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The Future of the V4 – Twenty Years On

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1|2012 1|2012 NOBODY QUESTIONS THE GEOPOLITICAL IDENTITY OF THE REGION Rudolf Chmel V4: ONLY IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EU Aleksander Smolar THE CRISIS AND REACTIONS: FOUR RESPONSES Jacques Rupnik WWW.VISEGRADINSIGHT.EU WWW.VISEGRADREVUE.EU EUROPE OF FOSTER BROTHERS Csaba G. Kiss Nice One, Václav Havel! György Konrád THE FUTURE OF THE V4 – TWENTY YEARS ON ESSAY: Lajos Parti Nagy on Jindřich Štreit 1|2012 CIRCULATION: 4000 FREQUENCY: twice a year EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Wojciech Przybylski (Res Publica Nowa, PL) ECONOMY Martin Ehl (Hospodářské noviny, CZ) INTELLIGENT MIND Éva Karádi (Magyar Lettre International, HU) and Marta Šimečková (www.salon.eu.sk, SK) BOOKS Marek Sečkař (Host, CZ) INTERVIEW AND COMMUNITIES Máté Zombory (HU) VISEGRAD ABROAD AND LOOKING BACK in cooperation with Europeum (CZ) LANGUAGE EDITOR C. Cain Elliot (Res Publica Nowa, USA) ASSISTANT TO THE EDITOR Anna Kiedrzyńska (Res Publica Nowa, PL) GRAPHIC DESIGN PUBLISHED BY Fundacja Res Publica im. H. Krzeczkowskiego ul. Gałczyńskiego 5, 00-362 Warsaw, Poland tel.: +48 22 826 05 66 ORDERS AND INQUIRIES [email protected] This issue is free of charge. Postage charge may apply WEBPAGE www.visegradinsight.eu WEBSITE UPDATED WEEKLY EDITED BY EUROPEUM www.visegradrevue.eu ON THE COVER Vaclav Havel holds a press conference in occasion of the 20th anniversary of the changes in Czechoslovakia and the fall of the Iron Curtain in Prague, Czech Republic, Thursday, Oct. 15, 2009. (AP Photo / Fotolink / Petr David Josek) We kindly thank researchers working for this issue: Piotr Kątski, Aleksandra Najberek, Iryna Oleksyuk, Agnieszka Zarzyńska. Visegrad Insight is published by Res Publica Foundation with the kind support of the International Visegrad Fund. The magazine maintains full editorial independence and opinions expressed in the articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily have to reflect or represent official position of the International Visegrad Fund, the Visegrad Group or the publisher. © 2012 Fundacja Res Publica im. H. Krzeczkowskiego EDITORIAL THE V4 GROUP HAS BEEN PROCLAIMED DEAD SO MANY TIMES THAT WE ARE V4 OFTEN SURPRISED TO FIND IT STILL ALIVE. Built on a long tradition of failures to integrate the kingdoms, provinces and eventually nation states of this region, the Viseg- rad has proven particularly resistant to Cassandran prophecies. Ironically, Stalin’s motto (stolen from Nietzsche) appears to hold in this periphery of his former empire: what Dead doesn’t kill you makes you stronger. Forged during the so-called second wave of democratization to strengthen the European integration, Visegrad was instantly consumed by differentiating processes, the most significant symbol of which was the Velvet Divorce of Czechs and Slovaks. or Therefore, many proclaimed it dead or incapable: of attaining its goals in its infancy. In the early 1990s, Gyorgy Konrad claimed that the region could never integrate with the rest of the continent, while Adam Michnik described it as an unfulfilled dream of re- Alive gional sovereignty. A former prime minister from one of the participant countries even called it an “unnecessary experiment”, favoring broader economic cooperation (CEFTA) to institutionalization of the Visegrad Group. Remarkably, these claims were eventually rendered invalid. First came the integration of the whole region into the economic and security structures of the West. Second, diplomatic practice kept alive channels of consultation, which slowly built confidence in the V4 framework among elites. Then, the Interna- tional Visegrad Fund became a useful tool for nurturing the dissident dream of Central European civil societies coming together for common goals and reflection. Lastly, the gas crisis of 2009 raised awareness about very pragmatic goals related to energy security in the region and on the continent as a whole. No wonder policymakers became overly enthusiastic, going so far as to propose a military battlegroup unit of the V4 in 2011. And yet, the region still faces the immense challenge of formulating a shared mem- ory and perspective on shared neighbors. The fabric of pragmatic interest can only hold if it is rooted in a culture of understanding and respect. Even prior to formal coopera- tion, there have always been different rationales behind visions of “Central Europe”. It was a projection of fallen empires, a dream of Pan-Slavic solidarity and an unrealistic plan to balance military powers encroaching on the East and West. Indeed, Central Eu- WOJCIECH PRZYBYLSKI rope has often been a concept in service to foreign interests: Mitteleuropa, the satellite Editor-in-chief states of Stalin and the "New Europe" of Mr. Rumsfeld. These proposals all ended in failure. And even today, a plurality of perspectives on the idea of Central Europe exist, which must be recognized and understood to build a common future. In a variety of possible scenarios, the most obvious purpose of the V4 will be enhancing European integration within the EU and serving as mediator for those behind the paper curtain of Schengen. This requires regional attention and a platform for the discussion of different member’s respective positions. Visegrad Insight will try to open these and other related questions with analysis and opinion. Led by accomplished editors from the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia), the journal’s aim is to provide a platform for high profile debate on the perspectives and challenges for cooperation between Central European governments, businesses and communities. We want to stimulate discussion and open debate, even to those who don’t favor the V4 framework of cooperation, for readers interested in the current status of the regional that range from economy and politics to culture and society. Central Europe has historically escaped definitions, and the V4 has not yet been defined. Its institutionalization lies ahead of us and still requires much deliberation. In this territory, the blurred, dimmed and shadowy mist has frequently been the spirit of a region of changing borders, awakened nations and ever-unfinished business. To a stran- ger or an observer, it might seem impossible to establish any solid political cooperation here. Yet the Visegrad has marked its twentieth anniversary last year, and its prospects are on the rise. Finally, this project will be a tribute to the heroes of democratic changes in the region, especially those who stood like Václav Havel, in thought and action, at the begin- ning of the V4 process. But each time we think and write about the future we will address questions and draw attention to the perspectives of new generations, providing them a forum to speak in our inter-generational debates. In this way, global dilemmas will be filtered through regional lenses about the prospects of our fellow citizens in the four Visegrad countries. Join us! 3 CONTENTS EUROPE ECONOMY PAGE 28 THE FUTURE OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP GAS GEOPOLITICS 28 Gas Geopolitics. A Small Lexicon of an Immense Issue Martin Ehl NEW MEDIA IN BUSINESS POLAND CZECH REP. SLOVAKIA HUNGARY 36 Playing the Slovak Piano: New Business Ideas From the New Europe. Interview with Tomáš Bella PENSION SYSTEMS 38 Analysis of Pension Systems in the region Ondřej Schneider PAGE INTERVIEW 6 RUDOLF CHMEL Twenty Years After. Survey: What future The beginning will the V4 cooperation face? What has of Rudolf Chmel’s strengthened this cooperation in the past and political career what might undermine it in the future? Nine coincided with the public intellectuals, diplomats and writers formation of the answer our questions, expressing their Visegrad Group in disappointments and hopes. With twenty 1990. years of the Visegrad Group behind us, After returning such a debate is long overdue from the post of 7 Does the Visegrad Group Make Sense in Today’s Ambassador of Europe? Only in EU Aleksander Smolar Czechoslovakia, he 8 Is the Dream of Visegrad Dead? Martin Bútora continued both his 9 What Upcoming Challenges Must the V4 Face? political carrier and Magdaléna Vášáryová academic studies, 10 V4 – Let It Rest In Peace Edward Lucas focusing on Slovak- PAGE 10 From Poor Neighbours to Partners Tomáš Sedláček 42 Hungarian relations 11 Institutionalization Unnecessary Petr Pithart Nobody Questions the Geopolitical Identity of the Region Anymore. 12 The Future of Visegrad Cooperation Zoltán Pogátsa Interview with Rudolf Chmel, Slovakia’s Deputy Prime 12 Visegrad - The Europe of Small Steps Minister for Human Rights and National Minorities Andrzej Jagodziński 16 Europe of Foster Brothers Csaba G. Kiss INTELLIGENT MIND CIVIL SOCIETY AND THE V4 EURO CRISIS IN CENTRAL EUROPE 20 Myths About Civil Society Grzegorz Piotrowski 46 The Euro Crisis. Central European Lessons Jacques Rupnik THINK TANKS WATCH VELVET DIVORCE NETWORKING POLICY RESEARCH 51 After the Velvet Divorce. Observations of a Double Insider 24 PASOS, A Central European Think Tank Network Martin M. Šimečka Jacek Kucharczyk, Jeff Lovitt 55 Nice One, Václav Havel! György Konrád 4 VISEGRAD INSIGHT 1|2012 CONTENTS VISEGRAD ABROAD URBAN IN COOPERATION WITH EUROPEUM SPACE AND LANGUAGE CENTRAL EUROPE AND THE ARAB SPRING 86 Solemnity and Violence in Central 56 Lost Illusions Or New Hopes Lucia Najšlová and Eastern European Urban Life Kacper Pobłocki 58 Egypt’s January Revolution and the Eastern European Experience Nadine Abdalla BOOKS EU PRESIDENCIES DISCOVERING CENTRAL EUROPE 62 Debate Marek Cichocki, Vít Dostál, Andrew Michta, 90 Lifting the Fog George Blecher Wojciech Przybylski 94 Have I Not Treated Life, I Could Not Have Spoken About 66 Hungarian Council Presidency: the Destruction. Interview with Zoltán Halasi An Evaluation Piotr Maciej Kaczyński 96 Privatisation and the End of Solidarity 60 Forecast: Slovakia Jan Nĕmec and the EU Presidency in 2016 Peter Weiss 99 Shock Literature Katerína Kucelbová WESTERN BALKANS 101 Homogeneous Diversity: 72 Time for the EU to Deal Fairly The Mirror of Social Change Orsolya Karafiáth with the Western Balkans. Interview with Eduard Kukan 103 Nothing Happened – But It Will! Konrad C.
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  • CSP) Is One of the Bodies Set up Under the Association Agreement Between the European Union and Georgia

    CSP) Is One of the Bodies Set up Under the Association Agreement Between the European Union and Georgia

    EU-GEORGIA CIVIL SOCIETY PLATFORM 7th meeting 30 June 2021, Tbilisi JOINT DECLARATION The EU-Georgia Civil Society Platform (CSP) is one of the bodies set up under the Association Agreement between the European Union and Georgia. It enables civil society organisations from both sides to monitor the implementation process and draw up recommendations for submission to the relevant authorities. The seventh meeting of the CSP was convened on 30 June 2021 in Tbilisi and held via a videoconference. The members of the CSP discussed the state of play regarding the implementation of the Association Agreement (AA). They held a debate with government officials and parliament representatives on the results and state of implementation of the agreement of 19 April between political forces in Georgia and on the impact of COVID-19 on progress in implementing the AA. They also discussed the state of the judiciary reform process and health matters, including mental health, and health services for the most vulnerable, in connection with the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic. With regard to the implementation of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement, the CSP members: welcome and support the European Commission's Association Implementation Report on Georgia published on 5 February 2021 and are pleased to see that Georgia has "remained committed to the implementation, obligations and undertakings of the Association Agreement, despite COVID-19 related challenges". However, a number of challenges remain, in particular, in the areas of judiciary, the electoral