Greater part of

Hyderabad and Karachi went to the MQM (Khan, 2009)

PML (Q) made a mark in every place of religious congregations with the nationalists and the Awami National Party and took a little involved in

Baluchistan and the Northwest Frontier Province. PML (Q) has more quality at

the expense of restriction, which was suspended in the decisions of October 6.

These were the intelligent races of the pattern. Since October 12, 1999 with political progress and protection of the contour of the whole situation is: the

Senate, the current provincial councils and the National Assembly were not speaking entirely for the general population. The credibility of the institutions of majority rule has been increasing weakness and this happened because of the way it affected the members of the resistance or force Musharraf to give up the meetings to patch Alliance decision. This is the way that President Musharraf took his side to get Chaudhry Shujaat , Zafarullah Khan Jamali and with two tears elected as prime minister and he spoke volumes about the gratuity of the meeting and national. Shaukat Aziz, Prime Minister stalled with the largest in Pakistan's history elected office also acquired voting population without the presence of any appropriate election rule (Jalal, 1995).

The controversial referendum of April 2002 was validated by Constitutional engineering through which the General Musharraf put himself in the office. The proclaims provided in the Constitution of 1973 had no proper substitute for the procedure even after the taking the votes of confidence from the Assemblies, but it was true that General Musharraf was likely to secure the majority of votes. General Musharraf damaged his public image greatly after surrendering from the pledge that General Musharraf will give up his uniform given to the nation on December 31. 2004. The local body's elections that were held recently lacked transparency, and their results were incomprehensible, the government was accused by the opposition that electoral process was rigged. In the meetings of the Corps Commanders all the main decisions were made under the General

Musharraf chairmanship and for follow-up action communicated to the civilian set-up. If not in letters then the Constitution is being violated in spirit. In the

light of General Musharraf seven-point agenda, it would be proper to examine the failure and success of General Musharraf (Ziring, Lawrence, 1997)

As compared to the previous state that was considered failed and rogue now at least Pakistan is considered as the viable state, so General Musharraf rebuilt the morale and the national confidence as the confidence of people have been rebuild to a large extent. There is one impression that needed to be dispelled all the acts of the government are at the US bidding. Another objective was to strengthen the federation, restore the national cohesion and eliminate the inter- provincial disharmony but this objective has not been achieved as Sindhi nationalists were not prepared to accept the Kalabagh Dam project, Baloch nationalists have serious grievances. While considering the distribution of the financial resources, there is no understanding of the National Finance

Commission. The economy has taken a start for right from the verge of collapse and GDP growth was at 8.4% in the financial year 2004-2005. Pakistan's foreign exchange reserves after the incident of 9/11 have crossed the figure of $

12 billion. Due to law and order situation increase in foreign investment is moderate. There was no need of concentrating the distributive justice and poverty. There was hardly any success achieved by ensuring the laws and order as the slide down has been checked. There was the continuous increase in violence against women, sectarian killings, rapes, intolerance towards minorities. In the political culture of Pakistan depoliticize state institutions is a gigantic task. It is the need of interference with civil service and police. The armed forces remain involved in politics with COAS in power as a state institution. There was the overall success on the account of devolution of power to the level of grass-roots. The civil services district management group has been undermined. Some Advertisement Supplement was published on October

10, 2002 by the NAB in Dawn and also in other newspapers that "the actions of

NAB have shown the results in convictions of hitherto sacrosanct persons in all the public life fields. The 180 politicians, 18 armed forces personnel, 532 bureaucrats and 149 businessmen have been investigated (Dawn, October 10,

2002). According to news report of those who were investigated, the total that referred to Accountability Court for trial was 499 and 170 plea-bargained and till then NAB recovered a total of Rs.20.9578 billion. It can be observed while disputing the figures that many big fishes was allowed to go when they change over the loyalties to the General Musharraf.

Although it is not possible to glance at the other's mind but apparently General

Musharraf is giving the following options: The first was to strengthen the PML

(Q) for the 2007 elections which can be done by outright merger of the NDA, the PPP (Sherpao) or the PPP (Patriots) with the PML (Q) or bringing about a

‘grand alliance'. At the government disposal, it would be easy for the

"establishment" that would be ensured through the hidden arms with the majority of District Nazims. It will be possible that District Nazims may serve as pillars of strength until the present system may drag on with the MMA tactic support. To establish the presidential form of government and to resort to engineering of the Constitution, there will be no amendment to the constitution without two-third majority. But it is true that the extra-constitutional measures were condoned by the Superior Judiciary on the principle state as the country's history is witness to it on the state principle that is validated the newly elected

Parliament subsequently (Sayeed, 1980)

In1999 it was fourth time in the history of Pakistan that the government was under the control of army. In 1999 General Pervaiz Musharraf, who was the

chief of army staff of Pakistan at that time came in the power after finishing government of civil, political party of PML N. For many reasons, Musharraf has tried to calls by Nawaz Sharif among peace proposals to pay for cases of good relations with India and the army to crush the disturbance in the Kargil war and high joint military pressure. They were gone in relations with the formative years of military administration Musharraf completely before, such as the initial management of Zia years, it has been extended to the other side benefits officer strength and protection spending plan. At a time of the military deficit with the war-adjusted rustic Qaeda and Taliban Pakistan until 2006, tribe was a great moment for Pakistan. In 2007, the administration began organizing

Musharraf's presidential race amid extreme and brutal breeding scene and parliamentary decisions. Because of the illegal double Musharraf as part of the

Army (Chief of Staff) and the president of the court before unrivaled test legitimateness state of the military administration in light of the fact that the army was not in providing support to strengthen the government.

Due to his position as Chief of Staff of the Army, the Supreme Court at all against weakness for reelection has held the position in the light of the Army too. Musharraf took a sharp step and pronounced a national crisis, the court suspended again, abolished the Constitution and asked the army to quell the unrest. It was largely is reasonable to compel the military adventure to ensure that political (Shafqat, 1997)

The Event of 9/11

It was considered that the 9/11 event was the most moderating event of the 21st century. The whole world scenario changed dramatically. It was marked in the event of 9/11 that what was called by the Kofi Anan as “a seismic shift in

international relations”. Due to the influences of those events in Pakistan there were invincible susceptibilities regarding security, economic, and political. An agenda based on 7 points was given by the US that as further based on abandon

Islamic jihad, dissension Taliban, give cover over flights landing rights, offer astuteness about Taliban and Al-Qaeda and territorial admission to all types of actions. Musharraf also got strength from war hysteria like Zia, and the General

Musharraf becomes the blue eyed boy of Bush administration that was once the unpopular leader. Musharraf got the complete U-turn in for the purpose of saving the power in the foreign policy of Pakistan.

Even after the unequaled act in following the orders coming from the US,

Musharraf said:

we are not capable of going away patterns of our dedication and are not in the location that we can demand more. All the efforts that are possible are made so that they could be satisfied even in the situations that Pakistan has to twist on over the head or has to take numerous U-terns...We are asked about nuclear scientists, Kashmir, and nuclear deterrent and asked to take U-tern on these factors (Musharraf, 2007)

There were two objectives of General Musharraf of his war on terror. The first was to support NATO forces against Taliban and to provide support to

American against Afghanistan. Second was to accrue economic and security aid from the US. Musharraf brought American war inside Pakistan in the period of

2004 and in NWFP operations were started in . The Pakistani government was admired by the US and the West for enlightened leadership. In the month of September never before had so many leaders come to Pakistan one after the other and sometimes they were visiting Pakistan on the same days

(Ibid: 58).

Devolution of Power

It was said by Pakistan Human Rights Commission, “the apparent purpose was looking like to earn a lease of life for the government of military de- politicization of governance after the sort of democratic façade”. In the history of Pakistan military dictators they just brought the local government: it was

Ayub Khan who introduced the ―basic democracy, district government was launched by General Zia, and devolution of power was given by General Pervez

Musharraf. For the introduction of the programs, there were two reasons as there was no domestic support possessed by the military dictators so these programs were tried to bring that win local support.

The power centralization was enhanced by these institutors. A dilemma was introduced by the local system of government, and that was also familiarized by the military that they give power to districts, and they sidelined the provincial autonomy. The army rulers in Pakistan got strength through these lines of rulers.

Military and Religious Parties

There are three forces in Pakistan, and it has been considered contemplated, and those three forces rule the country: Allah, Army, and America. It was revealed in October 2002 elections that due to the emergence of the religious parties there is fragility for the country's future cultural, political and social consolidation in the future.

In Pakistan history, it was for the very first time when the religious parties got authority due to the alliance in Pakistan two provinces and this alliance was made for the inauguration of the policy of Taliban.

War on Terror and Musharraf

It is considered that the event of 9/11 was a blessing for the Musharraf. Before this event, the Musharraf government was not recognized. At that time, Pakistan became front line state in the global war on terror and Musharraf become close ally to Bush Administration. It was aid by President Musharraf that he would help U.S in the war on Terror with reasonable assurance after the attacks of

9/11. In the urban areas of Pakistan, Public opinion unleashed and it was the

83% that supported Taliban in spite US, and was anticipated by 82% as a free fighter rather than terrorist (?. 2001).

Due to war against terror sudden economic aid was given to Pakistan and it also reflected the image of Pakistan more positive to the whole world. There was no certainty of the policy of America towards Pakistan, and there are two prongs on which conjunction is based. The first one is that America identifies military and for ruling the country Musharraf was the only reliable option. In Pakistan perception disregards the other threats of religious fundamentalists that are involved and equal to the international terrorism network.

End of Musharraf Era

Due to certain events, the Musharraf era comes to a logical end: the Red

Mosque episode, the judges ‘movement. Muslim League Quaid-e -Azam group that was his party faced terrific failure in the election of 2008. There were drastic effects of every military coup on the economic, social and political like of Pakistan. During the Musharraf era, he gave Pakistan economic deterioration, increasing terrorism and social polarization.

Musharraf adopted regressive policies for securing his power particularly in the war against Pakistan. It was General Musharraf who dragged the power of

America into Pakistan domestic frontiers. In all over the Pakistan, the series of suicide bombing was increased in which a lot of civilians lost their lives. In the period of 2004 in NWFP, the Rahe Rast operations were started

The international community pressurized Musharraf and due to the domestic front, he resigned from the post of President Ship. It was considered by the failure of the military to acknowledge that this authority is legitimate that is directly proportional to Pakistan‘s democratic failure. The prediction for the consequential democratization remains severe excepting the relations of civil- military reformation. Due to the reason of dependence on the assistance of military and external economic factors, it is America who is pivotal in affecting the freedom regarding the military. In was on terror against Taliban members and Al-Qaeda Pakistan's special significance to U.S shows the international pressure. The military has exonerated itself from international community pressure by conducting operations.

From the beginning; there was an imbalance that remained continued between the people representatives and the political institutions due to the legacy that was inherited that was bestowed from imperial British in India to Pakistan.

There was high harmonization between two associations one is military and the other one is bureaucracy, and both of them were found to be much strong and insistent at the sometimes and smooth transition to democracy was frequently impeded by them. It was a very short time when the bureaucracy powers experienced a significant change after independence, and that change was due to being subject to the supercilious army. Different coups were shaped by the army after taking the benefit of the numerical strength, and all the legitimate civilians' governments were toppled. Huge changes were introduced, and different

institutions were erected after coming into the power. And this was made due to weeding out some political leaders and creating a support base.

Inappropriately, due to bringing the technical changes in the system and flexible creation of various institutions, further mayhem were created and the same case continues after the withdrawal of de facto ruler. Almost the same case was made with the spate of reforms of Pervez Musharraf's due to which the equality of powers was disturbed between the military institutions and the civilians. The suspension was made of the civilian institutions and the military personnel carried out the functions with low understanding and aptitude of the business of institutions. Due to the consistent tampering by the men of the military with the civilian institutions and with the laws initiated great back to the country political system. As India and Pakistan about state organizations that have developed in the middle of a long section of the British band. The structure of the Constitution, within the organization, and work sessions court of law, the

Assembly of armed force, for example, after a few jus, cohesion found in the new state of instinctive, giving the administration to strangers and under restrictive Pakistan began her cases.

New ideas were also brought due to these institutions that have inspired the traditions and the existence that had joined their growth. The predictable stamp of the dictatorial rule was carried by bureaucracy and the purpose of empire was served.

The distrust of politicians was shared with the bureaucracy by the army, and they were seen as the disorder source. A strong contempt was developed for leading politically of the newly created state, and this development was made due to the strong political institutions were inherited by Pakistan and due to the

army that was well disciplined. Due to the two institutions deep nexus was fomented and then there were often problems with the flexible transition to democracy. Then it was observed that the main reason of political instability in

Pakistan was the imbalance of power between the very weak representatives and the very strong bureaucratic institutions. The legislature and the judiciary have been weakened considerably due to power concentration in the executive branch that was often controlled indirectly or directly.

Drawn with the time of great change that had been signed and the impacts of the strength of the management of the ordinary citizens who has gradually pulled by the military Somewhere in the range of 4 military surprises informed about the life of 63-year journey of the short history of Pakistan because of the army in the political framework dug deep in to the strength and structure of state institutions by the military adventure in these long years. While on the other hand the army proved an institutional and nest in the soil, especially regarding its administration preparations. While when contrasted with the non-military army organization begins to show signs of improvement in the preparation and administration. Therefore, it became equivalent to the power of the execution period after the first two decades of independence when most of the fundamentals of non-military administration were established. It was considered by the administration that the military and its partners and with all sequencers that were made by Pervez Musharraf in capacity and organizational structures and categorically hates.

An attempt by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif rejected Musharraf was carried out and will be replaced by Lieutenant General Follower of the director of ISI

Khwaja Ziauddin on October 12, 1999, family but no charge was made because

the commanders to adapt to the other, which he was not, allowed doing it that way. Quality on national television broke away for a few hours and said a few hours after the administration of Nawaz Sharif refused with the help of different leaders to overthrow Musharraf in Pakistan fourth order. At this point he was chosen by the military to military jurisdiction, they shall not be required, and there will be a declaration of a new set soon. Crisis Musharraf Pakistan on 14

October 1999. It was announced that held that constitution in a commentary in the office, but that the three presidents announced to proceed. And he gave a declaration of suspension of the elders of the four regional councils and the

National Assembly Council should remain suspended along with the executive and speakers. The interim constitution, which was notorious announced. It was decided that there will be no orders issued from the court against Chief

Executive according to the Provisional Constitution Order. There will be no pronouncement of judgments

General Musharraf’s Seven Points Agenda

In the government of General Musharraf following agenda with seven identified points were presented on the basis of objectives of government.

1. Rebuilding of self-confidence and self-reliance of the people of country

2. Establishment of collaboration among the governments of province in

order to maintain unity in the nation.

3. Stabilizing the economy of the country in order to enhance the investor

confidence.

4. Maintaining the values of the laws and regulations in country in order to

provide justice to the people of country.

5. Socialize national organizations.

6. grass-roots provision of power

7. Establishment of state of accountability in the country.

In accordance with the policies of Musharraf government, good governance was very important for the achievement of all these objectives because in past it had been seen that the government of Pakistan had just ruled the people of country but no time has come to serve the people of country. There will be a National

Security Council, headed by the CEO and includes the Chief of Naval Staff,

Chief of Staff of the Air Force, a professional in every project, calculation, the distant approach and national commitments. Stressing the need for overall routine immunization Musharraf said that this is done through the "mandate of the force, from the center to the region and common elements of the government quarter cherished as reality in the Constitution. As a piece of good management, General Musharraf accepted the responsibility to initiate the procedure. Without naming anyone (maybe he was General Zia ul Haq and

Nawaz Sharif in his brain), he said the "ehtesab" expression has been abused to the point that it has lost its importance, and there was a need to rebuild trust spent during the period of responsibility. In the territories, there will be a governor, and work through the joint a little office. "Each of these arrangements must be absolutely as experts in the premise and legitimacy bad reputation,”

He encouraged scientists to make sure the ingredients that have been misused by quotas personal debt and the transfer of a terrible name of Islam, being responsible coordination procedures especially vulnerable to looting and plunder of national wealth and assessment evaders’ people. It is also coordinated in advance defaulters and individuals who have the progress they have made re-planned or approved. Alluding to the danger of religious narrow-

minded, Musharraf said Islam teaches us "the resistance is not contempt, extensive communion and not bad faith, peace and brutality, not in advance and is not dogmatic." The procedure is the responsibility to be clear to the general public to see. "The payment of" at risk "for the return of national wealth, deliberately and bank loans, and pay their obligations within a month, after which the law was taking the right approach. It has been developed there legislative objectives thus, it is expected to Musharraf to make this interpretation of them actually. Each considering that required him to deal with the political forces in the stadium and for the health of the presence of the Holy deviation fact, if not by a large minority of solidarity Constitution. He said that are better able to fully enjoy their rights and to ensure that equivalent to sabotage Pakistan in the letter and the spirit of true Islam subjects. (Pakistan,

July-December 1999)

In mid-November, it should be clear that banks and institutions related to money has neglected to make any reconstruction calculated by measuring the total estimated Rs. 356000000000 defaulters paid to October 12, 1999 (referred to this figure by the Supreme Court in the case of Zafar Ali Shah, the report of the Governor ). In November 1999, two key institutions for this commitment. It was one of the National Audit Office (NAB), the management of decline, the last of the National Reconstruction Bureau (NRB), an approach planning / technique to clone domestic alternatives, including the establishment of "system most authentic rules "for approval by the National

Security Council.

Islamization under Pervez Musharraf

One of the uncertain acceptance was the opinion of Musharraf on the Taliban in

Afghanistan. According to him, the version of Islam of Taliban was "ill- informed and primeval, the whole Islamic world censured it. He supported the

Taliban government mainly due to the national interest and security issues, dictated policies of Pakistan and secure from the Indian threat on eastern side and could not bear the threat from Afghanistan on the western side. The main reason behind the decision was national security. Pakistan could not survive if safety issues arise from the western border as a country was at that point safeguarding itself from India the east border. Powerless endeavors to reign in the Islamists in Pakistan were made by Musharraf in the almost two tiers between the takeover and 9/11. Musharraf gave the first significant policy speech, a couple of days after the successful takeover; he asked the ministry to check the elements that are abusing religion for a personal stake and convey awful name to the faith of Islam. In 2000 April by reforming the Blasphemy

Law, he endeavored to move on his words. Anyone was permitted to allege person of blasphemy that will result in their arrest by this law. This law was misused extensively. The case could be registered only if the district administration had investigated the legitimacy of the accusation, required by the law changed by Musharraf. This bureaucratic change created uproar among the

Islamic parties.(Haqqani, 2007) Musharraf stepped down because of their reaction. In 2001, in the speech Musharraf delivered to religious scholars and ministers, he articulated his view regarding religious extremism. "Even though we claim, we will be carried forward in every age, every condition and every land by Islam still there is no doubt we have been left behind how our claim judged by the world is? We are looked upon as a terrorist by the world. We are

killing each other. And now we are willing to expand violence and terror overseas. The world will naturally regard us as a terrorist. The claim of tolerance is deceiving. Before and after 9/11, the difference among the Islamist of Pakistan and Islamist of Kashmir was seen by Musharraf. The government of

Musharraf regularly saw the difference among "terrorist (mainly originated from foreign a term referring to members of Al Qaeda) and freedom fighter (the official label preferred in Pakistan for the militants of Kashmir). This shows favoritism for one group over the other group. Their aim in the region of

Kashmir is indicated by the willingness of the military government to elect a clear title to the fighters of Kashmir. In Kashmir the fight in justified. Freedom of Kashmir from the rule of India is the purpose. Before 9/11 mixed message about the Islamic extremist were given by Musharraf. He was holding back from the fear of retribution from the extremist. The standpoint of Musharraf on

Taliban changed completely, in coupled of days after 9/11. The United States pressurized to either become the enemy or support the West. By ultimately supporting US military campaign a historical U-turn was taken by Musharraf regarding the policy for the Taliban. He pronounced measures against the assertive religious groups and limiting the mullah’s license, considering the domestic level. Many ways were used by Islamists to voice their views. Since

9/11 many assassinations attempts were made on Musharraf. On December 13,

2001, Indian Parliament becomes the victim of their violent retaliation. In

Delhi, the building of Parliament was attacked by terrorists (Haleem, 2003).

The firing shots were started by the five people that drove towards the building.

In the attack people killed amounted twelve in which five were terrorists. In the attack, no government member was hurt. Lining up the troops of the military along the border of 1800 miles with Pakistan was the response of India. The

arrest of fifty members of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a group of terrorist that took responsibility for the attack, was then pronounced by Musharraf. Later, the arrest of Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, the leader of Jaish-e-Muhammad was arrested and Jaish e Muhammad was banned, however, India was not pacified.

Musharraf gave a speech in January in which he claimed that terrorism in the name of Kashmir would not be allowed. Hundreds of militants were arrested by officials of Pakistan which were released a couple of days later. Eleven days after the two assassination attempt on Musharraf, drastic measures were needed to be realized by the Pakistan government. Many militants were arrested and killed while many managed to escape the arrest.(Haqqani, 2002)

Hussain Haqqani purportedly wrote a memo to the United States. If it did not include the fiery material regarding the plan to exile the present military leadership and place the conventional powerful Pakistan Armed forces under the supervision of the trustworthy bureaucrats (retired) and officers of their choice, this memo would have been thrown in the trash in just like a piece of paper. The American support was sought by the note writer, frightened from the proactive action. Mr.Hussain Haqqani promised the overall establishment of security by placing in the position the generals and bureaucrats that are trusted by Americans, after consulting Americans appointing inquiry members to reinvestigate the episode of Abbottabad and reform power and authority on the nuclear weapon and program of weapons.(Huntington, 2006)

As stated by the media report, the ‘memogate' was investigated by the military establishments and contents were verified and Hussain Haqqani, its purported author. In this context what is believed by the army facilities was very opposite from the description civilian government of Mr. Yousaf Raza Gilani. At first,

both government and Mr. HussainHaqqani were quite on the issue of the memo, it was later denied by them when op-ed in the paper of London was written by

Mansoor Ijaz, he also exposed the ‘memo gate.' To interrogate the credibility of

Mansoor Ijaz, They started deploying its journalist friends, spokesmen, and woman, after realizing that the issue can put off the general public and establishments of security, which for many reasons has great anti-American emotions.(Jones, 2002)

The government wished to ignore the issue which was apparently impossible.

More answers and clarity was needed by the government, as they have enough proof of the existence of memo and Haqqani wrote they established it. The military took the first step by getting Haqqani resignation as the army confronted Haqqani and civilian government was present at that time. This was an embarrassment for the civilian government. Supreme Court (SC) was approached by the former prime minister and President of PML(N), Mian

Nawaz Sharif, and appealed to the court to conduct an inquiry when the government was hesitant to order an investigation to institute the reliability of memo and its author. The independent research was justified, and the note issue is related to national security, was the opinion of SC. The commission was appointed by the court including high court judges to carry out the inquiry after the SC appointed person refused due to denigrating attacks by the leaders of

PPP. (Khan, 2007)

Before the SC both the government of Gilani and military establishments was poles apart. When SC asked both to submit responses on memo, the Director

General of ISI and the Chief of Army Staff, claimed in front of the court that the memo is real and that Mr. Haqqani is its writer, while no memo existed and no

one from the ranks of government along with Mr. Haqqani have the government insisted written notice. Yousaf Raza Gilani attacked the military few time verbally in a manner that military establishments gets involved direct and overthrows the government of civilians. Not to try another agitation was perhaps decided by the army leadership. In the past fifteen years, Pakistan has transformed vastly. Democracy with its shortfalls is accepted nationally. The military is not allowed to take over by the Supreme Court. The democratic rule is supported by the civil society and due to open media military government can't function because media is vibrant, free and has mass reach. Lastly, the challenges are too complicated and to political that are faced by Pakistan and men in uniform cannot resolve it. (Kleiner, 2007)

The military is a powerful institution and is actively interested in the political development of the nation is the fundament perspective in the public and the political elites. Control is maintained control over the national strategy, security and foreign relation with the major international players. The military government from behind the scene will always rehearse its impact on the political forces is feared by some and will strive to support the political parties that allied with the military government in the past. In short, the military rule long shadow and the civil- military relation with out of proportion nature are still not over. Currently, the relations between the civilian government and military are uncertain, unsettled and draped in numerous uncertainties and moves that are invisible. For the future of Pakistan, this may not be good. A very positive resolution by COAS and the Pakistan armed forces aid to support the democracy and army is surely cleared of developing and wrong lead in the risks relation of civil-military. Complete use must be made by the civil government of this opportunity and must deliver to the people and for a better

Pakistan must fortify democracy in the country, above their interests and business. (Munirruzzaman, 1987)

Treason Case against Musharraf

In Pakistan after the five years democratic rule and somewhat the relations of the turbulent civil-military in the previous years, in the current period the most significant phase is the treason case against our hopefully last and the latest dictator of military Gen. Pervez Musharraf. He is known as the first and the only one former military dictator of Pakistan who has been beckoned to Court so that they could answer for the crimes against the Pakistan constitution. It seems that this opportunity has been provided to Mr. Musharraf rather by returning from his self-imposed exile just ahead of General Election. It is believed by former General that the public popularity is enjoyed in Pakistan and hopes are made that election will be won and once again the country will be ruled. In Pakistan, the reality of public support to him is evident to all the persons in Pakistan except for Gen. Retired Musharraf. So being responsible for so many crimes it is considered that how he is perceived as it is only the political system maturity in Pakistan along with the public political system maturity that there are chances of Mr. Musharraf to return to Pakistan.

Certainly, this is not the timeline that Mr. Musharraf disappeared when he was at the affairs helm and both the Mr. Sharif and the late Ms. Bhutto was disallowed from coming back to Pakistan. (Shah, 2014) An opportunity can take place against the person due to law process who subverted the Pakistan constitution two times, and it depicts that there are another Pakistan maturity sign and the political system. Pakistan will cross one the processes which are due take place a psychological barrier against the dictator of the former military.

It is not the Pakistan Supreme Court neither the due to which the opportunity window exists as the other Constitution subversion was condoned on November 3, 2007, by the General Pervez Musharraf. In 1958 (by

General Muhammad Ayub), 1977 (By General Zia ul Haq), 1969 (By General

Yahya Khan) all the past Constitution subversions of Pakistan had been condoned Pakistan Supreme Court and the Parliaments through the 18

Amendment in 2010 Pakistan's Constitution, saw further strengthening of the article number 6 in which the high reasons are handled and it has been said that,

“an individual who subverts or abrogates or holds in abeyance or conspires to abrogate or attempts by the show of force or use of force or through any other unconstitutional means shall be accused of high treason".(Singh & Hickman,

2013)

Those countries that have a similar political history in the world are considered able that they could start the judicial proceedings against the dictators of former military. And most of the time such actions are supposed to remain at the initial stages and the dictators like Suharto of Indonesia and Chile departed this world on the natural causes. The possible trail of Mr. Musharraf will not be without the political turbulence. While the military of Pakistan will not be comfortable with the trial proceedings, after May 2013 General Election the party that comes into power will need to be treated with a comprehensive care on all the problems and the issues. On the trial of Gen. Musharraf, the position has been taken by no leading Pakistan party and in 1999 Gen. Musharraf was exiled from the power and on the defense domestic control the cautious approach was taken and in the latest manifesto, the civil-military relations in the most recent manifesto even Mr. Sharif displayed the perceived the posted position and since in 1999 ouster from power it became very apparent in the eye of the public.

Through this trial court is ready to open the Pandora's Box' and this trail is considered the encouraging sign. In spite of the turbulence, there is potential in the trial to turn around the country future and on the military interventions in future the doors are closed.

Party Pledges on Civil-Military Relations

It has been revealed by the PPP, PML-N, and PTI that although in PML-N some clear thinking exists on this problem or issue, so there is the significant reliance on the other two parties on the subject or rhetoric. Although no particular action has created any relation of the civil-military while in 2013, the policies were outlined.

A massive articulation of its policies was found there and in the latest manifesto, it pledges on the subject, while if compared with the Manifesto 2007, its stance has been repeated by PML-N on the control of instituting democratic and through setting up the body of the decision making under the cabinet. A further step has been taken by the Cabinet Committee on National Security and threat, and this has been made by pledging to resource. In the recognition to bring the intelligence policies, its core policy stance is its recognition. The manifesto of the PPP has been mostly devoted to showcase that as its accomplishment what is considered in the previous five years. The manifesto does not take So many pledges. It happens in the history for the very first time of the Pakistan that in the Parliament the details of the defense budget were presented. The standing committees received the briefings on a budget of defense. However, there could be great scrutiny of budget and on the lack of sufficient powers and in the implementation of those controls parliament has been remained stagnant. If compared with 2007 manifesto, in the Democracy

Charter the pledges related to defense-related are being made. The PTI 2013 election manifesto is certainly an improvement over the declaration of 2002 in the context of some policy outline on the oversight of defense and the relations of a civil military. The party has pledged it there will be rationalized defense spending and in the Parliament, the budget of defense would be debated within the session of a camera according to the issues of sensitivity. PTI has promised that there will be the parliament authority so that all the international treaties will be rectified. Then the action has been made by manifesto so that the institutions could be strengthened for containing the promises and the terrorism in making the (NACTA Counter Terrorism Authority) as with the armed forces the single authority with the high-level representation. (Aydinli, 2009)

With the objective of systematic and regular consideration and coordination of all the matters which are linked national security and defense. The DCC

(Defense Committee of the Cabinet) is considered body so that a national safety and in spite internal control could be established. Notwithstanding the pledges of CoD which are performed by Peoples Party, the Defense Committee of the

Cabinet has remained under-utilized and hugely six dormant in the previous five years. It has been revealed by PILDAT analysis on the Defense Committee performance keeping in the previous trend of being proactive rather than reactive it only happens when the Cabinet Defense Committee met in 2012-

2013. It has been indicated by the performance of 5 years of Defense

Committee of the Cabinet that in spite of the internal and the external challenges of that Pakistan is facing; the DCC met on an average just more than twice in the year to March 2013 from March 2008. Under the out-going

Premier Raja Pervez Ashraf of Pakistan, the Cabinet Defense Committee met only once. The lack of dedicated Permanent Secretariat has been considered one

of the weaknesses of Cabinet Defense Committee under the COD by the ruling

PPP as the pledged. Only for the incidents that are selective, its relative posture does not include the DCC useful role.

Institutional Solutions for Civil-Military Relations

If in the previous five years the balance is analyzed of the civil-military relations it is believed by some experts that an improvement has been witnessed. When the issues are considered then at the PILDAT Public Forum, it is believed by Mushahid Hussain Sayed who is the Standing Committee chairman that in the Pakistan the institutional solutions relations of civil- military have been sought in the last five years, and the country has witnessed a forward movement in the Democratic control of 7 national securities. There has been some improvement if the broad consensus exists in the relations over the previous five years, the transition in the way of establishing the civil-military constitutional equation has not been as fast-paced or the useful not as the conclusive like there will be likeness about the citizens. The responsibility of the democratic government has been abdicated on the primary defense of the national security issues. In spite of the policy of the appeasement apparently to the civil-military, military relations have seen many skirmishes in the previous five years.

These issues have been the most troublesome of the alleged Memo that came to be estrangement in civil-military heart relations. The government which was same came to the rescue of public after the murder of Osama bin Laden, and the

ISI was targeted NATO attack, and with the army restored to an open confrontation. The diametrically opposite view of the military of the government in the Supreme Court resulting in the weak Prime Minister while

on the relations of the sound civil-military. However, the better sense prevailed and from the brink, both sides pulled back. An active movement has been recorded by the previous five years in the decision of the Supreme Court on the case of 18-year old Asghar Khan and for the first time in Pakistan, there are military officials formally at the high level in which Rector General Inter-

Services Intelligence and COAS (Chief of Army Staff) has been held responsible for influencing the election of the outcome and Services

Intelligence. As the decisions which are made mostly positive whether the ISI and the Presidency involvement has been ended in the political process. The lesson which is the most significant of the challenges being faced in the relations of the civil-military in the previous five years and the leadership has been democratically elected. But the responsibility cannot be abdicated of the role of effective policy making in the defense of realm and also the national security. The ability is considered critical of the political leadership which is elected so that the complete counter-narrative and a credible could be articulated in Pakistan. There is the only possibility of the parliamentary and democratic control on defense and that is only possible when the representatives gave been elected in playing that role in an efficient manner. Efficient utilization and Activation of the existing forum is required for applying the holistic perspective in which the major sectors of military relationship and civilian are being covered. (Dawn, 2008)

Revised Military Doctrine – not from Democratic Government

Pakistan army has made a significant shift in its doctrine, and it has been stated that rather to the ten external threats the biggest threat to the country is an external threat. Publicly no official document has been made as it appears that without the policy the paradigm shift has come about the input of the

representatives of democratically elected. About the paradigm shift that has been reported, there are many analyses that have been written about. The agreement has been made by many that military doctrine traditional has been changed in tackling the internal threats. The fundamental issue that there is need for principles and policies that required the people ownership and the systematic review through the representatives and the governments. Equation unsavory realities and depicts the stark and Pakistan military are being welcomed. In spite of the demand of public for the balance of constitutional of this relationship, it has been indicated that when the things come to the relationship on the ground than in comparison to the more things remain same; more things are changed.(Khan, 2001)

.Revelations made on Kargil Operation

A revelation in his book which has been recently-released has been made by

Gen. (Retd.) Shahid Aziz that there are only four generals to which the plan of

1999 Kargil Operation has been known in which Pervez Musharraf the Chief of

ArmyStaff was the architect. The Military Operations of the director came to know when infiltration from the side of Pakistan was objected. The process of

Indo-Pak peace has been shut down by Kargil war. As a civil-military as being disconnected in the country, the war serves a classic case study ultimately leading to the Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif ouster which is maintained, so the war does not approve. Even it was revealed by the late Prime Minister Benazir

Bhutto that in the office during the first stint, Maj. General Musharraf, so then the DG Military Operations same plan are being offered which is known as the

Kargil. When General Aziz said that reality is that it is coming from the key officer of the military, and it shows merely that over the operations.

Lal Masjid Commission

As already the military was not considered to be in the tight corner in the court's hands, it was ordered by Supreme Court that a commission by constitution probe into the Military's siege of Lal Masjid 2007 and that incident happened on

November 04, 2012. Its report was presented by Commission on April 01, 2013 to Supreme Court. And the case was adjourned by the court for another two weeks saying that there is need of jurists that the report must be viewed. When the review was done in detail, it will be decided by the court that to keep it secret or to make it open. But General Pervez Musharraf, the Former Military ruler, has not agreed to appear before the tribunal. It is considered that Lal

Masjid siege was once of the polarizing Incidents of the Pakistan society. While on the other hand, it is the intention of some to take on the militants hastily and the write of the state was challenged in the heart of the capital city. So for the death of innocent children and women, other people accused the government.

The social divide over ownership is emphasized by the social response to Siege.

It has been convinced by many hardened militants that Pakistan state is no less guilty than the US which dispossessed Taliban out in the neighboring

Afghanistan? All of the sudden there was thus a spike in terrorism-related incidents after the operations over the country. To ascertain the fact the desire of

SC's into the operations from the fiction is too good but the broader context is also reminding in which in the country the operation was taken. The operation of the military anti-terrorism was pointed to the fear may get jeopardized in the case and on the Siege it continues to be grilled. The number of the military men that were involved in the operations is also serving the Military presently. So they should be dragged into the courts, and the military may be well reminded that how the ranks morale is getting low (Andrabi, 2010).

Amend the Army Act: Asks the Supreme Court

The assessment of army act was developed in previous months. The case of the issue of Missing People has been under consideration by Supreme Court.

PILDAT, but he considers that a few review within the Act must be addressed by committees of Parliament and Parliament itself. By Committees for the

Defense of proposals for each of Parliament, PILDAT also noted defense committees to check the current work of the military to see whether or not these are fulfillment constitutional requirements and rights of the people of the country. In accordance with the decision of the supreme court of Pakistan now the government of country has to amend the Pakistan Army Act 1952, which refers to the judiciary Conflicts of which the defendant does not provide region files of the FGCM (Field General Court Martial) which is difficult even now for those convicted or 13 defendants for reporting appeal. The Development is for the loss in the last five months, the criterion that the problems can be a portion of the schedule for the elected government of the country and the national assembly of Pakistan. The critical factor in this regard is that all the changes in eth army act must be made by considering the concerns of the Pakistan Army which approved an amendment to the positive terms of the military law. To

Active, judiciary and assertive communication in the past means that behind

Army, as in the cases of even the departing administration of the country, may also be considered that It is progressively the goal and the purpose below the judiciary, the public and the media attention thereby improving awareness of

"us versus them". It is critical to Keep in mind that societies in transition subject to these developments. The purpose of the constitutional civil and military equation/relationships are not either to develop the concept of the victim within the form. Therefore it is an important trend to implement reforms in public

Army through mutual help. The bureaucratic nature of authoritarian rule inevitably and it helped the determinations of the country. Civil services have been prepared in the form of presentations service. In respect of eth Indian Civil

Service, it can be seen that in India the civil services sector is considered as paramount for the government of the country. The direction and method by which these take all the authority activities show them as a politician with particular suspicion.(NDMA, 2011)

Advanced services have not been equipped to produce the power of selected governments which the central governmental authorities. Thus it addressed the nation was using the public interest and the perception of parents through bureaucrats who have convictions that the general people as irrational and uninformed. This is not measured The spirit of the most efficient bureaucracy of formats controlled by maintaining A variety of key positions in the authorities of the departments, but also that encouraged the "The position of superiority in isolation from masses.'

The need to secure the borders of India and internal security and peace and stability result in the creation of the Indian army. Political Neutrality and turned professional in planting because the main features of military police. Therefore, the Indian Army has become better Power, and international relations took place in Southeast Asia. The military, as it is delivered to Pakistan, has become an enhanced and well-established group. Possible No longer, however, and it used to be managed by the government elected by the people. Army shared with forms the lack of confidence in representatives who were invisible as a foundation of ailment. Therefore, Pakistan hereditary non-political organizations, such as the adamant because the Army is running in an efficient

and disciplined manner and arrogant values that put the strange condescension for policy management. These regularly ended in many Along with the changes to the bureaucratic oligarchy and the military dictatorship system and

Authoritarianism. The elected politicians to change the prevailing brought to the area through the years, it is that the authority and inspiration of the civil bureaucracy have progressively they have changed the history of rapid military government. In Pakistan. Period of existence sixty-three years, dexterous not limited to four Military coups that the army rooted in political life a tool of the nation. In those long years of military adventures UK institutions and systems have been severely powers. On the other hand, the army has proved to be an organization and institutionally stronger, especially regarding talent management. The Army now has much better governance and administration of civil education administration. Modified this stabilizing force is from primary and two decades after independence, while the colonial technology civil bureaucracy became a stronger organization. Although traditionally army forms were seen as allies the radical changes wrought with the help of Pervez

Musharraf, in the form and Function values and strongly resented by them. On

October 12, 1999, treated and then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif Ignore Pervez

Musharraf and replace it with a pro-family, ISI Khawaja Zia Uddin Lieutenant famous Chief of Army Staff but different Now, leaders not allowed to take up his new post type. Nationwide television went off for several hours. After a few hours, He claims that the authorities had ignored Nawaz Sharif. Musharraf help of several generals staged a coup in the fourth Pakistan. (Pechayre, 2011).

Later it proved to be a decision of the management of Army forces to self- defense. No longer can impose regulation can be announced new set-up soon.

On October 14, 1999, Musharraf declared a state of emergency throughout the

Pakistan assumed the present of the country. It was announced that the constitution could be hung but President (Rafiq Tarar), can, however, remain.

Turned to the announcement, plus the meeting across the country, and the

Senate and local councils are also suspended. Transformation of the interim constitution is in the notorious Order Released. In line with its interim order of the Constitution and the courts, It has been prohibited from issuing any order and any the exercise of their powers character. It would not rule out cut military tribunal against the leader of the armed or any particular authority through him.

Fundamental rights are not a violation of the declaration. He said the auxiliary system, although Suspension of the Constitution, which remain in Pakistan the orders of the leader of the government. The duration of the military rule now is not detailed. Therefore all the military dictatorship was established once again.

During (1999-2008), he began a series of reforms and carried out a variety of

Institutions which upset the stability between civilian and military Management within the following methods. In hard fact was that President Musharraf has it taken the practice of appointing authorities officials and retired Army service in civil values extraordinary levels. During his reign, almost all administrative suppliers more it was chaired by the institutions through military officials. The truth as evidenced by its Declaration ". The overall responsibility is a very critical approach to eliminating the Enormous level of corruption. Retention this factor in most of the attention from developed countries these techniques that some element of public accountability for an additional amount. In case scenario regarding Pakistan Corruption exclusively is complete. Pakistan faces excessive, and Corruption exists everywhere. Throughout the speech, General

Musharraf was the predominant theme to ensure public accountability in all areas and eliminate the corruption. As a result of this speech was a strong

institution Life in 1999, and this body has become known as the National

Accountability Bureau (NAB) has been established throughout the country under the responsibility of the law, Ehtesab 1999 as the successor organization department. Army Accountability system for people who owe the amount of banks and the authorities promised to halt and corrupt elements can be removed.

The ruling also confirmed that they can go clean politics. Organization leaders headed by Lieutenant Mohamed Amjad standard and Later, with the help of several Lieutenant General Khalid acceptable and ShahidMunirHafeez Aziz.

And with the consent of the country in a way on a large scale to combat corruption (NAC) in 2002, the two innovative purposes of consciousness and deterrence too trusted to the NAB. Over time, the processes of anticorruption

(ACO) The crime wing box (ECW) of the national research firm The (FIA) was moved to the NAB on the side of labor, finance, and Workload.

In fact, within heading NAB played a crucial role in the review Corruption and brought those accused. NAB has been a powerful tool for the head and the establishment of writing if politicians were trying to act in a neutral set of criteria, with the help of a group of State employees. Moreover, NAB made a vital role in patches govern together democracy and governance in the alliance of Pakistan, Using PMLQ heads through the threat of these politicians with questionable Musharraf credentials to help. For this reason, these politicians do not simpler now Duty escaped, but was given, but in all other opportunity to hay. Because it showed that the method of the accountability is incorrect. The precondition is that the work must now would not be discerning in environment it must be through the panel. Whereas, now NAB did not guarantee public Duty instead as a device to ensure that elongated Musharraf has been estimated liability for selective rule. NAB and truth in any case arrested a member of the

judiciary or better Pakistan's legitimate army. However, the decree of reconciliation in the country, Issued on October 5, 2007, General Pervez

Musharraf President said he could sell high quality and political environment

Uprooting of revenge and victimization in US policy by It Condolences to humans famous was charged to a better development political environment in the Country. (NAB) will not be there and can take cases of corruption shine right evidences. This discussion leads us to believe that the NAB Failure to guarantee community responsibility in the context of a generation and helped as

Musharraf to deliver power to rule the grip of a ruler and army. Moreover,

Pakistan has consistently transfer schemes it was brought by the military regimes.

The logic behind the move is In fact, these efforts constitute a link between the center Government (military work). This relationship it encourages interest from each of the above ranges presidency. Modern, Pervez Musharraf, through the reconstruction of the country office (NRB) Devolution Power Plan under the local government issued a federal law (LGO). This tool, not before civil parked

Forms of administrative systems under the chosen Counselor, any exchange

Nazim. most fundamental responsibility But the reality, responsible for the area below the earlier Structure, and the DC (Deputy Commissioner), and is used to document chosen not File provinces, while within the system of the highest gift

The region management, DCO (the district coordination officer) for reports

Nazim selected area. Musharraf regime has drastically weaker forms of the area by redistributing enormous interest its ability of selected homegrown systems and the abolition of the Vice-commissioner Bureau. Also, the Police Act 2002 reduce the police force in the district to the point of a wide range. Far

Resentment of the bureaucracy, the newly launched neighborhood Governments

all ended in confusion and conflict often which he broke out between the district

Nazim and public officials. It has supplied Nazis elected with enormous powers, and this was a planned transfer of the terrible effects on the functioning of basic civil forms. Police Foundation wants honest degrees Autonomy to carry out character. Law enforcement officers the establishment must remain loose and impartial of any political Intervention. But through said the power transfer plan, police and became it has grown to be a servant to elect neighborhoods Nazim.

In every district of the country, the most powered person in that area is elected as man of administration of the concerns of this field. Excessive control is given to them on the revenue of district under their government. Transfer scheme to collect sales weakened and the highest moral values also succeeded in calling the army gradually in the local policy and the maximum goal of the administration. Military Council through the creation of a local frame to become compatible with the support base In addition to providing legitimizes the violation of energy. But it abandoned as a consequence of this exploit becomes noticeable by misperception and Great altercations among the teams in our bodies and proud Bureaucracy. interesting point is that Pervez Musharraf has become not only Inspired by the ideology of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk tried as an alternative Almost tradition. Constitutional body much in the Turkish style the political system and this is what is measured a heritage of Ataturk. Its members were the Chairman of Senate, the leader of the opposition of National

Assembly, the President, the Speaker of National Assembly, the four provincial

Chief Ministers, the Prime Minister?

Similarly the Chief of Army, air force, and navy, the coordinator of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. to help as an opportunity for the listening of the President

the "National Security Council" is established and the Management of National

Security, as well as the power and honesty and defense issues And the safety of public control and disaster. The existing system The Security Council sent an incorrect country's democracy National Security Council is seen as the image of the maritime superiority over civilians' affairs. In this way the whole of the control in respect of political aspect is delivered to the army. By making the

National Security Council, an everlasting legitimate form, Musharraf now is not paralyzed democracy more useful as an alternative to putting a lot of Army as a group had a fantastic test, and that had an impact on the poor career at the end.

Each time dictator takes over, the Charter has become the first Directed both to cancel and postpone or modified to suit your whim. Ayub Khan abolished the constitution of 1956 and said Zia Finally; he changed its charter in 1973 to bring 8thamendment that changed the shape of the force and civil country.

The 8th amendment was canceled by the government of the Nawaz Sharif by the 13th amendment. Musharraf made almost the same as it did Zia. At first suspended Charter then on December 24 to amend the Constitution through 17

Amendment in the constitution. The most attractive feature of these amendments in the constitution was that it created a balance among force political power and apolitical power which is power f president. Article 58 (2)

(b) of the Constitution revive again which regained the president to dissolve the country's power in line with its discretion. Similarly, in agreement with Article

112 (2) (b), the referees should be resolved by the provincial councils Indicating that the agenda of the last instance within fifteen days of this exercising.

Moreover, conferring to the imaginative establishment, the president, who is a symbol of government by having the authorities in the palms of hands on the cost of the prime minister? Thus, tenuous army dictatorship returned all the

powers of a country in the hand of the only precedent of the country. Indeed, elections were apprehended through his government for the election of associates of Provincial Assemblies and National Assembly, but the procedure of democracy was an incredibly measured one. Certainly, votes remained detained throughout his government for choosing the participants in the meeting of the country and Provincial councils, but the democratic system became apparent. The courts is a precise imperative structure of administration and self- governing structure, the most important feature of it is the protector of the laws and guarantee that the rule of regulation in the country. One of the fundamental guarantees human rights and prevent infringement by one of the types

Institutions has proof of monitoring the state apparatus.

Unluckily, in Pakistan, the courts has a volatile past. In The judiciary of

Pakistan has in no way supposed (before the latest court disaster the function of the activity) is biased. Throughout the armed rules in Pakistan strained to change periodically on the foundation of seniority to take the higher courts

According to its tentacles or Almost nominal resistance of this device and subjected those who voluntarily Caprichos. The same sample was repeated through the expertise of Musharraf. no longer touched the first elimination of the dictator, but while Nawaz supporters challenged and seizure of Musharraf after that He turned to the idea that now is the system that communicates amendments to top Judiciary, Musharraf decided to manage the clean part of the

Bureau to all The Supreme Court on January 26 six justices 2000. Best refusal of the court to the agenda of the new right and kept away this procedure.

Regarding the issue of making Musharraf, Wonderful new production under the courtroom of Justice IrshadHasan Khan has here at With the rule that Musharraf is "right involves the use of energy Constitutional additional step in the

activities of the kingdom ".However, Every time he touched the risk of removing one of the best sailors then took emergency measures to domesticated the judiciary. Three in November 2007, the Musharraf issued a declaration of urgency to postpone converted charter. It was considered that to control the emergency condition in the country which has created as the result of the deteriorating law and order Condition; there was a need to implement some new legislation and constitutions in the country. All the members of the higher judiciary were ordered and required to take oath from an issuance of new PCO.

As a result, the end of the final seven Supreme Court judges and other high court judges were dismissed from the responsibilities. So during the Musharraf government, even the judiciary has ceased to become Pitiable that it runs at odds with the tall regard in self-governing states. The distant strategy of the nation and became not kept safe from him Take the hand. In democratic countries, it found abroad for the cover of a civilian after the policy makers are applying for coverage with the help of civilians Models. However, although the armies, popularly known for aggressive Episodes begin to intervene, which generates difficulties and conflict with local adjacent countries. Musharraf in the homework of distant strategy this creates clear the opinion. At some point in his Assertive, it was not just a little civil move. Within the first years of his government, Musharraf is no longer a reasonable relationship with the Country and Europe, and the same time turned to the now not welcomed with the help of

Neighbors location. But the incident of 11 September, the fate of his coverage abroad. Pakistan joined the US coalition in the war against terrorism. September

11 furnished threat to Musharraf activities out of their Isolation, but he did not follow the necessary or entertainment. Put some of the above events do not mean this solitary those organization was the only casualty of the bane of

Musharraf. Likewise, given the exceptional institutions suffer adversely different army Enter each of his generation.

Here are confident of the times that time and space to speak in a feature. The selection of retired military service and for one of the nice branch brought discontent officials it saw the prospects of promoting cross-prescribed military appointees. After that post of chairperson of Federal Public Service

Commission (FPSC) was given to Gen. GulzarKiani. FIA (Federal Investigation

Agency) and IB (Intelligence Bureau) were headed by army men. Control is given to army for every nation civil provider, institutions, foreign policy, monetary policy, and intelligence other organizations and companies. General

Khalid Maqbool and general Hussain Shah were selected governor of Punjab and KPK Correspondingly. In adding, the army has been excavated in the position and role of the in private and public sectors, consisting of industry and enterprise, education, scientific and attention and Agriculture improve, gym,

Communications, and Transportation. The forty-eight army under Musharraf, finally, It became the greatest vital competitor in the Country and within the delivery of cash assets and small phrases and armed Wealth.(Cheema, 2002)

Rising Power of Civil-Military Bureaucracy

Pakistan when established its infrastructure was scarce and had to build it from a start. To develop and support the democratic institution capable and strong leadership was needed by the country. However in a rural society where landed aristocracy dominates the political, social and economic life attaining such leadership was hard. The diverse problems faced by Pakistan could not be managed by the first leadership of political parties. The Civil and military bureaucracy was highly relied on by it. Bureaucratic Elite was becoming

excessively decisive, relentlessly expanding their power to the detriment of the political elite was the outcome. For example, in 1954 the National Assembly was dissolved by a Governor General of Pakistan Ghulam Muhammad (1651-

55) and on the premise of "law of necessity" his illegal act was legitimized and authenticated by the federal court. When Qayyum Khan President of PML intimidated direct action, and Khan of Kalat pronounced his withdrawal from

Pakistan, to guarantee the states of integrity IskanderMirza (1956-1958) a president of Pakistan from civil bureaucracy depended on the military.

Compelling steps were taken by Mirza to manage the unstable conditions, revoked the constitution, scorned the provincial and central government, dissolved the judicial assemblies, adjourned general elections indeterminately, banned all political parties, pronounced martial law and as a CMLA (Chief

Martial Law Administrator) he appointed General Ayub, who then on 27th

October 1958 eradicated IskanderMirza and became the president of Pakistan.

The period of military-dominated governance started in this manner. Following the seven years of unsteadiness (1951-58) during which seven prime ministers arose and descended, the country was put on the path to political and economic stability by the government. The author of the constitutional and Political history of Pakistan, Advocate Hamid Khan, stated: "the golden period of bureaucracy was the Ayub's term of office [1958-69], who applied its powers, uninhibited by any political intrusion." Once again, following the reinstatement of democratic governance in 1988-99, National Assembly was impulsively dissolved by the President Ishaq Khan, a civil bureaucrat and on 1990 August

6th the elected prime minister, and her Cabinet were dismissed by him. Later, another elected prime minister, Nawaz Sharif and his cabinet along with National Assembly were rejected by him on 18th April 1993. On 5th

November 1996, the elected Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and her Cabinet together with National Assembly were rejected by Farooq Leghari ( a bureaucrat turned politician) the President after Ishaq Khan. Hence four elected governments were changed on alleges of inefficiency, security risk, and corruption, etc. during 1988-1999. In 1958, 1977 and 1999, the governance was dominated by the civil-military bureaucracy attributable to inherent shortcomings of political parties and their ineffectual leadership, bringing about the disinclination of democracy thrice. (Khan, 2009)

It is surely a sad interpretation on the elected members of the first Constituent

Assemble of Pakistan that during 1951-58 they couldn't locate an appropriate head of state from their positions. Every one of them originated from civil bureaucracy and from there on from military. The civil-military frequently took a decision without consulting political leaders as the opinion about them of the civil-military bureaucracy were not favorable. Training, development, and growth in the governance field were unfavorably influenced by this. In 1953 the uncouth political leadership was blamed for the failure to control the anti-

Ahmadiyya movement in Punjab. The Defense Secretary ordered the Area

Commander General Azam Khan to enact martial law in Lahore to liberate the city of Lahore where Ahmadis were in a virtual condition of attack, and their properties were being blazed and plundered. With the widespread approval of people, it was met. Would not chance will be given to religious ideologies and politicians to lead the nation to anarchism was demonstrated by Civil-military bureaucracy. The establishment of the sovereignty of military administration and arrangement of first practice for repeated imposition of Martial Law in the nation and people accepting it peacefully was set out by the Martial Law functioning in Lahore. (Niaz, 2010)

Security Threat

The security threats thwarted the progression of the country towards democracy;

Pakistan was changed over in a security state by the consistent internal and external threats. Communism religious extremist, terrorist from 2001 11th

September and ethnic ambitions threatened the security of Pakistan internally while the bigger neighbors threatened externally. In 1951 the Rawalpindi

Conspiracy Case inspired by Socialist, 1953 Anti- Qadiani Movement and 1958 ruler of the state of Kalat declaration of cessation made the first internal threat to emerge. Indo-Pak war, clashes at the border and numerous times war threats

(that is amid during 1947-48, 1951, 1965, 1971, 1984, 1999, and 2002) lead to the external threats. On 20th December 2002, while speaking about the India and

Pakistan situation of 2002 Ari Fleischer, a spokesman for White House said: the tension has reached alarming level. The pressure has decreased evidently to a

Due to the interference of the President, State Secretary and various leaders of the world [Russian] President (Vladimir) Putin and (British) Prime Minister

Tony Blair.

Civil Dependence on Army

Army has been complicated in public management since the start. In 1947, the army, which remained requested to create the civil secretariat in Karachi, has become the barracks evacuated; they refurbished to house the department and a team of workers from Delhi again. To become the army, which has contributed significantly to the preservation of the undertaking of numerous expatriate groups resounding 10 millions of emigrants from East Punjab besides organizing camps in Lahore? After the army of India had stimulated to Jammu and Kashmir and the chief commander of the British armed forces Pakistani

military disallowed the instructions of the administrator of the familiar Pakistan to send Pakistani troops in Kashmir, and the foundations of the leaders and units who have moved to the local Kashmir and they helped residents nearby Indian soldiers repel or restrict large areas that now form Azad Kashmir and is associated with Pakistan. Similarly, the army has changed to a regular aid in a useful resource of civil authorities in all standard increases screws and different emergency situations and civil functions. (Ahmad, 2001)

The state has made the elegance of this, a dynamic civil society, the media of colored flags and impartial judiciary. The general public Pakistanis at the time of reading and writing (more than 55%) compared to about 5%, as it is in line with the census of 1951. The perception of the Council to protect the country called as National Security Council and the existence of co-presidents Offers

Where have to develop dismissed and overcome with the help of the National

Assembly Defense Committee. This required the Commission, which includes seventeen MNAs of the parties to monitor the "defense sectors and its subsidiaries" and "to discover the center's goals case of Pakistan to permit the state to meet the needs of defense and objectives." On each occasion required, and Parliament is to get consensus issues occupy a briefing on the protection of heads and pronouncements. Although the army has independence in its internal matters, and the presence of civil-military relations is present.

Chapter Four

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The present study was a Cross Sectional study, carried out in Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa province to determine the association between the variables. The study area comprised of various government offices established in District

Peshawar. These included journalists, lawyers, civil bureaucracy and politicians.

These respondents were expected to furnish valuable information on the issue under study. Following methodology was adopted to reach into desired results.

Study Design

Based on time horizon, this study is categorized as “Cross Sectional study”.

This design is appropriate for determining a prevailing problem, issue, perception or attitude in a population. The overall picture obtained regarding the issue through such studies is for a specific time and for a particular population

(Babie, 1989). To design this study, the study objectives were devised, population of the study was determined; sample was drawn from it for gathering information on a set out questionnaire. The study design is explained in following sub-sections.

Sampling A subgroup representing the whole population in its characteristics is its sample. Sample is drawn from population through a selection process called sampling. Results obtained from sample are reliably generalized to whole population, if properly drawn (Sekaran, 2003). In this study proportionate stratified random sampling technique was used for sampling purpose. The study population was divided into four strata on the basis of their true representatives from the respective respondent groups from all relevant strata’s were then randomly chosen for data collection from them.

Sample Size Variations in population parameters are foundation for determining the sample size. The higher is the variation in population parameters, the larger would be the sample size. For calculation of a sample size the desired confidence intervals for estimation of population parameters is mandatory (Cooper and

Emory, 2000). As current study involved several variables of interest, therefore, the sample size was determined by using Sekaran table. According to this method a sample size of 384 suffices the population like one in the study area

(Sekaran, 2003). The required sample size was proportionally allocated (Table

3.1) and randomly distributed in each stratum of the study population by using formula;

푛.푁푖 푛𝑖 = (Chaudry and Kamal, 1996) 푁

Where; ni = Proportion of sample allocated to with stratum

Ni = Population of with stratum n = Total sample size

N = Total Population

Characteristics of Respondents For getting realistic data with all possible diversity in views, the responses were taken from respondents that possessed following characteristics.

1. Representatives of Civil Bureaucracy

2. Representatives from the politician.

3. Representatives of lawyers’ community.

4. Representatives of journalists.

Table 4-1 Proportional allocation of respondents to various strata of the study universe

S. No Categories of respondents Sample Size

1 Civil Bureaucracy 96

2 Politicians 96

3 lawyers community 96

4 Journalists 96

TOTAL 384

Data Collection

Conceptual frame work for the current study comprised of eight independent and one dependent variable (Table 3.2). For primary data collection on stated variables a well thought out and comprehensive questionnaire was prepared.

The questionnaire encompassed all the aspects of study variables (Annex-1).

Prior to data collection, the questionnaire was pretested for ascertaining its validity; the irrelevant and ambiguous questions were omitted after pretesting.

The respondents were contacted individually. The data was entered in SPSS software on daily basis. It took almost three months to collect complete data.

Table 4-2 Conceptual Framework

Independent Variables Dependent Variable

1. Governance

2. Bureaucracy Civil Military Relations 3. Judiciary

4. Weak Civilian Intuitions

5. Corruption

6. Foreign policy

7. Weak Political System

8. Terrorism

Tool of Data Collection In the present study the questionnaire was constructed based on a range of attitudinal statements chosen from the available literature for each of independent and dependent variables. For scaling a three level response option of Likert scale (yes, No and Don’t Know) was incorporated in the questionnaire, which is one of the appropriate method for attitudinal measurement (Nachmias,

1992).

Indexation The responses on attitudinal statements (items) of dependent variable were indexed. The items were indexed to measure a single variable, “Civil Military

Relation” (Nachmias, 1992). The indexed dependent variable was cross tabulated with independent variables for testing their significance of association.

Data Analysis

SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) was used for the analysis of the data at Uni and Bi-Variate level as below;

Uni-variate Analysis All the study variables including background, independent and dependent variables were analyzed at uni-variate level by counting frequencies and calculating percentages for each. The percentages were calculated by using formula given by Levin and Davis (2000)

Percentage of a data class = f/N * 100

Where f = frequency of data class

And N = number of observations in the data set.

Bi-variate Analysis For ascertaining the strength of association between independent and dependent variables, the statistical technique of Bi-variate analysis was used. The tests used for this purpose included Chi-square test and Fishar Exact test respectively.

Chi-square test For calculation of Chi-square vale (2) the procedure outlined by Tai (1978) was adopted.

j k (oij - eij )2 (2) = x2 =  (Tai, 1978) jj11 eij

Where

(2) = Chi-square for two categorical variables

oij = the observed frequencies in the cross-classified category at ith

row and jth column

eij = the expected frequency for the same category, assuming no

association between variables under investigation

The degree of freedom is calculated as follows;

Df = (r-1) (c-1) where

Df = Degree of freedom

r = the number of rows

c = the number of columns

One of the assumptions of Chi-square test i.e. no expected frequency is less than

5 was violated for several times in the data. Therefore, Fisher exact test was employed instead of Chi-square test to rectify the effects of assumption violation (Baily, 1982).

(푎 + 푏)! (푐 + 푑)! (푎 + 푐)! (푏 + 푑)! 퐹𝑖푠ℎ푒푟 퐸푥푎푐푡 푇푒푠푡 = 푁! 푎! 푏! 푐! 푑!

Where a, b, c and d were the observed numbers in four cells of contingency table and “N” the total number of observations.

Chapter Five

RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS

Results pertaining to various dimensions of civil-military relations in Pakistan are given under various sections and sub sections of this chapter. Section 4.1 comprises of demographic profile of respondents. Section 4.2 explains uni- variate analysis of the thematic variables of the study. Bivariate analysis of study variables is explained in section 4.3. The results are discussed as below;

a. Demographic profile

This section shows information based on age, gender, educational qualification, designation and management level. The results are presented as below;

i. Age composition of the respondents

Table 5-3Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on the basis of their age

Age Group Frequency Percent

25years& below 36 9.3

26-35 141 37

36-45 139 36.1

46-55 58 15.10

Above 55 years 10 2.6

Total 384 100.0

Frequency and percentage distribution of the respondents on the basis of their age is given in Table-4.1. Majority (37%)respondents were from (26-35) years age group, followed by36.1% from the age group 36-45 years, 15.1% from 46-

55 years age group, 9.3% below 25 years age and only 2.6% were above 55 years age. It is obvious from the result that most respondents were from middle and lower middle age (26 to 45 years), whereas low proportion of respondents were from young age or at retirement age. Such an uneven age distribution is probably due to ill planed recruitment process. This will not only funnel out most of the employees without a promotion chance throughout their service career, but also there will be a shortage of trained staff when this bulk gets retired in a short span of time. A group of demoralized employee with no chance of upward mobility in their career was more prone to opt for corruption.

ii. Gender of the respondents

Table 5-4Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on the basis of their gender

Gender Frequencies Percentage

Male 284 73.95

Female 100 26.04

Total 384 100.0

Gender wise composition of the respondents is given in Table 4.2. Almost all of the respondents (73.95%) were male and only of 26.04% respondents were female. The low number of female representation in the data is due to cultural prerogative of masculinity in performing some specific jobs especially relating to administration and authority. The patriarchal system of the country in general and of study area in particular, train female to perform house chores, whereas, the male is perceived as bread winner for the family. Although the number of female employment is increasing due to female education, yet this increase was

in some specific employment categories where female feel themselves safe and at comfort. Those jobs that desired for administrative stature were opted by negligible number of females, which also is the reason of under representation of females in this study.

iii. Educational qualification of the respondents

Table 4-3 Frequencies and percentage distribution of the respondents on the basis of their education and qualification

Education Level Frequency

Under Graduates 128

Graduates 128

Post Graduates 128

Total 384

Level of respondent’s education is shown in Table 4.3.The respondents were

128 each from Graduate, Post Graduate and under graduate category. All the respondents who participated in the study were well educated.

b. Uni-Variate Analysis

Respondents of this study were asked a series of questions pertaining to each study variable as given in Annex-1. The uni-variate section of this chapter deals with responses to each individual question in form of their frequencies and percentages.

4.1 Governance

Table 4.1 shows the perception of people regarding governance or political system.

Out of total 384 respondents, majority of the sample respondents that were 97.1 percent agreed that attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s to fire Musharaf was an immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan while 2.9 percent negated that it was not the immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan. About the military intervention due to weak governance system, 97.4 percent of respondents replied that military intervention by Musharaf’s become successful due to weak governance in the country while 2.6 percent of the respondents negated that it was not due to weak governance system. The question about imbalance civil military relation was also asked. The results showed that majority of the respondents that 79.7 percent were of the view that poor governance and legitimacy Crisis have contributed to the imbalanced Civil-Military relations in

Pakistan and only 6 percent said that the imbalance in the relations between the two is not due to the poor governance and legitimacy crises while 14.3 percent of the respondents were not aware about the reason behind imbalance in the relations of civil and military. To restore public trust with good governance, most of the respondents that were 54.7 percent replied that it would not be restored with good governance by political leadership and 44.5 percent agreed that that the political leadership would be able restore public trust with good

governance while 0.8 percent was uncertain. Similarly, 59.5 percent of the respondents were of the view that with the help of good governance, political vacuum cannot be filled while 39.6 percent agreed that the political vacuum can be filled with good governance while 0.5 percent was indifferent.

Table 5-5 Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception weak political system

Statements Yes No Don’t know

Did the attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s to fire 373(97. Musharaf was an immediate cause of military 11(2.9) 0 (0) coup in Pakistan? 1)

Did the military intervention by Musharaf’s 374(97. become successful due to weak governance in 10(2.6) 0 (0) the country? 4)

Do you agree that poor governance and 306(79.7 23(6.0) 55(14.3) legitimacy Crisis have contributed to the ) imbalanced Civil-Military relations in Pakistan?

Do you agree that the political leadership 171(44.5 210(54.7 3(0.8) would be able restore public trust with good ) ) governance?

Do you think that with good governance the 230(59.5 2(0.5) political vacuum can be filled with? 152(39.6 ) )

Do you think that with good governance the political vacuum can be filled with? Do you agree that the political leadership would be able restore public trust with good… Do you agree that poor Don’t know % governance and legitimacy Crisis have contributed to the… No % Did the military intervention by Yes % Musharaf’s become successful …

Did the attempt of Nawaz Sharif’s to fire Musharaf was an …

0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Table 5-6 Perception whether Nawaz Sharif to fire Musharraf was an

immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan

Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi- n Relations Square Statements Yes No (P=Valu e) Did the attempt of Yes 288(75.0 312(81 24(6.2) 2= Nawaz Sharif’s to fire ) .2) 30.601 Musharaf was an No 56(14. 50(13.0) 6(1.6) immediate cause of 6) (0.000) military coup in Don’t Pakistan? 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2) know

Association between perceptions of Nawaz Sharif to fire Musharaf was an

immediate cause of military coup in Pakistan, regarding this perception the

finding is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-7 Perception on whether military intervention by Musharraf weakened the governance system of the country.

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi- Relations Square Statements Yes No (P=Value ) Did the military Yes 152(39.6 180(46. 28(7.3) 2= intervention by ) 9) 12.339 Musharaf’s become No 188(49.0 198(51. (0.020) 10(2.6) successful due to weak ) 6) governance in the Don’t country? 6(1.6) 0(0.0) 6(1.6) know The perception regarding military intervention by Musharaf to weak the governance system of the country is highly significant with p=.020

Table 5-8 Perception of the respondent whether poor governance,

legitimacy crisis have contributed to the imbalanced Civil Military crisis in

Pakistan

Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi- n Relations Square Statements Yes No (P=Valu e) Do you agree that poor Yes 288(75.0 312(81 24(6.2) 2= governance and ) .2) 30.601 legitimacy Crisis have No 56(14. 50(13.0) 6(1.6) contributed to the 6) (0.000) imbalanced Civil- Don’t Military relations in 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2) Pakistan? know

The finding of the above table regarding association between poor governance,

legitimacy crisis and Civil Military relationship in Pakistan is highly significant

(p=0.000)

Table 5-9 Perception of the Association between political leadership to

restore public trust and good governance

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi- Relations Square Statements Yes No (P=Valu e) Do you agree that the Yes 288(75.0 312(81. 24(6.2) 2= political leadership ) 2) 30.601 would be able restore No 56(14.6 (0.000) 50(13.0) 6(1.6) public trust with good ) governance? Don’t 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2) know

The perception of the respondent regarding the association between political

leadership to restore public trust and good governance is highly significant with

(p=0.000)

Table 5-10 Perception regarding the association between good governance and political vacuum

Perception Civil-Military Total Chi- Relations Square Statements Yes No (P=Value ) Do you think that with Yes 312(81. 288(75.0) 24(6.2) 2= good governance the 2) 30.601 political vacuum can be No 56(14.6 (0.000) 50(13.0) 6(1.6) filled with? ) Don’t 8(2.1) 8(2.1) 16(4.2) know

The perception of the respondent with respect to the association between governance and political vacuum is highly significant with (p=0.000)

4.2 Bureaucracy

The perception of people regarding bureaucracy is presented in table 4.12.

To know the perception of the people, question were asked from the respondents that whether trouble in civil-military relationship entrenched feudal power statures and hollowed-out civilian bureaucracy or not. Out of the total 384 respondents, majority of the sample respondents that were 46.1 percent agreed that trouble in civil-military relationship entrenched feudal power statures and hollowed-out civilian bureaucracy and 32 percent of the respondents did not agreed while 21.9 percent of the respondents were indifferent. Additionally, they were also asked about the civil-military bureaucracy weather it affects adversely on the development and growth in governance or not. Majority of the respondents that were 68.8 percent did not agree that the civil-military bureaucracy effects adversely on the development and growth in governance and 23.7 percent were agreed that it adversely effect on the development and growth while 7.6 percent were uncertain. Similar question were asked about Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition of arm and its impact on federalism. Majority of the respondents that were

67.2 percent did not agreed that that Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition of arm has weakened federalism in Pakistan and 28.9 percent of the respondents agreed while 3.9 percent were uncertain. Additionally, the results of the table also shows that 48.7 percent of the respondents agreed that that the incompetent political leadership has given the bureaucracy a major role to play in Politics and 34.4 percent did not agreed while 16.9 percent were indifferent. About the parliament role to ascertain the nature of civil military relations, majority of the respondents that were 66.9 percent did not agreed

that the Parliament should ascertain the nature of civil-military relations

while 27.9 percent did not agreed while 5.2 percent were uncertain. The

result of the table further shows that most of the respondents, 50.3 percent

agreed that the Supremacy of rule of law is necessary for balanced civil-

military relations while 45.3 percent of the respondents did not agreed while

4.4 percent were indifferent.

Table 5-11Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Bureaucracy

Statements Yes No Don’t know

Does the troubled-civil-military relationship 123(32.0 177(46.1 84(21.9) entrenched feudal power statures and hollowed-out ) ) civilian bureaucracy.

Do you agree that the civil-military bureaucracy 91(23.7) 264(68.8 29(7.6) effects adversely on the development and growth ) in governance.

Do you agree that Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition 111(28.9 258(67.2 15(3.9) of arm has weakened federalism in Pakistan? ) )

Do you agree that the incompetent political 187(48.7 132(34.4 65(16.9) leadership has given the beaurocracy a major role ) ) to play in Politics?

Do you think that the Parliament should ascertain 107(27.9 257(66.9 20(5.2) the nature of civil-military relations? ) )

Do you agree that Supremacy of rule of law is 193(50.3 174(45.3 17(4.4) necessary for balanced civil-military relations? ) )

Do you agree that Supremacy of rule of law is necessary for balanced… Do you think that the Parliament should ascertain the nature of civil-… Do you agree that the incompetent political leadership has given the… Don’t know % Do you agree that Punjabi-Pukhtoon No % composition of arm has weakened… Yes % Do you agree that the civil-military bureaucracy effects adversely on… Does the troubled-civil-military relationship entrenched feudal…

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

Table 5-12 Association between troubled civil military relationship and feudal system that in turns hollowed out civilian bureaucracy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the troubled-civil- Yes 111(28.9 86(22.4) 25(6.5) 2=28.321 military relationship ) (0.000) entrench feudal power No 245(63.8 258(67.2 13(3.4) statures and hollowed- ) ) out civilian Don’t bureaucracy. 15(3.9) 0(0.0) 15(3.9) know

The perception regarding the Association between troubled civil military

relationship and feudal system that in turns hollowed out civilian bureaucracy is

highly significant as evident from above table (p= 0.000)

Table 5-13 perception on the association between civil-military

bureaucracy and development and growth

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 171(44.5 187(48.7 16(4.2) 2= 14.302 civil-military ) ) (0.001) bureaucracy effects No 110(28.6 132(34.4 22(5.7) adversely on the ) ) development and Don’t growth in governance. 65(16.9) 0(0.0) 65(16.9) know

The perception on the association between civil-military bureaucracy and

development and growth is highly significant as shown in the above table (p=

0001)

Table 5-14 perception regarding Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition on federalism in Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 107(27.9 85(22.1) 22(5.7) 2=19.728 Punjabi-Pukhtoon ) (0.000) composition of arm has No 241(62.8 257(66.9 16(4.2) weakened federalism in ) ) Pakistan? Don’t 20(5.2) 0(0.0) 20(5.2) know

Perception of the respondent regarding the Punjabi-Pukhtoon composition on

federalism in Pakistan is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-15 perception regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and bureaucracy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 235(61.2 250(65.1 15(3.9) 2=13.049 incompetent political ) ) (0.001) leadership has given the No 116(30.2 95(24.7) 21(5.5) bureaucracy a major ) role to play in Politics? Don’t 16(4.2) 2(0.5) 18(4.1) know

Perception of the respondent regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and bureaucracy is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-16Association between the Parliament ascertain and the nature of

Civil military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 200(52.2 216(56.2 16(4.2) 2= 15.979 Parliament should ) ) (0.000) ascertain the nature of No 121(31.5 99(25.8) 22(5.7) civil-military relations? ) Don’t 47(12.2) 0(0.0) 47(12.2) know

Perception of the respondent regarding the association between incompetent

political leadership and beaurocracyis highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-17Association between the supremacy of rule of law and balanced

civil-military relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 153(39.8 182(47.4 29(7.6) 2= 15.872 Supremacy of rule of ) ) (0.000) law is necessary for No 137(35.7 146(38.0 9(2.3) balanced civil-military ) ) relations? Don’t 56(14.6) 0(0.0) 56(14.6) know

Perception of the respondent supremacy of rule of law and balanced civil-

military relations is highly significant (p=0.000)

4.3 Judiciary

Table 4.19 shows about the role of Judiciary. The results of the table shows that majority of the respondents 94.3 percent respondents agreed that suspension of

Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the country and 4.4 percent respondents did not agreed while 1.3 percent were uncertain. Similarly, 95.1 percent of the respondents agreed that the inability of Judiciary not to questions

Army an alarming factor toward civil military relationships and 3.9 percent did not agreed while one percent were uncertain. Alike most of the respondents that were 94.8 percent agreed that the action of Pervez Musharraf against Chief

Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for unraveling his power and 4.2 percent did not agreed while 1 percent were indifferent.

Additionally, 96.4 percent of the respondents were of the view that the brutal and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part of

Musharraf’s regime and 2.9 percent did not agreed while 0.8 percent were indifferent. The lawyers, with the support of their political allies, won significant victories against the dictatorial rule of Pervez Musharraf as agreed by 86.2 percent of the respondents while 13 percent did not agreed that with political allies, the lawyers won against dictatorial rule while 0.8 percent were indifferent. Most of the respondents that were 57.3 percent agreed the concentration of power in executive branch weakened the legislature as well as the judiciary during Musharraf era and 41.1 percent did not agreed while 1.6 percent was uncertain. The results of the table also shows that through provisional constitution order (PCO), in Musharraf era, were the courts based from issuing any orders against chief executive supported by 88.8 percent and

9.6 percent negate it while 1.6 percent did not answered this question.

Table 4-18Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Judiciary

Statements Yes No Don’t know

Did the suspension of Supreme Court by 362(94.3 17(4.4) 5(1.3) Musharaf ignite the riots in the country? )

How the inability of Judiciary not to question 365(95.1 15(3.9) 4(1.0) Army an alarming factor toward civil military ) relationship?

Was the action of Pervez Musharraf against 364(94.8 16(4.2) 4(1.0) Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary ) work as a catalyst for unraveling his power?

Was the brutal and tough response, against 370(96.4 11(2.9) 3(0.8) lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part ) of Musharraf’s regime?

Does the lawyers, with the support of their 331(86.2 50(13.0) 3(0.8) political allies, won significant victories against ) the dictatorial rule of Pervez Musharraf?

Does the concentration of power in executive 220(57.3 158(41.1 6(1.6) branch weaken the legislature as well as the ) ) judiciary during Musharraf era?

Through provisional constitution order (PCO), in 341(88.8 37(9.6) 6(1.6) Musharraf era, were the courts based from issuing ) any orders against chief executive?

Through provisional constitution order (PCO), in Musharraf era, were the courts… Does the concentration of power in executive branch weakened the… Does the lawyers, with the support of their political allies, won significant… Was the brutal and tough response, Don’t know % against lawyers, movement, a … No % Was the action of Pervez Musharraf Yes % against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad… How the inability of Judiciary not to questions Army an alarming factor… Did the suspension of Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the country? 0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Table 5-19 Perception regarding the suspension of the Supreme Court by

Musharf and the resulting riots in the country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the suspension of Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 15(3.9) 2=79.321 Supreme Court by ) ) (0.000) Musharaf ignite the No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0) riots in the country? Don’t 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8) know

Perception regarding the suspension of the supreme court by Musharf and the resulting riots in the country is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-20 Perception regarding the inability of the judiciary to question army, is the main cause of unfavorable civil military relationships in

Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

How the inability of Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 15(3.9) 2=79.321 Judiciary not to ) ) (0.000) questions Army an No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0) alarming factor toward Don’t civil military know 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8) relationship?

21 Perception regarding the inability of the judiciary to question army is the main cause of unfavorable civil military relationships in Pakistan is highly significant.

Table 5-22 Perception on whether the brutal and tough response, against lawyers movement a miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you know whether Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 15(3.9) 2=79.321 the brutal and tough ) ) (0.000) response against No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0) lawyers movement a Don’t miscalculation on the know part of Musharraf’s 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8) regime

Perception on the brutal and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime is highly significant (p=0.000)

Table 5-23 Perception on whether lawyers with the support of their political allies won significant victory against Musharraf dictatorial rule.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you know whether Yes 316(82.3 331(86.2 15(3.9) 2=79.321 the brutal and tough ) ) (0.000) response against No 29(7.6) 21(5.5) 50(13.0) lawyers movement a Don’t miscalculation on the part of Musharraf’s know 1(0.3) 2(0.5) 3(0.8) regime

Perception on whether lawyers, with the support of their political allies won significant victory against Musharraf dictatorial rule is significant.

Table 5-24 Perception on whether the concentration of power in the executive branch weakened the legislature and Judiciary during

Musharraf’s era.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does the concentration Yes 314(81.8 343(89.3 29(7.6) 2= 11.392 of power in executive ) ) (0.003) branch weaken the No 30(7.8) 7(1.8) 37(9.6) legislature as well as the judiciary during Don’t Musharraf era? know 2(0.5) 2(0.5) 4(1.0)

Perception on whether the concentration of power in the executive branch weakened the legislature and Judiciary during Musharraf’s era is significant at p=0.0000

Table 5-25Association between implementing Islamic mode of punishments and Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Through provisional Yes 299(77.9 322(83.9 23(6.0) 2= 21.312 constitution order ) ) (0.000) (PCO), in Musharraf No 41(10.7) 15(3.9) 56(14.6) era, were the courts Don’t based from issuing any know orders against chief 6(1.6) 0(0.0) 6(1.6) executive?

4.4 Weak Civilian Institutions

Table 4.27 shows the results about the weak civilian institutions. The results of the table shows that majority of the respondents, 50.5 percent respondents did not agreed that suspension of Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the country and 46.1 percent respondents agreed while 3.4 percent were uncertain.

Additionally, 65.4 percent of the respondents agreed that the inability of

Judiciary not to questions Army an alarming factor toward civil military relationships and 32.3 percent did not agreed while 2.3 percent were uncertain.

Most of the respondents that were 58.4 percent did not agreed that the action of

Pervez Musharraf against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for unraveling his power and 24 percent agreed while 17.2 percent were indifferent. Similarly, 51.0 percent of the respondents were of the view that the brutal and tough response, against lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime and 41.7 percent did not agreed while 7.31 percent were indifferent. In response to state institution and civil military relation, 58.3 percent of the respondents did not agreed that strong state institutions are necessary for healthy Civil-Military relations and 29.2 percent agreed that it is necessary while 12.5 percent were indifferent. Further results revealed that 58.8 percent of the respondents were of the view that the struggle for power between Nawaz Sharif and Musharraf’s misbalanced civil-military relations and 40.6 percent disagreed while 13.5 percent were found indifferent.

Most of the people, 62.5 percent disagreed that the efforts to personalize power rather than work for the welfare of the state have distorted Civil-Military relations and 25.5 percent agreed while 12 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-26Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Weak Civilian Institutions

Statements Yes No Don’t know

Did the suspension of Supreme Court by 177(46.1) 194(50.5) 13(3.4) Musharaf ignite the riots in the country?

How the inability of Judiciary not to questions 251(65.4) 124(32.3) 9(2.3) Army an alarming factor toward civil military relationship?

Was the action of Pervez Musharraf against 92(24.0) 226(58.9) 66(17.2) Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for unraveling his power?

Was the brutal and tough response, against 160(41.7) 196(51.0) 28(7.31) lawyers, movement, a miscalculation on part of Musharraf’s regime?

Do you agree that strong state institutions are 112(29.2) 224(58.3) 48(12.5) necessary for healthy Civil-Military relations?

Do you think that the struggle for power 176(58.8) 156(40.6) 52(13.5) between Nawaz Sharif and Musharaf misbalanced civil-military relations?

Do you are of the view that the efforts to 98(25.5) 240(62.5) 46(12.0) personalize power rather than work for the welfare of the state have distorted Civil- Military relations?

Do you are of the view that the efforts to personalize power rather than…

Do you think that the struggle for power between Nawaz Sharif and… Don’t know % Do you agree that strong state No b% institutions are necessary for healthy… Was the brutal and tough response, Yes % against lawyers, movement, a … Was the action of Pervez Musharraf against Chief Justice Iftikhar… How the inability of Judiciary not to questions Army an alarming factor… Did the suspension of Supreme Court by Musharaf ignite the riots in the… 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

Table 5-27Association between the suspension of the supreme court by

Musharaf and the riots in the country

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the suspension of Yes 103(26.8 112(29.2 9(2.3) 2=34.213 Supreme Court by ) ) (0.000) Musharaf ignite the No 211(54.9 224(58.3 13(3.4) riots in the country? ) ) Don’t 32(8.3) 16(4.2) 48(12.5) know

Table 5-28 Perception of the respondent on the inability of Judiciary no to

questions army is, alarming factor toward Civil Military relationship.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

How the inability of Yes 165(43.0 176(45.8 11(2.9) 2= 35.056 Judiciary not to ) ) (0.000) questions Army an No 146(38.0 156(40.6 10(2.6) alarming factor ) ) toward civil military Don’t 35(9.1) 17(4.4) 52(13.5) relationship? know

The perception of the respondent on the the inability of Judiciary no to

questions army and alarming factor toward Civil Military relationship is highly

significant as shown in the table above.

Table 5-29 perception regarding the action of Pervez Musharraf against

Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for

unraveling his power.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Was the action of Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726 Pervez Musharraf No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000) 11(2.9) against Chief Justice ) ) Iftikhar Muhammad Don’t Chaudhary worked as know a catalyst for 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0) unraveling his power?

The perception of the respondent regarding the action of Pervez Musharraf

against Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhary worked as a catalyst for

unraveling his power is highly significant

Table 5-30Perception on Association between strong state institutions and

healthy Civil Military Relationship

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that Yes 138(35. 145(37. 7(1.8) 2=7.068 strong state 9) 8) (0.029) institutions are No 166(43. 26(6.8 192(50. necessary for healthy 2) ) 0) Civil-Military Don’t know relations? 42(10.9) 5(1.3) 47(12.2)

Perception on Association between strong state institutions and healthy Civil

Military Relationship is highly significant as shown in the given table with p=

0.029

Table 5-31 Perception regarding the struggle for power by Muaharraf and

Nawaz Sharif and misbalanced Civil Military relationship in the past

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726 struggle for power No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000) 11(2.9) between Nawaz ) ) Sharif and Musharaf Don’t misbalanced civil- know military relations? 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

The perception regarding the above cited question is highly significant as shown

in the table above.

Table 5-32 perception regarding the personalize power rather than work

for welfare of the state have deteriorated Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you are of the Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726 view that the efforts No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000) 11(2.9) to personalize power ) ) rather than work for Don’t the welfare of the know state have distorted 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0) Civil-Military relations?

The perception of the respondent regarding the personalize power rather than

work for welfare of the state have deteriorated Civil-Military Relations is

significant as shown in table above

4.5 Corruption

The results of the table shows that majority of the respondents, 50.3 percent respondents did not agreed that corruption also a contributing factor behind the overwhelming public support and 49.5 percent respondents agreed while

0.3 percent were uncertain. Additionally, 91.9 percent of the respondents agreed that corruption destroyed the reputation of Pakistan and civilian government in Pakistan and 7.8 percent did not agreed while 0.3 percent was uncertain. Most of the respondents that were 93 percent agreed that

Corruption weakens the fabric of society and 6.8 percent did not agreed while 0.3 percent was indifferent. Similarly, 89.1 percent of the respondents were of the view that public accountability is an important strategy to eradicate the monster of corruption and 8.3 percent did not agreed while 2.6 percent were indifferent. In response to corruption at political and bureaucracy level, 85.2 percent of the respondents agreed that Pakistan has face severe and ubiquitous corruption since its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats and 8.3 percent agreed that it is necessary while 2.6 percent were indifferent. Further results revealed that 83.6 percent of the respondents were of the view that corruption promote disaffection towards the political government and provides just grounds for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution and 14.1 percent disagreed while 2.3 percent were found indifferent.

Table 5-33 Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Corruption

Statements Yes No Don’t know

Does corruption also a contributing factor 193(50.3 1(0.3) behind the overwhelming public support? 190(49.5 ) )

Does corruption destroyed the reputation of 30 (7.8) 1(0.3) Pakistan and civilian government in Pakistan? 353(91.9 )

Do you think that Corruption weakens the 257 26(6.8) 1(0.3) fabric of society? (93.0)

Do you think that public accountability is an 32 (8.3) 10(2.6) important strategy to eradicate the monster of 342(89.1 corruption? )

Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 43 (11.2) 14(3.6) and ubiquitous corruption since its 327(85.2 inception at hands of corrupt politician and ) bureaucrats?

Do you think that corruption promote 54(14.1) 9(2.3) disaffection towards the political 321(83.6 government and provides just grounds for the ) military to be the only reliable and efficient institution

Do you think that Pakistan has face…

Do you think that public…

Do you think that Corruption…

Do you think that corruption… Don’t know % Do you think that Pakistan has face… No % Do you think that public… Yes % Do you think that Corruption…

Does corruption destroyed the…

Does corruption also a contributing…

0 20 40 60 80 100

Table 5-34 Perception regarding corruption a contributing factor behind

the overwhelming public support

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does corruption also Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726 a contributing factor No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000) 11(2.9) behind the ) ) overwhelming public Don’t support? know 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

Thirty six percent 35 Perception regarding the corruption a contributing factor

behind the overwhelming public support is highly significant.Dawood (2014)

asserts that corruption is not a factor behind the overwhelming public support.

The data from respondents also endorsed the statement.

Table 5-36 Perception of the respondent regarding corruption and the

reputation of Pakistan and Civilian government of Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does corruption Yes 77(20.1) 21(5.5) 98(25.5) 2=22.726 destroyed the No 229(59.6 240(62.5 (0.000) 11(2.9) reputation of Pakistan ) ) and civilian Don’t government in know Pakistan? 40(10.4) 6(1.6) 46(12.0)

Perception of the respondent corruption and the reputation of Pakistan and

Civilian government of Pakistan is significant on of P= 0.000. Rahman (2011)

claimed in his research study that corruption destroyed the reputation of civilian

leadership in Pakistan. The data from respondents also endorsed this statement

Table 5-37 Perception of the respondent regarding the corruption and

fabric of society

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you thing that Yes 167(43.5 175(45.6 8(2.1) 2= 10.826 Corruption weakens the ) ) (0.004) fabric of society? No 157(40.9 182(47.4 25(6.5) ) ) Don’t 22(5.7) 5(1.3) 27(7.0) know

The perception of the respondent regarding the corruption and fabric of society

is significant as shown in table above. Javed (2010) endorsed the fact that

accountability is an important strategy to put an end to the menace of

corruption. The data from respondents also endorsed this statement

Table 5-38 Perception of the respondent on the public accountability and

Corruption

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 29(7.6) 2= 30.842 public accountability ) ) (0.000) is an important No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9) strategy to eradicate Don’t the monster of know 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3) corruption?

The perception of the respondent on the public accountability and corruption is

highly significant. Javed (2010) research work endorses the fact that from the

very beginning Pakistan is facing the problem of corruption. The response from

respondents also verified this statement

Table 5-39 Perception of the respondent on whether corruption in Pakistan

since inception is due to corrupt politician and bureaucrats

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 29(7.6) 2= 30.842 Pakistan has face ) ) (0.000) severe and No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9) ubiquitous corruption Don’t since its inception know at hands of corrupt 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3) politician and bureaucrats?

The perception of the respondent regarding the corruption in Pakistan since

inception due to corrupt politician and bureaucrats is highly significant. Haq

(2012) asserted that corruption promotes disaffection towards the public

government and invites military. When the same question was asked from

respondents they endorsed the argument.

Table 5-40 Perception of the respondent regarding corruption that

promote disaffection towards the political government and in turn provides

grounds to military to be a reliable and efficient institution

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 110(28.6 89(23.2) 21(5.5) 2= 19.422 corruption promote ) (0.000) disaffection towards No 217(56.5 227(59.1 10(2.6) the political ) ) government and Don’t provides just grounds know for the military to be 40(10.4) 7(1.8) 47(12.2) the only reliable and efficient institution

Perception of the respondent regarding the corruption that promote disaffection

towards the political government and in turn provides grounds to military to be

a reliable and efficient institution is significant as shown in the table above

4.6 Foreign Policy

The results of the table 4.45 shows that majority of the respondents 87 percent respondents agreed that the foreign policy promoted the military regime in Pakistan and 10.4 percent respondents did not agree while 2.6 percent were uncertain. Similarly, 71.9 percent of the respondents agreed that the Geo-Strategic importance of Pakistan intend the super powers to favour military over politician and 25.8 percent did not agree, while 2.3 percent were uncertain. Alike, most of the respondents that were 76.3 percent agreed that President Pervez Musharraf abandon the policy of as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives and 20.3 percent did not agree while 3.4 percent were indifferent. Additionally, 64.1 percent of the respondents were of the view that the foreign powers pressurize Pervez

Musharraf for free and fair parliamentary elections and 28.4 percent did not agree while 7.6 percent were indifferent. In the last days of Musharraf regime, Americans saw Benazir more useful than Musharraf for their interest in the region as disagreed by most of the respondents which were

49.5 percent and 37.5 percent agreed that Americans saw Benazir more useful than Musharraf while 13 percent were indifferent. The results show that 46.6 percent disagreed that maintaining the jihadist infrastructure, during Musharraf era, was more pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling foreign policy objectives and 42.2 percent did not agree while 11.2 percent were uncertain. The results of the table also shows that of short term tactical advantage than being the integral part of foreign policy during

Musharraf era as supported by 67.2 percent and 25 percent negate it while

7.8 percent did not answer this question. Further results of the table show

that 57 person of the respondents did not support the argument that the incident of 9/11 changed the fate of foreign policy outlook of Pakistan while

36.7 person respondents supported that argument while 6.3 percent were uncertain. Majority of the respondents, 76.8 people were not in favor that thinks that international patronage is responsible for imbalanced Civil- military relations in Pakistan and 18.5 percent were in favor of this argument while 4.7 percent were indifferent. Most of the respondents did not agree that the army should only contribute and not dictate the foreign policy of Pakistan while 38.8 percent agreed while 4.4 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-41Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Foreign Policy

Statements Yes No Don’t know Did the foreign policy promote the military 334(87.0 40(10.4) 10(2.6) regime in Pakistan? ) Does the Geo-Strategic importance of Pakistan 276(71.9 99(25.8) 9(2.3) intend the super powers to fervour military over ) politician? Does President Pervez Musharraf abandon the 393(76.3 78(20.3) 13(3.4) policy of jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign ) policy objectives? Does the foreign power pressurize Pervez 246(64.1 109(28.4 29(7.6) Musharraf for free and fair parliamentary ) ) elections? Do you think that during last days of Musharraf 144(37.5 190(49.5 50(13.0) regime, Americans saw Benazir more useful than ) ) Musharraf for their interest in the region? Do you think that maintaining the jihadist 162(42.2 179(46.6 43(11.2) infrastructure, during Musharraf era, was more ) ) pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling foreign policy objectives? Was Jihadism of short term tactical advantage 258(67.2 96(25.0) 30(7.8) than being the integral part of foreign policy ) during Musharraf era? Does the incident of 9/11 changed the fate of 141(36.7 219(57.0 24(6.3) foreign policy outlook of Pakistan? ) ) Do you think that international patronage is 71(18.5) 265(76.8 18(4.7) responsible for imbalanced Civil-military ) relations in Pakistan? Do you agree that the army should only 149(38.8 218(56.8 17(4.4) contribute and not dictate the foreign policy ) ) of Pakistan?

Do you agree that the army should… Do you think that international… Does the incident of 9/11 changed… Was Jihadism of short term tactical… Do you think that maintaining the… Don’t know % Do you think that during last days of… No % Does the foreign power pressurize… Yes % Does President Pervez Musharraf… Does the Geo-Strategic importance… Did the foreign policy promoted the…

0 20 40 60 80 100

Table 5-42 Perception of the respondent whether foreign policy promote

military regime in Pakistan.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the foreign policy Yes 275(71.6 293(76.3 18(4.7) 2=20.265 promote the military ) ) (0.000) regime in Pakistan? No 60(15.6) 18(4.7) 78(20.3) Don’t 11(2.9) 2(0.5) 13(3.4) know

Perception of the respondent whether foreign policy promotes military regime

in Pakistan is highly significant. Ahmed (2010)argued in his article that foreign

policy promoted the military regime. This fact was endorsed by respondents

with 87% 'yes' and 10% `no.

Table 5-43 Perception of the respondent on the Geo-strategic importance of

Pakistan that favor military over politician

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does the Geo-Strategic Yes 230(59.9 246(64.1 16(4.2) 2= 72.204 importance of Pakistan ) ) (0.000) intend the super powers No 103(26.8 109(28.4 6(1.6) to fervor military over ) ) politician? Don’t 13(3.4) 16(4.2) 29(7.6) know

Perception of the respondents on the Geo-strategic importance of Pakistan that

favor military over politician is significantly different from zero. Haq (2012) in

his research article asserts that it was the geo-strategic position of Pakistan that

made external powers to favour military regime in Pakistan. An overwhelming

per cent (71%) of the respondents endorsed this fact.

Table 5.47Perception regarding Pervez Musharraf abandon policy of

jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does President Pervez Yes 114(29.7 141(36.7 27(7.0) 2= 33.914 Musharraf abandon the ) ) (0.000) policy of jihadism as a No 214(55.7 219(57.0 5(1.3) tool of fulfilling foreign ) ) policy objectives? Don’t 18(4.7) 6(1.6) 24(6.2) know

The perception of the respondent on the Pervez Musharraf abandon policy of

jihadism as a tool of fulfilling foreign policy objectives is significantly different

from zero as son in the table above. Javed(2010) research work endorse the fact

that Pervez Musharraf abandoned supporting Jihadism for an active foreign

policy. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

Table 5-44 Perception of the respondent on whether foreign powers

pressure on Musharraf’s era to conduct a free and fair parliamentary

election in the country.

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does the foreign Yes 53(13.8) 18(4.7) 71(18.5) 2= 23.815 powers pressurize No 277(72.1 295(76.8 (0.000) 18(4.7) Pervez Musharraf for ) ) free and fair Don’t parliamentary know 16(4.2) 2(0.5) 18(4.7) elections?

Perception of the respondent on the foreign power pressure on Musharraf’s era

to conduct a free and fair parliamentary election in the country is highly

significant. Syed (2014) argued in his article that foreign powers did not

pressurized Musharraf to hold free and fair elections. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.

Table 5-45 Perception of the respondent on whether Americans saw

Benazir more useful for their interest than Musharraf during the last days

of his regime

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 9(2.3) 2=26.172 during last days of ) ) (0.000) Musharraf regime, No 176(45.8 190(49.5 14(3.6) Americans saw Benazir ) ) more useful than Don’t Musharraf for their 35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0) interest in the region? know

Perception of the respondent that whether Americans saw Benazir more useful

for their interest than Musharraf during the last days of his regime is highly

significant. Dawood (2014) claimed in his research work that US preferred

Benazir over Musharraf towards the end of his tenure. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.

Table 5-46 Perception on whether maintaining the jihadist infrastructure

during Musharraf era was more pragmatic and less ideological for

fulfilling foreign policy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 155(40.4 162(42.2 7(1.8) 2= 12.687 maintaining the jihadist ) ) (0.002) infrastructure, during No 151(39.3 179(46.6 28(7.3) Musharraf era, was ) ) more pragmatic and Don’t less ideological for fulfilling foreign policy know 40(10.4) 3(0.8) 43(11.2) objectives?

Perception of the respondent on whether maintaining the jihadist infrastructure

during Musharraf era was more pragmatic and less ideological for fulfilling

foreign policy is highly significant. Ahmed(2010) in his research article asserted

that supporting Taliban by Musharraf was a pragmatic approach to achieve

foreign policy objectives.

Table 5-47 Perception regarding the Jihadism being the integral part of the

foreign policy during Musharraf era

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Was Jihadism of short Yes 242(63.0 258(67.2 16(4.2) 2=12.787 term tactical advantage ) ) (0.002) than being the integral No 78(20.3) 18(4.7) 96(25.0) part of foreign policy Don’t during Musharraf era? 26(6.8) 4(1.0) 30(7.8) know

Perception regarding the Jihadism being the integral part of the foreign policy

during Musharraf era is highly significant. Sial(2013) endorsed the fact that

9/11 changed Pakistan external outlook. The fact was also endorsed by

respondents

Table 5-48 Perception of the respondent on whether 9/11 changed the fate

of the foreign policy outlook of Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does the incident of Yes 126(32.8 149(38.8 23(6.0) 2=8.977 9/11 changed the fate of ) ) (0.011) foreign policy outlook No 205(53.4 218(56.8 13(3.4) of Pakistan? ) ) Don’t 15(3.9) 2(0.5) 17(4.4) know

Perception of the respondent on whether 9/11 changed the fate of the foreign

policy outlook of Pakistan is significantly different from zero. Shah (2013)

asserted in his research work that 9/11 totally changed the foreign policy

outlook of Pakistan. This fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-49 Perception of the respondent on whether international

patronage is responsible for imbalanced Civil-Military Relationship in

Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 9(2.3) 2=26.172 international patronage ) ) (0.000) is responsible for No 176(45.8 190(49.5 14(3.6) imbalanced Civil- ) ) military relations in Don’t Pakistan? 35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0) know

Perception of the respondent on whether international patronage is responsible

for imbalanced Civil-Military Relationship in Pakistan is highly significant. Sial

(2013) point out those civil military relations in Pakistan is affected by external

influences. The fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-50 Perception of the respondent regarding the army role in the

foreign policy

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 135(35.2 144(37.5 9(2.3) 2=26.172 army should only ) ) (0.000) contribute and not No 176(45.8 190(49.5 14(3.6) dictate the foreign ) ) policy of Pakistan? Don’t 35(9.1) 15(3.9) 50(13.0) know

Perception of the respondent on whether army should contribute and not dictate

foreign policy is highly significant (p=0.000). Hassan (n.d) endorsed the fact

that foreign policy formulation is the task of foreign office and not of military.

The fact was endorsed by respondents.

4.7 Weak Political System

The results of the table 4.56 shows that majority of the respondents 94 percent respondents agreed that the inequalities of rights among citizens of different races in a democratic system of government ignite the power grabbing in country and 4.8 percent respondents did not agreed while 1.2 percent were uncertain. Similarly, 92.7 percent of the respondents agreed that the inequalities of rights among citizens of different races in a democratic system of government ignite the power grabbing in country and

6 percent did not agreed while 1.3 percent were uncertain. Alike, most of the respondents that were 84.6 percent did not agree that the lack of constitutional safeguard that has caused military to intervene in politics and

11.5 percent agreed while 3.9 percent were indifferent. Additionally, 78.1 percent of the respondents did not support the argument that the involvement of the head of the state in the day-to-day affairs of the state has weakened the democratic process and 19.5 percent agreed while 2.3 percent were indifferent. The highly centralized political System has attracted military to intervene politics agreed by most of the respondents which were

85.2 percent and 9.1 percent did not agreed that centralized political System has attracted military to intervene politics while 5.7 percent were indifferent. The results show that 74.2 percent agreed that the struggle for power between prime minister and military leadership has contributed to imbalanced civil military relations and opposed by 20.8 percent did not agreed while 4.9 percent were uncertain. The results of the table also shows that weak political institution in Pakistan has titled the balance of civil- military relation more in favor of military as supported by 59.1 percent and

27.3 percent did not answered this question while 13.5 percent negate it.

Further results of the table shows that 84.6 person of the respondents did not supported the argument that the absence of organized political parties in

Pakistan has given military a space to play a role in politics and 9.6 person respondents supported that argument while 5.7 percent were uncertain.

Majority of the respondents, 94.8 people were in favor that during the initial years of Musharraf rule, the judiciary was kept immune from the activities of National Accountability Bureau (NAB) and 3.9 percent were not in favor of this argument while 1.3 percent were indifferent. Most of the respondents, 90.1 agreed the political system of Pakistan further weakened by the vast changes brought by military rule of Pervez Musharraf and 8.3 percent were not agree while 4.4 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-51Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of gift giving

Statements Yes No Don’t know Did the inequalities of rights among citizens 361(94.0 16(4.2) 7(1.8) of different races in a democratic system of ) government ignite the power grabbing in country? Did the weak political and governmental 256(92.7 23(6.0) 5(1.3) system strengthen the Musharaf’s ambitions ) towards power? Is it the lack of constitutional safeguard that 44(11.5) 325(84.6 15(3.9) has caused military to intervene in politics? ) Do you agree that the involvement of the head 75(19.5) 300(78.1 9(2.3) of the state in the day-to-day affairs of the ) state has weakened the democratic process? Do you agree that the highly centralized 327(85.2 35(9.1) 22(5.7) political System has attracted military to ) intervene I politics? Do you think that the struggle for power 285(74.2 80(20.8) 19(4.9) between prime minister and military ) leadership has contributed to imbalanced civil military relations? Do you think that weak political institution in 52(13.5) 227(59.1 105(27.3) Pakistan has titled the balance of civil- ) military relation more in favor of military? Do you agree that the absence of organized 37(9.6) 325(84.6 22(5.7) political parties in Pakistan has given military ) a space to play a role in politics? Do you think that during the initial years of 364(94.8 15(3.9) 5(1.3) Musharraf rule, the judiciary was kept ) immune from the activities of National Accountability Bureau (NAB)? Was the political system of Pakistan further 346(90.1 32(8.3) 6(1.6) weakened by the vast changes brought by ) military rule of Pervez Musharraf?

Was the political system of Pakistan… Do you think that during the initial years… Do you agree that the absence of… Do you think that weak political… Do you think that the struggle for power… Don’t know % Do you agree that the highly centralized… No % Do you agree that the involvement of the… Yes % Is it the lack of constitutional safeguard… Did the weak political and governmental … Did the inequalities of rights among…

0 20 40 60 80 100

Table 5-52 Perception of the respondent on whether inequalities of right

among citizens of different races ignite the power grabbing in Pakistan

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the inequalities of Yes 299(77.9 327(85.2 28(7.3) 2=12.578 rights among citizens ) ) (0.002) of different races in a No 32(8.3) 3(0.8) 35(9.1) democratic system of Don’t government ignite the know power grabbing in 15(3.9) 7(1.8) 22(5.7) country?

Perception of the respondent on whether inequalities of right among citizens of

different races ignite the power grabbing in Pakistan is significantly different

from zero

Table 5-53 Perception of the respondents on whether the weak political

system strengthen the Musharraf’s ambitions towards power

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did the weak political Yes 45(11.7) 7(1.8) 52(13.5) 2= 8.946 and governmental No 213(55.5 227(59.1 (0.011) 14(3.6) system strengthen the ) ) Musharaf’s ambitions Don’t 105(27.3 88(22.9) 17(4.4) towards power? know )

Perception of the respondents on whether the weak political system strengthen

the Musharraf’s ambitions towards power is highly significant

Table 5-54 Perception of the respondent on whether the lack of

constitutional safeguard that led to Military to intervene the politics of the

country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Is it the lack of Yes 335(87.2 364(94.8 29(7.6) 2= 30.842 constitutional ) ) (0.000) safeguard that has No 9(2.3) 6(1.6) 15(3.9) caused military to Don’t intervene in politics? know 2(0.5) 3(0.8) 5(1.3)

Perception of the respondent on whether the lack of constitutional safeguard

that led to Military to intervene the politics of the country is highly significant

Table 5-55 Perception regarding the involvement of the head of the state in

the day to day affairs, that has weakened the democratic process of the

country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 involvement of the ) ) (0.000) head of the state in No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) the day-to-day affairs Don’t of the state has know 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) weakened the democratic process?

Perception regarding the involvement of the head of the state in the day to day

affairs, that has weakened the democratic process of the country is highly

significant

Table 5-56 Perception regarding whether the centralized political system

has attracted military to intervene politics of the state

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 13(3.4) 2(0.5) 15(3.9) 2= 8.975 highly centralized No 329(85.7 362(94.3 (0.011) 33(8.6) political System has ) ) attracted military to Don’t 4(1.0) 3(0.8) 7(1.8) intervene politics? know

Perception regarding whether the centralized political system has attracted

military to intervene politics of the state is significantly different from zero

Table 5-57 Perception regarding the struggle for power by prime minister

and military leadership has imbalanced civil military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that the Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 struggle for power ) ) (0.000) between prime No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) minister and military Don’t leadership has know contributed to 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) imbalanced civil military relations?

Perception regarding the struggle for power by prime minister and military

leadership has imbalanced civil military relationships is highly significant

Table 5-58 Perception regarding the weak political institutions and civil

military relationships

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 weak political ) ) (0.000) institutions in No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) Pakistan have titled Don’t the balance of civil- know 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) military relation more in favor of military?

Perception regarding weak political institution in Pakistan has titled the balance

of civil-military relation more in favor of military is highly significant

Table 5-59 Perception on whether the weakly organized political parties in

Pakistan has given military space to play a role in the politics of the state

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 weak political ) ) (0.000) institution in Pakistan No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) has titled the balance Don’t of civil-military know 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) relation more in favor of military?

Perception on whether the weakly organized political parties in Pakistan has

given military space to play a role in the politics of the state is highly significant

Table 5-60Association between masses themselves are active perpetrators

of Civil-Military Relations and Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 71(18.5) 4(1.0) 75(19.5) 2= 3.435 during the initial years No 266(93.3 300(78.1 (0.180) 34(8.9) of Musharraf rule, the ) ) judiciary was kept Don’t immune from the know activities of National 9(2.3) 0(0.0) 9(2.3) Accountability Bureau (NAB)?

The results show that judiciary was under the influence of General Musharraf

during his initial years. The results are statistically insignificant.

Table 5-61 Perception on whether the military role brought by Pervez

Musharraf had further weakened the political system of the country

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Was the political Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 system of Pakistan ) ) (0.000) further weakened by No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) the vast changes Don’t brought by military know 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) rule of Pervez Musharraf?

Perception on whether the military role brought by Pervez Musharraf had

further weakened the political system of the country is highly significant

4.8 Terrorism

The results of the table 4.67 shows that majority of the respondents 85.4 percent respondents were not agreed that the real threat to Musharraf regime came from within the Pakistani military rather than Blame militants and 12.2 percent were uncertain while 2.4 percent respondents were agreed. Similarly, 83.8 percent of the respondents were not agreed that Gen. Musharaf take a U-turn on Islamabad Afghan policy by joining the Us-Red “War on Terror” and 12 percent were uncertain while 4.2 percent were agreed. Alike, most of the respondents that were 80.5 percent were not agreed that War on Terror” gave a legitimacy to authoritarian regions after 9/11 and 10.7 percent agreed while 18.5 percent were indifferent. Additionally, 46.9 percent of the respondents did not Lal Masjid Operation escalate the challenge of terrorism for government and military and 34.6 percent agreed while 2.3 percent were indifferent. The war against terrorism have given the army a major role to play politics as negated by most of the respondents which were 69.3 percent and 26.3 percent were agreed that terrorism have given the army a major role to play politics while 4.4 percent were indifferent. The results show that 56 percent agreed that healthy civil military relations are necessary to fight t and opposed by 37.2 percent did not agreed while 6.8 percent were uncertain. The results of the table also shows that the war against terrorism have impacted the civil military relationship as negated by 66.1 percent and 24.7 percent supported this argument while 9.1 percent did not answered this question. Further results of the table shows that 47.4 person of the respondents did not supported the argument that security situations during Musharraf damaged Public confidence in the Civilian Government and 45.6 person respondents supported that argument while 7 percent were uncertain.

Table 5-62Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Terrorism

Statements Yes No Don’t know Was the real threat to Musharraf regime came 9(2.4) 328(85.4) 47(12.2) from within the Pakistani military rather than Islamic militants? Did Gen. Musharaf take a U-turn on Islamabad 16(4.2) 322(83.8) 46(12.0) Afghan policy by joining the Us-Red “War on Terror”. Did “War on Terror” give legitimacy to 41(10.7) 309(80.5) 34(8.) authoritarian regions after 9/11? Do you agree that Lal Masjid Operation 133(34.6) 180(46.9) 71(18.5) escalated the challenge of terrorism for government and military? Do you agree that the war against terrorism 101(26.3) 266(69.3) 17(4.4) have given the army a major role to play politics? Do you think that healthy civil military relations 215(56.0) 143(37.2) 26(6.8) are necessary to fight t terrorism in Pakistan? Has the war against terrorism impacted the civil 95(24.7) 254(66.1) 35(9.1) military relationship? Did security situations during Musharraf 175(45.6) 182(47.4) 27(7.0) damage Public confidence in the Civilian Government?

Did security situations during…

Is the war against terrorism have…

Do you think that healthy civil… Don’t know % No % Do you agree that the war… Yes % Do you agree that Lal Masjid… Did “War on Terror” gave a … Did Gen. Musharaf take a U-turn … Was the real threat to Musharraf… 0 20 40 60 80 100

Table 5-63 Perception on whether the threat to Musharraf’s regime came

from within the Pakistani Military rather than Islamic militants

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Was the political Yes 319(83.1 346(90.1 27(7.0) 2=18.372 system of Pakistan ) ) (0.000) further weakened by No 22(5.7) 10(2.6) 32(8.3) the vast changes Don’t brought by military know 5(1.3) 1(0.3) 6(1.6) rule of Pervez Musharraf?

Perception on whether the threat to Musharraf’s regime came from within the

Pakistani Military rather than Blame militants is significantly different from

zero. Riffat (2016) claimed that military wasn't a threat to Musharraf regime but

militancy was a greater threat. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.15Journal/History Studies Paper-Vol-29-No-1-June-2016 Trends in

Political and Social Extremism in Pakistan: A Case Study of Musharraf Era

2002-2008

Table 5-64 Perception on whether Gen Musharraf take U-turn on

Islamabad Afghan policy by joining the US-red war on Terror

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did Gen. Musharaf take Yes 24(6.2) 17(4.4) 41(10.7) 2=52.646 a U-turn on Islamabad No 292(76.0 309(80.9 (0.000) 17(4.4) Afghan policy by ) ) joining the Us-Red Don’t “War on Terror”. 30(7.8) 4(1.0) 34(8.9) know

Perception on whether Gen Musharraf takes U-turn on Islamabad Afghan policy

by joining the US-red war on Terror is highly significant. Ahmed (2010)

asserted that Pakistan take a U-turn in its foreign policy by joining war on

terror. When asked from the respondents, the answered in yes (83%) and

endorsed the fact.

Table 5-65 Perception regarding war and terror and legitimacy to

authoritarian regions after 9/11

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi- Participation n Relations Square Yes No (P=Value)

Did “War on Terror” Yes 101(26. 99(25.8) 2(0.5) 2=10.579 give a legitimacy to 3) (0.005) authoritarian regions No 231(60. 35(9.1 266(69. after 9/11? 2) ) 3) Don’t 16(4.2) 1(0.3) 17(4.4) know

Perception regarding war and terror and legitimacy to authoritarian regions after

9/11 is significantly different from zero. Haq (2012) endorsed the fact that

Musharraf used war on terror policy is a legitimacy tool but in fact it didn't give

any legitimacy. The fact was endorsed by respondents

Table 5-66 Perception on whether the Lal Masjid Operation escalated the

challenge of terrorism for government and military

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi- Participation n Relations Square Yes No (P=Value)

Do you agree that Yes 89(23.2) 6(1.6) 95(24.7) 2= Lal Masjid No 243(63. 11(2.9 254(66. 108.729 Operation escalated 3) ) 1) (0.000) the challenge of Don’t terrorism for know government and 21(5.5 14(3.6) 35(9.1) military? )

Perception on whether the Lal Masjid Operation escalated the challenge of

terrorism for government and military is highly significant. Javaid(2011)

claimed in his research article that military operation of Lal Masjid worked as

catalyst to increase militancy in Pakistan. The fact was endorsed by

respondents.18Partnership in War on Terror and Mounting Militant Extremism

in Pakistan Journal of south Asian studies Vol. 26, No. 2, July-December 2011.

Table 5-67 Perception regarding the war against terrorism has given the

army a major role to intervene in the politics of the country

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you agree that the Yes 89(23.2) 6(1.6) 95(24.7) 2= 108.729 war against terrorism No 243(63.3 254(66.1 (0.000) 11(2.9) has given the army a ) ) major role to play Don’t know politics? 14(3.6) 21(5.5) 35(9.1)

Perception regarding the war against terrorism has given the army a major role

to intervene in the politics of the country is highly significant. Khan, (2012)

proved in his research work that war on terror give Pakistan army a major role

to play in politics. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

Table 5-68 Perception of the respondent on whether healthy civil military

relationships are necessary for to fight terrorism in Pakistan

Community Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 167(43.5 175(45.6 8(2.1) 2= 10.826 healthy civil military ) ) (0.004) No 157(40.9 182(47.4 relations are necessary 25(6.5) to fight t terrorism in ) ) Pakistan? Don’t know 22(5.7) 5(1.3) 27(7.0)

Perception of the respondent on whether healthy civil military relationships are

necessary for to fight terrorism in Pakistan is significant. Javaid (2011)

endorsed in his paper that smooth Civil-Military relations are extremely

necessary to fight an effective war against terrorism.

Table 5-69 Perception on war against terrorism and civil military relationships

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Has the war against Yes 63(16.4) 3(0.8) 66(17.2) 2= 108.461 terrorism impacted No 268(69.8 282(73.4 (0.000) 14(3.6) the civil military ) ) relationship? Don’t know 14(3.6) 22(5.5) 36(9.4)

Perception on whether war against terrorism has impacted the civil military

relationships is highly significant. Javaid (2011) endorsed in his paper that

smooth Civil-Military relations are extremely necessary to fight an effective war

against terrorism. Riffat (2016) endorsed the fact that the pakistan war against

terrorism negatively impacted civil-military relations in Pakistan.The fact was

endorsed by respondents

Table 5-70Perception on whether security situations during Musharraf era

damaged public confidence in the civilian Government

Community Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Participation n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Did security situations Yes 63(16.4) 3(0.8) 66(17.2) 2= 108.461 during Musharraf No 268(69.8 282(73.4 (0.000) 14(3.6) damage Public ) ) confidence in the Don’t know Civilian Government? 14(3.6) 22(5.5) 36(9.4)

Perception on whether security situations during Musharraf era damaged public

confidence in the civilian Government is highly significant. Khan, (2012) put

forward that argument that Musharraf polices damaged the public confidence in

the government. The fact was endorsed by respondents.

4.9 Civil-Military Relations

The results of the table 4.76 shows that majority of the respondents 68 percent respondents were not agreed that the Civil-Military Relations is also a contributing factor behind the overwhelming public support and 26 percent respondents were agreed while 6 percent were uncertain. Similarly,

59.1 percent of the respondents were not agreed that Civil-Military

Relations destroyed the reputation of Pakistan and civilian government in

Pakistan and 34.9 percent were agreed while 6percent were uncertain.

Additionally, most of the respondents that were 55.2 percent were agreed that Civil-Military Relations weakens the fabric of society and 38.8 percent were not agreed while 6 percent were indifferent. Alike, 75.8 percent of the respondents were not that public accountability is an important strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations and 17.7 percent agreed while 6.5 percent were indifferent. Pakistan has face severe and ubiquitous

Civil-Military Relations since its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats as negated by most of the respondents which were 75 percent and 18.8 percent were agreed while 6.2 percent were indifferent.

The results show that 58.1 percent agreed that think that Civil-Military

Relations promote disaffection towards the political government and provides just grounds for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution and opposed by 37 percent did not agreed while 4.9 percent were uncertain. The results of the table also shows that thing that Civil-Military

Relations weakens the fabric of society as supported by 65.9 percent of the respondents and 28.4 percent negated this argument while 5.7 percent did not answered this question. Further results of the table shows that 54.9 person of the respondents supported the argument that public accountability

is an important strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations and 28.6 person respondents negated that argument while 16.4 percent were uncertain. Majority of the respondents, 55.5 person were not in favor that

Pakistan has faced severe and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats and 40.4 percent were in favor of this argument while 4.2 percent were indifferent.

Table 5-71Frequencies and percentage distribution of respondents on the basis of their perception of Civil-Military Relations

Statements Yes No Don’t know Is Civil-Military Relations also a contributing 100(26) 261(68) 23(6.0) factor behind the overwhelming public support? Does Civil-Military Relations destroy the 134(34.9) 227(59.1) 23(6.0) reputation of Pakistan and civilian government in Pakistan? Do you thing that Civil-Military Relations 212(55.2) 149(38.8) 23(6.0) weakens the fabric of society? Do you think that public accountability is an 68(17.7) 291(75.8) 25(6.5) important strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations? Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 72(18.8) 288(75.0) 24(6.2) and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats? Do you think that Civil-Military Relations 142(37.0) 223(58.1) 19(4.9) promote disaffection towards the political government and provides just grounds for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution Do you thing that Civil-Military Relations 253(65.9) 109(28.4) 22(5.7) weaken the fabric of society? Do you think that public accountability is an 211(54.9) 110(28.6) 63(16.4) important strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations? Do you think that Pakistan has face severe 155(40.4) 213(55.5) 16(4.2) and ubiquitous Civil-Military Relations since its inception at hands of corrupt politician and bureaucrats?

Do you think that Pakistan has… Do you think that public… Do you thing that Civil-Military… Do you think that Civil-Military… Don’t know % Do you think that Pakistan has… No % Do you think that public… Yes % Do you thing that Civil-Military… Does Civil-Military Relations… Does Civil-Military Relations also a…

0 20 40 60 80

Table 5-72 Perception whether civil military relationships also a

contributing factor behind the overwhelming public support

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does Civil-Military Yes 25(6.5 100(26. 75(19.5) 2=35.183 Relations also a ) 0) (0.000) contributing factor No 248(64. 13(3.4 261(68. behind the 6) ) 0) overwhelming public Don’t 23(6.0) 0(0.0) 23(6.0) support? know

Perception whether civil military relationships also a contributing factor behind

the overwhelming public support is highly significant

Table 5-73 Perception on the bad civil military relationships and the

reputation of the civilian government

Statements Perception Civil-Military Total Chi-Square Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Does Civil-Military Yes 100(26.0 75(19.5) 25(6.5) 2=35.183 Relations destroy the ) (0.000) reputation of Pakistan No 248(64.6 261(68.0 13(3.4) and civilian ) ) government in Don’t 23(6.0) 0(0.0) 23(6.0) Pakistan? know

Perception on the bad civil military relationships and the reputation of the

civilian government is highly significant

Table 5-74Perception on whether public accountability is an important

strategy to eradicate the monster of Civil-Military Relations

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that Yes 198(51.6 211(54.9 13(3.4) 2= 21.456 public accountability ) ) (0.000) is an important No 110(28.6 87(22.7) 23(6.0) strategy to eradicate ) the monster of Civil- Don’t 61(15.9) 2(0.5) 63(16.4) Military Relations? know

Perception on whether public accountability is an important strategy to eradicate

the monster of Civil-Military Relations is highly significant

Table 5-75 Perception whether bad Civil-Military Relations promote

disaffection towards the political government and provide just grounds

for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution

Statements Perceptio Civil-Military Total Chi-Square n Relations (P=Value) Yes No

Do you think that bad Yes 198(51.6 211(54.9 13(3.4) 2= 21.456 Civil-Military ) ) (0.000) Relations promote No 110(28.6 87(22.7) 23(6.0) disaffection towards ) the political Don’t government and know provides just grounds 61(15.9) 2(0.5) 63(16.4) for the military to be the only reliable and efficient institution

Perception whether bad Civil-Military Relations promote disaffection

towards the political government and provides just grounds for the military to

be the only reliable and efficient institution is highly significant

Chapter Six

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Military intervention is considered as one of the most important political factors in respect of the country of Pakistan because the intervention of the military in the political context ion the country in (1958-1977-1999) has created many changes to the politics of the country. The intervention of the military weakened the political institutions, created consequences of leadership vacuum and dynamics of the internal political situation. Different studies have been conducted for evaluating the direct and indirect role of the military in politics of the Pakistan. Military ascendancy in the country have been discussed and evaluated by some of the writers includes Stephan Cohen, Hassan Askari Rizvi,

Shafqat Mehmood, Veena Kukreja, and Ayesha Siddiqa to make it clear that how the military impacted the political environment of the country.

The political instability created by the ruling time of the military in a country is an important period of the history of Pakistan. Illiteracy and poverty are important problems which re-associated with the country from the beginning period 1947. From the date of the establishment of the country to today's time, four army persons took the decision to govern the country. Ayub Khan was the first army person who took the position of country leader, and General Pervez

Musharraf is the last person who governs the country for almost eight years.

There were both the advantages and disadvantages which have been created by the ruling period of the army in the politics of Pakistan. Enhancement of the economic development, enhancing the security perspective of the country and the determination of the weakness in the internal politics were some of the

examples of those advantages which the country has gained by politics of the

Pakistan's Military while in comparison to it the weakening areas which aware generate by the military intervention in country includes the reducing the power of the civilian leadership. The military has a political impact on key domestic, foreign and security issues such as mediate conflicts between the state institutions, political parties fighting political leaders which made political insecurity. The government by the political part which was selected by the people of the country by voting was then displaced.

It is the fact that the way of Governance in the country was carried out by the collaborating impact of the leader of the political part which is elected by the people of governmental (Huntington, 2006). It is a power-sharing plan under which the army has an essential influence on state or parties' institutions, intervenes conflicts among arguing political leaders, domestic issues, security and issues related to the political security. An important thing to note is that the considerable autonomy and power was used by the political parties during the governing tenure, but sensibilities by the military of Pakistan was always considered and expected. The army has shown on several occasions that it can and will affect nature and the path of political change without essentially accepting force. It removed the military government to reconstruct the political, electoral and economic system in the country. The ordinary citizen governments that traveled both with the direction of the speed of confusion was overthrown by the military or stranded surprises due to the constant movement dedication of political supporters. However, it has been seen that these people were leading the parties for they are considered as important, and at local and domestic those leaders were leading the same people or supporters of the party. This research paper is based on the valuation of the government by the Pakistan Military and

the government of the leaders of political parties of the country. The balance among the military and the leadership of the civilian parties have been evaluated. The main purpose is to assess that how the military intervention paly role in the economy and the political environment of the country.

Reasons of Military Intervention

Following are some of the conditions given and argued by the Veena Kukreja by which the intervention by the military is taken place in the Pakistan

 The nature of the Pakistani military.

 The quality of the common disadvantage of Pakistan's military

intervention.

 International environment and the domestic socio-economic in which

the army organizes each interface of citizens and other organizations

with power, and influenced their behavior through this medium. The

Pakistani army has fundamental and strategic foreign political and

financial interests of a certain security in Pakistan. Conflicts of interest

resulted in the loss of the power by the civilian governments. a. Internal Political Dynamics

The understanding of the internal political dynamics by considering the military intervention in the politics of Pakistan weak political institutions is the first important paradox which could be created by the intervention off the army in the politics of the country. It is the fact that the well-organized political system in the country plays important role in the stabilization of the political and economic environment of the country. It has been seen that those politicians who do not belong to any party are considering as fish out of the water so this is

the reason that the party system in the country is very important because it creates competition among the parties. "A strong political control or political system forcing the army to take the submissive role by the average citizen and restricted internal security is mainly the initiative this is very important because of the fact that a military infiltration was decided in the state. It was the remaining contradiction of Pakistan's political history; this power has been to secure the political power of non-democratic media. Unfortunate consequences had been created by the changing prospect of the governance of the country among the military and civil parties of the country.

It has been evaluated that there are three features by which it can be considered as that military is dynamic and distinctive. It is the fact that all the parties and organizations operate for enhancing and achieving their interest, but the military is only the organization which works wholly for the country security.

The essence of democracy could be in the form of the role of electronic and print media, transparent elections and civil society. Unluckily these institutions remained dormant in Pakistan. During the initial years of Pakistan, there was a lack of the political leadership which had missed the opportunity of establishing the strong political system of the party. The observation has been made that

Muslim League is the party of the military establishment. In case of strong political institutions, the strong military rarely obsesses towards country political business

The leadership after the independence, the political party’s role, the bureaucracy influences considered some of the military intervention internal factors. After the independence the role of Muslim league became meager. The Muslim

League could not have succeeded to transform itself towards the party of the

national movement unlike Congress party of India, as in that way it could make the nation to be on the democratic road to the stability and prosperity (ibid: 61).

In India, one of the major factors of the successful democratic is the leadership, but in this case the country is desperation in the form of the political motivation.

The military of Pakistan bridged that gap. Due to the external support and the internal discipline, it is always the military who rule the country. The quality of a leader is another paradox that gave a chance to military intervenes in the politics which figure out the viable road map for the democracy institutionalization the leadership vacuum was created after the demise of

Mohammad Ali Jinnah at the early stage after the independence. So, the observation was made that the failure of the political parties and the charismatic leaders create the leadership vacuum that was filled by the modernized military profession. So, in the power block, the military has become the crucial institution.

Out of sixty-six years, these were the thirty-two years when the military ruled in

Pakistan and the total period of the civilians ruling was thirty-one years. It was only the Bhutto era which showed the democratic forces and proved the democratically effective.

The Pakistan military moral was less in that particular period due to the East

Pakistan defeat. In the case of Political leaders, it was a great opportunity to promote democracy through democratic traditions in the country. The truth is that Pakistan's politics has suffered since its inception from what can be called leadership, theory, theory and cognitively. It is meant by leadership syndrome that that here is some inconsistency, ineffective and inaccurate leadership was found in Pakistan even which was rootless at some times, and apparently there

has been the visionary leadership and the articulated effective but due to the negative qualities it has been failed for the lack of political discipline and the authoritarian tendencies.

Political leadership dependency on the military is the military intervention paradox in the Pakistani domestic politics in the time of crisis. It was the inability of military professional capacity and Political leadership that was proved inability of the Phenomenon of military dependency so that they could deal with the civilian’s matter in the more better way to that of the political state in the country. With the passage of time in Pakistan, the increment was observed on the dependency on the military that does not give the civilian problems but also impotence of the civilian government is also shown so that all these problems could be settled. It was the reason which made the military to consider that this is the only way by which the nation could be lead towards stability (Op. city: 62).

There were many occasions military was called by the political leadership so that they could help the civilians in the flood crisis due to the security reason in

Lahore during (1977, 1992) conducting elections in 1951, In 1990, 1993, and

1996 in Karachi so that the ethnic clashes could be controlled when the operations were performed against the dacoits in Sindh. In the construction fields, the efforts were made for the participations so that the construction of the dams and highways and other activities regarding the civilians work could be made.

b. Corporate Interests of the Army

One of the glaring prospects of the intervention of politics in the country is the interest of the military-corporate. The military, corporate interests have been defined by Ayesha Siddiqa explicitly in her book "Military in the corporation."

There are two points of view have been articulated by Ayesha Siddiqa regarding the relations of the military. The forts one was the military's increasing interests in economics in Pakistan. And the second one was the class interest that was intermingled with the military, and unluckily it makes Pakistan military systems.

Traditionally in Pakistan case, the big entrepreneur have benefited from the military coalition. The establishment of the Ayub Khan was helped as its existence is being owned by the entrepreneur class. For giving the power to the business houses Zia is responsible, and the policy of the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was revised.

Then there were some of the business houses which were entered in the civilian’s government collations and the then later with the regime of the

Musharraf the benefit were taken from the state capacity (ibid: 105). c. Regional Factors and Geo-Strategic

Since the army remains the most effective and the disciplined institution, so it has claims of dealing with the external and the internal affairs more effectively to that of the Pakistan civilians government. There are many artists who articulate geo-strategic the coercion and the Indian factors as the huge threat to the Pakistan security, and due to this situation, there was great impetuous which by order off to the role of the army in the Pakistan domestic politics.

There was not any legitimacy in the Pakistan bureaucratic regimes which have stressed the power of the centralization. The bogey of external threat was played to the security of the country so that the power centralization could be justified along with the denial of democracy. The tendency of the to curb opposition was shared by the civilian regime by doing the manipulation in the regional content (1997: 144).

Indian threat and the war hysteria since the very inception of the country enhanced the institutional strength and military, political position.

This was the reality that Pakistan made alliances with the actors at the international level so that to get the economic aid and the military, there were two critical impacts which were placed by the situation and the first one was that the army get the chance in the foreign policy decision-making and the ultimately hijacks which are the important factors of the Pakistan foreign policy issues. The reality is that no decision could result in a prevalent scenario without the army consultation in the foreign policy matters. Economic support and the externally military to Pakistan made a significant more powerful army to that of the civilian institutions.

In Pakistan security, the most important aspect was the relation with India.

There are two countries which have been in the situation due to culture, geopolitics, and ethnicity, even the one of the country domestic politics spill over into others. The strategic thinking and the decisions making process which has been adopted in India have a direct bearing on the same processes of

Pakistan. It is the chain of the reaction and action and then finally interaction in which the two countries have been locked (Op.cit: 32).

The main focus which both the political parties in the form of country and the military is the Kashmir issue. It has been seen that the army of the Pakistan used its force to keep the issue of Kashmir alive and t5eh strategy adopted by the political parties to raise the voice that it is the basic right of the people of

Kashmir to have their state. The budget of the defense has been increasing to maintain the lap and adjust the power with India in respect of the warfare in form of conventional and non-conventional. The issue was supported by the power and the government of two provinces of Pakistan such as the Punjab and

KPK.

It has that the attitude of the military possesses regarding the issue of the

Kashmir is consider as relentless. The power of the political parties with the leaders of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif has been lost the Pakistan army was aligned at the time when the prime minister (Rajeev Gandhi) of the India was met with the prime minister of the Pakistan Benazir Bhutto. The consideration is taken by Mr. Nawaz Sharif during his meeting with the prime minister of India in which both the prime minister decided to resolve the issue of Kashmir, but the issue in respect of the army of Pakistan was raised when the

Vajpayee -Kargil‖ with the armed forces visit in Pakistan.

Consequences of Military Rule

The foreign policy, economy, and political environment of Pakistan were greatly impacted by the ruling time of army in country, so the government by the army people had left the spillover and intractable impacts. Whatever the time, the military came to power; it makes sense to have provisions of the rules which were formed by them. The constitution of 1956 was canceled by the

Ayub in 1958 after that cancelation he presented his constitution of 1962 but

those constitutions were breached and finished by the Yahya after getting power in the country, and the constitution of 1973 was suspended by Zia-ul-Haq, and this constitution of 1973 was suspended by Musharraf during his ruling period.

Centralization of power is another important change which was developed by the ruling of the army in the country, and that centralization created disintegration, separatism, and provincialism in the country. The people of East

Pakistan were deprived by the Ayyub's Long military rule because of which

Bangladesh was cam einto0 being. During Zia era, there was a rise of Sindhi separatism due to belligerent atrocities had done by the army.

The civilian institution was trickled down by the ruling period of the army in country and democracy at parliamentary is an example of that. It ashes been seen that very army person who took the position of leader of the country introduced the presidential system in the country and introduction of the unconstitutional reforms for the people of Pakistan was important consequence which they had given. The ruling of the country by the president of the country was introduced for the first time by the General Ayub, and that power of the president was enhancing to the level of power to dismiss the existing government elected by the people of the country. The instability which was noted in the politics of the country was faced by the country during the period

1990 to 1999 and the leaders of two political parties who were engaged in that instability were Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto. The domestic part government was dismissed by the General Musharraf in 1999 by implementing the legal framework order (LFO). The structural changes were carried out by that legal framework by the General Musharraf. The critical situation of the governmental system in the country identified that there is no proper system in

the country because it is difficult to view the political system of the country as presidential or parliamentary and this was the reason that the political system of the country is considered as having hybrid structure.

Another important consequence which had been noted was based on the uncompromising attitude which the army ruler had adopted because there were many decisions take y the army general during the ruling period which was not supported by the army but the people could not influence those decisions which aware not in the interest of country. Most prominent example of the compromised made by the General Zia in respect of the Pakistan sovereignty during Afghan occupation of Soviet Union and fought proxy war on behalf of

America. The war on Afghanistan border was started by the order of the

General Pervez Musharraf by supporting the America against the terrorist attack.

Conclusion:

The findings of this study indicate civil-military relations in Pakistan are deep rooted and variety of factors has been contributing to aggravate this malaise.

The study shows that often times direct military intervention in the civilian affairs. This intervention is mostly caused by the poor governance on the part of the civilian administration. The military always takes refuge under this pretext and declare them as the saviors both the country and its inhabitant.

The findings revealed that poor governance and legitimacy crises have contributed to the imbalance between the civil-military relations. The study suggests that political leadership through good governance can restore public trust and can fill the political vacuum. It is evident from the findings that the troubled civil-military relations have provided an opportunity to the feudal class to protect their interests at the expenses of the general masses in the country.

This in turn also provided an opportunity to the civilian bureaucracy to fish in the troubled water. The findings also revealed that unholy alliance between civilian and military bureaucracy has adversely affected the governance and development process in the country.

The findings also show that political leadership provided an opportunity to the bureaucracy to play in their hands. It shows the lack of leadership and courage on their part to deliver. It is suggested by the study that parliament be given a major role to balance the imbalanced civil-military relations in the country as a forum of national representation. The study also reveals that in order to have a balanced on civil-military relations the system of rule of law should reign supreme in the country. Only then both the institutions will function in their respective domains.

Recommendations

1. For well-balanced civil military relations, it is necessary that both

political and military leadership must strictly conform to rule of law.

2. In a developing country like Pakistan, the civil leadership needs to focus

on good governance. Through good governance, public trust on

democracy can easily be restored.

3. It should be the role of Foreign office to formulate foreign policy and

the army should only contribute and not dictate in this regard.

4. For smooth Civil-Military Relations, decentralization of power is must.

When power is concentrated in only one institution, this makes the other

institutions almost dysfunctional. In the political history of Pakistan, the

army has remained more powerful as compared to other state institutions

which has caused imbalance in the civil-military relations.

5. Accountability and the separation of power is one of the characteristics

of modern states. Unfortunately, the factor of accountability is missing

from the political system of Pakistan. In Pakistan, some of the

institutions consider themselves above the law and at no-level they

could be held responsible for their actions.

6. Imparting socio-economic justice is one of the merits of a democratic

system. In Pakistan, the political system has not been able to give justice

to the people. Due to lack of justice and malpractices of the so called

politicians’ public prefer to have dictatorship.

7. Laws and clear statutory provisions must be put in place that describes

the channel of command & civilian authority over the military. This

provision establishes the legitimacy action to resist any violation by the

military.

8. Bring a change in values, culture and acceptability among the masses

that civilian rule is possible and should be put in place. This

enculturation would be possible through an impartial press & committed

media.

9. Structures and processes should be put in place, detailing who will

command.

10. Openness and transparency or freedom of information is vital so that

everything is open to the public and civilian leadership.

11. Let the military budgets or expenditures be controlled by civilian

authorities. No doubt the civilians linked to this process should be

thoroughly scrutinized for their integrity.

12. A full time defense minister should head the Ministry of Defense (MoD)

who should not be bypassed by direct meetings and links between the

Head of the State and the Head of the Government, on the one hand, and

the Services Chiefs on the other.

13. Military interventions can be reduced by addressing the

international/national security concerns of Armed Forces and viable

solutions should be worked out mutually.

14. Political parties should follow party code of conduct, where discipline of

party members should be scrutinized strictly.

15. Ethnicity, nepotism and religious extremism are required to be flushed

out of politics. Strong political parties can provide strong leaders and

thereby providing masses a fair choice.

16. Military component is the force to implement political Will. Therefore

military operations and national policy should complement each other.

17. Sustainable democracy in Pakistan is also required for the establishment

of strong institutions like bureaucracy, judiciary and media.

18. Democratically accountable institutions are likely to be best remedy for

political extremism and instability in Pakistan.

19. Politicians should be highly qualified to get sustainable democratic

governance.

20. There should be a strong accountability mechanism on provincial and

national level for both the civil and military leaders.

21. The free and fair election should be ensured to achieve democratic

governance.

22. Literacy level should be increased for true democratic values to exist.

23. The internal and external security challenges should be solved through

the capacity building of law enforcement agency to get peaceful

environment in society.

24. The uneasy civil-military Relationship in Pakistan is also mainly due to

external patronage and interventions. We have many example of this in

the past and now it is demand of the time to say no to external

influences. (foreign Policy)

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Appendix I

QUESTIONNAIRE