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turessmg t % • iorjp iuei occasion: • m m"l_ e uinereutiaiiuu j • jop __ • j_ • _ __ui wumeu » j costume in America, 1770—1910

Connolly, Marguerite Alexandra, M.A.

University of Delaware, 1987

Copyright ©1987 by Connolly, Marguerite Alexandra. All rights reserved.

U-M-I 300 N. ZeebRd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. D R ESSIN G FOR THE OCCASION:

THE DIFFERENTIATION OF WOMEN'S COSTUME IN AMERICA,

1770-1910

By

Marguerite Alexandra Connolly

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture

December 1987

(a) 1987 Marguerite Alexandra Connolly

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DRESSING EOK THE O u CA s j .ON:

1770-1910

By

Marguerite Alexandra Connolly

Approved: Frances W. Mayhew, ^ Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee

\t) i , I Y) \ Approved: yn ( A /' n t ■ u vt A j\ Vg*.v- ______Richard. L. Bushman, Ph.D. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee

Approved: CCUi-t i (k k.LX.lt'ti Ja;he$ C. Curtis, Ph.D. D,are

Approved: Q : , L J Q rv\,v Richard B. Murray, Ph.D./ Associate Provost for Graduate Studies v

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT S

I wish to extend heartfelt gratitude to my

advisors, Frances W. Mayhew and Dr. Richard L. Bushman,

for their guidance and assistance throughout this entire

research project. Their advice and encouragement made

this thesis an enlightening -- and fun -- learning

experience.

I also wish to thank my parents, Edward and

Margaret Connolly, for their patience in tolerating an

"absentee" daughter for well over a year. Their

unconditional love and support was not always

acknowledged, but always felt.

Finally, a warm thanks is due to my family and

friends, both in New York and in Delaware, for their

help and support, which provided an additional -- and

much needed -- source of strength.

iii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

page LIST OF FIGURES...... viii

INTRODUCTION...... 1

Chapter 1 WOMEN * S MAGA21NS S AND THE MIDDLE CLASS 6

The History of Women's Magazines...... 6 The Rise of the Middle Class...... 11 The Importance of Clothing in Industrial Amer i c a...... 16

MOTES TO CHAPTER 3...... 22

Chapter 2 METHODOLOGY...... 25

Magazines Studied...... 25 Time F r a m e ...... 28 Categorization of Fashion Images...... 30 Other Sources...... 35 Exclusions, Limitations and Substitutions.. 35 Interpretation...... 38

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 ...... 40

iv

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Chapter page 3 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS: TRENDS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF FASHION PLATE DIFFERENTIATION...... 41

1770-1860: The Beginning of the Industrial Ord e r...... 43

Earliest Dress Categories...... 43 New Dress Categories...... 46 Interchangeability of Dress Categories. 52 Most Prevalent Categories...... 59

1860-1890: The Gilded Age ...... 61

Increase in Categories...... 61 Specialized Trends in Clothing Differentiation...... 65 Interchangeability of Dress Categories. 71 Most Prevalent Categories...... 72

1890-1910: The Era of the "New Woman" 74

New Dress Categories...... 74 General Dress Categories...... 80 The Breakdown of Differentiation...... 82

NOTES TO CHAPTER 3 ...... 86

C h apter ' ’4 " CONCLUSION: THE PURPOSE OF FASHION PLATE DIFFERENTIATION...... 89

NOTES TO CHAPTER 4 ...... 102

APPENDIX A: TABLES OF THE CATEGORIZATION OF FASHION IMAGES BY YEAR, 1770-1910...... 104

A-l: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1770.. 105 A-2: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1775.. 106 A-3: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1780.. 107 A-4: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1785.. 108 A-5: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1790.. 109 A-6: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1795.. 110 A-7: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1800.. Ill A-8: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1805.. 112 A-9: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1810.. 113 A. — 10: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1815.. 114 A-ll: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1820.. 115 A-12: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1825.. 116

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page A - 13 : Categorization of Fashion Images __ 1830. . 117 A - 14: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1835. . 118 A - 15 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1840. . 119 A - 16: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1845. . 120 A - 17: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1850. . 121 A - 18 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1855. . 122 A - 19 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1860. . 123 A-20 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1865 .. 124 A-21 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1870. . 125 A-22 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1875. . 127 A-23 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1380. . 129 A-24: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1885. . 131 * o c . C* —> +* ^ *y T* +• *1 rsT*t r\ ■ v . ^ W A. A u M w - * . w « o f Fashion Imaces - 1890. . 133 A - 2 6 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1895. . 135 A-2 7 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1900. . 137 A-28: Categorization of Fashion Images - 1905. . 140 A-2 9 : Categorization of Fashion Images - 1910. . 142

APPENDIX B: GRAPHS ILLUSTRATING THE CATEGORIZATION FASHION IMAGES BY YEAR, 1770-1910. . . . 144

B-l Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1770... 145 B-2 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1775... 146 B-3 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1780... 147 B-4 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1785.. . 148 B-5 Per Cent of Dresses bv Category - 1790... 149 B-6 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1795. . . 150 B-7 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1800. . . 151 B-8 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1805. . . 152 B-9 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1810. . . 153 B-1C: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1815. . . 154 B - l l : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1820.. . 155 B-12: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1825... 156 B-13 : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1830... 157 B - 14: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1835... 158 B - 15 : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1840... 159 B - 16: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1845... 160 B - 17 : Per Cent of Dresses ^ J Category - 1850... 161 B-18: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1855... 162 B-19: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1860... 163 B - 2 0 : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1865... 164 B-21: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1870... 165 B-22 : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1875... 166 B-23: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1880... 167 B-24: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1885... 168 B-25 : Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1890... 169 B-2 6: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1895 . . . 170

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page B-27: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1900... 171 B-28: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1905... 172 B-29: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1910... 173

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 174

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF FIGURES

page Figure 1 Morning Dress ...... 2

Figure 2 Walking and Opera Dresses ...... 3

Figure 3 Time Line of Magazines and Years Researched...... 27

Figure 4 Walking and Evening Dresses ...... 29

Figure 5 Categorization of Fashion Images - 1795. 32

Figure 6 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1795.. 33

Figure 7 Number of Dress Categories for Each Year Studied...... 42

Figure 8 Full Dress and Undress ...... 44

Figure 9 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1800.. 49

Figure 10 Evening Full Dress ...... 53

Figure 11 Morning and Morning Walking Dresses 56

Figure 12 Morning Dress ...... 57

Figure 13 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1815.. 60

Figure 14 Mourning Dress Through Time ...... 67

Figure 15 Resort Dress Through Time ...... 69

Figure 16 Out-Door Dress for the Country and Evening Dress for the Sea-Side...... 70

Figure 17 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1860.. 73

Figure 18 Sports Costume (Excluding Riding) Through Time ...... 76

viii

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Figure 19 Cycling Costume...... 77

Figure 20 Graduating Gown ...... 79

Figure 21 Maternity Gowns...... 81

Figure 22 Street and Afternoon Gowns...... 84

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTRODUCTION

When looking at fashion images, or fashion

plates, from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth

centuries, one rarely sees a mere dress. What one sees

are dresses designated, by either caption or

description, for specific activities or times of day,

such as morning (See Figure 1), walking, or opera (See

Figure 2). It is this specified designation of a

fashion image which has been defined as clothing

differentiation for the purpose of this study. The

phenomenon was to last into the early twentieth century.

The documentation of clothing differentiation in

America presents an interesting research problem, one

which has been largely ignored by costume historians.

At first glance, the differentiation of fashion plates

seems quite ludicrous by today's standards. The concept

of a dress designated only for morning visits, or one

captioned as an evening concert dress, is alien to late

twentieth-century ideas of fashion - and common sense.

Did women really change their dresses for the various

1

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Figure 1 Morning Dr

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occasions in their daily schedule? Did they don

afternoon dresses when the clock struck twelve each day,

and take them off when the sun set? If they did, a good

deal of a lady's life must surely have been spent in the

dressino-—room. Another question is whether or not this

differentiation changed over time. Were women satisfied

with the fashion plate differentiation of the early

nineteenth century, or did they feel the need to

simplify or elaborate on it?

Whether or not ladies actually dressed for each

occasion, fashion images were differentiated, and they

were differentiated for a reason. The main objective of

this study has been to discern that reason, and hence

discover the true meaning of fashion plate

differentiation.

The main resources for this study were the

fashion plates contained within seven women's periodi­

cals of the late eighteenth through early twentieth

centuries. Periodicals directed solely toward a female

audience originated in the seventeenth century and grew

in number throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth cen­

turies. Women's magazines began to regularly include

illustrations of fashionable dress in 1770, and these

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periodicals provided one of the most popular, and

extensive, modes of fashion information for women.

Although some of these, including The Gallery of Fashion

and La Belle Assemblee, were published in England, they

were nevertheless widely read in America. In addition,

the immensely popular Godey's and Peterson"s magazines

were published on these shores.

Because clothing io an integral component of the

image that is presented to others, it is an essential

element of personal self-definition. Attitudes toward

clothing are an important indicator of attitudes toward

society and an individual's place within it. The dif­

ferentiation of fashion images was a reflection of these

attitudes, and as it proliferated and changed through

time, differentiation reflected the economic and social

forces that shaped much of Victorian American society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. C h a p t e r - 1

WOMEN'S MAGAZINES AND THE MIDDLE CLASS

The History of Women's Magazines

Periodicals for women appeared in England as

early as the late seventeenth century. In 1691 and

1692, London bookseller John Dunton dedicated isolated

issues of his periodical, The Athenian Mercury, to

women, and in 1693 he inaugurated The Ladies' Mercury,

devoted entirely to a female audience.1 The periodical

was intended to answer queries "concerning love, mar­

riage, behaviour, dress and humor of the female sex."7-

In the eighteenth century the concept of the

magazine was born, and a small number of women's maga­

zines appeared. None of these periodicals were suc­

cessful, however, and it was noc until 1770 that a

women's magazine of truly professional quality was

produced.3 The Lady's Magazine, pub1ished in London,

became a favorite with women and lasted until about

1337.4 While its goal was to cultivate the mind and

uphold virtue, the periodical included a fashion depart-

6

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ment as well, and was the first women's periodical to

regularly include fashion plates.F Other features in­

cluded fiction, foreign and home news, a variety of

literary contributions from readers, sheet music and

embroidery patterns, as well as correspondence.6

The success of The Lady's Magazine spawned other

British periodicals with a similar format, including The

Lady's Monthly Museum, which first, appeared in 1798 and

also enjoyed a long life, lasting until 1832. The

Lady's Monthly Museum owed at least part of its success

to its fashion columns, and its delicately-colored

fashion plates. A magazine of a different format was

Heideioff's The Gallery of Fashion, which was produced

in London from 1794 to 1803. Devoted exclusively to

fashion, the publication consisted of two fashion

plates, along with their descriptions, issued monthly.

The women's periodicals of the eighteenth

century were designed for a long life on a lady's

bookshelf, as they were bound in annual or semiannual

volumes which were paginated continuously and indexed.

This characteristic was to continue throughout the nine­

teenth century, both in England and America.

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The nineteenth century saw the proliferation of

women's magazines in England, including the immensely

popular La Belle Assemblee, published by John Bell. The

magazine ran from 1806 to 1869 under various titles.7

Magazines did not gain a substantial foothold in

America until well into the nineteenth century. Until

then, conditions were net conducive to the growth of

magazines. There were few publishing houses in

eighteenth-century America, and advertising was scarce.

Furthermore, there was little chance of a wide reader­

ship as the middle class which was to later become an

important consumer of magazines had not yet developed.

American magazines had appeared sporadically as early as

the mid-eighteenth century, however, and were modeled

after successful British periodicals. In fact, early

American magazine publishers actually used material from

British periodicals, although they occasionally encour­

aged their readers to try their hands at contributing

short fiction.*

As the nineteenth century unfolded, however, the

American environment began to favor the growth of domes­

tic magazines. Increased transportation and communica­

tion in the 1820's enlarged potential reading audiences.

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By the 1850's, steam-driven presses lowered the cost of

printing, and the growth of free public schools spread

literacy throughout the nation.41 Perhaps most impor­

tantly, industrialization had produced a growing middle

class in America by the second quarter of the nineteenth

century. This middle class provided a ready audience

for the mass-produced fiction, advice, and entertainment

furnished by periodicals. Magazines, in turn, prolif­

erated. Frank Luther Mott estimated that there were

less than 100 periodicals other than newspapers in 1825,

and approximately 600 in 1850.10

The extraordinary growth of magazine activity

was heralded in the periodicals themselves. "This is

the golden age of periodicals!" proclaimed the Illinois

Monthly Magazine in April 1831.11 In August 1846, the

industry was still growing as Charles A. Dana observed

in the Harbinger:

Among the animal tribes there are instances of remarkable fecundity, but ' not the most fruitful can boast of offspring more numerous than this family of magazines.12

Paralleling the growth of American magazines in

general was that of women's magazines. Magazines aimed

specifically at a female audience included Godey's

Lady s Book, introduced in 1830, and Peterson's

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Magazine. which followed suit in 1842. These magazines

found their way into thousands of American homes. By

the early 1860's, Godeys' circulation reached 150,000.13

while in the next decade, Petersons' circulation was to

reach 165,000.14 Featuring fashion plates and fashion

columns, fiction, household hints, book reviews and

fancy needlework patterns. the women's magazines pro­

vided strong competition for the more general magazines,

even forcing some of them to print fashion plates and

household hints.15

Why were the women's magazines so phenomenally

popular? The growing number of educated, literate

women who were members of the new American middle class

provided a lucrative market for periodicals directed

solely toward a female audience. Many publishers sought

to reach this audience by including fashion columns and

fashion plates in their periodicals. In an era when

transportation and communication were still slow by

today's standards, fashion plates were the most effec­

tive way of showing the prevailing modes to ladies and

their dressmakers. This was an invaluable service, as

it was essential that the genteel middle-class lady be

fashionably dressed.

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American magazines could not have proliferated

without the paralleling growth of the middle class,

which quickly became a willing consumer market for

periodicals. The short. sentimental fiction contained

in the women's magazines painted the typical portrait of

their intended audience: a comfortable, genteel nuclear

family whose husband and father had an industrial-

related career, and whose wife and mother cared for the

home and supervised the raising of the children. These

fictional families invariably had servants. This

readership - the American middle class - was a direct

product of the Industrial Revolution.

The Rise of the Middle Class

The generation of Americans who came of age

during the Revolutionary War grew old in a world pro­

foundly different from the one in which they had grown

up.16 This profound change was effected by a revolution

of a different kind - the Industrial Revolution.

The earliest American colonies were agricultur­

ally based, and consisted of small, cohesive, stable

communities. Throughout the eighteenth century,

however, the bonds that tied together families and

communities fcecjSn to loossn Sevens!, for^ss st work in

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eighteenth-century America contributed to this loosen­

ing, including population pressures, declining yields of

farm land, and increasing social stratification.17

After 1800, farming, once so important in New England,

declined in importance, as cheap water power and

machinery encouraged the growth of industry.18 Indus­

trialization began to change the American landscape.

One of the features of the new landscape was

increased urbanization. American cities experienced a

phenomenal growth after 1800. The United States at the

beginning of the nineteenth century was overwhelmingly

rural. Most Americans lived in small towns or on farms,

and only five American cities had populations of over

10,000. By 1830, however, New York and Philadelphia

boasted populations of over 150.000 each, and other

cities, including Albany, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati and St.

Louis were growing at an even faster rate.19 The ranks

of these burgeoning cities were swelled by the thousands

of young men, accompanied by their families, who left

their rural and farm homes to seek industrial work in

the cities.

The industrial American landscape was also

characterized by changing social, patterns. The new

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urban-oriented population lived in a broader social and

cultural context than had the previous generation. The

"self-contained cosmos of the agricultural village"

described by historian James A. Henretta had given way

to a cosmopolitan awareness of the larger social world.

One of the reasons for this increased awareness was the

immediacy with which Americans faced this larger world.

Pre-industrial ties of kinship loosened as the economic

need for the extended agricultural family disappeared,

and the nuclear family became the prevailing mode of

familial organization. In the new mobile, urban envi­

ronment, the nuclear family was separated from its more

distant relatives and placed among strangers. Rather

than claiming membership in an extended family network,

the industrial family looked to the new special interest

organizations which were being organized, such as bene­

volent fraternities, mechanics associations and chari­

table societies. The nuclear family was even relieved

of the duty of educating its offspring as the public

education system spread throughout the nation.20

The changing American landscape brought sig­

nificant changes in the role of women. In the agri­

cultural lifestyle that characterized pre-industrial

2imaj|*^* womsn t.TAv*a scoriOiuiCeilly riscssssjry in svsiry

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household. Married or single, they were expected to do

their share of the work around house and farm. In

addition, Puritan idealogy regarded idleness as sin, so

there was no stigma attached to working women.21 While

most women worked within their homes, their activities

included a wide range of tasks. One could find women

filling the roles of silversmith, gunsmith, shopkeeper

or tavernkeeper;22 women even acted as attorneys.23

After the Industrial Revolution, however, the

workplace moved from the home to the business, and while

men left the home each day to earn their income, women

were left behind. A significant change in attitude

occurred at this time, as women's work outside the home

began to incur strong social disapproval.24 In her

article, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860,"

Barbara Welter cites a reason for the ensconcement of

women in the home: newly-industrial, materialistic man

doubtless felt a twinge of conscience in the business

world as:

the religious values of his forbears were neglected in practice if not in intent.... but he could salve his conscience by reflecting that he had left behind a hostage, not only to fortune, but to all the values which he held so dear and treated so lightly.2s

That hostage was his wife. Current religious revivalism

also stressed a return to traditional ways of life.26

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Most of the former' non-domestic female occupations, such

as medicine, were upgraded into highly specialized pro­

fessions, attainable only through specialized training

made unavailable to women.27

Woman's place, indeed, was the home, and the

women of the upper and rising middle classes could use

their newly-gained leisure time at home to acquire the

habits and accomplishments of a lady. In fact, the lady

in the home became a status symbol, cited by economic

historian Thorstein Veblen as "a means of conspicuously

unproductive expenditure."2” An accomplished, socially

capable lady was an easily recognizable display of her

husband's wealth.

Books on etiquette became extremely popular from

the late 1820's, instructing readers, often in great

detail, how to behave correctly in society. According

to "an incomplete enumeration" of these books, historian

Arthur M. Schlesinger estimated that from the late

1820's to the Civil War, an average of more than three

etiquette books were published each year.29 After 1870,

during America's "Gilded Age," Schlesinger estimated

that the yearly average increased to more than five

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until 1917 - and this estimate, too, is based on "an

incomplete list."30

Another source of etiquette instruction were the

mass-circulated women's magazines. These periodicals

helped the Victorian woman to elevate her family's

status, by setting the correct standards of behavior,

dress and literary tastes.31 Indeed, the women's

magazines provided ample instruction in every aspect of

the genteel life.

The Importance of Clothingin Industrial America

Before industrialization, fashion had been the

sole province of the aristocracy, but by the nineteenth

century, fashion became available to the middle class,

who quickly adopted it as one of their standards of

gentility.32 It is no wonder, then, that fashion places

were an important part of most women's periodicals of

the nineteenth century. As stated earlier, they were

the most effective way of showing the prevailing modes

to ladies and their dressmakers.

Clothing became essential to the genteel image

in society. Veblen pointed out that dress is a powerful

o vr > r* O- c o n /> m /n ^ /~\ rn ' *—• <*» n /n >-> n v~* r< i « ▼ r « ^ ■! 4* ** 1 ».?*' t r n i. v— v-/j_ viic o ywox _LAi « ao -L _j_ o a j . w c l jr o

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in evidence, and indicates status at a glance.33 By

furnishing his wife with an extensive, frequently-

updated wardrobe, a man could publicly display his

3lDi.li.1iy to rri3.lLn't3.0.n 3 corr.torrtslol^ stylisli st3nc*8-irci of

living. In addition, the fashionably-dressed woman of

nineteenth-century America wore a waist-constricting

corset, long, flowing skirts and elaborate trimmings.

Since these fashions severely restricted the wearer's

physical mobility, the fashionable woman showed society

that she did not have to work.

Dressing correctly for the various occasions in

one's social schedule was a meaningful social statement

as well. Wearing the proper dress for each occasion

indicated the wearer's intimate knowledge of genteel

dressing. In addition, such dressing required the

maintenance of an extensive wardrobe of dresses of vary­

ing degrees of formality; this served as a further

indicator of wealth.

Mot only was correct dress a powerful statement

in society, it was also important at the interpersonal

level of communication. Nineteenth-century Americans

felt, as we still do today, that the way a person

dressed was a reflection of character, and nineteenth-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. century etiquette books repeatedly link the two.

Twentieth-century social psychologist Susan B. Kaiser

states that while people vary with respect to clothing

awareness, most of us use clothes, at least uncon­

sciously, in trying to understand the identities of

others.34 She also states that a person's dress plays a

key role in conveying essential information., as

"clothing symbols are more tangible and visible than

many other forms of human behavior."35 This role is

most crucial during the initial, or appearance stage of

communication,36 the most common interaction in the

urban-oriented nineteenth century world of strangers.

Yet the middle class use of fashion as a sign of

gentility contained a built-in paradox: the Industrial

Revolution that made fashionable clothes available to

them gradually made it available to the lower classes as

well. Industrial textile manufacture brought clothing

of fairly good quality to a wide segment of the popu­

lation. By 1830, foreign travelers were observing that

they could not see the difference between the banker,

mechanic or clerk.37 Shortly after mid-century, Horace

Greeley wrote that "no distinction of clothing between

gentlemen and otherwise can be seen in the United

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States, as was true of Europe.” He added that:

every sober mechanic has his one or two suits of broadcloth, and, so far as mere clothes go, can make as good a display when he chooses, as what are called the upper classes.’"

The availability of fashionable clothes for the

masses disturbed the middle class, and they reacted

indignantly, even vehemently, whenever the social bar­

rier of fashion was breached. The etiquette books of

the nineteenth century repeatedly admonished women to

dress according to their economic status. At least one

tactfully advised ladies to bow to Divine Authority in

this regard: "Let your dress be in perfect accordance

with that station of society in which Providence has

appointed you to move," suggested The Ladies' Science of

Etiquette, published ca. 1850.39

The Bazar Book of Decorum, published in 1871,

contains perhaps the most vehement condemnation of

dressing above one's station, and reflected the impact

of immigration as well:

We can not for the world see why Bridget and Katarina, and their mistress too, indeed, when the occasion requires, should not dress appropriately - to their spheres we do not say, but to their occupations.... 11 is quite a mistake for the female servant to suppose that by spending her money in gaudy dress and mock j c z ------— i---- — j i, ^ ^ i „ a 4- X ~ though with her rustling silk she may pass in

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the dark, or,...be taken at a distance for her mistress.... the sham lady will still be manifest.4 °

While the element of practicality is there, it

is dominated by a strong desire to keep the lower

element of society in its place. There is, in fact, a

sense of anger at the ability of the working class to

create a genteel image.

This anger at "sham ladies" and gentlemen

underscores the power of dress in creating one's image

in society. The middle class, predictably, resented the

lower classes for using the power of dress to their

advantage, as they realized that they could very well be

taken in falsely by a person's dress and mannerisms.

Gone were the small, tightly-knit agricultural com­

munities in which everyone knew everyone else. In the

newly urban, mobile society of nineteenth-century

America, one frequently knew nothing about one's

neighbors, much less their family background and degree

of gentility. One could be dealing with the rabble, or

even criminals, without realizing it.41

fet the lower class use of finery illustrates an

important consequence of an urban. mobile society: the

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standards of gentility set by the upper classes extended

down to the lower classes as well. Writing at the close

of the nineteenth century, Veblen recognized this

phenomenon in modern civilized communities.42 One of

the mechanisms by which the standards of gentility were

spread so widely were the women s magazines of the late

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. These magazines,

which set and illustrated the standards of genteel life,

were widely available, and a servant girl could easily

read her mistress' copy of Godey's or Peterson's.

Hence, the women's magazines, with their fashion plates,

fiction and etiquette advice, exerted a profound

influence through almost all strata of American society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTES TO CHAPTER 1

1. Cynthia L. White, Ph.D., Women's Magazines 1693-1968 (London: Michael Joseph Ltd., 1970), 23-24.

2. Quoted in White, Women jM a g a z i n e s , 24.

3. White, Women's Magazines, 31.

4. Vyvyan Holland, Hand Coloured Fashion Plates: 1770 to 1899 (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd., 1955), 52.

5. Holland, Hand Coloured Fashion Plates, 52.

6. White, Women's Magazines, 31.

7. Holland, Hand Coloured Fashion Plates, 53-55.

8. Eugene Current-Garcia, The American Short Story Before 1850: A Critical History (Boston: G. K. Hall & Co.’, 1985), 2.

9. Henry Nash Smith, "The Scribbling Women and the Cosmic Success Story," Critical Inquiry 1 (September 1974): 48.

10. Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines, vol. 1, 1741-1850 (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1930), 341-342.

11. Quoted in Mott, A History, 1:341.

12. Quoted in Mott, A History, 1:341.

13. Mott, A History, 1:581.

14. Frank Luther Mott, A History of American Magazines. vol. 2, 1850-1865 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938), 309.

15. Mott, A History, 1:348.

22

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16. Joseph J. Ellis, After the Revolution: Profiles of Early American Culture (New York: W. W. Norton & C o ., 1979), Preface xi .

17. Ellis, After the Revolution, 20-21.

18. Russel Blaine Mye. The Cultural Life of the New Nation. 1776-1830 (New York: Harper & Brothers, I960), 110.

19. Nye, Cultural Life, 12 4.

20. An insightful discussion of the changing social patterns wnicii mouscrxaiiza^-ioii brought to America can be found in James A. Henretta's The Evolution of American Society, 1700-1815:_____An Inter­ disciplinary Analysis (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath & Co., 1973), 206-214. The new American cosmopolitan awareness and industrial-era social institutions are discussed on page 211; the shift from extended to nuclear families, along with the spread of public schools, are discussed on page 213. The quote is taken from page 211.

21. Gerda Lerner, "The Lady and the Mill Girl: Changes in the Status of Women in the Age of Jackson, 1800-1840," in A Heritage of Her Own: Toward a New Social History of American Women, ed. Nancy F. Cott and Elizabeth H. Pleck (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979), 183.

22. Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl," 183.

23. Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl," 188.

24. Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl," 184.

25. Barbara Welter, "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860," American Quarterly 18 (Summer 1966): 151.

26. Riley, "Subtle Subversion," 210.

27. Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl,” 185-188.

28. Quoted in Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl," 191.

29. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave: A Historical Study of American Etiquette Books (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947), 18.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4

30. Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 33-34.

31. Lerner, "Lady and the Mill Girl," 190.

32. Karen Halttunen, Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830-1870 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 61.

33. Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class, with an Introduction by Robert Lekachman (1899; reprint, New York: Penguin Books, 1986), 167 (page references are to reprint edition).

D rr tr r ^ w -rj r — — "F Clothing and Personal Adornment (New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1S85), 167.

35. Kaiser, Social Psychology, 184.

36. Kaiser, Social Psychology, 191.

37. Nye, Cultural Life. 133.

38. Quoted in Claudia B. Kidwell and Margaret C. Christman, Suiting Everyone:_____The Democratization of Clothing in America (Washington, D.C.: The Smithsonian Institution Press, 1974), 53.

39. Countess de Calabrella, The LadiesJ Science of Etiquette, and Hand-Book of the Toilet (Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson, ca. 1850), 53.

40. The Bazar Book of Decorum (New York: Harper & Brothers [1871]), 161-162.

41. Halttunen, Confidence Men, 35-42.

42. Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, 84.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 2

METHODOLOGY

Magazines Studied

In order to find the meaning and extent of

fashion plate differentiation, research was focused on

the fashion plates contained in seven women's magazines

of the late eighteenth through early twentieth cen­

turies. Collectively, the periodicals studied span the

years 1770 to 1910. The earliest four periodicals were

published in England: The Lady's Magazine, which was

studied for the years 1770-1800; The Gallery of Fashion,

which was studied for the years 1795-1800; The Lady's

Monthly Museum. which was studied for the years 1800-

1830; and La Belle Assemblee, which was studied for the

years 1806-1835. The later three magazines were

American: Godey's Lady's Book, which was studied for

the period 1831-1895; Peterson's Magazine. which was

studied for the period 1845-1890: and Harper's Bazar,

which was studied for the period 1870-1910.

25

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6

The periodicals were selected on the basis of

popularity, period of publication, availability and

inclusion of regular fashion coverage. Figure 3 pro­

vides a time line of the magazines and the years they

were studied. As the time line indicates, the indi­

vidual time spans of the seven periodicals allows a fair

amount of overlap. In order to strengthen conclusions

drawn from the research, one to three periodicals were

studied for any given year.

Although the earlier four magazines researched,

which collectively span the years 1770-1835, were pub­

lished in England, they were chosen because no fashion

plates appeared regularly in America at this time. Not

until Godey's began publication in 1830 were fashion

plates produced regi.ilarly in the United States. There

is strong evidence, however, that these periodicals were

widely read in America. Although the United States had

gained political independence from England in 1776, the

new nation was slow to gain cultural independence. In

general, Americans continued to follow the mother

country in matters of higher learning, the arts, social

mores - and dress. America during the late eighteenth

and early nineteenth centuries was still part of a

transatlantic culture, and British boohs of all kinds,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Lady's T~T Magazine

T h a G.~'!r>n/ 4 ^ of Fashion i ! i ! j i I I m i i i i Ladys Monthly J { [ [ j j [ j 1 | j Museum 1" LaBeHe Assembles _ _ Godey’s Lady's Book

Peterson's Magazine

Harper's Bazar

o o o o o o o Tj" If) CO h. GO O) O CO GO GO GO CO GO O) 1910

Figure 3 Time Line of Magazines and Years Researched

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28

including periodicals, were best-sellers on this side of

the Atlantic.

The importation of Rrihish women's periodicals

is illustrated by The Gallery of Fashion, one of the

magazines researched. The editors of this magazine

periodically appended a list of subscribers, and the

list at the end of Volume 6 (1799), includes the names

of three Americans.1

Perhaps the strongest evidence of the influence

of British fashion periodicals in America is the fact

that the earliest fashion plates in America were differ­

entiated in the same way, and to the same extent, as

British plates. Figure 4 illustrates a fashion plate

which appeared in Godey's in April 1831, during the

magazine's first year of publication. The captions at

the bottom of the plate designate the two dresses shown

as walking and evening dresses, respectively.

Time Frame

The time period of 1770 through 1910 was chosen

for this study because it encompasses the origin, pro­

liferation and breakdown of fashion plate differentia-

tion. As stated earlier TVie Ljeciy * s Macjazins was tiie

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29

VMLK^fC J5U7.XK v,. |)HR!,8

lUiIisii-.l inr iIh * L a d t s Hiiiik f,.r A,.„l \ Y j s,

VttU..V»V.\.V\\\

Figure 4 Walking and Evening Dresses

/ « _ _ _■» - __ r , 3 _ - ' -Q — A -i 1 1 Q T 1 ^ ( b o u rc s : Ly(jCit=* V a jjgiUV a d u u a , n p i j . t u - /

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30

first periodical to regularLy include fashion plates,

and the magazine began publication in 1770. The simple

differentiation of the earliest fashion images changed

in succeeding decades to a more complex system of

specialization. The nineteenth century saw the

proliferation of differentiated fashion plates in

women's periodicals, but by 1910, the fashion plates

reveal the gradual breakdown of the complex differen­

tiation system.

Categorization of Fashion Images

Each dress which appeared in the fashion plates

studied was categorized according to its designated

dress type. A dress could be designated as a specific

category by caption, verbal description, or both. As

was seen in Figures 1, 2 and 4. fashion plates fre­

quently included captions above or beneath the figures

which designated the dress type. Separate verbal

descriptions almost always accompanied the fashion

plates, and these descriptions usually designated the

dress category as well. Although the use of differ­

entiated captions on fashion plates decreased sharply

after the 1830's, the separate verbal descriptions

remained in use throughout the time period studied.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 1

These descriptions frequently served as the sole source

of fashion plate differentiation.

TI1 0 frequency of eecli dress cefeqory v?e.s

tabulated for each year studied. The peircentage of the

year's total which each dress category represented was

then calculated. Figure 5 illustrates a representative

table of data for a given year, 1795. The various dress

categories which appeared in the fashion plates re­

searched are listed in the first column. The second

column indicates the number of dresses which were

designated for each particular category. The third

column contains the percentage of the ■ total of the

year's dresses for each category. For instance, 23 of

the dress images researched for 1795 were designated as

morning dresses. This number represents 37 per cent of

that year's total number of 63 dress images. Appendix A

contains similar data tables for each year studied, from

1770 to 1910.

In order to visually analyze the percentages of

the various dress categories for each year, a bar graph

was constructed from the data gathered. Figure 6

illustrates a representative bar graph, also for the

year 1735. The dress categories which appeared in that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2

Number Per Cent

Cateaorv of Images of Total

Undress 1 2 Morning 23 37

Afternoon 9 14 Riding 2 3 Evening 12 19 Court 2 3 Nuptial Habit 1 2

Mourning 1 2 Half Mourning 1 2 Multi 1 2 Miscellaneous 1 2 Undifferentiated S 14 Total 63 100

B'igure 5 Categorization of Fashion Images - 1795

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Undress

Morning

Afternoon

.o iiu:-j:— in g "fe?S

Evening

Court

Nuptial Habit o OJ Mourning <0 a O Half Mourning Multi

Miscellaneous

UndifPd i — r~ — r~ — I— 10 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure 6 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1795

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 4

year are listed along the left-hand side of the graph,

on the vertical axis. The horizontal axis runs on a

scale of 1 to 60, and measures the percentage of each

r-< o'^orfAV'u' a f Via a 7 ro o v ^ o -f- 1 wnmKov* n f i m arroc

Foir instance, t3ae second a it o £ tiie c^napii indicates tliat

37 per cent of the dress images researched for 1795 were

morning dresses. Similar graphs, representing each year

studied from 1770 to 1910, are contained in Appendix B.

The three categories at the end of every table

and graph - "multi," "miscellaneous" and "undifferen­

tiated" - are necessary because the differentiation of

fashion images was not always a clear-cut process.

Dress images designated for more than one occasion were

placed in the "multi" category. For example, a dress

could be captioned as a dinner or evening dress.

Dresses which were categorized ambiguously were placed

in the "miscellaneous" category. For example, a dress

may be captioned as a walking dress, yet its verbal

description may designate it as a morning dress.

Dresses which were not designated as to type were placed

in the "undifferentiated" category.

In order to save time and because differentia-

changed slowly, fashion plates were sampled

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. every five years (i.e., 1800, 1805, 1810, etc.). For

the period of 1770 to 1800, however, fashion images were

recorded for each year in The Lady's Magazine, as

fsshion infoirrnH'tzion during tiliis ponioci ws.s 0 x ti it0 mo]_y

scarce. The graphs and tables for each year of that

periodical include the data for the succeeding four

years as well. In addition, any mention of dress types

in fashion columns, whether accompanied by a fashion

plate or not, was included in the data for The Lady's

Magazine, for the same reason. Verbal descriptions and

mention of dress types were not included in the data

gathered for the other periodicals unless accompanied by

a fashion plate.

Other Sources

Since several of the periodicals studied were

available on microfilm only, certain photographic images

contained in this thesis were taken from Ackermanns

Repository of Arts,2 another British periodical, which

was available in its original condition. Ackermann's

was a popular women's magazine which was published from

1809 to 1828. Illustrations from three of the periodi­

cals studied - The Lady's Monthly Museum, Godey's and

Harper's - were used as well.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 6

The other major resource for this study was a

collection of etiquette books from the late eighteenth

through early twentieth centuries. These books almost

~cs3.11 ~j contciinsd c0 on d.2rossi.ncj do”

occasions.

Exclusions. Limitations and Substitutions

For the purpose of focusing this study, several

exclusions were established in the research of fashion

plates. Research was focused solely on women's cloth­

ing. As dresses for adolescents and teenagers were

frequently specified for a certain age group, a cutoff

age of 14 was established, as girls 14 • and over were

considered young ladies. Another indicator of a dress

designed for a young lady rather than for a child was a

hem that reached below the ankles.

Outerwear, including cloaks, coats and wraps,

was also excluded from this study. Although certain

walking dresses included in the study were almost cer­

tainly intended for outdoor wear, they were included

because they were designated as dresses and not as coats

or wraps. Underwear and nightwear were also excluded,

as were separate dress components, such as skirts.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. bodices and sleeves. Accessories were excluded from the

study as well.

Di. ?£ stjlon hsssci on scjo on sssson v?-S

sxcluci©cl, ss such spocislizstion did not confonm "to th©

purpose of this study of differentiation based on occa­

sion or time of day. Differentiation of age or season

included dresses intended for middle-aged or elderly

ladies, as well as spring, summer, fall and winter

dresses.

Occasionally, a periodical's fashion plates for

one year were substituted for the plates of another

year. For instance, La Belle Assemblee began publi­

cation in 1806. Since fashion plates were available

from only one periodical for 1805, the plates from La

Belle Assemblee for 1806 were grouped with 1805 to

broaden the data base. Another such substitution was

necessary in the same periodical five years later.

Since New Series Volume 2, or the second half of 1810,

of La Belle Assemblee was unavailable, the fashion

plates from the periodical's issues for 1811 were sub­

stituted. A third substitution was necessary regarding

Godey's Lady's Book. Since the magazine began publi-

1 O O r\ J--U *-.,-, 4- ^ , , 1 1 „ v . •*«> 1 LdCi UiJL All JUiy AOOW LUCic was nut ct f u n w a j-/a a. u o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38

aval 1 able for th.at year; the plates froTn 1831 were sub­

stituted. Again, since differentiation patterns were

slow to change over time, the substitution of fashion

plates from years immediately following is not likely to

significantly affect the data.

For various reasons, not all of the periodicals

studied were researched for their entire span of pub­

lication. The Lady's Magazine was published until 1837,

but issues dating after 1805 were not available.

Although La Belle Assemblee was published until 1869

under various titles, issues dating past 1835 were also

unavailable. Although Peterson's M aqaz-ine was still

published in 1895, no data was available for that year,

as fashion coverage had ceased in 1892. Harper's Bazar,

though still in publication today, was not researched

beyond 1910 because that year marked the end of the time

frame of this study.

Interpretation

After the percentages of dress categories were

calculated for each year studied. the data was con­

solidated into a series of 29 bar graphs, representing

each year studied from 1770 through 1910. These graphs

------x-T- ^ j A ,-.,-.1 uttrn trwditiJL , i_x l. g l, xaCu viaua.1 ly ciim lui-

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9

1 ©C ti 7“ J. y . Careful ObSci vci'.xuii O f. j. lid J. V .L dua X graphs

revealed prevalent dress types and patterns of differ­

entiation; collective examination revealed trends in

differentiation over time.

Readings in social, cultural and fashion history

were consulted, when appropriate, to help explain these

patterns and trends. Further explanations were sought

from contemporary etiquette books regarding appropriate

attire for various occasions.

The information gathered in this study tells

quite an interesting story. Fashion plate differentia­

tion changed significantly during the time period

studied, and was subject to the cultural forces of

industrial America. Yet throughout almost the entire

time period of this study, the purpose of fashion plate

differentiation remained basically the same.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. The subscribers were listed as Cleland, Miss, America; Langworth, Mr. David, New York; and Lesley, Miss, America.

2. The full name of the periodical was Repository of Arts. Literature. Commerce, Manufactures, Fashions and Politics.

40

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 3

DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS:

TRENDS & CHARACTERISTICS OF FASHION PLATE

DIFFERENTIATION

Fashion plate differentiation reflected the

varying profiles of American society as it changed

throuc : time. Three distinct profiles were apparent:

the time period from 1770 to 1860 exhibited the origin

and development of differentiation based on activities

and times of day; the period of 1860 to 1990 revealed

the proliferation and specialization of dress catego­

ries; and the period of 1890 to 1910 saw the development

of significant new dress categories, and, ultimately,

the breakdown of fashion plate differentiation.

There is one trait, however, that appeared

throughout the entire time frame of this study: the

number of dress categories increased through time.

Figure 7 graphically illustrates this trend. While only

three categories appeared in 1770, the number had grown

to 34 by 1910.

41

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 2

50

40

© o £a a

o © o o o o o o o o o o o o © n * co o> O ■»— C\J CO tj- in o *- GO CO CO CO CO GO CO CO CO CD ©

Year

Figure 7 Number of Dress Categories for Each Year Studied

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 3

1770-1860: The Beginning of the Industrial Order

Earliest Dress Categories

When it appeared in August 1770. the first issue

of The Lady's Magazine contained a fashion plate cap­

tioned, "A Lady in Full Dress.”1 The earliest dress

types recorded in this study, dating from that decade,

were full dress, half dress, undress and riding dress.

Undress is often referred to as "deshabille," its French

counterpart. These four dress categories were appar­

ently not interchangeable: a dress was never designated

as more than one type simultaneously.

As the tables and graphs from this decade

indicate, the two most prevalent of these dress types

were full dress and undress, while half and riding dress

appeared rather infrequently. Figure 8, taken from a

ladies' aimanack of 1776,2 illustrates a full dress next

to an undress. According to costume historian Doris

Langley Moore, full dress included a hoop, high powdered

coiffure, and no hat.- Ladies wearing undress, at least

in the 1770's, could loop up their kirtles to form the

fashionable polonaise effect.4 Necklines were lower for

full dress than for ordinary wear.- The dresses in

Figure 8 i 11 u s "fc ir 3. irs thsss ciif f ©2r

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. QSt> /&e, aiewctiirfuJl ydfcefe. ana, f — a/uvm&s^at--— --- fa£^niOot,fesiirilG /?- ri& SvB' •kef ■, X' V wi J ~t irM fa w

Figure 8 Full Dress and Undress

(Source: Doris Langley Moore, Fashion Through Fashi Plates:_ 1771-1970 - see Bibliography)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. worn by the lady on the left, is worn over a hoop, and

the neckline is startlingly low. Her coiffure is

extremely high and appears to be powdered, and she wears

a light lacy cap rather than a hat. The lady on the

right is wearing undress. She wears no hoop, and her

overskirt is looped up "en polonaise." A shawl covers

her shoulders and bosom. Her coiffure is lower than her

companion's, and is topped by a hat.

While full dress was undoubtedly worn for formal

occasions, there is some ambiguity as to the exact use

of undress. According to one writer in The Lady's

Magazine, undress was to be worn only in the privacy of

one's home, and only when accompanied by intimate

acquaintances. An article in the May 1775 issue pointed

out a shameless woman who "affected, in public, to shew

a partiality for a young gentleman, whom she scarcely

knew, to receive visits in a dishabille, no less elegant

than loose."s Yet an unidentified young lady, whose

letter on her travels in France appeared in the maga­

zine's December 1772 issue, declared that the French

ladies "are never more completely dressed, than when

they are in deshabille.”7 The lady in undress depicted

in Figure 8 appears to be out of the confines of her own

home, and ths November 1770 i'

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 6

Miss Catley wearing "genteel undress” in an outdoor

scene from the play, Love in a V illage.9

Undress. therefore. apparently encompassed a

continuum of garments ranging from intimate, loose

loungewear to perfectly acceptable street wear. Riding

dress was most likely worn on horseback, and half dress

was probably of a middling degree of formality.

According to a later account, fabric was an

indicator of the degree of formality of a garment. In

October 1835, Godev's published an article entitled,

"Fashions of the olden time," in which a lady of the

writer's acquaintance:

thus describes the recollections of her early days preceding the war of Independence.... Ladies never wore the same dresses at work and on visits; they sat at home, or went out in the morning, in chintz; brocades, satins, and mantuas were reserved for evening or dinner parties.9

New Dress Categories

In the 1780's, new dress types began to appear,

augmenting the existing full dress, half dress, undress

and riding dress. These new dress types were associated

with various occasions and times of day. The morning,

evening and dinner dress had appeared by 1780, while

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 7

afternoon dress appeared in 1795. Walking and ball

dress appeared by 1800 and the promenade and opera dress

appeared five years later. Carriage dresses appeared by

1315, and carriage visiting had appeared bv 1820.

These shifting trends in clothing differentia­

tion reflected shifting trends in society in both

America and England. The first types of dress cate­

gories, including full dress, half dress and undress,

indicated a degree of formality, or hierarchy. This

type of categorization reflected the way of life for

most Americans throughout the seventeenth and much of

the eighteenth centuries. Most people lived within the

bounds of family, community, and the Church. The social

patterns contained within these bounds were vertical in

nature, characterized by authority on one side and

deference on the other.10 Although the ties of local

community were probably strongest in the rural areas,

everyone - rural and urban dwellers alike - lived within

this hierarchical matrix.

By the late eighteenth century, however, these

social patterns were eroding, as advancing technology

drew people from the farms to the growing cities. The

growing proportion of urban dwellers xn the population

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 8

led to new norms in social relations for society as a

whole. Social patterns in the new urban-oriented

society changed from vertical ones of authority and

deference, tc her!scuta. 1 patterns of voluntary standing

and equal footing. The older ties of family, local

community and Church gave way to a new set of social

organizations, including mechanics organizations,

benevolent fraternities, and charitable societies.11

With these changes, new clothing categories developed,

categories which were not associated with hierarchy or

degree of formality, but were tied to various activities

and occasions, such as walking, dinner or opera; and

various times of day, such as morning, afternoon or

evening.

The old and new dress categories coexisted in

the fashion images studied for several decades. Figure

9 illustrates this phenomenon; it is a graph of the

dress categories which appeared in 1800, along with

their percentages of the year's total. While three of

the original four categories - undress, half dress and

full dress - appeared in 1800, several of the new

categories, including morning, walking and evening, were

seen as well.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 9

Undress Morning Mom'g Street Walkina l l *&ys>r/s/ss///ji Anemoon i Half Evening d C m !| fU/SSA o> a Ball Court Multi Miscellaneous Undiffd — r~ — i — r~ 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure 9 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1800

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 0

By 1825, however, the older categories had vir­

tually disappeared from the fashion plates. It is no

coincidence that industrialization - and industrial

society - had firmly taken hold in America by then. The

old category of full dress did not completely disappear,

however; it remained as a general description for formal

dress. For instance, Godey's in 1860 designated a dress

"for full dress reception, wedding, or opera."12 In

1875, Harper's designated a dress as a "Full-Dress

Toilette," meant to be worn at "the opera, balls, or

other full-dress occasions."13

As the number of dress categories increased,

fashion plates became .increasingly specialized- Cate­

gories which appeared between 1820 and 1850 included

morning exhibition, musical party, concert, evening

visiting, soiree and invalid's. Bridal and home dresses

both began to appear regularly in 1840.

These last two dress categories - bridal and

home - merit separate consideration, as they were most

likely products of the Cult of Domesticity, which became

popular in America toward the middle of the nineteenth

century. This cult was a direct outgrowth of the

changed role of middle-class women in industrial

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America. Because men now left the home each day to earn

the family income, women were left behind with little to

do except raise the children and maintain the home. The

Cult of Domesticity sanctioned this new lifestvle bv

upholding the dicta that woman's place was in the home

and that her highest calling in life was that of wife

and mother. Marriage was looked on as the most impor­

tant event in a woman's life, and the home was looked on

as her most fitting domain. Dresses designated espe­

cially for the wedding and the home, therefore, became

especially appropriate and popular.

The wedding dresses depicted in the fashion

plates studied were invariably white. The custom of

white wedding dresses had gained popularity in America

throughout the 1830's and 1840's, and by mid-century

most American brides wore white.1'1 By August 1849,

Godey's was ready to steep the custom in tradition and

symbolism:

custom has decided, frcm the earliest ages, that white is the most fitting hue, whatever may be the material. It is an emblem of the innocence and purity of girlhood, and the unsullied heart which she now yields to the keeping of the chosen one.

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Interchangeability of Dress C ate go ri e s

As stated earlier, the differentiation of

fashion plates was not always a clear-cut process, and

plates which for one reason or another could not be

classified as any one category were placed in the

"miscellaneous" category. Placement of fashion images

in this category was often a result of the inter­

changed! li Ly of the dress categories.

In many cases, dresses were captioned as one

type, while the verbal description of the dress desig­

nated it as another type. In the earlier years of the

time period studied, this interchangeability was often

of an old and a new category. Evening dress, for

example, appears to have been interchangeable with the

earlier category of full dress. Evening appeared as a

dress category in 1780, and by 1815 it appeared more

frequently than full dress; full dress appeared only

rarely after 1815. A rather common attempt at an inte­

gration of the two categories was the Evening Full

dress, illustrated in Figure 10. A similar inter­

changeable category pair was that of full and afternoon

dress.

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e 7 » - ~ c i -.’i ^ •■ v j - * . a * * 7 m m m m w V “ A> 3 t r 'ty -JH ^ :

Figure 10 Evening Full Dress

(Source: Ackermann's Repository of Arts, January 1803)

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The earlier category of undress was mentioned in

a fashion column in The Lady's Monthly Museum in 1825.

The writer implies that undress could be worn in place

of a theatre or promenade dress;

Robes of white cambric are generally adopted for high undress - and very often a lady, too idle to change her toilet, contents herself with putting on, at the moment of going out, a fresh canezout, or a handsome fichu-pelerine wj. tn pomts, and in this simple attire clic is admissible either to the theati'e or the promenade.1 6

Half dress, too, was incorporated into the newer

system of differentiation. A morning dress appearing in

The Lady^s Monthly Museum in 1813 was described as:

an excellent article for the half dress, or morning call, to which a kerseymere cloak may be added, of light blue, or pink, with which a hat and feather, of the predominant color worn, will be highly attractive in the promenade. Our figure is represented for a domestic, or home dress.17

The boundaries between dress categories are especially

blurry here. Not only is a morning dress described as a

half dress, dress for morning calls, plus home dress,

but the addition of a cloak and hat transforms it into a

promenade dress.

The interchangeability of dress categories

continued after the older categories disappeared. Two

dress types which were frequently interchangeable in the

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plates studied were morning and walking dresses. In

addition, there appears to be some ambiguity regarding

the definition and function of the morning dress. The

fashion plates repeatedly depict women wearing morning

dresses while engaging in differing activities. The

fashion plate on the left-hand side of Figure 11, dating

from 1809, illustrates a woman wearing a dress captioned

as a morning dress. The dress, loose and plain,

resembles loungewear. The scene is an intimate glimpse

of family life: the woman is playing with her child and

is obviously at home. The fashion plate facing this one

depicts a woman wearing a morning walking dress who is

obviously outdoors. Figure 12, dating from 1813, illus­

trates a woman wearing a morning dress who is apparently

garbed for an outdoor walk.

The contemporary verbal evidence regarding

morning dress is as ambiguous as the pictorial evidence.

The publisher of The Gallery of Fashion began his maga­

zine in April 1794 with the promise to study "those

elegant morning dresses of Hyde Park, and Kensington

G a r d e n s . e An etiquette book of 1833, however,

describes morning dress as a common robe, and admonishes

ladies never to go out while so attired.10

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57

ft

litoyLVinG

Figure 12 Morning Dress

(Source: Ackermann's Repository of Arts, February 1813)

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Contemporary fashion descriptions repeatedly

mention dresses of interchangeable or multiple cate­

gories. In 1849, Godey's described certain dresses as

"suitable for ... morning visits. or sn evening at

home' costume."20 The Waterloo Walking dress, which

appeared in La Belle Assemblee .in .1815, answered "the

double purpose of a walking or dinner dress,"21 while a

carriage dress for the seaside in Godeys_ June 1856

issue was also "sufficiently elegant for dinner or

evening. "2 2

Occasionally the interchangeability of a dress

could be effected by adding an accessory or changing a

part of the dress. Costume historian Blanche Payne

noted two nineteenth-century dresses in the Brooklyn

Museum, New York, with multiple matching bodices. One,

dated around 1855, is of striped taffeta with two

bodices: one with long pagoda sleeves and high neck for

daytime wear; the other with broad neckline and short

sleeves for evening wear. Another dress at the same

museum has three bodices; one for day, one for evening

and one jacket.23

Contemporary verbal descriptions mention similar

transformations. In 1855, Ggdeyjs illustrated a car­

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riage dress with a high neck, but pointed cut that "a

plain low corsage, with a fall of black guipure from the

jockey, or sleeve cap, transforms this into an elegant

dinner or evening dress."24 A dress which appeared' in

the magazine in 1859 was designated as a carriage or

dinner dress; one removed the long sleeves of the car­

riage dress "so as to form an elegant and appropriate

dinner dress."25 A breakfast dress which appeared in

Peterson's in 1860 "may be made into a walking costume

at a watering-place, with the addition of a hat, and a

deep cape of the material of the dress."25 Even bridal

dresses were not exempt from such transformations: an

evening dress which appeared in Godey'S' in 1357 was

really a "bridal-dress, transformed into a party-dress,

by laying aside the veil, and looping the lace with

bouquets of bright field flowers."27

Most Prevalent Categories

Although the number of dress categories in­

creased in the early nineteenth century, and many of the

new categories were quite specific, the highest percent­

age of the fashion images studied depicted dresses of

the more general categories. Illustrating this trend is

Figure 13, a graph which charts the percentages of each

dress category for 1815. Twelve categories appeared in

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Morning Morn’g Walk’g Walking

•PrnmansHo • —■ ■ — — — Afternoon ^ Cam'aco Ridina SeaSids Bath g

o Evening $o o Dinner

Miscellaneous UndifTd —I------'-1----- 1-1--- r - 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure 13 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1815

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the fashion images studied for that year, some of which

were quite specific, such as morning walking, promenade

and carriage. Yet, as the graph illustrates, the more

specialised categories appeared in only 2 to 6 per cent

of the year's fashion images. while the more general

-categories of morning, walking and evening appeared in

up to 33 per cent of the year's images. This trend was

to change during the next time period of this study.

1860-1890: The Gilded Age

The year 1860 was chosen as the start of the

next time period discussed because two significant

patterns of differentiation originated .in that year: a

dramatic increase in the number of. dress categories and

a dramatic increase in the percentage of undifferen­

tiated fashion images.

Increase in Categories

As explained previously, figure 7 graphically

illustrates the number of dress categories which

appeared in each year studied. The graph indicates a

marked increase in the number of categories which began

in 1860, and this increase continued through the remain­

der of the century.

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This increase was accomplished by extensive

specialization in dress categories. Categories which

appeared between 1860 and 1890 included traveling,

reception, visiting, racing. casino. garden-party and

country walking.

The extreme specialization of fashion plates was

characteristic of the specialization of American

material life after 1860. The period of American

history between the Civil War and World War I has been

referred to as the Gilded Age by many historians,

because of the era's opulence and elaboration of mate­

rial and social life. Schlesinger pointed out that the

Civil War spawned a number of profiteers who made

fortunes from, the conflict. Other fortunes were made

after the war in manufacturing. mining, railroads,

banking, real estate and public utilities, and the

number of American millionaires rose. By 1902, the

United States boasted over 3,500 millionaires; by 1916

the number had risen to 13,500.2e Rather than striving

for the comforts of life as before, middle-class

Americans began to aspire to fabulous wealth. The rags-

to-riches sagas of men like Jay Gould and Andrew

Carnegie provided inspiration for millions.29 Manners

became more elegant, and social situations more

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pretentious and ritualized, as people attempted to

imitate the lifestyle of the rich. Etiquette books,

which soared in popularity at this time, contained

increasingly specific advice on proper behavior for

every possible occasion.30

Material life after the Civil War became as

specialized and ritualized as etiquette. Industrial

mass production made increased quantities of furniture,

glassware, ceramics and silver available throughout the

nation; specific forms of this burgeoning body of arti­

facts began to be associated with the various ritual

details of everyday Victorian life. The increased dif­

ferentiation of fashion images was a natural outgrowth

of this specialization.

Industrial mass production also lowered the cost

of material goods, bringing the genteel lifestyle to a

wider segment of the American population than ever

before possible. The specialization of the Gilded Age

reached the less affluent classes, and this trend was

manifested in clothing as well. In January 1870,

Peterson's began a monthly feature entitled "Every-Day

Dresses, Garments, etc.," which provided images and

instructions for home-made clothing -- clothing intended

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to be made by the readers themselves rather than by

their dressmakers. The introduction to the column

outlined its purpose and intended audience:

Very many of our subscribers write to us that ladies wish tc know, not only what is fashionable for silk dresses, etc., etc., but what is pretty and cheap for persons of small incomes, and for the common dresses, and children's clothing, that every household, rich or not, requires.21

The column proved popular; it lasted as long as

Peterson's included fashion coverage. The women's

dresses which appeared in this column were differ­

entiated to the same extent, and in the same way, as the

dresses which appeared in the magazine's fashion plates.

Although Godey's offered dressmaking advice only

sporadically, the fact that its editors included it at

all was an acknowledgement that some of the magazine's

readers could not always afford to hire dressmakers. In

1859, the magazine acknowledged that some of its readers

could not even afford servants, as the issue included a

"ladies' working-dress." The dress, which was to be

made of plain, hardy fabric, consisted of a long

overskirt over a slightly shorter one, and sleeves that

converted from long to short. Godey's described the

intended use of the dress:

If a lady, after finishing her usual household duties in the house, is obliged to attend to

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out-door business, she slips off her longest skirt, takes off her long sleeves, prjts her pretty feet into the long gaiters, and bids defiance to mud and dirt.12

For Harper's, the regular inclusion of homemade

dresses did not come until decades later. By 1900,

however, the magazine began offering "Cut Paper Pat­

terns" of selected fashions. The feature remained a

regular one in Harper's throughout the remainder of the

time period studied, and the outfits offered were as

differentiated as the other dresses illustrated in the

magazine.

Obviously, women who were economically pressed

into maxing their own clothes desired differentiated

dresses as well. The wardrobe specialization of the

Gilded Age was spreading downward through the ranks of

society. It was this downward mobility of genteel

standards of dress that disturbed the established middle

class, and gave rise to the invectives in etiquette

books against dressing above one's economic status.

Specialized Trends in Clothing Differentiation

The extreme specialization of fashion plates

after 1860 is best illustrated by the development of

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specialized groups of dresses which in turn were

subdivided into their own networks of categories.

One such group was that of ni.ourn.ing-related

dresses. As fashion plates in general became increas­

ingly differentiated, images of mourning dresses became

correspondingly specialized. By 1887, etiquette books

were pointing out the necessity of such garb: "a mourn­

ing dress is a great protection against thoughtless and

painful inquiries," stated Florence Howe Hall in Social

Customs.3 3 The purpose of mourning dress was to show

the world that the wearer had recently lost someone

close, hence encouraging gentle treatment. It also

reminded the wearer to act properly somber. Although

isolated images of mourning dresses appeared in 1795 and

1830, they did not began to appear steadily until 1850.

Figure 14 is a double bar graph which illustrates two

aspects of the trend in mourning dress: the lighter-

colored bar indicates the percentage of mourning dresses

of each year's total number of plates, while the darker

bar illustrates the number of mourning dress categories

which appeared in each year. As the darker bar indi­

cates, up to six categories of mourning dress were

depicted in the fashion plates studied in a given year.

These categories became quite specific, such as mourning

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R Figure 14 Mourning Dress Through Time Through Dress Mourning 14 Figure

Year 1845 1800 1795 1790 1735 1840 1835 1830 1825 1820 1815 1810 i775 1770 1875 1870 1865 1860 1855 1850 1910 1905 1900 1895 1890 1885 1880 1805 i /ou

0 S I B m Number or % of Total %of or Number 5 7 6 10 15 E3 % of Total of % E3 ■ # of Categories of # ■

6 8

dinner, evening for half mourning, promenade for second

mourning, and light mourning (See Appendix A for com­

plete lists of dress types which appeared in each year

s'tucli. scl}

Resort-related dresses also proliferated after

mid-century, and became extremely specialized as well.

The double bar graph in Figure 15 illustrates both

aspects of this trend. As in Figure 14, the lighter-

colored bar indicates the percentage of resort-related

dress for each year, while the darker bar illustrates

the number of resort-related dress categories which

appeared in each year. As the graph illustrates,

resort-related dresses appeared regularly in the fashion

plates studied from 1845 to 1895 (1855 was an excep­

tion) . Oddly enough, resort-related dresses had

disappeared from the fashion plates by 1900. These

dresses represented up to six per cent of a year's total

number of dresses, and included up to 11 different

categories. Resort gowns were tied to four different

resort locations: watering-place, seaside, country and

mountain. These four main types of resort costume were

frequently subdivided, and examples of such subdivisions

include out-door dresses for the country, and evening

dresses for the seasxde (See Figure 15) . This .increase

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1770 1775 1780 1785 1790 1795 1800 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 25zza 1830 1835 1840 EJ % of Total 1845 H # of Categories 1850 1855 1860 1865 1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 10 15

Number or % o f Total

Figure 15 Resort Dress Through Time

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 1

and specialization of resort-related dresses after the

mid-nineteenth century most likely reflected a growing

popularity of vacationing among the middle class.

Interchangeability of Press Categories

As in the earlier time frame discussed, contem­

porary verbal descriptions of dresses between 1860 and

1890 imply that dress categories were interchangeable:

many dresses, apparently, could be worn for more than

one occasion. Shorter skirts were apparently a pre­

requisite for walking dresses, but the long trains of

post-Civil War fashions created a new problem for street

wear. One dress which appeared in Peterson's in 1875

solved the problem of conversion from house to street

wear:

the upper skirt and corsage are cut in one, the back of which is made long enough to form a demi-train for the house, and can be looped higher, when needed for walking.34

A visiting and reception dress which appeared in the

October 1880 issue of that magazine included a skirt

"made so that the train can be lowered to fall over the

round under-skirt, thus forming a stylish house-

dress. "3 •

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72

As before, a dress could serve a different

purpose with the change or addition of accessories. One

such dress was described in Peterson's in 1885:

a pj.aj.ii rvjiiiiij W aioL, w r m v-siV c^ b e l c and buckle, finishes this dress for house-wear. For walking, the jacket we give is simply a close-fitting basque, with hollow plaits at the back.3 s

Five years earlier, a visiting dress "without the mantle

and hat," made "a beautiful evening or dinner-dress."37

Once again, the wedding-dress was not exempt from

interchangeability. A white silk ball dress in

Petersons' December 1870 issue was accompanied by the

promise, "if a veil was worn in the place of the plume

and aigrette, this would answer for a wedding-dress."38

Most Prevalent Categories

The second significant trend which began in 1860

was a dramatic increase in the number of undifferen­

tiated fashion images. Illustrating this trend is

Figure 17, which is a bar graph of the dress categories

which appeared in 1860, along with each category's

percentage for the year. Although the number of dress

categories had increased to 21, none represented more

than seven per cent of the year's total number of

fashion images; most represented two per cent or less.

Yet 51 per cent of the year's fashion images were

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Morning Home Walking

f«r ''a m m ."’> o !!o i « m w iiiy wuiis/ carriage Reception Dinner Jig Evening

r*. .n f , r u n C .vo» in ty a fr Evg Gatherg Opera Bride's Bridemaid's Outdr fr Cntry Sea-Side I £• o Walkg fr S ea S Eveng fr S eaS £a a Waterig-Place Mmg for W-P Walkg for W-P Dnnr for W-P Multi . Miscellaneous Undiffd T T T I r~ 10 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure 17 Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1860

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undifferentiated. Undifferentiated fashion images

consistently claimed the highest percentage of fashion

images throughout the remainder of the time period

1890-1910: The Era of the "New Woman"

Although the trends of extreme specialization

and high proportion of undifferentiated fashion images

continued throughout this period, new trends appeared in

fashion plate differentiation between 1890 and 1910.

These trends reflected the changing role of women at

this time. In addition, the complex system of differ­

entiation which had developed since the Civil V7ar began

to break down during this period.

New Dress Categories

In the late nineteenth century, women began to

enjoy greater freedom as they no longer centered their

lives around the home. More women were leaving the home

for college and the workplace. They began to participate

in sports as well. In response to their changing

wardrobe needs, new dress categories began to appear.

One striking trend which surfaced during this

period was the increase and proliferation of sports-

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related costume. Peterson's had published plates of

bathing dresses, complete with bloomers, as early as

1870. Sports costumes appeared regularly after that

date, and the number of sports-related dress categories

increased markedly in 1890. Figure 18 is a double bar

graph which illustrates both the number of sports-

related dress categories which appeared in each year

studied, and the percentage, of each year's total, of

sports dresses. Riding dresses were excluded from this

graph because riding was, for decades, considered the

only acceptable sport for women. (The one sports dress

which appeared in 1815 was a sea-side bathing dress

which was published in La Belle Assembl'ee; this dress

was apparently an anomaly, as no other bathing costumes

appeared until 1870.)

In addition to bathing dresses, other early

sports dresses included skating and croquet dresses. By

1890, tennis, boating, yachting, hunting and cycling

dresses appeared; cycling dresses were considered

radical as they were often bifurcated, or divided into

two leg casings. Figure 19 illustrates a bifurcated

cycling costume which appeared in Godey's in 1895. In

1900, the number of sports-related dress categories

peaked at eight, and included such new types as golfing

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R iue 8 prsCsue EcuigRdn) Through Riding) (Excluding Costume Sports 18 Figure

Year 1770 1790 1785 17S0 1910 1905 1900 1895 1885 1880 1505 1800 1795 1870 1865 1860 1855 1850 1845 1840 1835 1830 1825 1820 1815 1810 1875 i# ;890 i w

m 5899 Time Number ©r % ©f ©r % Total Number T 5 6 7 » r- -»— 10 15 ■ # of Categories of # ■ % of Total of %

7 7

Figure 19 Cycling Costume

(Source- Godey's Lady's Book. August 1895)

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and archery dresses. Harper's also illustrated a young

girl's gymnasium dress in that year.

Gu t i i iy y own 5 , a.di'ciiuiy, i-Lid. u vorn O£

sports SCtlVlticS ss well as other activities. Two

columns from Harper's in 1905 were titled "Outing Gowns"

but included traveling, garden-party and morning

dresses, in addition to tennis and yachting gowns.39

The design of the new sports gowns was described

in Harper's in 1890:

Ease and freedom, a certain classic simplicity of line and fold, and an utter absence of the ornamental minutiae of house toilettes are indispensable qualities of open-air gowns. Colors are mainly light; bright contrasts are allowable, and, indeed, almost needful; for hues which might appear too vivid within four walls and with closed windows are only in keeping with nature's own gorgeousness out in the 'open.' 40

Whether or not actual sports dresses achieved such

comfort, the very fact that "ease and freedom" were

desirable qualities in female dress was an important

change in the concept of women's clothing.

As women pursued higher education in greater

numbers, the graduating gown (Figure 20) appeared in

Godey's in 1895, and as women joined the work force,

Harper's included a professional woman's dress in 1910.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79

2258 ■ •••wmutrrnxsalusaty!*1JaTC'JJSSS Me> •*?rT^ggE^M i i ^ y ^^i5^^a^gasBa>j

rn-*"- iy?®»s?TSKiMs^fiv s-ss ,ro--»

$

^U«SS?rr

£ »

&«LW»)P

Fi.g.ure_2_0 Graduating Gown

(Source: Godey's Lady s Book, May 1895)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80

Maternity gowns appeared in the opening years of the

twentieth century, as pregnancy began to lose its tradi­

tional stigma of shame. Figure 21 illustrates maternity

»*■* ^ %-*-» « v«r» " T o v m o v-> t r 1 C H R c c u q < ^ V n i l O -I_ J_ Will A A U j . ^ W A. >-> V W. 1XMM 4. jr J. ^ v j. .

General Dress Categories

Perhaps on demand from busy women, general dress

types, which were suitable for a variety of occasions,

began to appear and gain popularity. One such garment

was the tailor gown, and its almost-universal use was

cited in Harper's in 1885:

these costumes are now worn in the morning and afternoon, on the street, for visits, at church, at concerts, at day reception's, and in the evening also, except where full dress is de rigueu r .41

Suits also found their way into an increasing number of

ladies' closets, and were soon considered a necessary

item in every active woman's wardrobe. In 1909, the

Ladies Home Journal said the suit was worn at nearly

every daytime occasion.42

Lingerie dresses first appeared in the fashion

plates studied in 1910, and their multiple uses were

enumerated by Lane Bryant in 1913: "for promenade or

casino, for hottest evenings and for Sunday dress; their

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81

tory state of things. Not to every ■woman, by any mean*, hat the great gift been given of knowing what is becoming, and the color onestion in

j /StS&SSe

&

Gears d fiessred Sadia sQt feesteg c tiss Tok* *ad fcrtzeriefi, jewelled beooea; velvet girdle. O be well dressed at all times ahoold be, and generally is the desire of' T every sensible woman, bat it is not .. .. r*i*o*AT aiiuuss ooww wki u»c*p«wad aot* always easy to.accomplish Uds'eatisfae- dr«*iiiwarjf,yeb»dMiisiiawsesiwssraa •X

J?A Maternity Gowns

(Source: Harpe r "s Bazar, January 1905)

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necessary place in every wardrobe is indeed well

known. 1,4 s

Mariy s—us? wsrs net svsn

designated as a specific dress type. In 1900, Harper's

lauded jetted mousseline de soie gowns as they were:

a fashion that particularly recommends itself to any one who is obliged to consult economy, as one smart gown of this description will do duty for many different occasions.4''

The Breakdown of Differentiation

As etiquette began to relax in the twentieth

century, and as women were becoming increasingly

involved in activities outside the home, the strict

differentiation which had characterized nineteenth-

century fashion plates began to erode. Although dress

categories had always been interchangeable to a certain

extent, the categories themselves had remained intact; a

dress often qualified as two or more established

categories. In the late nineteenth century, however,

the dress categories themselves became quite ambiguous

and confused, to the point where the differentiation

system itself became meaningless. The rather high

percentage of fashion plates categorized under "miscel­

laneous” for 1905 and 1910 - 13 and 11 per cent,

respectively - are a result of this ambiguity.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 3

This erosion and ambiguity had begun in the late

nineteenth century, when the more specific dress cate­

gories began to be placed under more general categories.

For example, an. 1.890 column in Harp e r ' s titled "Evening

Toilettes" included one dinner, two ball, two reception,

two evening, one dancing, and one debutante's dress,

along with three undifferentiated dresses.45 A page of

fashion images from Harpers' June 1910 issue (Figure 22)

is titled "Street and Afternoon Gowns," yet two of the

gowns beneath are captioned as graduation gowns; the

remaining four are not designated as any one dress type

and could therefore be street gowns, afternoon gowns, or

both. Another Harper's fashion column, from April of

that year, is titled "For Travelling and Home Wear" and

includes one dinner dress, and one dress for house,

visiting or evening.

The highest percentage of the fashion images

studied between 1890 and 1910 continued to be undif­

ferentiated; undifferentiated fashion images represented

up to 52 per cent of the plates studied during this

period. Yet the extreme ambiguity and confusion which

began to characterize dress categories at this time was

an important development. Apparently, the reason behind

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84

sAz*ii

Figure 22 Street and Afternoon Gowns (The dresses at the bottom left and bottom right are captioned as graduation gowns; the remaining four are undifferentiated.)

(Source: Harper's Bazar, June 1910)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 5

the differentiation of fashion plates was disappearing

or radically changing. The next chapter will attempt to

discern this reason, discuss its significance, and

_ T _ ^ ^ -i- T-> - -i -}- cr i f i r . i i - o ri c & J.GX11 I^HC Jl. N-/ J_ V_» Vi. Oil W4 V- v-C >— -i. w-» 1 3 *5 — — *

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1. This plate is reproduced in Holland, Hand Coloured Fashion Plates, 49.

2. This plate appears in Doris Langley Moore, Fashion Through Fashion Plates: 1771-1970 (Mew York: Clarkson N. Potter Inc., 1971), 35.

3. Moore, Fashion Through Fashion Plates, 36.

4. Moore, Fashion Through Fashion Plates, 36.

5. Arthur Calder-Marshall, The Grand Century of the Lady (London: Gordon Creironesi Ltd.. 1976), 40.

6. The Lady's Magazine 6 (May 1775): 306.

7. The Lady's Magazine 3 (December 1772): 557.

8. The Lady's Magazine 1 (November 1770): facing 178.

9. Godey's Lady's Book 11 (October 1835): 146.

10. Henretta, Evolution of American Society, 206.

11. Henretta, Evolution of American Society, 206- 211.

12. Godey's Lady's Book 60 (March I860): 286.

13. Harper's Bazar 85 (13 Nov. 1875): 738.

14. Ellen K. Rothman, Hands and Hearts: A History of Courtship in America (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1984), 171.

15. Godey's Lady's Book 38 (August 1849): 156.

36

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 7

16. The Lady's Monthly Museum ,i . s. 22 (September TOOCX. 170 1 . ^ f . U. / •

17. The Lady's Monthly Museum 14 (January 1813): 56.

18. The Gallery of Fashion 1 (April. 1794): 1.

19. Mme. Celnart, The Gentleman and Lady's 3ook cf Politeness and Propriety of Deportment, Dedicated to the Youth of Both Sexes, trans. (Boston: Allen & Ti.cknor, and Carter, Hendee & Co.-, 1833), 20-21.

20. Godey's Lady's Book 39 (August 1849): 156.

23. La Belle Assemblee n.s. 12 (August 1815): 34.

22. Godey's Lady's Book 52 (June 1856): 5 71.

23. Blanche Payne, History of Costume From the .Ancient Egyptians to the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 513.

24. Godey's Lady's Book 51 (November 1855): 479.

25. Godey's Lady's Book 59 (October 1859): 383.

26. Peterson's Magazine 38 (August I860): 164.

27. Godey's Lady's Book 55 (October 1857): 383.

28. Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 27-28.

29. Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 27.

30. Schlesinger, Learning How to Behave, 29-35.

.31. Peterson's Magazine 57 (January 1870): 77.

32. Godey ' s Lady' s Book 59 (July .1859): 73.

33. Florence Howe Hall, Social Customs (Boston: Estes & Lauriat, 1887), 255.

34. Peterson's_ Magazine 68 (July 1875): 67-68.

35. Peterson's Magazine 78 (October 1880): 3.15.

36. Peterson' Magazine 87 (January 1885): 82.

- 7 37. Feterson' s Magazine i t (February 1880): 166

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88

38. Peterson's Magazine 53 (December 1870): 481.

39. These two columns appeared in Harper's Bazar 39 part 2 (July and August. 1905): 636-641 and 741-745, respectively.

40. Harper's Bazar 23 (26 J u l y 1890): 580.

41. Harper's Bazar 18 (12 December 1885): 794.

42. Cited in Kidwell, Suiting Everyone, 143.

43. Quoted in Kidwell, Suiting Everyone, 141.

44. Harper's Bazar 33 part 2 (9 June 1900): 360.

45. Harper's Bazar 23 (18 January 1890): 48-49.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 4

CONCLUSION: THE PURPOSE OF FASHION PLATE

DIFFERENTIATION

As stated previously, the number of dress

categories proliferated throughout the nineteenth cen­

tury, and many of these categories were quite specific.

For example, the number of dress categories peaked at 47

in 1900, and included such specific dress types as grad­

uating, archery, home dinner and mourning tea. If dress

categories were strictly adhered to, then, women were

required to possess and maintain a minimum of almost 50

different dresses at the turn of the century. In

addition, they would have spent a substantial amount of

time in changing and selecting proper dresses for each

occasion. Could such excessive and specialized ward­

robes have been the norm? Apparently not; for, in spite

of the proliferation of dress categories, three sig­

nificant trends appeared which indicate that these

categories were not cut in stone.

89

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 0

First, the majority of the fashion images

studied belonged to the more general categories, such as

walking and evening, before 1860. The more specific

csts^criss, sucii els rr,trr'i?Ci0 spH 1 . vpnr’^sentsd onlv

small percentages of the images studied. This pattern

was apparent despite the fact that the number of dress

categories was increasing at this time. Second, the

vast majority of the fashion images studied after 1860

depicted undifferentiated dresses. although the number

of dress categories increased quite dramatically from

1860 throughout the remainder of the time period

studied. The more specific dress categories continued

to claim only small percentages of the images studied.

Third, the fashion plates studied from the close of the

eighteenth through the early twentieth centuries repeat­

edly demonstrate that dress categories were frequently

interchangeable.

These three trends suggest that women did not,

in fact, have to don a different dress for every occa­

sion. If women truly had to assume a different costume

for each social situation, the percentage of general-

category, and then undifferentiated, fashion plates

would not be as high as it was in the plates studied.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 1

Furthermore, if dress categories were definitive, their

degree of interchangeability would not be so great.

if dress categories were not ro be ^a 1.e^ i - C ?

value, then, what was the purpose of fashion plate

differentiation? The differentiation of fashion plates

served as a form of etiquette instruction. Any dress,

apparently, could be worn for several different occa­

sions. By looking at a fashion image with a differen­

tiated caption, however, a woman could ascertain the

general type of dress which was proper for a given

occasion. For example, a woman anxious to wear the

proper attire for a garden-party, would find a dress in

a fashion plate designated as a garden-party dress, and

would then know the type of dress that she could wear-

in other words, the color, fabric, neckline, sleeve

style and degree of ornamentation required. In all

likelihood she already possessed a dress of that general

description; if not, she could have one made up by a

dressmaker. In addition, such a dress would almost

certainly be appropriate for other occasions as well.

Since women’s magazines were usually bound in semiannual

volumes which were paginated continuously and indexed,

women had a ready visual encyclopedia of fashion plates

at any given time.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 2

The etiquette books examined further support the

instructional function of fashion plate differentiation

by illustrating the interchangeability and ambiguity of

dress categories. Although etiquette books almost

universally state the importance of dressing appropri­

ately for each occasion, and describe proper attire for

various occasions, these descriptions are general enough

to be interchangeable. Evidently, the distinctions in

dress were not quite as minutely divided as one may

suppose.

Eighteenth-century etiquette books mentioned

little on appropriate dress beyond a consistent call for

simplicity, and the importance of dress in reflecting

character. Only one of the etiquette books from this

period studied mentioned any of the earliest dress

categories of full dress, half dress and undress. This

sole mention appeared in A Father's Legacy to His

Daughters, published in Philadelphia in 1796, in which

Doctor Gregory of Edinburgh pleaded for a habitual

neatness, even in the most careless undress.1

By the early nineteenth century, however, the

etiquette books studied contain general guidelines on

dressing for various occasions, but specific dress

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 3

categories were rarely mentioned; the categories that

did appear were the general ones. For example, the

author of an etiquette book published in Boston in 1833,

t c u k-iidu. 1.0.01X33 1ucIjv3 c o m i n g 3 n x l.3 i n ^cnc ci^ro-ss

they wore at home. Although she advised greater care

with the toilet when making calls later in the day, and

still more care for evening wear, there was no mention

of such specific dress categories as opera, visiting or

dinner.2

Even when making distinctions between proper

dresses for different occasions, the etiquette books did

not mention specific dress categories:

The dress that would be very proper on occasion of a morning visit in a city, would be so out of place, if worn by the same person, w h e n making preserves or pastry, or when scrambling through the bushes in a country walk, that it would cease to look well; a clean calico gown and white apron would be so much more convenient and suitable, that the wearer would actually look better in them,

observed The Youna Lady's Friend in 1837.2

Occasionally the etiquette books of the mid­

nineteenth century described various dress categories,

but, again, the descriptions are general enough to

render specific dress categories superficial. According

to one book published in 1842, morning dresses were to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. be simple and close-fitting, v/ith a high neck and long

sleeves.4 Shorter hems, which were appropriate for

walking and morning activities, were not suitable for

evening or full dress. "It is in the splendid drawing­

room that the train robe appears with all that superior­

ity which gives pre-eminence to grace, and dignity to

beauty," explained the author.'" Walking dresses were to

be simple, as "all attractive and fancy articles should

be confined to the carriage-dress, or dinner and evening

apparel."6 Summer evening dresses were to be as simple

as morning attire, although "of a still more gossamer

texture,"7 and the wearer was allowed to display the

arms, neck and bosom.®

After the Civil War, etiquette books were

published in record numbers, and many cried out against

the excesses of fashion in the Gilded Age. "We are

generally too finely got up for the occasion," com­

plained The Bazar Book of Decorum in 1871:a

Whether it is to the shop to buy a dozen kitchen towels, to the grocer's to dabble in butter, or to the butcher's to dribble in the blood of a sirloin, she [any American lady] is the same finely-dressed personage.10

Yet while the etiquette books of this period

include an increased number of social

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 5

which proper attire is described - and this increase

corresponds with the increase in the number of dress

categories - their descriptions of proper dress remained

general enough to be interchangeable. Clearly, almost

any dress would hav^e been appropriate for a variety of

occasions. For example, Decorum, published in 1878,

described the proper dress for dozens of possible social

situations, some of which were quite specific. Many of

these social situations mirror dress categories which

appeared at this time, such as morning dress for the

street, promenade, concert, croquet and opera. Yet the

descriptions rarely mentioned any specific dress cate­

gory; rather, they described appropriate color, neck­

line, sleeves and degree of ornamentation. The book's

author underscored the wide applicability of the general

dress types with this description of evening dress:

"Evening dress means full dress, in the common ac­

ceptation of the term. It will serve for dinner, opera,

evening-party, everything but the ball."’1 Other Gilded

Age etiquette books studied contained similar fashion

advice.

Of course, a woman could maintain an elaborate

and extensive wardrobe which included separate dresses

for each of the myriad social occasions in her calendar.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 6

Yet the etiquette books consulted indicate that wardrobe

differentiation was clearly optional. Mrs. Charles

Harcourt admitted as much in her 1907 etiquette book,

uuuu- - ji r-\ruj-Ait______mc i r nmucn; . i ______

The variety and number of distinctions that may appropriately be observed by anyone who can afford them are infinite, but not at all requisite to good form. It is quite possible for a woman to meet the demands of ordinary society with three dresses, supplemented by two or three extra bodices.17

Even dresses which, on their own, were not suitable for

many different occasions could gain versatility through

the use of accessories, or even a change of sleeve or

bodice.

Etiquette books and differentiated fashion

plates served the same function: educating women on how

to dress appropriately for every occasion. The two

sources accomplished this goal in different ways,

however; the etiquette books verbally described the

attire appropriate in various situations while differ­

entiated fashion plates provided images of dresses

designated for specific activities.

There was a real need for instruction on correct

dress in nineteenth-century America. As discussed

earlier, the new industrial-based middle class used its

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 7

affluence to create and maintain a comfortable, genteel

lifestyle. Although they aspired to gentility, however,

most members of the middle class had no family tradition

of gentility from v m c n "c learn correct stylo and be­

havior; this is why etiquette books soared in popularity

in the nineteenth century. Proper dress was an essen­

tial component of the genteel performance in society,

yet because of their lack of a genteel family tradition,

middle-class Americans needed .instruction on how to

dress correctly. Differentiated fashion plates provided

that instruction.

In showing women how to dress for' various occa­

sions, fashion plates also helped teach them how to

behave. Kaiser points out that dress defines the degree

of formality of a situation: "Clothing styles commonly

accepted as being formal, casual, or somewhere in be­

tween tend to communicate in a manner that helps to

define a situation."13 In other words, varying degrees

of formality in dress dictated varying degrees of

formality in manner. Hence, differentiated fashion

plates provided all-important cues for correct genteel

behavior.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 8

As the social schedule for the middle-class lady

of leisure grew more complex, especially after the Civil

War, fashion plate differentiation paralleled that

Cf i" Ow uli 3,3 "tii 6: riu.Iuj30IT O f Cii'0SS C 3 t0vjC ITi 0 S iriCIT03S0Ci .

T \ A -C ^ a v> m *n 4* A «« 4- ^ h -f *■» A «-< A m »-* «-• 4- ^ » />fV» -4" i . t ^ w t .? 4* ^5 >• oi e? c; jwii.iciciitJ.atcu laoxiiwn nua^co tau'-jnc vvvu Icai j.a\_/yv uu o o

for new social occasions as these occasions arose, thus

indicating the degree of formality of each new occasion.

An example of this phenomenon is the growth of resort-

related fashion images after mid-century. As Americans

began to vacation in greater numbers, the number of

dresses in fashion images designated for various resort-

related activities rose dramatically (See Figure 15).

Another reason for the growth in fashion plate

differentiation throughout the nineteenth century was

the desire to keep the lower class from mastering the

genteel lifestyle. Nineteenth-century Americans

deliberately used artifacts as "props for the drama of

life," and as tools in social competition.’4 As the

genteel standard of living - which included proper dress

- filtered downward through the ranks of society, the

middle class endeavored to make the genteel lifestyle

more complex and demanding and therefore, more difficult

for the lower classes to imitate. The fact that most

fashion plates from the Gilded Age were undifferentiated

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. indicates a supposition that their readers, by then,

knew genteel dress well enough to ascertain when most

dresses could be worn. As the genteel social schedule

became more complex and demanding, however, the small

proportion of differentiated fashion plates continued to

provide an increasingly complex system of wardrobe

instruction for new, unfamiliar social situations.

Overall, the differentiation of fashion plates

represents a change in the concept and organization of

time. This change was brought on by the transformation

of life after the Industrial Revolution. Before indus­

trialization, Western society was still agriculturally

based. Time was measured by the changing seasons and

movement of the sun, rather than by the minutes and

hours of the clock. Deferential relationships between

the individual and the family, community and Church

revealed a hierarchical mentality. The earliest dress

categories of full dress, half dress and undress, which

indicate degree of formality, were products of this

mentality. Industrialization, however, brought with it

a dependence on arbitrary regulation of time by the

clock, rather than on natural time. The individual's

life was now organized by means of ritualization and a

specialized schedule. The post-industrial dress

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100

categories in the fashion plates studied, based on

occasion and activity rather than hierarchy, were

products of the ritualistic mentality of an industrial

society.

Perhaps because the established middle class

realized that it could not prevent the downward mobility

of the genteel lifestyle, the elaborate etiquette of the

Gilded Age began to relax and simplify in the early

twentieth century. In addition, the earlier standards

of genteel dressing became more difficult to maintain as

fewer women centered their lives around the home.

Yet while the complex system of fashion plate

differentiation gradually eroded, the looser, more

general differentiation of clothing itself never

disappeared. Clothing differentiation of one kind or

another has existed as long as people have had some

choice in what they wore, and it still exists today.

Few Americans' of the late twentieth century, for

example, would consider wearing informal attire, such as

jeans, to a formal dinner party. Conversely, an evening

gown is not considered suitable business attire in our

society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101

The complex system of fashion plate differentia­

tion has disappeared because its instructional function

is no longer necessary. The mastery of exacting rules

coneernjLng prOijcr dress is no Longer a msrlt or gen­

tility, as costume no longer defines social class as

clearly as it once did. The cumbersome network of

differentiated dress categories is now extinct because

its survival was intimately tied to the elaborate, and

also extinct, Victorian concept of gentility.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1. Dr. J. Gregory, A Fath e r 's Legacy bo I-Iis Daughters (Philadelphia: Dover & Harper for Mathew Carey, 1796), 21.

2. Celnart, Book of Politeness, 22.

3. The Young Lady's Friend (Boston: John B. Russell [1837]), 110-111.

4. A Manual of Politeness, Comprising The Principles of Etiquette, and Rules of Behaviour in Genteel Society for Persons of Both Sexes (Phi1ade1phia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. [1842]), 223.

5. A Manual of Politeness. 238-239

6 . A Manual of Politeness, 240.

7. A Manual of Politeness, 223.

8. A Manual of Politeness, 224.

9. Bazar Book of Decorum, 164.

10. Bazar Book of Decorum, 167.

11. Decorum:____ A Practical Treatise on Etiquette and Dress of the Best American Society (Chicago: J. A. Ruth & Co. [1878]), 269.~

12. Mrs. Charles Harcourt, Good Form for Women: A Guide to Conduct and Dress on A11 Occasions (Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Co., 1907), 69.

13. Kaiser, Social Psychology, 213.

14. Kenneth L-. Ames, "Meaning in Artifacts: Hall Furnishings in Victorian /unerica," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, ed. Dell

102

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Upton and John Michael Vlach (Athens: The University Georgia Press, 1986), 252 and 255; the quote is tal from page 252.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX A:

TABLES OF THE CATEGORIZATION OF FASHION IMAGES

BY YEAR, 1770-1910

104

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105

Table A-1: Categorization of Fashion Images

1770

Number PerCent

Category of Images of Total

Undress 8 50 naif 1 6

Full 6 3 8

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 1 6

Total 16 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-2: Categorization of Fashion images

1775

Number Psr Cent

Category of Images of Total

Undress 3 20

Halt 0 0

Riding 1 7

Full 3 20

Multi 1 7

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 7 47

Total 15 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-3: Categorization of Fashion Images

1780

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Undress 14 33

Morning 4 9

S p a 2 5

Half 8 19

Riding 2 5

Evening 1 2

D in n er 1 2

Full 10 23

C o u rt 1 2

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 43 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-4: Categorization of Fashion Images

1785

Number PerCent

Category of Images of I otai

Full 1 100

Multi

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 1 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-5: Categorization of Fashion Images

1790

KI1I '*Ul

Category of Images of Total

Morning 1 100

Multi 0 u

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 1 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-6: Categorization of Fashion Images

1795

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Undress 1 2

iviorning 23 37

Afternoon 9 14

Riding 2 3

Evening 12 19

C o u rt 2 3

Nuptial Habit 1 2

Mourning 1 2

Half Mourning 1 2

Multi 1 2

Miscellaneous 1 2

Undifferentiated 9 14

Total 63 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-7: Categorization of Fashion Images 1800

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Undress 3 3

Morning 50 44

Morning Street 1 1

Walking 1 1

Afternoon 17 15

Half 2 2

Evening 6 5

Full 9 8

Ball 1 1

C o u rt 2 2

Multi 4 4

Miscellaneous 12 11

Undifferentiated 6 5

Total 114 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112

Table A-8: Categorization of Fashion Images

1805

Number Per Cent

C ateg o ry of Im ag es of Total

U n d re ss 1 1

Morning Neglige 1 1

M orning 3 4 ■< Morning High 1

Morning Walking 2 3

W alking 21 29

P ro m e n a d e 2 3 n Half 3

Riding 1 1

Half Full 2 3

Full 20 28

Full Evening 3 4

E vening 2 3

Evening_Walking 1 1

O p e ra 1 1

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 5 7

Undifferentiated 4 6

Total 72 to o

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-9: Categorization of Fashion Images 1810

Number PerCent

Category of Images of Total

Morning Carriage 1 2

Walking 7 15

Promenade 2 4

E vening 3 7

Evening Full 3 7

O p e ra 2 4

Ball 6 13

Full 3 7

Multi 1 2

Miscellaneous 2 4

Undifferentiated 16 35

Total 46 10°

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-10: Categorization of Fashion Images

1815

N um ber P e r C en t

C a te g o ry of Im ag es of Total

M orning 5 10

Morning Waiking 1 2

W alking 16 3 3

P ro m e n a d e 3 6

A fternoon 1 2

C arriag e 1 2

Riding 1 2

Sea-Side Bathing 1 2

F e te 1 2

Full 2 4

E vening 11 2 3

D inner 3 6

Multi 1 2

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 1 2

Total 48 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-11: Categorization of Fashion Images 1820

N um ber P e r C e n t

Category of Im ag es of Total

M orning 2 5

Morning Visiting 1 2

W alking 9 20

P ro m e n a d e 1 2

C a rria g e 2 5

Carriage Visiting 1 2

Half 1 2

E vening 12 27

O p e ra 2 5

Ball 2 5

C ourt 1 2

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 10 23

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 44 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-12: Categorization of Fashion Images

1825

1 iK M 1 Ul I P e r C e n t

C ateg o ry of Im a g e s of Total

H om e 1 2

Morning 4 8

Morning Walking 1 2

Morning Promenade 1 2

Morning Visiting 1 2

Morning Exhibition 1 2

W alking 7 15

P ro m e n a d e 3 6

C arria g e 4 8

Carriage Visiting 1 2

E vening 14 29

Evening Full 1 2

Musical Party 1 2

O p e ra 1 2

Ball 2 4

C ourt 1 2

Summer Recess 1 2

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 3 6

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 48 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-13: Categorization of Fashion Images

1830

Number Psr Csnt

Category of Images of Total

Morning 16 12

Walking 16 12

Promenade 7 5

Carriage 18 14

Afternoon 1 1

Dinner 12 9

Evening 32 ' 25

Full 8 6

O p e ra 5 4

Concert 1 1

Ball 10 8

C ourt 2 2

Mourning Walking 1 1

Mourning Evening 1 1

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 130 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-14: Categorization of Fashion images

1835

Niimbcr p o r C sn i

Category of Im ag es of Total

B reak fast I 2

M orning 5 12

W alking 7 18

C a rria g e 3 8

E vening 11 28

Evening Concert 1 3

D inner 4 10

Ball 1 3

C ourt 1 3

Multi 0 0

Miscellaneous 6 15

Undifferentiated 0 0

Total 40 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-15: Categorization of Fashion images

1840

D n r 1 '•Lit 1 IL V I • C>l W O I t I

C ateg o ry of Im ag e s of Total

Morning Neglige 3 9

M orning 1 3

H om e 1 3

Promenade 3 9

Riding 1 3

E vening 2 6

Evening Visiting 1 3

Ball 2 6 B ride's 1 3

Multi 2 6

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 15 47

Total 32 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120

Table A-16: Categorization of Fashion Images

1845

N um ber P e r C e n t

Category of Im a g e s of Total

M orning 4 7

Morning for Home 1 2

W alking 10 19

P ro m e n a d e 5 9

C arriag e 3 6

Riding 2 4

Pic-N ic 4 7

E vening 11 20

Full 1 2

S o ire e 1 2

O p e ra 2 4

Ball 4 7

B ride's 2 4

Bridemaid's 1 2

Morning for Springs 1 2

Multi 1 2

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 1 2

Total 54

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-17: Categorization of Fashion Images

1850

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Morning 4 6

H om e 2 3

invalid's 2 3

Walking 14 20

Walking for Calls 1 1

Promenade 1 1

Carriage 1 1

Riding 2 3

D inner 2 3

Evening 3 4

O p e ra 3 4

Ball 1 1

Bride's 4 6

Evening for Watering-Place 2 3

Evening - Half Mourning 1 1

Multi 7 10

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 19 28

Total 69 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-18: Categorization of Fashion Images

1855

Numfcsr Psr Gsnt

Category of Images of Total

Morning 2 4

Home 6 1 id

indoor 1 2

Walking 18 35

Carriage 4 8

Evening 4 8

Ball 2 4

Bride's 1 2

Half Mourning 1 2

Half Dress - Half Mourning 1 2

Multi 3 6

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 8 16

Total 51 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-19: Categorization of Fashion images 1860

Numbsr Psr 0 s p, t

Category of Images of Total

Morning 3 2

H om e 3 2

Walking 9 7

For Morning Calls 1 1

Carriage 5 4

Reception 4 3

D inner 3 2

Evening 8 6

Full Evening 1 1

For an Evening Gathering 1 1

O p e ra 1 1

Bride's 4 3

Bridemaid's 3 2

Out-Door Country 1 1

Sea-Side 1 1

Walking for Sea-Side 1 1

Evening for Sea-Side 1 1

Watering-Place 1 1

Morning for Watering-Place 1 1

Walking for Watering-Place 1 1

Dinner for Watering-Place 1 1

Multi 9 7

Miscellaneous 0 0

Undifferentiated 66 51

Total 129 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-20: Categorization of Fashion images

1865

Nurobsr Psr Osnt

Category of Images of Total

Morning 7 4

H om e 10 6

Walking 21 12

Promenade 3 2

Carriage 12 7

Visiting 2 1

Reception 1 <1

Riding 5 3

A fternoon 1 <1

O ut-D oor 1 <1

Dinner 15 9

Evening 10 6

F o r a n E vening C o m p an y 1 <1

O p e ra 1 <1

Ball 5 3

Bride’s 2 1

W aterin g -P lace 1 <1

Morning for Watering-Place 2 1

Second Mourning 1 <1

Promenade for Second Mourning 1 <1

Light M ourning 1 <1

Multi 1 <1

M iscellan eo u s 11 6

Undifferentiated 55 32

Total 170 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-21: Categorization of Fashion Images

1870

N um ber P s r C en t

C ateg o ry of Im ag es of T otal

M orning 3 1

H om e 41 a

For Household Duties 1 <1

W alking 107 23

P ro m e n a d e 2 <1

C arriag e 8 2

A fternoon 1 <1

Visiting 8 2

R ecep tio n 2 <1

Riding 10 2

S k atin g 2 <1

Sea-Bathing 8 2

S tre e t 7 2

O ut-D oor 3 1

Travelling 4 1

D inner 12 3

E vening 23 5

C o n c ert 2 <1

Birthday Fete 1 <1

Ball 1 <1

B ride's 10 2

Country Walking 1 <1

S e a -S id e 2 <1

Mourning Walking 1 <1

(Continued on next pace)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 2 6

Table A-21:Categorization of Fashion Images 1870 (Continued)

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Multi 15 3

Miscellaneous \J*T /

Undifferentiated 155 33

Total 465 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 2 7

Table A-22: Categorization of Fashion Images

1875

Number PerCent

Category of Images of Total

Morning 4 1

indoor 1 <1

Out-Door Morning 1 <1

House 47 10

N u rse's 1 <1

Walking 93 19

Carriage 27 6

Afternoon 1 <1

Visiting 21 4

Reception 5 1

Riding 3 1

Skating 4 1

Bathing 6 1

R acing 1 <1

Out-Door 1 <1

S tre e t 7 1

Travelling 7 1

Dinner 10 2

Evening 38 7

For Hops 1 <1

O p e ra 4 1

Ball 12 2

Limousine 4 1

Bride's 10 2

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-22: Categorization of Fashion Images

1875 (Continued)

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

S e a -S id e 1 <1

Watering-Place 1 <1

Dressy Watering-Place 1 <1

Mourning 4 1

Half M ourning 1 <1

Walking - Second Mourning 1 <1

Multi 2 2 5

M iscellan eo u s 11 2

Undifferentiated 136 28

Total 485 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129

Table A-23: Categorization of Fashion Images 1880

Number Psr Csnt

Category of Images of Total

M orning 4 1

Indoor 1 <1

H o u se 64 10

N u rse's 2 <1

W alking 97 15

P ro m e n a d e 1 < l

C arria g e 19 • 3

Carriage Visiting 1 <1

A fternoon 3 <1

Visiting 37 6

R ecep tio n 8 1

C a sin o 2 <1

Garden-Party 2 <1

G a rd en 1 <1

Travelling 4 1

S tre e t 7 1

Pilgrim age 1 <1

Riding 5 1

S kating 5 1

B athing 9 1

C ro q u et 1 <1

D inner 19 3

E vening 53 8

T h ea tre 1 <1 (Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130

Table A-23: Categorization of Fashion Images 1880 (Continued)

N um ber P e r C e n t

Category of Im ag e s of Total

O p e ra 1 <1

Ball 3 <1

B ride's 7 1

Bridemaid's 1 <1

Country 9 1

Country Walking 1 <1

Country Visiting 1 <1

Country Reception 1 <1

S e a -S id e 2 <1

W atering-Place 5 1

Watering-Place - Morning 1 <1

W atering-Place - Afternoon 1 <1

Watering-Place for Hops & Balls 1 <1

Watering-Place for Hops 1 <1

W atering-Place for Balls 1 <1

M ourning 8 1

Multi 35

Miscellaneous 6

Undifferentiated 213

Total 645 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-24: Categorization of Fashion Images

1885

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Morning 6 1

Indoor 11 2

House 72 13

Nurse’s 1 <1

M orning S tre e t 1 <1

Walking 98 17

Promenade 6 1

Carriage 3 1

Afternoon 9 2

Visiting 19 3

Reception 9 2

Riding 2 <1

Bathing 4 1

Garden-Party 3 1

S tre e t 7 1

Travelling 3 1

G oing-A w ay 1 <1

D inner 7 1

Evening 41 7

Theatre 3 1

Ball 4 1

Bride's 9 2

Bridemaid's 3 1

C ountry 1 <1

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-24: Categorization of Fashion Images

1885 (Continued)

N um ber P e r C en t

Category of Im ag e s of Total

M ountain 2 <1

S e a -S id e 4 1

Watering-Place 11 2

M ourning 4 1

Mourning House 2 <1

Multi 3 4 6

Miscellaneous 27 5

Undifferentiated 157 28

Total 564 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-25: Categorization of Fashion Images

1890

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Morning 7 1

H ouse 4 6 9

Indoor ^ ^

N u rse's 1 <1

Walking 85 16

Promenade 9 2

C a rria g e 2 <1

Afternoon 10 2

Visiting 41 8

Reception 20 4

T e a 5 1

Garden-Party 12 2

E a s te r 3

Riding 4

B athing 5

T en n is 4

Boating 2 <

Y achting 3

Cycling 3

Hunting 1 <

S tre e t 5

Travelling 7

O ut-D oor 6

Mountain 1 <

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-25: Categorization of Fashion Images

1890 (Continued)

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Country-House Visiting 1 <1

Watering-Place 8 1

Saratoga "I *-1

Sea-Side 6 1

D inner 8 1

Evening 25 5

Ball 1 <1

Bride's 9 2

B ridem aid's 2 <1

Wedding Reception 2 <1

Mourning 3 1

Visiting - Light Mourning 1 <1

Multi 2 7 5

Miscellaneous 40 7

Undifferentiated 118 22

Total 538 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135

Table A-2S: Categorization of FashionImages 1895

N um ber P e r C ent

C aieg o ry of Im ag e s of T ots!

M orning 5 1 1—I<"i1 tc*o> 15 3

W alking 7 1

P ro m e n a d e 2 <1

A fternoon 18 3

Home Afternoon 1 <1

Visiting 4 1

Calling 15 3

R eception 17 3

Afternoon Reception 1 <1

T e a 8 1

Garden-Party 3 1

G raduating 1 <1

Demi-Toilette 1 <1

M atinee 1 <1

Riding 1 <1

Bathing 2 <1

T en n is 3 1

Y achting 3 1

Cycling 2 <1

R acing 3 1

H unting 1 <1

S tre e t 4 1

Travelling 2 <1 (Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136

Table A-26: Categorization of Fashion Images 1895 (Continued)

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Driving 3 1

Coaching 1 <.1

Out-Door 3 1

O uting 2 <1

M ountain 1 <1

Morning for Country 1 <1

Guest at Country House 2 <1

C ountry 1 <1

Sea-Side 7 1

Watering-Place 3 1

D inner 9 2

Evening 33 6

C o n cert 2 <1

D e b u ta n te's 1 <1

Ball 3 1

G ra n d e T oilette 1 <1

Bride’s 4 1

B ridem aid's 2 <1

Mourning 3 1

Light M ourning 1 <1

Multi 3 0 6

Miscellaneous 27 5

Undifferentiated 284 52

Total 544 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-27: Categorization of Fashion Images 1900

Number Per Cent

Category of Images of Total

Neglige 7 1

iviorning 13 3

H ouse 3 0 6

Indoor 2 <1

Morning Street 1 <1

Street 37 8

Walking 13 3

Calling 1 <1

Afternoon 10 2

Afternoon Walking 1 <1

Reception 17 3

T e a 11 2

Schoolgirl's 2 <1

Graduating 5 1

G a rd e n -P arty 2 <1

Visiting 6 1

T ravelling 2 <1

Coaching 1 <1

O uting 2 <1

Out-Door 6 1

Out-Door Sports 1 <1

Golfing 9 2

G ym 1 <1

Bathing 5 1

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138

Table A-27: Categorization of Fashion Images 1900 (Continued)

Number Per Cent

Category of images ofToiai

Cycling 7 1 o -4 ruuu ly *- -- ■

Archery 1 <1

Yachting 9 2

M atinee 1 <1

Dinner 20 4

H o u se E vening 1 <1

Home Dinner 1 <1

Theatre 1 <1

O p e ra 2 <1

Evening 24 5

Debutante's 2 <1

Bali 2 <1

Bride's 1 <1

Bridemaid's 1 <1

Maternity 1 <1

Mourning 6 1

Street Mourning 4 1

House Mourning 4 1

Half M ourning 1 <1

T e a M ourning 1 <1

D inner M ourning 1 <1

R ainy-D ay 1 <1

Multi 18 4

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 3 9

Table A-27: Categorization of Fashion Images 1900 (Continued)

Number PerCent

Category of images of Tola!

Miscellaneous 16 3

undiifereiiliaied 175 36

Total 488 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-28: Categorization of Fashion Images

1905

Number Per Cent

Category of images ofToiai

Neglige 1 1 A n t *1 1 tviui t mi ty • ■

H o u se 8 4

Street 24 13

Walking 2 1

Afternoon 2 1

Reception 3 2

Calling 3 2

T e a 2 1

Travelling 2 1

Out-Door 8 4

Garden-Party 1 1

Skating 1 1

G ym 1 1

Bathing 2 1

Schoolgirl's 2 1

Graduating 4 2

D inner 2 1

Evening 19 10

Ball 1 1

Bride's 2 1

Bridemaid's 2 1

Bride's Mother 1 1

Bride's Going-Away 1 1

(Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table A-28: Categorization of Fashion Images

1905 (Continued)

N um ber P e r C en t

C a te g o ry of im a g e s of Toiai

M aternity 4 2

i v i w i n i n ^ iviuiuihiiji 9

M ourning 2 1

Mourning Street 3 2

Mourning House 3 2

Multi 4 2

Miscellaneous 33 18

Undifferentiated 35 19

Total 181 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142

Table A-29: Categorization of Fashion Images 1910

Number PerCent

Category of images ofToiai

Neglige 4 2

i : A 9 ui i lyoi io • —

Breakfast 2 1

Morning 8 3

House 26 10

Indoor 2 1

Street 22 9

Walking 2 1

Afternoon 7 3

Garden 1 <1

Visiting 1 <1

Reception 2 1

Graduating 2 1

Professional Woman's 1 <1

Out-Door 4 2

Outing 1 <1

Riding 1 <1

Bathing 1 <1

Golfing 2 1

T en n is 2 1

Dinner 1 <1

Evening 23 9

D e b u ta n te 's 1 <1

Bride's 1 <1 (Continued on next page)

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143

Table A-29: Categorization of Fashion Images 1910 (Continued)

Numbar PerCent

Category of images or'Totai

B ride's H o u se 1 <1

Briue's GOiny-A'/vdy 1 <*»

Bride's Reception 1 <1

Maternity 4 2

Morning Maternity 1 <1

Maternity - Special Afternoon or Home 1 <1

Mourning 2 1

Mourning Walking 1 <1

Mourning Dinner 1 <1

Half Mourning - Home 1 <1

Multi 3 1

M iscellan eo u s 2 7 11

Undifferentiated 90 35

Total 255 100

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX B:

GRAPHS ILLUSTRATING THE CATEGORIZATION

OF FASHION IMAGES BY YEAR, 1770-1910

144

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

Category M iscellan eo u s s u eo iscellan M U n d re ss ss re d n U ndiffd U iueB1 PrCn fDessb aeoy- 70 7 -1 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B-1: Figure Multi Half Half Fuii Fuii 10 20 30 40 50 60 6 0 5 0 4 0 3 0 2 0 1 0 145 % of Total % of poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

C a te g o ry selanous neo lla isce M ess re d n U Figure B-2: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1775 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B-2: Figure ndiffd U Riding Multi Half Full 1 'S/SSSSi H i I — 0 6 0 5 0 4 0 3 0 2 0 1 --- 146 % of Total %of 1 --- ' --- 1 --- ' --- 1 --- 1 --- 1 --- U n d re ss m M m m w m M orning HP S p a m H alf 1

niding v//A E vening 1 D inner o @ o> Full w/////////////zM\

Miscellaneous

Undiff'd T T T T 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

0/_ TMciI

ETiMtfAtA D_0* Dak ^aa* a # H kaaaaa U«f /'a!a/*a»n/ „ 17QH I iyUl 6 u*o« r ei it vi vi v d v w vjf wutcywi y I < vv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

C a te g o ry selne s u eo iscellan M iueB4 PrCn fDessb aeoy1785 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B=4: Figure ndiffd U Multi Full 0 20 % of Total %of 148 0 4 m m m m m w 0 6 0 8 100 poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

C a te g o ry selne s u eo iscellan M orning M Figure Figure ndiffd U Multi 0 B-5: B-5: Per Cent Cent Per 20 % of Total % of 149 0 6 0 4 of Dresses by Category - 1790 - Category by Dresses of 0 8 100 poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

Category sela ous u eo llan isce M Half M ourning ourning M Half Nuptial H abit abit H Nuptial fternoon A M ourning ourning M Figure B-6: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1795 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B-6: Figure ess re d n U orning M vening E ndiffd U rt u o C Multi 0 10 % of Total %of 20 150 0 3 0 4 0 6 0 5 U n d re ss

M orning

Morn'g Street

W alking

A fternoon

Half

E vening Full

Ball

C ourt

Multi

Miscellaneous Undiffd ^

0 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-7: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1800

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. U n d re ss Morn'g Ngl'gee M orning Morning High Morn'g Walk'g W alking P ro m e n ad e Half Riding Half Full Full e* o Full Evening U) o E vening ■4-*(0 o Evening Walk'g O p e ra Multi Miscellaneous m Undiffd i — r~ — r- — i- 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-8: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1805

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 5 3

Mrn'g Carr’ge

Walkin9 P ro m e n a d e

Evening _ - \/////X tvening run ......

o 05 o

Miscellaneous

Undiffd

% of Total

Figure B-9: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1810

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning

Morn’g W alk’g

W alking

P ro m e n a d e

A fternoon l^i

C arriag e

Riding

SeaSide Bath’g

F e te

b Full o>o o E vening o D inner

Multi

Miscellaneous

lln d iffd — T" — r— — r~ — r- 1C 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-10: Per Cent of Dresses by Category - 1815

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning

Morn'g Visit’g

W alking

P ro m e n a d e

C arriag e

Carr’ge Visit'g

Half

tv e n in g y//////////////////////A a* o O p e ra S’

Miscellaneous Undiffd — r™ — T“ — r- 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% o i loiai

Figure B-11: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1820

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

Category M orn'g Exhib’n Exhib’n orn'g M rRecess s s e c e R 'r m m S M orn'g W alk'g alk'g W orn'g M M usical P arty arty P usical M C arr’g e Visit’g Visit’g e arr’g C M iscellan eo u s s u eo iscellan M M orn'g Visit'g g j j g Visit'g orn'g M r' Fo From orn'g M Evening Full Full Evening omenade e d a n e m ro P Figure B-12: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1825 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B-12: Figure C arriage arriage C M orning orning M W alking alking W Evening Evening ndiffd U a ra e p O Hom e e Hom C ourt ourt C Multi Bail Bail j'rv'rr. .. 10 i r-— 156 20 % of Total % of T" — 30 050 40 60 M orning

W alking

P ro m e n a d e

C arriag e

D inner

E vening

Full

O p e ra

C o n c ert

£• Ball o S’ C ourt

<3 Mourn'g Wlk'g

Mourn'g Ev'g

Multi

Miscellaneous

U ndiffd

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure B-13: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1830

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153

B reak fast

M orning

W alking W////MM

'////////////A ev en in g ////////////// a Ev’g Concert

S' Dinner T7)o O oCO C ourt

Miscellaneous Undiffd

% of Total

Figure B-14: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1835

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. poue ih emiso o h cprgt we. ute erdcin rhbtd ihu pr ission. perm without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of ission perm with eproduced R

Category M orn'g N gl'gee gl'gee N orn'g M iscellaneous M E ven'g Visit'g Visit'g ven'g E omena e ad n e m ro P iueB1: e eto rse yCtgr 1 40 -18 Category by Dresses of Cent Per B-15: Figure M orning orning M E vening vening E ndiffd U B ride’s ride’s B iig ^ Riding me om H Muiii Ball Ball i— — 1 0 % of Total % of 15 9 20 T 30 T 40 -r- 50 60 160

M orning Mrng fr Home W alking m m r n r n

Piumei'iao'ti V//////A C arriag e Riding X Pic-Nic m i E vening W / M M m C, .11 Vi S o ire e i O p e ra m Ball B ride's

Bridemaid's l Mng fr Sprngs i Multi 1 Miscellaneous U ndiffd ■F—1 ■— i--->— i-- >-1— i-- 1— >-- 1— 1-- 0 10 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure B-16: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1845

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 6 1

M orning Hom a Invalid's \y////////////z//A . . o i r M . i y 1 '''/S*- Walk'g fr Calls ^ P ro m e n a d e JJ Carriage 0 Riding y y \ D inner YAA E vening O p e ra fr o Ball 8* B ride's CO o Evg for W-P Ev-1/2 Mourg Multi Miscellaneous

U ndiffd T “I — r~ — r- 20 3 0 4 0 so 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-17: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1850

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning H om e indoor 71 vvaiKing y ////////////y /////////////////A C a rn a g e E vening

£ Bridal oo> to o Ht-1/2 Mourg Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd — r~ — I— — r~ 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-18: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1855

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning Hom e W alking fr Morng Calls g C arriage R eception D inner E vening rtiii Evening ^ frbvgGatherg jj O p e ra B ride's Bridemaid's Outdr fr Cntry S e a -S id e £• Walkg fr SeaS o o Eveng fr SeaS " a O W ater’g-Place Mrng for W-P Walkg for W-P Dnnr for W-P Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd “i r i 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-19: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1860

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Walking }#%%%% P ro m e n a d e C a rria g e Y////A Visiting a R ecep tio n Riding A fternoon O ut-D oor D inner E vening fr Evg Compny O p e ra Ball £• B ride's o 05 a> W ater’g-Place cs o M rng for W -P 2d Mourning Prm-2d Mourg Light Mourning Multi Miscellaneous UndifPd T T i — r- — r~ 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure 5-20: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1365

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning H om e I Hs'hold Duties W alking Promenade ]| C arriag e A fternoon Visiting R ecep tio n Riding S kating Sea-Bathing S tre e t O ut-D oor Travelling D inner Evening e- C o n cert o Birthday Fete I*o U Ball B ride's Country Walkg S e a -S id e Mourng Walkg Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd i T T — J— 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-21: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1870

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning Indoor Out-Dr Morng H ouse Y///////A N urse's _|1 W alking C arriag e A fternoon Visiting R eception Riding S kating Bathing R acing O ut-D oor S tre e t 3 Travelling 3 D inner 3 E vening for H ops O p e ra o Ball 4>D> L im ousine a ti B ride's S e a -S id e Water'g-Place Dressy W-P M ourning Half Mourning Wkg-2d Mourg Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd T "I —I 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-22: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1875

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning Indoor H ouse N u rse 's W alking P ro m e n a d e Carriage EZ3 o______\ n v _ /a nA^ornnnn y o v i&uQ jH j Visiting " 1 ^ 2 R ecep tio n C a sin o Garden-Party G a rd en Traveiiing S tre e t Pilgrimage Riding S kating B athing C ro q u e t D inner E vening a T h e a te r O p e ra Ball B ride's Bridemaid's g C ountry o> Cntry Walking ■5 Cntry Visiting o Cntry Receptn S e a -S id e W aterg-Place W -P - M orng W -P - A ftnoon WP-Hops/Blls W-P for Hops W-P for Balls M ourning Multi Miscellaneous Undiffd , 0 10 20 30 40 50 60

% of Total

Figure B-23: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1880

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning Indoor H ouse N u rse 's Morng Sireei W alking P ro m e n a d e C a rria g e A fternoon

w ioiiii ly R e ce p tio n Riding B athing Garden-Party S tre e t Travelling Going-Away D inner E vening T h e a te r o Ball 0)o> B ride's (0 o Bridemaid's C ountry M ountain S e a -S id e W aterg-Place M ourning Mourng House Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd T T ~ —r~ — r~ 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% o f T o tal

Figure B-24: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1885

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning H ouse \ y s ////\ Indoor N u rs e 's W alking m P ro m e n a d e C a rn a g e A fternoon Visiting % R ecep tioin n J2Zd T e a io rrlnn.Dortti l E a s te r Riding B athing T en n is B oating Y achting Cycling H unting S tre e t Travelling O ut-D oor M ountain >»w Cntry Visiting O Q>O) W aterg-Place « S a ra to g a O S e a -S id e D inner E vening Ball B ride's Bridemaid's Wedding Rcptn M ourning Vstg-Lt Mourg Multi Miscellaneous 7ZZZZ& U ndiffd T T I — I- 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of i oiai

Figure B-25: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1890

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. M orning H ouse W alking rromenarie A fternoon Home Aftrn'n Visiting Calling R eception Aftrnoon Rec'n T e a Garden-Party ofauuctiifiQ Demi-Toilette M atinee Riding B athing T en n is Y achting Cycling R acing H unting S tre e t Travelling Driving C oaching O ut-D oor O uting £• M ountain o Mrng fr Cntry Gst-Cntry Hse tos C ountry O S e a -S id e a Waterg-Place a D inner a E vening 2223 C o n c ert Debutante's Bail Grande Toil'te B ride's Bridemaid's M ourning Light Mourng Multi Miscellaneous Undiffd 77771 — r~ — I— — I— — T~ 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-26: Per uent of Dresses by Category -1895

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N eglige . M orning . H o u se Indoor Morng Street . oiiooi W alking C alling A fternoon Aftnoon Walkg R ecep tio n T e a Schoolgirl’s G ra d u atin g . O h r+s t Visiting Travelling C o ach in g O uting O u t-D o o r Out-Dr Sports G olfing G ym B athing Cycling Riding A rchery Y achting M atin ee D inner House Evening Home Dinner £■ T h e a te r o O p e ra 8* E v en in g To Debutante's Q Ball B rid e's Bridemaid's M aternity M ourning Street Mourng House Mourng Half Mourning Tea Mourning Dinner Mourng R ainy-D ay Multi Miscellaneous U ndiffd — i— — i— — i— 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-27: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1900

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N eglige M orning H ouse ...... o» WMW.W/A.Vs^'J W alking Afternoon a Reception M Calling T e a 0 11 dvtriin lu n O ut-D oor Garden-Party S kating Gym B athing Schoolgirl Graduating D inner E vening Ball & B ride's o oo> Bridemaid's (0 Bride’s Mothr o Going-Away M aternity Mrng Matrnity M ourning Mourng Street Mourng House Multi Miscellaneous U na iff a T — r~ — r~ — r- 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-28: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1905

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N eglige Lingerie B reak fast M orning H ouse w / / j / 2 Z a riuoor-- "h V/////A W alking A fternoon G a rd en Visiting R eception Graduation Prfssni Wmn's O ut-D oor O uting Riding B athing Goif T en n is D inner E vening Debutante's b B ride's o Bride's House OD) "5 Going-Away O Bride's Rec’n M aternity a Mrg Maternity Matrnty-Specl M ourning Mourng Walkg Mourng Dinner I^Mur'g-Hme Multi Miscellaneous U n d iffd T T T — r~ — r~ 1 10 20 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

% of Total

Figure B-29: Per Cent of Dresses by Category -1910

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. J_> JL -LJ X J.AX

Magazine Sources (In Chrono1ogical Order)

The Lady's Magazine. Vols. 1-30. London: 1770-1800. (Entire span of publication: 1770-1837.)

The Gallery of Fashion. Vols. 2-7. London: 1795-1800. (Entire span of publication: 1794-1803.)

The Lady's Monthly Museum. Vols. 4-Ser. 4 vol. 4. London: 1800-1830. (Entire span of publication: 1798-1832.) Title varies: 1798-1814 as The Lady's Monthly Museum; 1815-1828 as The Ladies Monthly Museum; 1829-1832 as The Ladies' Museum.

La Belle Assembles, or Bell's Court and Fashionable Magazine addressed particularly to the Ladies. Vols. 1-Ser. 3 vol. 12. London: 1806-1830. (Entire span of publication: 1806-1869.)

Repository of Arts, Literature, Commerce, Manufactures, Fashions and Politics. Vols. 1-Ser. 3 vol. 12. London: 1809-1828. (Entire span of publication: 1809-1828.)

Godey's Lady's Book. Vcls. 1-131. Philadelphia: 1830- " 1895. (Entire span of publication: 1830-1898.) Title varies: 1830-1832 and 1835-1339 as Lady's Book; 1833-1834 as Monthly Magazine of Belles- Lettres and the Arts, the Lady's Book; 1840-1843 a s Godey' Lady's Book, and Ladies' .American Magazine; 1844-1848 as Godey's Magazine and Lady's Book; 1848-1892 as Godey's Lady's Book; 1893-1898 as Godey's Magazine.

174

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1'75

Peterson's Magazine. Vols. 7-98. Philadelphia: 1845- 1890. (Entire span of publication: 1842-1898.) Title varies: 1842 as Lady's World of Fashion; January-May 1843 as Lady's World; June 1843 as Artist and Lady's World; 1843-1848 as Ladies' National Magazine; 1849-1892 as Peterson Magazine; 1892-1894 as New Peterson. Magazine-, 1894-1898 as Peterson Magazine of Illustrated. Li terature .

Harper's Bazar. Vols. 3-44. New York: 1870-1910. (Entire span of publication: 1867- .)

Etiquette _Books_

The Bazar Book of Decorum. New lork: Harper & Brothers [1871.]

Calabrella, Countess de. The Ladies' Science of Etiquette, and Hand-Book of the Toilet. Phila­ delphia: T. B. Peterson, n.d. (ca. 1850).

Celnart, Mme. The Gentleman and Lady's Book of Politeness and Propriety of Deportment. Dedicated to the Youth of Both Sexes. Trans. Boston: Allen & Ticknor, and Carter, Hendee & Co., 1833.

Decorum: A Practical Treatise on Etiquette and Dress of the Best American Society. Chicago: J. A. Ruth <5c Co [1878. ]

Gregory, Dr. J. A Father's Legacy to His Daughters. Philadelphia: Dover & Harper for Mathew Carey, 1796.

Hall, Florence Howe. Social Customs. Boston: Esces & Lauriat, 1887.

Harcourt, Mrs. Charles. Good Form for Women: A Guide to Conduct and Dress on All Occasions. Phila­ delphia: The John C. Winston Co., 1907.

How to Behave: A Pocket Manual of Republican Etiquette, and Guide to Correct Personal Habits. New York: Fowler & Wells [1856.]

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A Manual of Politeness, Comprising The Principles of Etiquette. and Rules of Behaviour in Genteel Society for Persons of Both Sexes. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott & Co. [1842.1

Peddle, Mrs. Rudiments of Taste, in a Series of bKLLeia, irum a nQtiici up iier Dauqn~cers. Pnrj.a— delphia: Dover & Karper for Mathew Carey, 1797.

Social Culture: A Treatise on Etiquette, Self-Culture, Dress. Physical Beauty and Domestic Relations, Together with Social, Commercial and Legal Forms. Springfield, Mass.: The King-Richardson Co. [1902.]

Thornwell, Emily. The Lady's Guide to Perfect Gentility. New York: Derby & Jackson, 1855.

The Whole Duty of Woman. Exeter, England: Stearns & Winslow [1794.]

The Young Lady's Friend. Boston: John B. Russell [1837.]

The Young Lady's Own Book:_____A Manual of Intellectual Improvement and Moral Deportment. Philadelphia: Key, Mielke & Biddle [1832.]

Costume History

Halttunen, Karen. Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830- 1870. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982.

Ho11and, Vyvyan. Hand Coloured Fashion Plates: 1770 to 1899. London: B. T. Batsford’Ltd., 1955.

Kidwell, Claudia B., and Margaret C. Christman. Suiting Everyone:_____The Democratization of Clothing in America. Washington, B.C.: The Smithsonian Insti­ tution Press, 1974.

McClellan, Elisabeth. Historic Dress in America: 1607- 1870. New York: Arno Press, 1977.

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Moore, Doris Langley. Fashion through Fashion Plates: 1771-1970. New York: Clarkson N. Potter Inc., 1971.

Payne, Blanche. History of Costume From the Ancient Egyptians to the Twentieth Century. New York: Harper & Row, 1365.

Social and Cultural History

Ames, Kenneth L. "Meaning in Artifacts: Hall Furnishings in Victorian America." In Common P laces:______Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, ed. Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, 240-260. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1986.

Calder-Marshall, Arthur. The Grand Century of the Lady. London: Gordon Cremonesi Ltd., 1976.

Cott, Nancy F. The Bonds of Womanhood: "Woman's Sphere" in New England, 1780-1835. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977.

Ellis, Joseph J. After the Revolution: Profiles of Early American Culture. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1979.

Federhen, Deborah Anne, Bradley C. Brooks, Lynn A. Brocklebank, Kenneth L. Ames, and E. Richard McKinstry. Accumulation & Display: Mass Marketing Household Goods in America, 1880-1920. Winterthur, Del.: The Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum, 1986.

Green, Harvey, with the assistance of Mary-Ellen P e r r y , The Light of the Home: An Intimate View of the Lives of Women in Victorian Arnerica. New York: Pantheon Books, 1983.

Henretta, James A. The Evolution of American Society, 1700-1815: An Interdisciplinary Analysis. Lexing­ ton, Mass.: D. C. Heath & Co., 1973.

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Lerner, Gerda. "The Lady and the Mill Girl: Changes in the Status of women in the Age of Jackson, 1800- 1840." In A Heritage of Her Own: Toward a New Social History of American Women, ed. Nancy F. Cott and Elizabeth H. Pleck, 182-196. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979.

i N y cr , i\ u d o c i . TaIS C u 2.tu 2Ts. 1 Life of tine N e w Ei 4- V» c Nation, 1776-1830. Nev liar jl_/x. :s, I960.

Prude, Jonathan. The Coming of Industrial Order: Town and Factory Life in Rural Massachusetts, 1810- 1860. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983 .

Riley, Glenda Gates. "The Subtle Subversion: Changes in the Traditionalist Image of the American Woman." The Historian 32 (November 1969): 210-227.

Rothman, Ellen K. Hands and Hearts: A History-of Courtship in America. New York: Basic Books, I n c ., 1984.

Schlesinger, Arthur M. Learning How ' to Behave: A Historical Study of American Etiquette Books. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947.

Welter, Barbara. "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820- 1860." American Quarterly 18 (Summer 1966): 151- 174.

Clothing in Society

Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1959.

Kaiser, Susan B. The Social Psyche logy of Clothing and Personal Adornment. New York: Macmillan Publish­ ing Co., 1985.

Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory cf the Leisure Class. With an Introduction by Robert Lekachman. First published 1899; reprint, Mew 7ork: Penguin Books, 1986.

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History of Magazines

Current-Garcia, Eugene. The American Short Story Before 1850: A Critical History. Boston: G. K. Hall S. Co., 1985.

Mott, Frank Luther. A History of American Magazines. Vol. 1, 1741-1850. New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1930.

______. A History of American Magazines. Vol. 2, 1850-1865. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1938.

Smith, Henry Nash. "The Scribbling Women and the Cosmic Success Story." Critical Inguijry. 1 (September 1974): 47-70.

White, Cynthia L., Ph.D. Women's Magazines 1693-1968. London: Michael Joseph Ltd., 1970.

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