The Future of the V4 – Twenty Years On

1|2012 1|2012

Nobody QuestioNs the Geopolitical ideNtity of the ReGioN Rudolf chmel

V4: oNly iN the fRamewoRK of the eu aleksander smolar

the cRisis aNd ReactioNs: fouR RespoNses Jacques Rupnik www.visegradinsight.eu www.visegradrevue.eu euRope of fosteR bRotheRs csaba G. Kiss

Nice One, Václav Havel! György Konrád

THE FUTURE OF THE V4 – TWENTY YEARS ON

essay: Lajos Parti Nagy on Jindřich Štreit

1|2012

circulation: 4000 frequency: twice a year

editor-in-chief Wojciech Przybylski (Res Publica Nowa, PL)

economy Martin Ehl (Hospodářské noviny, CZ)

intelligent mind Éva Karádi (Magyar Lettre International, HU) and Marta Šimečková (www.salon.eu.sk, SK)

books Marek Sečkař (Host, CZ)

interview and communities Máté Zombory (HU)

visegrad abroad and looking back in cooperation with Europeum (CZ)

language editor C. Cain Elliot (Res Publica Nowa, USA)

assistant to the editor Anna Kiedrzyńska (Res Publica Nowa, PL)

graphic design

published by Fundacja Res Publica im. H. Krzeczkowskiego ul. Gałczyńskiego 5, 00-362 Warsaw, Poland tel.: +48 22 826 05 66

orders and inquiries [email protected] This issue is free of charge. Postage charge may apply

webpage www.visegradinsight.eu

website updated weekly edited by europeum www.visegradrevue.eu

on the cover Vaclav Havel holds a press conference in occasion of the 20th anniversary of the changes in Czechoslovakia and the fall of the Iron Curtain in Prague, Czech Republic, Thursday, Oct. 15, 2009. (AP Photo / Fotolink / Petr David Josek)

We kindly thank researchers working for this issue: Piotr Kątski, Aleksandra Najberek, Iryna Oleksyuk, Agnieszka Zarzyńska. Visegrad Insight is published by Res Publica Foundation with the kind support of the International Visegrad Fund. The magazine maintains full editorial independence and opinions expressed in the articles are those of the authors and do not necessarily have to reflect or represent official position of the International Visegrad Fund, the Visegrad Group or the publisher. © 2012 Fundacja Res Publica im. H. Krzeczkowskiego editorial

The V4 Group has been proclaimed dead so many times THAT we ARE V4 OFTEN SURPRISED TO FIND IT STILL ALIVE. Built on a long tradition of failures to integrate the kingdoms, provinces and eventually nation states of this region, the Viseg- rad has proven particularly resistant to Cassandran prophecies. Ironically, Stalin’s motto (stolen from Nietzsche) appears to hold in this periphery of his former empire: what Dead doesn’t kill you makes you stronger. Forged during the so-called second wave of democratization to strengthen the European integration, Visegrad was instantly consumed by differentiating processes, the most significant symbol of which was the Velvet Divorce of Czechs and Slovaks. or Therefore, many proclaimed it dead or incapable: of attaining its goals in its infancy. In the early 1990s, Gyorgy Konrad claimed that the region could never integrate with the rest of the continent, while Adam Michnik described it as an unfulfilled dream of re- Alive gional sovereignty. A former prime minister from one of the participant countries even called it an “unnecessary experiment”, favoring broader economic cooperation (CEFTA) to institutionalization of the Visegrad Group. Remarkably, these claims were eventually rendered invalid. First came the integration of the whole region into the economic and security structures of the West. Second, diplomatic practice kept alive channels of consultation, which slowly built confidence in the V4 framework among elites. Then, the Interna- tional Visegrad Fund became a useful tool for nurturing the dissident dream of Central European civil societies coming together for common goals and reflection. Lastly, the gas crisis of 2009 raised awareness about very pragmatic goals related to energy security in the region and on the continent as a whole. No wonder policymakers became overly enthusiastic, going so far as to propose a military battlegroup unit of the V4 in 2011. And yet, the region still faces the immense challenge of formulating a shared memory and perspective on shared neighbors. The fabric of pragmatic interest can only hold if it is rooted in a culture of understanding and respect. Even prior to formal cooperation, there have always been different rationales behind visions of “Central Europe”. It was a projection of fallen empires, a dream of Pan-Slavic solidarity and an unrealistic plan to balance military powers encroaching on the East and West. Indeed, Central Eu- Wojciech Przybylski rope has often been a concept in service to foreign interests: Mitteleuropa, the satellite Editor-in-chief states of Stalin and the "New Europe" of Mr. Rumsfeld. These proposals all ended in failure. And even today, a plurality of perspectives on the idea of Central Europe exist, which must be recognized and understood to build a common future. In a variety of possible scenarios, the most obvious purpose of the V4 will be enhancing European integration within the EU and serving as mediator for those behind the paper curtain of Schengen. This requires regional attention and a platform for the discussion of different member’s respective positions. Visegrad Insight will try to open these and other related questions with analysis and opinion. Led by accomplished editors from the Visegrad Group countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia), the journal’s aim is to provide a platform for high profile debate on the perspectives and challenges for cooperation between Central European governments, businesses and communities. We want to stimulate discussion and open debate, even to those who don’t favor the V4 framework of cooperation, for readers interested in the current status of the regional that range from economy and politics to culture and society. Central Europe has historically escaped definitions, and the V4 has not yet been defined. Its institutionalization lies ahead of us and still requires much deliberation. In this territory, the blurred, dimmed and shadowy mist has frequently been the spirit of a region of changing borders, awakened nations and ever-unfinished business. To a stran- ger or an observer, it might seem impossible to establish any solid political cooperation here. Yet the Visegrad has marked its twentieth anniversary last year, and its prospects are on the rise. Finally, this project will be a tribute to the heroes of democratic changes in the region, especially those who stood like Václav Havel, in thought and action, at the beginning of the V4 process. But each time we think and write about the future we will address questions and draw attention to the perspectives of new generations, providing them a forum to speak in our inter-generational debates. In this way, global dilemmas will be filtered through regional lenses about the prospects of our fellow citizens in the four Visegrad countries. Join us!

3 contentS eUrope econoMY paGe 28 the fUtUre of the ViSeGrad GroUp GaS GeopoliticS 28 Gas Geopolitics. A Small Lexicon

of an Immense

Issue Martin Ehl new Media in BUSineSS poland czech rep. slovakia hungary 36 Playing the Slovak Piano: New Business Ideas From the New Europe. Interview with Tomáš Bella penSion SYSteMS 38 Analysis of Pension Systems in the region Ondřej Schneider paGe interView 6 rUdolf chMel Twenty Years After. Survey: What future the beginning will the V4 cooperation face? What has of rudolf chmel’s strengthened this cooperation in the past and political career what might undermine it in the future? nine coincided with the public intellectuals, diplomats and writers formation of the answer our questions, expressing their Visegrad Group in disappointments and hopes. With twenty 1990. years of the Visegrad Group behind us, After returning such a debate is long overdue from the post of 7 Does the Visegrad Group Make Sense in Today’s Ambassador of Europe? Only in EU Aleksander Smolar Czechoslovakia, he 8 Is the Dream of Visegrad Dead? Martin Bútora continued both his 9 What Upcoming Challenges Must the V4 Face? political carrier and Magdaléna Vášáryová academic studies, 10 V4 – Let It Rest In Peace Edward Lucas focusing on Slovak- paGe 10 From Poor Neighbours to Partners Tomáš Sedláček 42 Hungarian relations 11 Institutionalization Unnecessary Petr Pithart Nobody Questions the Geopolitical Identity of the Region Anymore. 12 The Future of Visegrad Cooperation Zoltán Pogátsa Interview with Rudolf Chmel, Slovakia’s Deputy Prime 12 Visegrad - The Europe of Small Steps Minister for Human Rights and National Minorities Andrzej Jagodziński 16 Europe of Foster Brothers Csaba G. Kiss intelliGent Mind ciVil SocietY and the V4 eUro criSiS in central eUrope 20 Myths About Civil Society Grzegorz Piotrowski 46 The Euro Crisis. Central European Lessons Jacques rupnik think tankS watch VelVet diVorce networkinG policY reSearch 51 After the Velvet Divorce. Observations of a Double Insider 24 PASOS, A Central European Think Tank Network Martin M. Šimečka Jacek Kucharczyk, Jeff Lovitt 55 Nice One, Václav Havel! György Konrád

4 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 contents

VISEGRAD ABROAD URBAN in cooperation with EUROPEUM Space and Language Central Europe and the Arab Spring 86 Solemnity and Violence in Central 56 Lost Illusions Or New Hopes Lucia Najšlová and Eastern European Urban Life Kacper Pobłocki 58 Egypt’s January Revolution and the Eastern European Experience Nadine Abdalla BOOKS EU Presidencies Discovering Central Europe 62 Debate Marek Cichocki, Vít Dostál, Andrew Michta, 90 Lifting the Fog George Blecher Wojciech Przybylski 94 Have I Not Treated Life, I Could Not Have Spoken About 66 Hungarian Council Presidency: the Destruction. Interview with Zoltán Halasi An Evaluation Piotr Maciej Kaczyński 96 Privatisation and the End of Solidarity 60 Forecast: Slovakia Jan Nĕmec and the EU Presidency in 2016 Peter Weiss 99 Shock Literature Katerína Kucelbová Western Balkans 101 Homogeneous Diversity: 72 Time for the EU to Deal Fairly The Mirror of Social Change Orsolya Karafiáth with the Western Balkans. Interview with Eduard Kukan 103 Nothing Happened – But It Will! Konrad C. Kęder 105 Who Václav Havel Was COMMUNITIES and Who He Wasn’t Marek Sečkař Scientific Communities 74 Generations, Ideologies and Returnees: Developments LOOKING BACK/ARTS in Romanian Social Research Florin Poenaru in cooperation with EUROPEUM New Wave Cinema REPORTAGE Focus on Health Care

page106 New Waves in the Visegrad Four: the Hisotry of an Adventure Ewa Ciszewska page77 OPPORTUNITIES AND Landscape After the Battle. Doctors on Strike in the V4 ANNOUNCEMENTS Szabina Kerényi Photo reportage from four provintial hospitals Krzysztof Pacholak, Daniel Poláček, 114 Artists In Residence Program in New York. Zuzana Halanova and Imre Varga Guidelines Aleksandra Grzonkowska ESSAY Jindřich Štreit Photos Bride-Mannequin and Twist-Pullover Lajos Parti Nagy page116

5 What FUTURE WILL V4

COOPERATION FACE? What

has strengthened this

cooperation in the past

and what might

undermine it in the

future?What challenges lie ahead for V4 cooperation? What has strengthened this cooperation in the past, and what might undermine it in the future? Nine public intellectuals, diplomats and writers answer our questions, expressing their disappointments and hopes. With twenty years of the Visegrad Group behind us, such a debate is long overdue The future of the V4 europe

Does the Visegrad Group Make Sense in Today’s Europe?

Only in the Framework of the European Union

those very different reasons, the cooperation within the already existing Visegrad Group will certainly be a positive one. We have all seen many initiatives of the Polish government, to name only the struggle to avoid the regulation concerning excessive carbon dioxide emission, which helped to create a coalition of approximately ten countries, not exclusively from the Visegrad Group. It is easy to imagine that the Viseg- Aleksander Smolar rad Group, thanks to an experience in current cooperation, Polish political scientist, President of the Stefan Batory Foundation. a geographical closeness and a similar level of the economic development, could possess a greater ability to communicate with and mobilize regions of similar interests, or smaller et’s take a look at history. The Visegrad cooperation and larger countries. We are currently witnessing a phase of began in 1991, to some extent as a result of consid- domination by the largest ones – Germany in agreement with erable pressure from the Western countries, which France. Communication amongst smaller and medium-sized aimed at strengthening ties between countries of our countries, and their political struggle to promote their own region. The cooperation happened for two reasons. interests in the framework of the EU, will surely remain a key Firstly,L it was meant as a substitute for the European Commu- problem of internal politics of the Visegrad Group. That is nity. Secondly, the intentions mirrored those which lead the why examining this platform of understanding in the search Americans to back the Marshall Plan: to stabilize the region, for countries with a common sensibility and shared (at least promote democratic norms and support economic develop- to some extent) history and interests might appear very use- ment. The Visegrad relations used to fluctuate, but they were ful. In other words, I would consider the Visegrad Four, or any not exceptional. In general, competiveness and a lack of inter- other wider political agreement on a regional level, only in the est took over shared interests, and it was harsh. It was fuelled EU perspective and precisely in its internal politics. However, by fear of the dominance of the largest country, Poland. The I am not an enormous optimist. main goal for all the countries was to join the European Un- The history of recent years shows huge discrepancies ion. Upon applying, the leaders believed it would be easier among countries of the Visegrad Group concerning energy to join the EU without the large and complicated ballast of security and attitudes toward Russia. The differences are at Poland. Today, purely theoretically, we can admit there are least as considerable as among other countries in the Europe- perspectives for a political cooperation. The EU is departing, an Union. This demonstrates potential obstacles and threats not to say falling into pieces. We do not know how far this for such cooperation. Visegrad cooperation is not an aim in process will go. The Europe that will emerge from this will be itself, but a tool for EU members. An external threat lies in an organism of different speeds, lengths, centers or special- weakening or even abandoning it. ized sub-integrations. This seems most probable and realistic. The European Union is a specific type of community, The assumption that all countries will develop on every where we often hear about how bigger countries reproach level with equal speed has been utopian from the very begin- smaller ones. Yet it is essentially difficult to find a historical ning. Thus, it is impossible for the least developed countries example of such a community, in which the interests of all or those manifesting only the slightest intention to further countries, no matter their size, were taken into account, ex- integrate within the EU, to decide about the next steps tak- amples where others would support less powerful countries. en by others. Discrepancies will emerge from a plethora of If smaller ones are not able to raise their voice and build a co- distinctive qualities – such as the level of economic develop- alition to defend their own interests, bigger ones obviously ment, geographical or historical closeness, shared sentiment dominate. What is dangerous and, sadly, accurate within the of own vulnerability or, conversely, similar possibilities. For tradition of our region, is a sort of moderate colonization

7 europe The future of the V4

– dependence of given countries from the group on larger EU position with Poland several times in the past. It is imaginable countries, which is about integrating their own statehoods that they could be tied with Scandinavian countries and Cen- into the bodies of larger countries. Of course, it does not cov- tral Europe at once. er all aspects. Central Europe is a concept that is different locally. For Culturally, from the point of the identity, smaller coun- instance, during one conference at Oxford, Timothy Snyder tries will always remain distinct. Still, their key interests could demonstrated how this notion was used by those struggling be subordinated to interests expressed, for instance, by large for their own identity. These days, the concept has moved to countries in the European forum, and it is difficult to suppose the East – it is frequently and voluntarily used by the Ukrain- in advance that these interests would be identical. In other ians and by all wishing to find themselves in a “real” Europe. words, a shared future, or precisely a collaboration of medium To put it differently, we need to think not only in catego- and small countries, provides the chance for a non-confron- ries of the four, but a larger group. It would seem to me even tational instrument to satisfy particular interests. It is about more natural, as it could help to resolve conflicts between the guaranteeing negotiating countries an equal status, in order four countries. The current situation, particularly in Hungary, to let them express their voice on the forum. In the Euro- can provoke group paralysis. In the end, every country is un- pean Union, currently emerging from the crisis, an apparent dergoing another phase of its internal political development. distinction of different groups of countries – Scandinavian, Putting these processes in the wider framework of multina- Baltic, possibly Mediterranean, and perhaps also those which tional cooperation would not influence the rest of the group boast a high rating from the credit agencies – is necessary and to such a serious extent. natural also for countries functioning in the framework of the Obviously, we are not talking about closer integration Visegrad Four. What is more, the latter group must aspire to of these countries. Besides, closer integration, if the political enlarge the circle of its supporters when negotiating any given process in the EU will eventually take shape, going further by interest. Nevertheless, the enlargement of the group might be means of one currency and some progress in fiscal and politi- a longer process, for potential members, such as Ukraine or cal integration. This larger European integration will not be parts of Balkans, which are in different phases of European in- substituted by regional developments. Nevertheless, groups tegration. Coalitions built upon the Visegrad structure could of countries – such as the Visegrad Group – could later on also include countries, which today stay in the middle, such reinforce the integration by strengthening common cultural as Romania and Bulgaria – in the EU but without full rights. and energy projects. Thus the quadruple has a wide space Natural supporters are also Slovenia and Croatia, as well as for investment projects and can make negotiating a common the Baltic states, which have already worked out a common stance in the European Union easier. Translated by Anna Wójcik Is the Dream of Visegrad Dead?

Not exactly a very promising prospect, at least for those who believed that the Visegrad model helped to bring Cen- tral European states into the community of Western democracies. To paraphrase the famous words of Lord Ismay, the first secretary general of NATO, Visegrad served the same goals for Central Europe as NATO had for Western Europe: “To keep the Russians out”. Securing the departure of Soviet Martin Bútora troops and the abolition of the Warsaw Pact, and keeping Slovak sociologist, writer, professor and diplomat. “the Americans in” instead of the Germans, helping to stabilize the American presence in Europe by entering NATO. And finally, keeping “the demons of Central Europe” – ag- f we speak about the EU crisis over the past three years, gressive nationalist populists – under control. there has not been any Visegrad cooperation”, says Is it all over? Not quite, the advocates of the V4 claim. In Jacques Rupnik, one of the most prominent experts on the past several years, new projects have appeared on the Central Europe. According to him, each V4 country has scene: the “Visegrad plus” format, aimed at broadening the faced different political situations – a Czech inclination horizons and impact of the V4; support of EU’s enlargement, towardsI British style euroscepticism, a Hungarian emphasis with the focus on Western Balkan countries; and a plan to on sovereignty and national values, and a Polish wish to par- create a new military battlegroup of the Visegrad Group led ticipate in finding solutions to the crisis. Edward Lucas from by Poland. Moreover, there are still common interests – like “The Economist” goes even further: “Look at the European energy security; conditions of the next financial framework Union and NATO from the East in 2012 and disappointment, of the EU after the year 2013; the accent put on a strong and not admiration, will be the dominant emotion,” he writes. “In effective cohesion policy primarily focused on the less devel- 2012 the Easterners will start looking elsewhere.” oped regions of the EU. Visegrad has also served as a plat-

8 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 The future of the V4 europe

form for consultation not only about common goals, but also Valasek suggested, in turbulent economic times populations about existing differences and problems. and voters in Europe lose faith in their government's abil- However, there are at least five challenges ahead. First, di- ity to arrest a relentless slide in living standards. As a result, vergent views on the future of the EU and the eurozone: the “one cannot rule out the possibility of xenophobic or nation- Poles and the Slovaks are, by and large, in favor of “more alist regimes coming into power.” Europe”, while the Czechs are rather reluctant and the Hun- We are still happy to have the excellently functioning and garians are… hard to predict. Secondly, the role of Poland: efficient International Visegrad Fund, a tangible example of how to reconcile Poland’s aspiration to become a “bigger support to various civic, cultural, scientific and educational player” within the EU with its involvement and promotion projects, fostering the civic dimension of cooperation. Its of the V4? Thirdly, the very delicate issue of Hungary: how work suggests how important it is to preserve existing ways long can three partners in the V4 overlook a development and tools of cooperation. But will it be enough for the fu- so sharply criticized for violations of democracy by interna- ture? tional institutions? Fourthly, the new U.S. defense strategy implies a strategic shift away from Europe and a focus on Asia: what does it mean for Central European security? And finally, a very real and dangerous threat is general disillusionment resulting in declining trust in the EU. As Tomas What Upcoming Challenges Must the V4 Face?

fell out of favor with NATO and the EU in the 90s. Moreover, the activities of the International Visegrad Fund (IVF), and finally joint entry into the EU and Schengen space – these are all significant indicators of the strength of this cooperation. But there is an open question hanging somewhere in the future, about whether we can jointly respond to new challenges that face us. First of all, the Slovak Republic will Magdaléna Vášáryová closely monitor the activities of the Polish Republic and the Slovak actress, diplomat and politician. Former Czechoslovak government of Donald Tusk, which has declared its inten- ambassador to Austria and later Slovak ambassador to Poland. tion to join the common European currency, of which we are members. On the other hand, the appearance of anti-Eu- ropean positions in the official policy of the Czech Republic and Hungary suggests that our joint communication might he evaporation of Visegrad cooperation has been pre- be disrupted. Furthermore, development will remain an is- dicted by journalists for the past 21 years. But this his- sue inside the EU and EC and is likely to affect neighborhood torically unique cooperation between four countries relations in Central Europe. and nations remains, despite the difficulties it has en- Every responsible Central European politician should countered in this historically volatile region. make support of the V4 a priority. In this traditionally hard- TWill we be able to strengthen Visegrad cooperation in hit region, I believe there will be always a space for those the future? Do we have the ability to influence the European women and men who understand the problems, dangers Union’s politics, especially concerning the forthcoming fi- and realities of our time and who will be politically strong nancial plan for 2014 - 2020 and Eastern Partnership? While enough to defeat, in an open democratic political strug- our Western partners are very curious whether we will suc- gle, all populist, anti-Europeans and closed-minded people. ceed in such tasks, I feel certain that we will. Personally, I This is the basis of my genuine optimism for the future of would be very pleased to fulfill this task, as it is in the nation- the V4. al interest of the Slovak Republic. Since the beginning, V4 cooperation has been a priority of the Slovak foreign policy. What has strengthened this cooperation in the past and what might undermine it in the future? On the side of strength, we should mention the departure of the Soviet army from our respective countries, alongside our common withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact and COMECON. In addition, I would cite the enormous aid and help of these three states to Slovakia, which temporarily

9 europe The future of the V4 V4 – Let It Rest In Peace

euro: Slovakia is in, but the other three are not. But nothing that happens in Visegrad will ease their paths into the common currency. Their attitude to the new EU treaty also differs: the Poles want in, and the Czechs want out (whereas the Slovaks are in by default, and the Hungarians are struggling to shed their “basket case” label). Energy security produced a flicker of revival in V4 coop- Edward Lucas eration some years ago. It is in everyone’s interest to have the British journalist. International Editor of The Economist. north-south gas interconnectors, freeing the four countries from dependence on east-west gas lines run by Russia. But that project is now largely completed. The EU has woken up istory, geography and economics have overtaken to the danger of gas dependency on Russia and has pushed the V4 and their cozy club is looking shabby and through the “unbundling” (liberalization) needed to break out of date. I don’t think it can recover. Gazprom’s grip. The remaining big headache is that the Bal- One reason is size. With a GDP of $470 billion tic States remain an “energy island”—but they are a long way (2010), Poland is bigger than the Czech Repub- from Visegrad. licH ($198 billion), Slovakia ($87 billion) and Hungary ($129 Finally, the four countries differ politically. Though the billion) combined. That leaves no room for a partnership of Czechs, Slovaks and Poles will not criticize Viktor Orbán pub- equals. Unlike in the era of Lech Kaczyński, Poland’s foreign licly, they dislike his approach as both clumsy and politically policy has no room for sentiment, to the the East or South. costly. Herding a bunch of small countries with different viewpoints V4 cooperation served its purpose in making Central is unattractive when compared to the current policy of deal- Europe look, literally, central to the continent’s future. Now it ing with the big ones directly. is just another set of meetings, of which there are already too No overriding common interest bridges the gap in size. many. Let it rest in peace. All four countries have gained entry to Schengen, NATO and the European Union. The only other club that matters is the

From Poor Neighbors to Partners

contribute when compared to Poland. In this sense, Slovakia is both the most integrated of all the Visegrad countries yet still holding back. A dark question mark hangs over the Hungarian economy and its politics. As a country that is dependent on international help but has long dragged its feet on re- Tomáš Sedláček forms, Hungary is now testing the patience of other coun- Czech economist and university lecturer. tries, especially in political terms. The will for integration Chief of Macroeconomic Strategist at ČSOB, is verbally strong, but practical political steps and the state member of the National Economic Council of the Czech Republic of the economy will prevent adoption of the euro in the near future. The Czech Republic's economy and politics are re- t the moment, it seems that the V4 could not be spected internationally, but the strong voice of President more divergent when it comes to their European Klaus against the EU seems to be the loudest in all of the stances. Poland is very optimistic and, in a way, member countries. Although the most economically ad- a leader of the integration debate, calling for more vanced in the Visegrad neighborhood, politically and rhe- integration and offering help. Also, the economy torically the Czechs are one of the weakest supporters of seemsA to be running relatively well, but Poland does not use further EU integration and euro adoption, although this the euro. Slovakia does use the euro, but is not as willing to would likely be in their best interest economically.

10 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 The future of the V4 europe

Being at the Table, Not on the Menu. ners willing to contribute – and thus symbolically returning Finding a common negotiation stance would require an exceed- at least a small fraction of all the money that we received in ingly skilled leader or diplomat, preferably both. Along with the past years from the EU. a little miracle work, but such things do occasionally happen. All the same, we are important. The fact that a single Point of Pride, Turning of the Tide. veto from any of us could actually block or complicate fur- In fact, from this vantage point, the help we can now offer ther integration of the EU is an evident sign that our sov- should be and perhaps later will be a historical point of na- ereignty has been strengthened and that we are principal tional pride – we are affluent enough to help the West. Just players – such a thing would have been unimaginable twenty think back to twenty years ago, when we were poor and devas- years ago. tated both economically and politically, also in terms of inter- Naturally, it would be best if we had a common posi- national sovereignty. So much so that in the Visegrad coun- tion in the V4, especially one that would be supportive of tries a bottle of real coke was considered the nectar of gods furthering the EU. In the past twenty years, this project has and the drinking of it provided a rare and festive occasion. put us back on our feet. We still have much to gain: namely, We now can become true partners, instead of having a historical chance to shift from the position and mentality the mentality of beggars. And this is no small thing. We of poor neighbors, waiting with an open hand for money, to should be proud of ourselves, and act on this pride. the position of partners. Partners willing to help and part-

Institutionalization Unnecessary

relations thawed – or were even ignored. This is probably an ineradicable “defect”. And this is the reason why there should be something beyond such alternating political options. What could make Visegrad stronger and more stable in the future? It is probably necessary to resist the temptation to institutionalize the V4 (the Visegrad Fund is a positive exception to this rule, as it ought to be preserved and Petr Pithart even expanded!). But there should be a board of non-party Czech politician, lawyer and political scientist. thinkers (historians, political scientists, philosophers, etc.), Former Prime Minister of the Czech Republic not subject to change after each election cycle. This board should constantly try to formulate differences connecting these four countries. Certainly, there are things held in com- pparently, the Visegrad Group has not fulfilled the mon, if only the stubborn facts geography (geopolitical) with hopes of its founding fathers. I was one of them. a location in the center of Europe, and the experiences of Some of us were dissidents, and some were intel- two totalitarian regimes. The board should seek (again and lectuals. Today, I would say that the statesmen of again, more and more precisely) to define the relations of those times overestimated the Group’s possibili- the V4, as a group, principally towards the European Union ties.A We lacked experience and new political alternatives. and NATO. And of course, Russia, Germany and Ukraine The differences between the three founding countries (today will need to be addressed. These “definitions” should include four) were also underestimated. They were tied together by the both recommendations and warnings. experiences of 1989, the collapse of the Soviet block, but it was Members of the board could be named partially by precisely this "blocky" way of thinking that had covered up the present heads of states and partially by the former heads underlying differences between Poles, Hungarians and Czech- of states, all from the ranks of non-party intellectuals. This oslovakians (not to mention Czechs and Slovaks). This would could keep a certain kind of tradition or initiative in line include differing attitudes both towards communism and the with the role of heads of state, which are supposed to be proper strategy for exiting it. Jacques Rupnik was right in his above party politics. The heads of state would alternatively rude comparison of such cooperation with freezers, which we host (for example four times a year, paying only for room open with high hopes, only to find old meat, quickly transform- and board) the meeting of such a board, which could be ing into carrion leftovers. But this process doesn’t begin im- comprised of twenty members. mediately. The results of such a board could be used by po- The Visegrad Group has seen better and worse days litical elites in all four countries and, of course, presented – each of the member countries have seen periods when its to the public in Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech ties in the region were stronger, but also periods when such Republic.

11 europe The future of the V4 The Future Visegrad of Visegrad – The Europe Cooperation of Small Steps

Zoltán Pogátsa Andrzej Jagodziński Hungarian political economist from Polish writer, journalist and translator. the Faculty of Economics at the University Director of Polish Institute in Bratislava, of Western Hungary former director of International Visegrad Fund.

isegrad cooperation is based on the common geo- hinking about the subject of Central Europe, it is hard cultural heritage of our region. A lot more could be for me to get beyond my own experience and look at done to identify and demonstrate the commonali- the topic in purely objective terms. So I'll begin with ties of our culture. The dominant view in the Viseg- a consideration of the project to create a Central Eu- rad countries is still one of false national uniqueness. ropean supplement to the major newspapers in the VThere has not been a breakthrough in terms of a tangible TVisegrad countries, which began in 1994, in which I was very common identity for Visegrad citizens. Numerous institu- much involved. I regret that this idea did not work as it was tions could be set up to create a Benelux or Scandinavian supposed to. It was difficult from the beginning, as the four sense of togetherness. (e.g. common airlines and train com- main newspapers of the member countries were quite differ- panies, football and hockey leagues, joint song competitions, ent, not so much in terms of the political line they represented, etc.) Even sources of information about each other in English but in terms of size. Gazeta Wyborcza had correspondents in are scarce, which makes it difficult for citizens to see the in- all the countries belonging to the group. I served in the Czech credible parallels that do exist. Republic and Slovakia, while in Hungary Wyborcza made con- There are also bottlenecks. Due to linguistic closeness tact with a journalist who lived there permanently. Other pa- and a shared political past, Slovakia and the Czech Republic pers were not in such a comfortable position. Therefore, from share an intimacy within the group that others will never the beginning there was a major difficulty in determining the share. In my view, human, economic and social relations be- form of cooperation. The Czech, Slovak and Hungarian pa- tween Hungary and Slovakia are excellent, but politicians in pers were interested in rather brief pieces, which would take both countries exploit minor skirmishes (football games or the place of correspondence. Meanwhile, Wyborcza was after extremist attacks) to instigate hatred between the two socie- long-form journalism, essays on a higher intellectual level. We ties, all of which is blown out of proportion by irresponsible finally managed to work out a compromise, at least for a while. media. Supporters of Visegrad cooperation have not done Unfortunately, there were some financial problems and with enough to counterbalance this. time the collaboration was increasingly expensive. After In itself, Poland is also a problem. It is only partially a year and a half, the project collapsed. Only some vestigial Central European, as its cultural history has been strongly traces remain in the title of a column in Wyborcza – “Gazeta influenced by the North Sea/Baltic States and Eastern Eu- Środkowoeuropejska" (Central-European). And even this col- rope. It therefore has priorities that other Visegrad states umn is not dedicated solely to the Visegrad Group, as there do not share (mainly with regards to the Baltics, Belarus are texts about the Baltic States and the Balkans included. In and Ukraine). Unlike the other three, it is also a nation with short, it can be said that the failure of the project jeopardized a “big country” identity. It often engages in European and the creation of Visegrad-focused public opinion. world affairs (e.g. Iraq), with very strong positions that the Certainly, the reasons for the difficulties in the Viseg- other Visegrad states do not necessarily share. rad cooperation may have roots in the more general avoid- In the economic domain, the four countries still re- ance of institutionalization at its very beginnings. Perhaps it gard each other as competitors for foreign direct investment was feared that the project would be misunderstood as an rather than setting up a cooperative investment regimes, alternative to the European Union. I think that these fears from which all states would benefit. The consequence of the were definitely overstated, since the EU supports all regional present regime is a race to the bottom between Visegrad groups, even those formed around ad hoc problems. The states, as a result of which all are underfinanced. personalized cooperation of the group makes it very sensi-

12 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 The future of the V4 europe tive to the electoral fluctuations in politics and personnel out. In addition, many Polish diplomats work in the Visegrad of each country. Besides, if there are any bilateral problems, format, as the promotion of Poland alone is not as attractive they affect the overall collaboration. I remember from my to diplomatic audiences and lacks clout, when compared to time at the Fund that during Slovak-Hungarian tensions any the effect achieved when the four countries find a common meetings between the two countries were virtually limited language. In countries such as the United States, Mexico and to summits. Of course, the quadripartite meetings have an Japan, co-operation in this dimension works far better than intrinsic value: they bring normalcy and civilized manners individual actions. to international relations. After more than twenty years of I think that setting a grandiose goal for the Visegrad cooperation, we would easily forget this, since the right rela- Group makes no sense. The problem with this cooperation tionships have become a matter of course. is as follows. There is a great deal happening. The number of Spectacular successes are not always achieved. The meetings at different levels, especially for the experts, is im- countries of the group are varied in terms of size, and vary mense. But on the other hand, this type of work is inherently on priorities of foreign policy and economic aims. For obvi- uninteresting for the media, so hardly anyone is interested in ous reasons, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary will the group or knows anything about it. The Visegrad Group’s not be as interested in maritime policy as Poland. Coopera- webpage took years to appear. A lack of information meant tion based on professional, expert rules, a regular and per- that from time to time, either in the Czech, Polish, Slovak or manent schedule of meetings, even creating a small secre- Hungarian newspapers, reports appeared that the V4 was tariat certainly would positively affect its work. dead or that the cooperation was limited to presidents so- I also hunger for the use of the full potential of the pro- cializing at the major castles, having casual conversations ject. For example, in response to the crisis, I did see a joint over a glass of wine. Now, thanks to the website, you can position developed. And even if there was one, such a voice at least trace the intensity of contacts. For example, when was not heard. The Visegrad Group does not live up to the Slovakia chaired the group last year, we were hosting Polish chance of becoming a nucleus around which we could build delegations here (two or three times a month). The arrange- a group of interests. Although all the four countries see East- ments are worked out in small steps, which is not very at- ern policy and the Eastern Partnership as important, and tractive and not suitable for headlines. However, this pains- each places this high in their hierarchy of objectives – as taking work has considerable value; even if it is not noticed evidenced by the Prime Ministers’ decision to increase the because it is not media-friendly. The intensity of contacts, Visegrad Fund – which I believe is an important gesture, however, does not translate into the creation of a common a clear declaration is missing. These are certainly challenges position on international issues. Therefore, what I find lack- and limitations that must be addressed. ing within the structure of the Visegrad Group is a central Apart from the undeniable success that is the very ex- institution, which would command a more complete grasp istence of the Visegrad Group, the importance of the Viseg- of the situation and be able to direct the Group. rad Fund, as a tool, should be emphasized. It is actually the Undoubtedly, the Visegrad Group has to grapple only joint institution created by the four member states. Its with many internal problems, including difficult histori- continuous development, and the diversity of its ideas and cal legacies, which cause bilateral disputes between coun- programs, support the spirit of Visegrad and fulfil the mis- tries. This certainly affects the pace, style and intensity of sion of attracting neighbouring countries to Europe and the contacts. Problems of this type return periodically, often EU. That is encouraging. Besides, the Fund is not a political set to the rhythm of election campaigns. And they prob- institution with all associated rights and obligations, which ably cannot be avoided. Fortunately, these are not dramatic has a positive influence on its work. Though it already per- conflicts or conflicts of interest that could not be recon- forms some activities, such as the administration of the ciled in principle. For obvious reasons, there are disputes Visegrad Group website, it is not able to replace a secretari- due to different economic priorities, but they should not at, the need for which I have already mentioned. destabilize cooperation. More annoying are the little things In regards to the goals and challenges facing the Viseg- that could be done much faster. These are mainly commu- rad, the Group ought to develop a common position on the nication problems: the lack of highways connecting the financial crisis, or a general position on the crisis of the Euro- Visegrad countries, the poor and ever-changing rail sys- pean Union, which impacts everyone at some level. Another tems, or the suspension of direct flights from Bratislava to important issue is the Eastern Partnership and the whole Warsaw, and other related matters that cause discomfort for neighbourhood policy of the European Union, in which the citizens travelling within the group. There is probably less Visegrad Group has a vital interest. Much has been done by obstruction between Slovakia and Hungary, or Slovakia and the Polish Institute in cooperation with Hungarians, Slovak the Czech Republic. By contrast, Poland is still behind in this and Czechs, all within the Visegrad format. There has been respect. While I understand that this is due to long-standing a Visegrad Salon in Bratislava for several years, which was underdevelopment, which is difficult to overcome quickly, it conceived by Péter Krasztev and continued by his successor. still causes a great deal of discomfort. Sometimes we might In this project, there are regular meetings of experts (three want to leave behind the big political goals and take care of to five times a year) on specific topics, such as the issue of the little things that can be eliminated relatively easily. drug policy and the employment of graduates. In addition Translated by Lula Męcińska to participation in these debates, the Institute is also involved in organizing the “Days of Visegrad” in Košice. The event lasts for a whole month, during which time there are concerts, film screenings, theatre performances, visual art exhibitions, etc. Cooperation in such matters visibly stands

13 ocTober 6Th a summiT oF prime minisTers Took place in krakow. The declaration drafted accelerated the effort to gain NATO and EC membership and worked towards cooperation on foreign policy, market, transport, ecology and science between January 1sT VelVeT FirsT conGress the V4 countries. The Kraków diVorce. Czechoslovakia oF ViseGrad between Declaration was signed. dissolved into two separate states Bohemian (Czech), Hungarian Th and Polish kings to form a February 15 declaraTion peace alliance. Various regional oF cooperaTion in march 12Th poland, cooperation of lesser importance european inTeGraTion hunGary and czech followed. was signed in Visegrad by the republic Joined naTo. President of the Czechoslovak Republic, Václav Havel, the President of the Republic of 1993 Poland, Lech Wałęsa, and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Hungary, 1335 József Antall. 1999

July 8-9Th poland, The czech republic and hunGary were inViTed To 1991 The naTo and eu summiT in madrid. North Atlantic Council (NAC) signed the Madrid Declaration on Euro-Atlantic Security and Cooperation, which contained the invitation for these 3 countries to NATO membership, followed by the decision to sign the Access Protocols cenTral european Free in December 1997, gaining democraTic reForms Trade aGreemenT (ceFTa) effective membership before the in Czechoslovakia, Hungary was signed by representatives of end of 1999. and Poland, followed by the the V4 countries: Vladimir Dlouhy withdrawal of Soviet troops (Czech Minister of Industry and Trade), Andrzej Arendarski (Polish Minister of Foreign Economic Cooperation), Ludovit Cermak (Slovakian Minister of Economics) and Bela Kadar (Hungarian 1997 Minister of International 1989 Economic Relations). For some commentators it was a maturity test before integration with 1992 Western Europe 1992

14 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 hunGary proposed The creaTion oF a liTerary anTholoGy oF The ViseGrad Four counTries, dedicated to intercultural idea oF a ViseGrad dialogue, within the workings of baTTleGroup on sTandby the Visegrad Fund. The project by 2016 has emerGed. is based on translating and V4 summit in Bratislava publishing selected literature into dedicated to 20th anniversary the V4’s languages and English. of the founding of the Visegrad Moreover, the Polish side initiated Group held. EU Presidencies of Hungary and Poland in the fi rst Th a working group for cultural July 20 inauGuraTion oF and second half of the year. 1sT ediTion oF ViseGrad heritage in the V4 states. summer school in krakow. Ongoing project run every summer by the Villa Decius 2006 2011

June 18Th prime minisTers 2002 oF The V4 counTries hold a summiT in budapesT. The International Visegrad Fund’s budget was increased by up to sloVakia Joined naTo. 5 mln euro, based on equal

Th contributions by the Visegrad may 12 declaraTion Group countries. beTween V4 counTries aFTer Their accession To eu. Four prime ministers: Marek Belka (Poland), Vladimir Špidla (Czech Republic), Peter Myedgyessy (Hungary), Mikuláš Dzurinda (Slovakia) 2007 claimed their determination inTernaTional ViseGrad to continue developing the Fund – the only permanent cooperation. institution of V4 cooperation ViseGrad Group minisTers established. oF culTure meeT in sárospaTak, formally establishing The International Visegrad Prize (or “Visegrad Cultural Prize”). The prize is worth Gas crisis resulting from 20,000 euro, awarded annually a dispute between Russia and 2000 since 2005. Ukraine, it raised V4 awareness about gas geo-politics. First studies and decision made to enhance cooperation 2004 in this respect. 2009 A short list of events and dates of key importance to the Visegrad Group. Th is list is not complete but oﬀ ers a spectrum of activities resulting from the cooperation.

15 eUrope the fUtUre of the V4 EUROPE OF FOSTER BROTHERS

csAbA g. kiss How did the Visegrad cooperation begin? I remember three crucial moments. Th e fi rst was connected with my work in the Hungarian Democratic Forum – a conservative liberal-nationalist party. I was the fi rst spokesman of Visegrad cooperation was the the movement and I also worked in the international aff airs product of various inspirations and commission of the Forum, where I had the task of drawing up a model of the future cooperation with our neighboring beginnings. borrowing the literary countries. In the summer of 1989, we were working on the metaphor of a “europe of foster Democratic Forum program in close cooperation with Poland and Czechoslovakia – a sort of a triangle – and it became one brothers” from lászló németh, this of the priorities of our foreign policy. We didn’t use the word text looks at the crucial moments “Visegrad”, of course, but in those days I thought that this area required our immediate attention. We wanted to attain a sta- when the idea of Visegrad began to tus similar to Finland. take shape. in particular, our focus We already had relations with Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Poland. For example, the deputies of the is on the hungarian perspective on “Solidarność” Citizens Committee and those from the Club of regional cooperation. Catholic Intelligentsia from Krakow came to the fi rst rally of

16 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 the fUtUre of the V4 eUrope

Why was the need for cooperation so obvious? From my point of view, it was a kind of Hungarian tradition. In particular, I mean the work of the so-called folk writers of the interwar period, like László Németh. In a series of essays, he proved that after the tragedy of the Treaty of Trianon, which established the borders of the present state that en- compassed 30% of its previous area, we can’t think of Hungary in the categories of the medieval kingdom of Stephen I. We have to think about the Hungarian nation in general, as one of many nations living in Central Europe. Here we live together in a community of nations, like foster brothers. Th at is, like brothers that don’t have the same blood but were breast-fed by the same mother. Don’t you think so? László Németh’s metaphor highlights the necessity of getting to know the history of neighboring nations, and the necessity of relinquishing all the Hungarian stereotypes which made us feel superior to our neighbors. I became aware the Democratic Forum in Budapest in 1989. Th ose ties built of that for the fi rst time in 1968, when a large shift occurred in the long-term relations important for politics, with the pres- the prevailing negative Hungarian stereotypes of the Czechs. ence, for example, of a Solidarność delegation led by Bogdan Th e other thing was that the Hungarians took part in the in- Borusewicz, the present head of the Polish Senate, at the next tervention in Czechoslovakia, as part of the Warsaw Pact. rally in October. Th at was the fi rst moment like this for us, because in 1956 Th e second thing was the meeting that was a founding the Hungarians felt alone. Although that feeling was very well meeting, in some sense, which took place before the Visegrad illustrated by Zbigniew Herbert, in the poem entitled “To the era on April 9th, 1990 in Bratislava. President Havel invited Hungarians” (“Węgrom”) in which he repeated that others us. It was one day after the second round of the Hungarian sympathized with us but kept their distance at the same time. elections, and we were invited to Bratislava with other poli- It was during the intervention in Czechoslovakia that ticians and diplomats to a big meeting. Our Hungarian del- my generation came to understand that if we wanted to do egation was quite strange and somehow similar to the Polish something, we should do it together. Th at was the type of in- delegation, because the leader of the Polish delegation was spiration that we had. Apart from that, Prime Minister Antall the leader of the “junta”, President Jaruzelski, but Prime Min- was a high school history teacher and he helped to give our ister Mazowiecki was also present. Th e Hungarian delegation thinking historical categories. He himself thought within his- seemed to be even more complex, as it consisted of the entire torical categories. communist elite with Prime Minister Miklós Németh on Is common memory the most important feature of the the forefront, with comrade Gyula Horn – later the Central European cooperation? post-communist Hungarian Prime Minister – and Th ere are two dimensions here. We lack the political there were obviously others, from the opposing parties too. dimension now, especially during the European Union crisis. Because of the elections and my duties as a spokesman, I don’t notice any initiatives, either from the Visegrad coun- I didn’t sleep much during those days. So when we went out tries or Poland. We hoped that Poland, as the country which is at 6 am, I wasn’t yet aware that soon we would create a new the largest and most the most signfi cant political clout, would government with the Independent Smallholders’ Party and take the initiative to address some issues together. Nothing the Christian Democratic People's Party. When we arrived, like that has occurred. it turned out that although we had won the elections before Th e other dimension is symbolic. Apart from the name, the meeting, we still couldn’t have the full mandate during the there are no common symbols, and there is still no common proceedings. It was a strange situation, which was later re- memory. In fact, all European memory is divided. Anyway, solved after the departure of the offi cial deputies of the Hun- our Central Eastern European zone exists, a zone in which garian state in the early afternoon. We stayed there on a semi- people remember two totalitarian systems, while in the West private basis to talk about the necessity of cooperation. they remember only one. But in the last twenty years, we Th e third moment was the initiative of Prime Minister haven’t been able to work out a base for common historical József Antall, who had been elected in the April elections and memory, although there are such historical dates on which thought that Visegrad could be a symbol of this cooperation. it could build it: 1956, 1968 and 1989. We have to build it, We knew that there was a meeting of the kings in Visegrad because these memories contain the same strivings and prob- in 14th century, during which some mutual agreements were lems that provide strength for further cooperation. made and some loans given to protect peace in the region. Translated by Aleksandra Bilewicz Today, we would say it was an international political-economic cooperation. We were in a great need of such symbols in The author is a Hungarian historian of literature and culture. former those times, and I believe we still are. director of the Central European Institute in Budapest.

17 Regional cooperation in Europe Examples and inspirations

Benelux An economic union of three neighboring countries: Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg that had its beginnings just after the Second World War, adjusting common economic policies. In 1951, members of Benelux joined West Germany, France, and It- aly to form the European Coal and Steel Community. The main institutions of the Benelux Union are the Committee of Ministers, the Parliament, the Council of the Union, the Court of Justice, the Secretariat- General, the Organization for Intellectual Property. The Benelux Secretary General is located in Brus- sels. It is the central administrative pillar of the Ben- elux Economic Union. It handles the secretariat of the Committee of Ministers, the Council of Economic Union and the various committees and working parties. Moreover, it ensures the registry of the Benelux Western Balkans Court of Justice. The Western Balkans is the term used by the Euro- dates: pean Union for the sub-region comprising Albania, 1922 Belgian-Luxembourg Economic Union was cre- Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, the former Yugo- ated. slav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Kosovo and Mon- 1943 Monetary Convention of Benelux signed by tenegro. With the exception of Albania, the countries governments in exile in London of the Western Balkans were formerly constituent 1948 Customs Union between the Netherlands, Bel- republics of the old Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. gium and Luxembourg entered into effect. The After 1991, the EU's main objective for the Western three countries exempted their mutual trade Balkans region is to create a situation where military from customs duty and applied a uniform tar- conflict is unthinkable – expanding the peace, stabil- iff for third countries. ity, prosperity and freedom, established over the last 1958 Treaty establishing the Benelux Economic Un- fifty years in the European Union. The countries of the ion was signed and entered into effect in 1960. Western Balkans have all been given the prospect of The 3 countries work in unison on the comple- EU membership. tion of the internal market, the strengthening of cross-frontier cooperation and integration in the European Union. 2008 The new Benelux Treaty confirms this endeav- or for an indefinite duration.

website: www.benelux.int

18 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Nordic Council The Nordic Council is the Nordic parliamentary co- dates: operation forum. The Council acts as an advisory 1954 Nordic Labor Market was created. body for the Nordic governments. The Nordic Coun- 1955 Nordic Convention on Social Security was implemented. cil's members work partly in the Council's Presidium 1958 Nordic Passport Union. and five political committees and partly in their re- 1970 Nordic Industrial Fund was opened. spective party groups. The Nordic Council's Session 1970 Nordtest and Nordic Investment Bank. takes place once a year. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, 1973 Denmark joined the EEC. Norway and Sweden take turns hosting the Session. 1983 The Nordic Science Policy Council was set up. The Nordic parliamentarians meet in this plenary as- 1983 A joint energy network was established. sembly. 1987 Nordic Language Convention (citizens of the Nordic countries have the op- The purpose of Nordic co-operation is, on the one portunity to use their native language when interacting with official bod- hand, to make it attractive to live, work and do busi- ies in other Nordic countries without being liable to any interpretation or ness in the Nordic Region, and on the other hand, to translation costs) strengthen the Nordic countries internationally. This 1995 Sweden and Finland joined the EU is done by Nordic co-operation in many areas such 2008 Iceland joined the UE as, for example, research, the environment, welfare and culture. website: www.norden.org

EU Strategy for the Danube Region A strategy to boost the development of the Danube Region was proposed by the European Commission on the 8th of December 2010 (Commission Commu- nication - EU Strategy for the Danube Region). Mem- ber States endorsed the EU Strategy for the Danube Region at the General Affairs Council on the 13th of April 2011 (Council Conclusions). Eastern Partnership (EaP) In short, it is a macro-regional development strategy and action plan for the regions and countries located It is a project carried out by the European Commission on the initiative of in the catchment area of the Danube river. It targets Poland and Sweden. The cooperation between Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, the sustainable development of the Danube macro- Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia aims at the improvement of political and region as well as the protection of its natural areas, economic trade-relations. It was inaugurated in 2009. landscapes and cultural heritage. It includes all the Among its activities, the main focus is on visa agreements, free trade deals territory of Hungary, nearly all parts of Austria, Ro- and strategic partnership agreements with the EU's eastern neighbors. Nota- mania, Slovenia, Slovakia and the FYR Macedonia, bly, a Civil Society Forum has been created to consult and influence policy- including significant parts of Bosnia - Herzegovina, making. Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Moldova and The Eastern Partnership project does not have its own secretariat and is con- small parts of Germany and Ukraine. trolled directly by the European Commission. It is designed to make improvements in those regions addressing necessary reforms in the following website: www.eeas.europa.eu/eastern/index_en.htm areas: economic development, transport, energy and EaP Community: www.easternpartnership.org security. website: www.ec.europa.eu/regional_policy/cooperate/danube/index_en.cfm

19 eUrope ciVil SocietY and the V4

abouT ciV il socieTy grzegorz PiotroWski

or decades, civil society has been understood tellectuals from Eastern Europe generally saw the reform of as one of the pillars of democracy, particu- the communist system as impossible. Th ey also accepted the larly in Central and Eastern Europe. Th e re- idea of an autonomous civil society as an alternative space gion has faced several radical shifts when for opposition activities. After 1976, the opposition, instead it comes to understanding the concept and of fi ghting for political power, became advocates for increas- its function in society. During communism, ingly independent social and cultural activities that would the formation of an independent sector of limit the scope of state control over society (Osa 2008: 217). civil society was one of the main strategies Its independence from authority was a challenge to the re- of the dissident sector in its strive to regain independence gime. As one of the leaders of the democratic opposition in fand sovereignty. After the transitions of 1989, the civil soci- Poland, Bronisław Geremek, described things: “the idea of ety sector underwent a major transformation and took the a civil society – even one that avoids overtly political activi- form of a third sector, largely created by the NGO (Non- ties in favor of education, the exchange of information and Governmental Organizations) sphere. However, over the opinion, or the protection of the basic interests of the par- Mythslast few years, all over the region, there seems to have been ticular groups – has enormous anti-totalitarian potential.” a revival of the idea of a politicized civil society that might (Geremek 1992: 4). Most of the concepts of “parallel socie- lead to re-confi guration of political and social sphere. Th is ties” or structures off ered by Havel, Michnik, Konrad were, would also challenge several myths surrounding this issue, in fact, challenging the authorities. which currently infl uence our understanding of the topic of Outside of Poland, where the Solidarność movement civil society. had 9 to 10 million members at its peak, civil society structures in Central and Eastern Europe were relatively weak. Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia had only a few hundred mem- Myth 1. bers. Beyond the activity of dissidents, there were two other areas within the society often neglected by observers. First, Th e fi rst myth is that civil society was formed solely by the there was civic society (Buchowski 1996) or the “imperfect dissident sector. Th is had tremendous consequences for the civil society” (Ekiert and Foa 2011): an array of state-con- development of the sector, as it raised high expectations. For trolled organizations dealing with nature conservation, cul- the anti-communist dissidents, the formation of an inde- tural life and the arts. Th is was (and generally still is) a large pendent civil society was a novel and effi cient tactic in their group – for instance, in Poland there are 1 million people or- struggles against authoritarian regimes. As Maryjane Osa ganized within voluntary fi re brigades, which were also pop- writes: “Th e program of reconstruction [sic!] of civil society, ular in Czechoslovakia and East Germany. But most people which the Eastern European dissidents used, was born in were outside of both of these circles, creating the “silent ma- Poland in the late seventies” (Arato 2000: 45). Infl uential in- jority” (Wertenstein-Żuławski 1991). In Hungary, “Goulash

20 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 ciVil SocietY and the V4 eUrope abouT ciV il socieTy

Communism” was in force (a social contract giving Hungar- munism were, primarily because of a dependence on au- ians some economic liberty in return for giving up political thorities for funding: including the state, supra-national demands). Th ese dis-engaged masses were the predecessors organizations (such as the EU or UN) and big businesses. of the later descriptions of demobilized and apathetic socie- Th is does not mean that all actions in the civil society sec- ties in Central and Eastern Europe. tor have become similarly de-politicized and that they can be reduced to NGOs alone. Th e recent wave of the “Indig- nados” spreading around the world (with lesser intensity in Myth 2. Central and Eastern Europe) is an important example that breaks the pattern in question. Also, in times of need, so- Th e newly formed civil society, after 1989, is said to be de- cieties in the region proved to be capable of mobilization politicized. During communism, civil society was an openly and eff ective action: for example, the Orange Revolution in political project. Th e transformations of 1989 changed the Ukraine, protests against the new media law and constitu- sphere of civil society by focusing it on particular issues and tion in Hungary, and the Slovak campaign against President Mythscampaigns, along with making it an increasingly profession- Meciar. al fi eld. People previously engaged in civil society actions have since moved to political parties, trade unions, administration etc. In this sense, one has to take a broader perspec- Myth 3. tive when comparing civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe during the communist period and afterwards. Finally, there is a myth that civil society is weak in Central At the same time, the region has witnessed a number and Eastern Europe. Th is myth has been employed by politi- of mobilizations that were later labeled “uncivil”, mostly be- cians and by the NGOs, for whom it served as a justifi cation cause of the use of violence by members. Th ese mobiliza- for funding. Marc Howard (2003) claims this is a product of tions were largely organized by social movements, from both several characteristics of post-socialism. He points to the fol- the left and the right side of the political spectrum. Th ere lowing: distrust of membership in organizations (which was were large demonstrations organized by alter-globalists in often mandatory before the transition), strong family and in- 2000 in Prague, street riots in Budapest in 2006, and the Or- formal ties, and a general disappointment with politics. Th is is ange Revolution in Ukraine, just to name a few. All these also connected with the growing professionalization of the civil events mobilized tens of thousands of people, and – at least society sector, consisting mostly of NGOs. After 1989, political for some time – developed a stable structures in the form of initiatives as well as labor strikes and similar initiatives were social movements or political parties. not regarded as part of this sphere. Before 1989, strikes were, Of course, the “third sector” that consists mostly of for instance, one of the main action frames for the Solidarność NGOs is less politicized than the dissidents during com- movement, although they were often regarded as “uncivil”.

21 europe Civil Society and the V4

Acts Regulating the Activities of NGOs and Tax Designation An additional development was the phenomenon of transactional activism (Tarrow and Petrova 2007) – a strat- Poland egy of civil society actors that were focused more on pro- > Associations – Law on Associations – 07.04.89 moting their goals and providing expert knowledge, rather > Foundations – Law on Foundations – 06.04.84 than on mass social mobilizations. NGOs, however small in > Tax Designation – Law on Public Benefit Activity and Volun- terms of numbers of their members, were as effective as ve- teerism – 24.04.03 hicles of mass mobilizations by precisely formulating their claims (targeting of their audiences) and networking effec- Czech Republic tively. Contrasted with the Autumn of the Nations in 1989 > Associations – Act No. 83/1990 on Associating of Citizens and mobilizations in other parts of the world, this might – 27.03.90 have lead one to conclude that civil society in the region is > Foundations and Funds – Act No. 227/1997 on Foundations weak. But looking at mobilizations with a more political ori- and Funds – 03.09.97 > Public Benefit Corporations – Act No. 248/1995 on Public entation (taking Hungary as an example), one can observe Benefit Corporations – 28.09.95 much higher social vibrancy than should be expected from pessimistic reports on social activities and civil society in Slovakia the region. > Associations – Act No. 83/1990 on Associating of Citizens –27.03.90 > Foundations – Act No. 34/2002 on Foundations and on the Change of Civil Code Conclusions > Non-Investment Funds – Act No. 147/1997 on Non-Invest- The three aforementioned mentioned myths about civil ment Funds society in Central and Eastern Europe have several conse- > Not-for-Profit Organizations Providing Publicly Beneficial Ser- vices (NPOs) – Act No. 213/1997 on Non-Profit Organizations quences. Firstly, they blur the history of civil society in the Providing Generally Beneficial Services region, which triggered far-reaching expectations. This situa- > Tax Designation – Act No. 366/1999 on Income Taxes (in- tion shows that it is difficult to compare the civil society cre- troducing 1% tax allocation), replaced by Act No. 595/2003 ated by dissidents (even if we acknowledge the existence of on Income Taxes – 04.12.03 (introducing 2% tax allocation) the state sanctioned sector) with that of today. Civil society during communism had a much broader spectrum of groups Hungary: involved in its creation and it employed a much broader rep- > Associations, Foundations, and Non-profit Corporations – Act II/1989 on Associations – 11.01.89, Act CLVI/1997 on Public Benefit Organizations References > Tax Designation – Act CXXVI/1996 on the Use of a Specified – Buchowski Michał, 1996, “The Shifting Meanings of Civil and Civic Amount of Personal Income Tax in Accordance with the Tax- Society in Poland,” in Civil Society. Challenging Western Models, ed. payer's Instruction Chris Hann and Elizabeth Dunn, London: Routledge), pp. 83-87. – Geremek, Bronisław. “Problems of Postcommunism: Civil Society Source: United States International Grantmaking, www.usig.org Then and Now.” Journal of Democracy 3(2) (1992): 3–12. Statistics on NGOs: – Howard, Marc Morjé, 2003, The weakness of civil society in post-Com- munist Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, New York Poland: – Kenney, Padraic, 2002, A carnival of revolution : Central Europe > Number of NGOs: 74,600 (as of 03.2009) 1989: Princeton University Press, Princeton NJ, > Number of Members: 10 million members (as of 11.2010) – Kopecký, Petr and Mudde, Cas (eds.) 2003. Uncivil society?: conten- > Number of Volunteers: 4,200,000 (as of 2007) tious politics in post-communist Europe. New York: Routledge. > Percentage of Volunteers as Percentage of Population: 13.2% – Osa, Maryjane, Sieci opozycji w PRL in: Gorlach, Krzysztof and Moon- (as of 2007) ey, Patrick H., Dynamika życia społecznego: współczesne koncepcje ruchów społecznych, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa 2008 Czech Republic: (originally published as: Networks in opposition: Linking organiza- > Number of NGOs: 111,241 (as of 2010) tions through activists in the Polish People’s Republic in: Diani, Mario > Number of Volunteers: 1,215,363 (as of 2007) and Macadam, Doug (eds.), Social Movements and Networks: Rela- > Percentage of Volunteers as Percentage of Population: 14% tional Approaches to Collective Action, Oxford University Press, Ox- (as of 2007) ford, Oxford 2003).

22 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Civil Society and the V4 europe

Slovakia: ertoire of action. What relation might this have with today’s > Number of NGOs: 34,947 (as of 2010) most contentious mobilizations and movements? There are > Number of Volunteers: 699,000 (as of 2004) some groups that mobilize their supporters for purposes not > Percentage of Volunteers as Percentage of Population: 13% aimed at stabilizing or strengthening democracy, but the dis- (as of 2004) sident groups of the 1980s were also targeting their actions Hungary against state structures and power. > Number of NGOs: 66,145 (as of 2009) The three myths analyzed here have influenced civil so- > Number of Members: 4 382 951 members (as of 2008) ciety to a limited extent. What they have changed is our think- > Number of Volunteers: 472,000 (as of 2007) ing about this sector and our expectations about its function > Percentage of Volunteers as Percentage of Population: 5.5% and role in society. We think of civil society more in terms (as of 2007) of the performance certain services for society (in education, environmental protection or social services), rather than as Finances: a sphere between the private and the public. The last characteristic of civil society is particularly interesting at present, Poland: thanks to the development of new media and social networks. > Total income of NGOs in 2008 – PLN 12.7 billion (approx. What once required many meetings, a dense network of EUR 3 bilion) trusted participants and occasionally some conspiracy, nowa- > Income from 1% of Income Tax in 2010: PLN 400 million (ap- days can be achieved with one (or a few) clicks of a mouse. prox. EUR 96 milion) Recent developments in North Africa show that this method > Sources of Financing: Government, Self-Government, EU and of communication and cooperation has tremendous potential Foreign Subsidies, Donations, 1% Tax Designations, Mem- and far-reaching consequences, political ones included. On bership Fees, Profits from Activities, other NGOs, Financial the other hand, critics might say that it diverts people from Mechanisms, and Fundraising real activism and actions: one would rather follow things on Czech Republic: Twitter or Facebook than go out into the streets and do some- > Total Income of NGOs in 2008: CZK 52.501 billion (approx. thing. But in a world where knowledge is power, this sphere EUR 2 bilion) has the potential to re-define the meaning of civil society. > Sources of Financing: Government, Self-Government, EU and Foreign Subsidies, Donations, Membership Fees, Profits from The author is a Polish sociologist, PhD candidate at the European Uni- Activities, other NGOs, Financial Mechanisms, and Fundrais- versity Institute in Florence ing Slovakia: > References Total Income of NGOs in 2002: Sk 18.103 billion (approx. EUR 601 million) – Petrova, Tsveta and Tarrow, Sidney, “Transactional and Participa- > Income from 2% of Income Tax in 2011: EUR 41 595 000 tory Activism in the European Polity: The Puzzle of East-Central Eu- > Sources of Financing: Government, Self-Government, EU and rope” in: Comparative Political Studies 2007; pp. 40-74 Foreign Subsidies, Donations, 2% Tax Designation, other – Piotrowski, Grzegorz, 2009, "Civil society, un-civil society and NGOs, Financial Mechanisms, Official Development Assis- the social movements", Interface: a journal for and about social tance, Fundraising, Membership Fees, and Profits from Ac- movements Volume 1 (2): 166 - 189 (November 2009) tivities – Piotrowski, Grzegorz, 2010, "Between the Dissidents and the Regime: Young People by the End of the 1980s in Central and Hungary: > Eastern Europe", Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Total Income of NGOs in 2010: HUF 1,202 billion (approx. Eastern Europe, 18:2, 145 - 162 EUR 4.3 billion) > Income from 1% of Income Tax in 2011: HUF 8,956,783,238 – Skovajsa, Marek 2008. "Independent and Broader Civil Society > Sources of Financing: Government, Self-Government, EU and in East-Central European Democratizations", Taiwan Journal of Foreign Subsidies, Donations, 1% Tax Designation, Mem- Democracy, Volume 4, No.2 (December): 47-73. bership Fees, Profits from Activities, other NGOs, Financial – Szacki, Jerzy (ed.) 1997, Ani książe, ani kupiec: obywatel, Mechanisms, and Fundraising Wydawnictwo Znak, Warszawa – Załęski, Paweł 2006. "Global Non-governmental Administrative Source: Statistical services of V4 countries, USAID and EU infor- System: Geosociology of the Third Sector", in: Gawin, Dariusz & mation pages Glinski, Piotr (eds.): Civil Society in the Making. Warszawa: IFiS Publishers.

23 THINK TANKS WATCH Networking Policy Research PASOS

PASOS is a Central European Jacek Kucharczyk think tank network that was When did you set up the PASOS network? created by liberal policy makers The idea came partly from the Open Society Insti- tute in Budapest. At first, it was a network of loosely across the region. Two of their connected think-tanks that were supposed to cor- relate their efforts for better policy making in the most committed officers tell region. OSI wanted to gather and meet with those that they had supported thus far. This happened the story of its beginnings, around the year 2000. They asked the Institute of Public Affairs to coordinate the first meeting of the achievements, failures and Soros Related Policy Institutes with several think- tanks. Then the network gradually expanded, or- overall strategy. Following many ganizing meetings and presenting project areas. During that time, we shared our experiences and policy and research initiatives set up new initiatives and projects. The first large joint project was set up to devoted to EU integration, they monitor and forecast the expansion of the Schen- focus on the prospects of Eastern gen border, both in the new EU member states and our neighbors behind this new paper curtain. It was Partnership and the role set up by our coalition of the willing – think-tanks that recognized the importance of correlating ef- of the Visegrad Group on this forts in research and policy making. Several years later, we have decided to make an independent and front. The section “Think Tank self-governing body out of this network. I can’t even remember how many there were, but the key to our Watch” will provide in-depth success was being institutionalized. We decided to set up an office in Prague, and evaluation of policies developed we held our first General Assembly in 2004. There we adopted a common statute. Jeff Lovit, former by think tanks in the region spokesman of Transparency International, moved from Berlin to become our director.

What inspired you to take these steps? We did not have a clear example to follow. In some sense, the OSI has inspired us, but with respect to institutionalizing ourselves... that was our own initiative. In fact, I would say that our work has served

24 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Networking Policy Research THINK TANKS WATCH PASOS Archive PASOS Archive

PASOS Archive f Jacek Kucharczyk

f Jeff Lovitt How important as an example to others. It proved useful when we started working on the European Partnership for is Eastern Democracy – a network of institutions devoted to democracy building. PASOS is a member of the EPD, but one of the more notable contributions we Partnership made was know-how in making an institution out of a network. Another example is the Civil Society Forum of Eastern Partnership, where Jeff Lovit is to PASOS? currently the head of the Steering Committee.

How successful has PASOS been so far? What has not been accomplished? Jeff Lovitt The expansion of our network and conferences speak for themselves. PASOS has become a channel for some projects of members, including one he composition of PASOS (Policy Association researching the promotion of democracy by the for an Open Society) membership has two Visegrad Group. The results of this research dem- blocks: 1) Those countries emerging from com- onstrated how former recipients of pro-democratic munism and totalitarian pasts, and 2) The geo- aid have recently become first-rate promoters of graphical regions of Europe and Eurasia. With democratic transformation elsewhere, especially fifty members and growing, members are in- in Eurasia and North Africa. Presentation of this dependent think-tanks, there are four regional research by PASOS that was held in Brussels and clusters in PASOS: New EU members, Western Washington demonstrated that Visegrad coopera- Balkans, Eastern Neighbors and Russia, and Central Asia. tion could be a useful tool in the promotion of de- TWith the exception of Central Asia and Russia, the other mocracy. three clusters – which account for all but a handful of PASOS Some challenges lie ahead. It is hard to avoid members – have more clearly defined relations towards the bias concerning certain projects undertaken by European Union. While membership of the EU per se is nei- Visegrad-based think-tanks or even those from oth- ther a necessary nor a sufficient goal in the process of democ- er countries of the EU, like the Baltic States. Even ratization and consolidation of a just society and free market among the Baltic States participation is uneven. For economy governed by the rule of law, clearly those countries instance, Latvian institutes are true engines of the that emerged from communism to establish the most sustain- PASOS cooperation. It all depends on the will and able democracies and market economies are precisely those capacity to invest in long-term cooperation. that have made the grade to join the EU, and the democratic values embraced by the Visegrad countries and Baltic states Jacek Kucharczyk is a Polish sociologist, president of the In- are ones that the countries of the Western Balkans and the stitute of Public Affairs Executive Board. Eastern partners need to embrace as well. And it seems clear

25 THINK TANKS WATCH Networking Policy Research

PASOS Archive the governmental side of partner countries. In November of 2011, Belarus dropped its veto (at least for the coming year) on the participation of civil society forum representatives in thematic platform meetings. That was good news, but it PASOS Archive is incumbent on PASOS members and other experts on key policy areas affecting EU-Eastern partner relations to ensure that full use is made of this access by presenting clearly argued analysis and practical policy recommendations. For PASOS, spreading individual liberty and fostering democracy are a priority, and positive examples in one or more partner countries – drawing on the lessons of the transition experience of new EU member-states – will be powerful f Andrzej Stanowski incentives to the other partner countries to accelerate their own democratic transformation.

What are your goals today and what do f George Soros you hope to achieve in the future as a network? Our goals remain rooted in our core mission – to support the work of independent think-tanks in their work to promote and protect democracy, human rights, the rule of law, open society values, and sustainable economic and social development in their respective countries. There are three pillars to that most of their citizens yearn for closer integration with the work of PASOS – network communication, acting as a re- the member-states of the EU. source for members, providing them with donor news, and The Eastern Partnership itself does not offer a recipe news about each other's plans and activities, and of course for overcoming democratic shortcomings nor a roadmap bringing them together so they can exchange ideas, conceive for EU’s integration, but it does provide a scope for strategic and implement joint projects. Network-wide action through agreements between the EU and partner countries. The focus joint projects and accompanying advocacy promoting core in particular on trade relations and moving towards visa-free values of democracy and human rights, which remain under travel offer the prospect of greater freedom of movement threat in much of CEE and Central Asia (of course, this in- that would remove the borders erected by new EU member cludes shaping EU-wide policy debates and agenda-setting, as states as a requirement for their entry into Schengen. It is im- well as capacity-building and standards-setting, ranging from perative that the people of the neighboring countries (and of training on policy-writing, communications for think-tanks, course of Kosovo, Russia and Central Asia) should be able to and understanding EU policymaking, to a range of mentoring travel freely all over Europe – to be able to see how others live and fellowship programs, and the PASOS initiative on setting with their own eyes. The fight against communism was not standards for quality controls and ethical governance in the fought to erect new barriers between those whose transition work of independent think-tanks). has progressed well and others whose transition to democ- The network continues to grow, and the members are racy has stalled or, in some cases, reversed. increasingly recognized as leaders in the think-tank mar- The Eastern Partnership's focus on visa-free travel re- ketplace. A key goal is to see the increasing impact of their quires an immense effort on the part of partner countries to work, and – except in the most closed countries – to see them meet the technical criteria required by the EU, and also politi- recognized as key partners by their respective governments cal will on the side of the governments of partner countries and, where relevant, by the key EU decision-makers. PASOS and EU member states. The tougher requirements on the mi- can contribute to this by linking the members up with inter- gration policy will not make it easy, but it is important that national policymakers, by forging joint projects where rais- the EU recognizes progress made and fulfills its obligations to ing standards in policy work by think-tanks and advocacy at lift visa requirements. the international level play central roles. If the network – by Another feature of the Eastern Partnership that is which I mean the member think-tanks, working both indi- particularly valued within PASOS is the Eastern Partner- vidually and on joint projects – can become even more vis- ship Civil Society Forum. PASOS has member think-tanks ible due to thoroughly researched incisive policy analysis, in all six partner countries (four in Moldova, for instance), presented to the right decision-makers at the most opportune and there are excellent prospects for building coalitions and time in the policymaking cycle, then we will know we are on cross-country comparative policy analysis that can be pre- the right track. sented at the intergovernmental level with the increasing professionalization of the civil society forum. Commissioner The author is the Executive Director of PASOS. He currently lives in Prague. Füle has consistently been supportive of greater inclusion of civil society representatives in intergovernmental meetings, a position also actively pursued by the European External Ac- tion Service. The big challenge is to see more openness from

26 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika Geopolitics A Small Lexicon of An Immense Issue sources of gas As a concept, energy security in visegrad was originally tied to gas delivery countries in Central Europe. Now it is part of a broader discussion that in many ways defines this russia region. This small lexicon of gas geopolitics will attempt to suggest a few new angles germany through which to view the issue.

It is not exhaustive, but should norway function as a handbook for those trying to orientate themselves in the ever – changing “gas field” turkmenistan of Central Europe domestic

Martin Ehl

others anuary of 2009 was cold. Not an M.A. title – it recently appeared, for simply in meteorological example, as an English-language offering terms, but also with respect at Masaryk University in Brno, Czech Re- to politics. Central Europe public. share of gas experienced a genuine short- Numerous studies have been pub- in energy mix age of gas due to the Russian- lished. In collaboration with other insti- Ukrainian gas dispute. Experts tutions in V4 countries and with the sup- and analysts similarly cite this port of the Visegrad Fund, the Kosciuszko event as a turning point in thinking about Institute has even established an Energy energyJ security, which is a relatively new Security Index for the Visegrad countries. discipline primarily concerned with gas It suggests that its methodology could delivery, although the field is constantly only be used for three of the V4. For un- expanding and can now be studied for certain reasons, Hungary, dependent on

28 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Gas Geopolitics economy

gas for domestic and heating purposes but the conditions – political and eco- colleagues, which has been an important and with significant domestic resources, nomic – are often rapidly transforming. impediment to the formation of a com- does not fit into the categories of the in- Finally, the lexicon is arranged logically, mon EU energy policy. And in fact, this dex. The Index has unsurprisingly shown rather than alphabetically. is an issue where greater Visegrad coop- that the Czech Republic is in the most eration might prove more efficacious, as secure position, followed unexpectedly even things so basic as interconnectors by Slovakia and then Poland. This small Cooperation or Competition are extraordinarily difficult to agree upon lexicon of gas geopolitics will attempt to and build. A meaningful solution would suggest a few new angles through which Last year, Visegrad Four energy security involve a functioning internal and liberal to view the issue. It is not exhaustive, but was closely tied with gas, even as the is- EU market, in which the issue of unbun- should function as a handbook for those sue of nuclear energy became increasing- dling (separation of different companies trying to orientate themselves in the ever ly important. Post-communist members dealing with gas trade, delivery and trans- changing “gas field” of Central Europe. of the EU have approached Russian gas port) will be of particular importance. The players are almost always the same, deliveries differently than their older EU According to Urban Rusnák, Slovak special envoy for energy security, the inter- play between cooperation and competition contains three layers: 1) The State, 7% 77% which has mostly limited competence 52% over the energy mix, 2) The EU, where the most important discussions take place, although it is unrealistic to expect common policy in short and medium term 3) Companies or the corporate sector, which implements policies but has different interests. While the state is believed to be interested in energy security, private companies are interested in profits. And since we have seen an outflow of the big Western companies from Central Europe 37% 1% in the last ten years, the only solution is to put a stress on the national level, with 4% 22% national and then regional solutions.

98% 67% EU’s Role

In an article by Friedbert Pflüger, the Eu- ropean Centre for Energy and Resource Security at King's College in London, gas relations between the EU and Russia were described as a difficult balance in which Gazprom attempts to increase its share of downstream (customers), as it is simultaneously subjected to investiga- tions and raids conducted by the EU au- 2% thorities. Pflügler wrote that Gazprom’s 18% investments in the European gas mar- 2% 13% kets, whether upstream or downstream, should not be discouraged as long as it ad- heres to the EU market rules and regulations and operates on a level playing field. 12.8% 15.6% 28.3% 40.4% Recently, the EU Energy Commissioner Gunther Oettinger unveiled a new EU External Energy Policy proposal that he said will “establish a new mechanism to ensure proper ex-ante and ex-post coordination and cooperation for the conclusion of intergovernmental agreements.” One of the key elements of the proposal poland czech rep. slovakia hungary would require EU Member States to report all new and existing bilateral energy

29 economy Gas Geopolitics

deals with partner countries to the EU certed efforts by EU countries to expand Russia Commission. Hence, before an agree- renewable energy capacity and enhance ment enters into force, the Commission energy efficiency, natural gas (alongside With unpredictable behavior, vast re- would have the right to confirm in ad- coal) will become the second most im- sources, creaking infrastructure and vance if the bilateral agreement is com- portant energy source in Europe, behind dependence on the EU market, Russia patible with EU law. Poland remembers oil. is an uncertain partner. In short, the re- well when the Commission entered into lationship between the EU and Russia is new long-term contract with Gazprom based on mutual dependency and dis- in the fall of 2010, considered too pro- Gas Logic trust. Nevertheless, the EU’s dependence Russian and not corresponding with an on Russian gas deliveries is growing and emerging EU approach. After the fall of communism, gas geo- will continue to grow due to the German Should the proposal be accepted politics in Central Europe has become decision to close nuclear power stations by member states, before entering into a peculiar game. Governments officially and a desire to meet emissions reduction any future agreements Gazprom and support market deregulation, but are not criteria. The EU’s gas imports from Rus- other foreign investors would have to able to invest in interconnections. This sia are now 40,8 % of all total imports, and comply with EU’s transparency and in- unwillingness is incited, supported and this share will grow as the total import of dustry accounting standards, as well as exploited by major European players, es- gas into the EU grows. At present, im- market liberalization policies. In theory, pecially Gazprom. The recently opened ports account for about 60 % of gas con- this would deter monopolistic activity Nord Stream and planned South Stream sumption. According to some estimates, and enhance competition, simultane- are not driven by market logic or viable 73 to 79 % of total consumption will be ously allowing investors to avoid po- business plans, but only by forces “from imported by 2020, while the Russian tentially costly litigation resulting from behind” who might have hidden inter- share would grow to around 50 %. “What non-compliance issues. Although the ests. Major Western companies are leav- we need is to depoliticize the relation be- proposal is viewed by some as a poten- ing Central Europe (consider the attempt tween gas and the EU,” said Iana Dreyer, tial deterrent to Russian investments in by Gaz de France and E.On Ruhrgas to an energy issues expert who formerly the EU, the added legal security it pro- sell their minority share in the Slovakian worked in European think tanks and is vides could in fact stimulate Russian in- transport company SPP, or RWE selling now in the Institute Montaigne. Accord- vestments. Friedbert Pflüger concluded Czech operator Net4Gas), as the Nord ing to her analysis, shale gas (in Poland) that a greater Russian stake in the Eu- Stream and South Stream allows the might have an important role to play in ropean energy markets would, in turn, Russians to determine gas delivery. The integrating the EU gas market, where is make future gas supply disruptions less original idea behind Nord Stream was there is marked “capacity underinvest- likely, as this would harm its own busi- to export gas from the Shtokman field, ment in transport.” Until the EU market ness interests. which was never developed, meaning is interconnected and liberalized, as a that the same amount of gas can now functioning market with a wider variety bypass Ukraine and Central Europe. of sources, Russia will not feel pressure to Dependency on Gas Within the EU, the Slovaks feel especially reform, even if the EU develops an excel- vulnerable and are already counting on lent common energy policy. Making the Gas is based on long-term contracts and the construction of the South Stream. issue even more complex, if China devel- the use of pipelines, making it the least For them, this would mean – not having ops its own shale gas, Russia might lose flexible part of the national energy mix. any alternative routes and stocks – being China as an important market and the Together with nuclear energy it enables totally dependent on Russia via Ukrain- EU would remain the only serious market European countries to fulfill Kyoto cri- ian deliveries. Again, South and Nord for Russian gas exports. But this is a long- teria for lower emissions of greenhouse Stream are not modeled on market rules. term prospect, and perhaps only a prod- gases. The price to be paid for this is an Therefore, Western market logic should uct of wishful thinking of some European increased dependency on imports from not be applied to their function and use. analysts and politicians. third parties. In 2009, 45% of EU gas It is not only that Central Europe could consumption was covered by non-EU be blackmailed politically, but also differ- imports (from Norway, Russia, Algeria ent vested interests could enrich various Gazprom and Libya). The importance of gas will elements in the energy food chain. Part grow in the future as coal and nuclear- of this logic, which is not purely econom- From their website, “Gazprom's strategic fueled power stations end their produc- ic or political, is that Russians are not in- goal is to become a leader among global tion cycles and Norway's production vesting in the development of new gas energy companies by developing new declines. The growing importance of fields, the infrastructure is in poor shape, markets, diversifying business activities gas also coincides with the decision of and there are even some estimates that and securing the reliability of supplies.” the German government to phase out Russia itself will not have enough gas to This official quote from the Russian all nuclear reactors. For the EU, gas meet demand. Where has all the money company provides at least one essential is the third most important source of gone? According to some unofficial esti- insight concerning their overall strategy: energy (after oil and coal). The Inter- mates in Russia, 30 to 50 % of prices are they will focus on downstream, pipe- national Energy Agency (IEA) projects eaten by kickbacks for various groups lines, storage facilities and delivery, not that over the next decade, despite con- feeding on the projects. on the development of new fields and

30 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Gas Geopolitics economy

sources. As other entries in this lexicon might serve as a replacement for nuclear, thing more or less reliable. Turkmeni- demonstrate (see “Nord Stream”, “South which is being phased out, or uncertain stan, which could potentially replace Stream” and “Russia”), gas and pipelines solar and wind sources. Anyhow, eco- the Iran as the major source of gas, is are used as political tools, and economic logical concerns will certainly be raised an even more unpredictable dictator- and business logic does not fully apply to in debates about shale gas exploration, as ship. “You should build the pipe to their Gazprom. On the other hand, Gazprom the method in question, called fracking border and then maybe they will start to has increasingly, at least since 2010, been or hydrofracking, pumps tons of chemi- discuss the issue seriously,“ said one EU forced to adapt its traditionally rigid cals into rock layers with the potential to gas official few years ago. Not to men- strategy to changing conditions, chang- cause small earthquakes or endanger un- tion the fact that Russia has signed a ing long-term contract conditions with derground water reserves. contract for the import of the majority some of its Western customers, decou- of Turkmen gas for next twenty years. A pling gas prices from oil and connecting solution might involve filling Nabucco them with spot market, which reflects North – South Connection with Iraqi gas, which might be compli- actual price developments. This new cated due to strained relations between flexibility might be used to demonstrate According to Václav Bartuška, Czech the Kurdish North of Iraq and Turkey. greater differentiation among European special envoy for energy security, this is So while a consortium of six com- customers, as well as to fill Nord Stream just a “bunch of national projects” and panies is struggling to make Nabucco pipes and also be flexible in the “political ideas, not a single pipe. Theoretically, it operational by 2017, Russia is preparing use” of gas deliveries. could fill the vacuum of networks that direct competition for Nabucco with were not built during communism, when the South Stream. This is an even more there was only an East – West network overtly political project, and given the Price of Gas being constructed. Two LNG terminals personal involvement of Vladimir Putin are being built, one in Poland and one it is likely that Russia will put its entire The price of the gas was traditionally in Croatia. The problem is North-South might into completing the project (for connected to the price of oil. Moreover, interconnectivity, given that the main more, see “South Stream”). A final in- contracts have usually been arranged for hub is Baumgarten, Austria. So if there vestment decision for Nabucco might the long-term (in 2010 Poland signed are any tubes in the North - South, they be made in 2012. Although it would not a contract with Gazprom for delivery un- lead to Baumgarten. And concerning bring a critical mass of gas for Central til 2022). In 2011, when the Arab Spring gas, Austrians are more than friendly to Europe, Nabucco has a chance to be- brought rising of oil prices, Russian gas Russians. The solution might be to link come an alternative source, and there- rose accordingly. The most recent trend Hungary and Slovakia with some sig- fore functions as a symbol of the EU is leaning toward the disconnection of oil nificant connection, but a contract has disunity in energy policy. There is not and gas prices, especially when shale gas just been signed and there will not be enough political power behind it from in the USA has changed the balance in a Slovak-Hungarian tube earlier than Brussels, and much heavier involve- North America. The Polish gas company 2015. Meanwhile, the Czechs and Poles ment from the USA pushes the project PGNiG filed suit against Gazprom dur- recently opened a small interconnector forward. ing the autumn of 2011, based on the fact in September of 2011. that Gazprom uses its near monopoly on gas imports to Poland to avoid negotiat- Nord Stream ing lower prices. Nabucco Put briefly, this is a Russian attempt to The name of the Old Persian king is work directly with Western partners to Ecology generally invoked as if it had miracu- force Russian political tools onto Central lous powers in solving the gas problems Europe. Originally German, the Russian Gas produces roughly half as much car- of Central Europe. In fact, this EU sup- project now involves French and Dutch bon dioxide as coal. Therefore, gas is ported project to bring non-Russian gas partners. It stands out as one of the suc- generally considered an environmentally to the Baumgarten hub through Turkey cesses of Russian bilateral diplomacy, in friendly fuel. With shale gas fever spread- has been plagued by difficulties from undermining the formation of a coming to Europe, environmentalists have the outset. As the name suggests, it was mon EU energy policy. The first tube of growing concerns about the impact of its originally designed to bring Iranian gas Nord Stream, opened in 2011 and has exploration. Conversely, nobody seems to to Central Europe, as counterbalance to not caused too much trouble. However, care about the conditions of exploration Russia. But for the moment, Iran is not the planned second and third tubes pre- in Russia. Some countries, like Poland considered a viable supplier. Therefore, sent serious risks for Central European and Hungary, are flirting with the deci- it is hard to devise a business plan: even energy security. Upon completion, Rus- sion of building new gas-fired power sta- if you have a tube, you have to have gas sia would be able to decide to which tions. For Germany, such power stations to fill it with. Nabucco is therefore on customer it will send its gas, and as col- will become a necessity due to a dimin- the hunt for non-Russian gas in Central lateral success, strip the Czech Republic, ishing nuclear supply. But according to Asia, which is a very daunting task. So Slovakia and Poland of transit fees. The a majority of studies, gas cannot replace far, only the autocratic government of most vulnerable of the EU countries is coal in the short and medium term, but Azerbaijan was able to promise some- Slovakia.

31 economy Gas Geopolitics

South Stream Vulnerable Hungary an amount of gas close to the yearly consumption of the Czech Republic. Yulia A Slovakian nightmare in Turkish hands. Amongst the the V4 countries, Hungary Tymoshenko, sometimes portrayed as Even if it is not economically viable, it is the most dependent on gas. It has the the last democratic hero of Ukraine, has will be built because Vladimir Putin has highest share of residential consumption, made her fortune in the shadow gas busi- personally promised its delivery to his which cannot be disrupted. Therefore, its ness. With gas, Russia can hold Ukraine Italian and Balkan partners. The entire need to secure the delivery of gas is the at its mercy, especially when the second project depends on Turkey, which refuses highest in the region. This is probably and third tube of Nord Stream are open. to work with the Russians until they build one of the main reasons why the Hun- a promised oil pipeline, which could re- garian government plays all sides when lieve the Bosporus from an overload of discussing different routes for gas deliv- Shale Gas in Poland tankers. It is direct competition for the ery, focusing mainly on the two southern EU and US backed Nabucco project. The projects, Nabucco and the South Stream. It has the potential to be a game changer, weak Balkan states tend to side with the Hungary also has the highest domestic at least in Central Europe. But there are Russian position. Hungary has a stake in reserves of gas in the V4, and domestic still several big questions marks. First, both Nabucco and the South Stream and consumption covers around one third of will extraction be economically viable? has not refused either of the projects. the overall consumption. Hungary is very The availability of the Polish shale gas is Some experts in Budapest have plans to active in building interconnectors with perhaps half that of the USA, which is so build a new Central European hub of gas Romania and Croatia, where it supports far the only country in the world with a deliveries in Hungary, as direct competi- the building of a LNG terminal on Krk developed unconventional gas industry. tion for the Austrian Baumgarten. Island. Under the Hungarian presidency Second, will the Polish and American gas So far, this is only a dream. Any of the EU, there was a breakthrough in lobby be able to defend itself against all eventual realization of the project rests February of 2011 when a new EU strategy kinds of attacks by environmentalists? in the hands of the Turkish government, was adopted, which says that all “energy There are serious doubts that Gazprom which must support both Nabucco and islands” within the EU must be intercon- would use the entire means at its disposal the South Stream. Turkey wants to be- nected by 2015. in Brussels to undermine shale gas in the come one of the key countries for future gas trade, not simply a transit country. According to the German expert Roland Ukraine Götz, the South Stream would not be as favorable as for Turkey as originally From the point of view of gas politics, thought, because Ankara would only Ukraine is a black hole. Three years after collect a transit fee. Revenues for Tur- the infamous crisis, measure stations are key would be much higher using exist- still not installed on the entry side into ing pipes (“shorter version of Nabucco”), Ukraine (even though the EU invested buying gas from Central Asia (mainly in this project after the 2009 crisis). No- Azerbaijan) and re-selling it to the EU body has control on the amount of gas market. being pumped into Ukraine. Only for the “maintenance of the system”, during last period of each year Russia has imported

CApacity to survive without connection in days (gas consumption, deposit of gas)

poland czech rep.

32 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Gas Geopolitics economy

whole European Union. Is there an exam- mous, so a functioning market and infra- a few demonstrations against the shale ple of how this might be done? And even structure, not just domestic, but at least gas exploration. Politicians and experts the search for shale gas was outlawed in on a Central European level would be key are not as enthusiastic as they were when France, due to environmental concerns. for success and further investment, espe- the possibility emerged two years ago, Even if energy mix is a national issue, cially if Polish shale gas proved to be more but the chance to make an energetic (and there still might be some push to take expensive than Russian imports. Fourth, political) swipe against historical enemies care of it on the EU legislative level. Third, it remains to be seen if Poland is interest- in Russia and Germany is perhaps too if there will be a functioning market with ed enough in having its own gas resources tempting not to try. The Polish govern- gas in Central Europe (see “North-South to risk environmental disaster or damage ment wants to resolve the legislative is- Connection” and “Cooperation and Com- to the countryside. So far, there were only sues surrounding shale gas exploration in petition”), and the American and Polish 2012, in particular the issue of tax would companies invest enormous amounts be very sensitive in making Polish shale of money into the search and testing of gas economically viable (the conservative wells, they would need a return on their opposition has spoken about a 40% tax, investment. Estimated reserves are enor- which would probably kill all interest). Last September at the Economic forum in Krynica, the deputy minister of the state treasury (who has stake in two Polish major energy companies PGNiG and Lo- tus), now minister, Mikolaj Budzanowski mentioned 2014 as the first year in which Polish shale gas might arrive on the scene. Experts are much more skeptical and are looking at the frame of eight to ten years.

Gas Future

As a concept, energy security was originally tied to gas delivery in Central Eu- rope. Now it is part of a broader discussion about the future of nuclear energy, renewables and coal. The Lisbon Treaty states that energy mix is a national issue. But while the Lisbon Treaty can be reworked to adapt to changing eurozone economic rules, no one has suggested that it can be reopened to formulate new energy rules. Germany is pushing hard for new EU rules on budgetary matters, and with the Greens possibly forming part of a ruling coalition in 2013, a push for clean energy might grow louder. This would include a move to abandon dangerous nuclear and dirty coal-based energy. On the other side, Russia should see an increasingly demanding market and be in search for better income sources for exports. However, investment into new fields will remain almost non-existent, given that foreign companies are not allowed to play according to normal rules in Russia. Unquestionably, gas – and energy in general - will be one of the hottest topics in the future of Central Europe.

The author is a Czech journalist. Chief editor of International Section in Hospodářské noviny newspaper slovakia hungary

33 economy Gas Geopolitics Gas Geopolitics in the Visegrad Four

Gas connections with other countries:

> transit pipeline from Russia and Slovakia to Germany through Transgas Pipeline > entry points: Lanžhot and Mokrý Háj (with Slovakia), Třanovice (with Poland), Waidhaus, Hora Sv. Kateřiny – Olbernhau and Hora Sv. Kateřiny – Sayda (with Germany) > Waidhaus station connects the Czech network to European network via the MEGAL pipeline

Investments in gas infrastructure:

> construction of Gazela pipeline, connecting Czech Republic with the Nord Stream – start-up: late 2012 > development of reverse flow system at Lanžhot and Hora Sv. Kateřiny – Olbernhau > development of existing storage facilities and construction of a new facility > construction of Záhoří – Spáleniště and Břeclav – Reintal gas pipelines to Austria > construction of North-South gas corridor, connecting the Visegrad countries with Romania and Bulgaria, and possibly Balkan states in the future

HIGHLIGHTS:

> Czech gas system will be connected to Nord Stream via Gazela Pipeline and German system; storage capability is being expanded

Gas connections with other countries:

> transit pipeline from Russia to Czech Republic and Germany through Eustream Pipeline > entry points: Velké Kapušany (with Ukraine), Lanžhot (with Czech Republic), Baumgarten (with Austria)

Investments in gas infrastructure:

> construction of North-South gas corridor, connecting the Visegrad countries with Romania and Bulgaria, and possibly Balkan states in the future - corridor includes the planned Polish- Slovak interconnector > construction of a Slovak-Hungarian interconnection Vecses-Balassagyarmat– start-up: 2015 > development of existing storage facilities > deposits of shale gas within Pannonian-Transylvanian Basin

HIGHLIGHTS:

> the gas crisis of 2009 demonstrated dependence on gas imports from Russia

34 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Gas Geopolitics economy

Gas connections with other countries:

> a transit country between Russia and Western Europe through Yamal Pipeline > entry points: Lasów (with Germany), Skoczów (with Czech Republic), Drozdowicze (with Ukraine), Wysokoje (with Belarus), Kondratki (with Belarus through Yamal Pipeline)

Investments in gas infrastructure:

> construction of LNG terminal in Świnoujście – start-up: 2014 > development of Lasów interconnector to increase transmission capacity > development of existing storage facilities and construction of seven new storage facilities to double storage capacity > new deposits of unconventional gas, estimated at 1,4 – 3 trillion cubic metres > BEMIP (Baltic Energy Market Interconnection Plan) – envisaged to strengthen interconnection between Baltic states, Poland, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Germany > construction of North-South gas corridor, connecting the Visegrad countries with Romania and Bulgaria, and possibly Balkan states in the future – corridor includes the planned Polish- Slovak interconnector

HIGHLIGHTS:

> deposits of shale gas which could cover Poland's need for 200 years; potential to export gas which can change the landscape of gas geopolitics in the region

Gas connections with other countries:

> entry points: Mosonmagyaróvár (with Austria), Beregdaróc (with Ukraine), Kiskundorozsma (with Serbia), Csanadpalota (with Romania), Varosfold-Dravaszerdahely (with Croatia), encompassing the connection with Croatian LNG terminal off the coast of the Adriatic Sea (operational by 2014)

Investments in gas infrastructure:

> construction of South Stream – start-up: 2015 > construction of Nabucco Pipeline – start-up: 2017 > construction of North-South gas corridor, connecting the Visegrad countries with Romania and Bulgaria, and possibly Balkan states in the future > construction of a Slovak-Hungarian interconnection Vecses-Balassagyarmat – start-up: 2015 > construction of a Hungarian-Slovenian interconnection Nagykanizsa-Tornyiszentmiklos > deposits of shale gas within Pannonian-Transylvanian Basin

HIGHLIGHTS:

> Hungary aspires to be a new gas intersection and compete with Austrian Baumgarten hub through the construction of Nabucco and South Stream pipelines

35 economy New Media in Business Playing the Slovak Piano: New Business Ideas from the New Europe

Interview with Tomáš Bella, CEO of Piano Media, a Slovak internet company which introduced the unique concept of a paywall for media content in Slovakia and recently in Slovenia. Supported by new investments, the company now plans expansion abroad

interview conducted by Martin Ehl

Piano Media is a unique project in many ways: it works with a moment like this might not be the rule, at least in new internet media, which companies around the world are try- media. But today, very few sources of media could survive ing to successfully exploit, embraces the whole country and only on advertisements, and typically these are not the ones connects competitors. At the outset, what was the most dif- most useful for society, with high quality journalism, inves- ficult challenge you faced? tigations, or the most interesting opinions. So, either we will Most difficult was explaining to the first nine Slovak media have far fewer media outlets in the future, and also less qual- houses that they should participate in the project, which had ity journalism, or there will be more media outlets, but not never been done before – anywhere in the world. “Where is it all their content will be free. Piano says: If paying for some working?“ was logically one of their first questions. It took a media and content is inevitable, let's try to do that in the year before I persuaded them that Central Europe could move way which doesn’t irritate people too much and minimizes first, without waiting for the U.S. media or Rupert Murdoch. the process of payment. We’ve argued that the model of one Of course, starting Piano Media in the U.S. or Western payment for all content – as with cable TV – is much more Europe would be much more difficult. Publishing houses comfortable for the readers and viewers and will generate there are much larger, and the decision-making process is more revenue. slower and more cautious – the risk of the unknown could simply be too large. But we’ve now proven that the concept Is your business model somehow specifically geared to the can work, so negotiations with publishers in other countries Central European or Visegrad region, or is it global? are much easier. Slovakia was from the very beginning a pilot country, a place to prove the viability and potential of the concept. We think How can you persuade readers or consumers of content there are about 70 countries in which our model could work. to pay for articles and videos? What are your arguments? The ten biggest media houses in the U.S. and China won’t Media historically needs two sources of revenue to survive: likely enter Piano, but the basic concept might be adjusted income from advertisements and income directly from con- for specific regions or segments of the market, for example sumers (readers). After the Internet arrived, it looked for media covering one similar topic.

36 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 New Media in Business economy

The challenge for us is to achieve the same result with a much lower budget and less exclusive content. For example, the New York Times employs more journalists than all the main Slovak media combined

explain to them, in very precise terms, why they should work with us. Again, the V4 is an extremely varied region. Also, the experience of our mother companies has shown that the hab- What is Piano Media and how does it work? its of clients are very different. For example, price sensitivity is very different in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Piano Media is start-up company responsible for introducing a paywall system for internet media in In global terms, what or who is your competition? Slovakia, begining in May 2011. They have announced There are some companies offering payment systems. The plans to expand to other Eastern European countries. longest operating is American Press+. But honestly, these Their system allows readers to use the paid content “competitors” are rather helpful, as more successful imple- of nine media outlets in Slovakia with one password mentations encourage media to become more courageous. At and payment of 2,90 euro per month or 29 euro per this point, there is enough space in the market for everybody. year. This includes access to the largest daily Sme, the conservative weekly Týžďeň, and TV station JOJ. Part of With whom do you compare yourself? Who provides your the revenue goes directly to the media the reader/viewer model globally? has accessed on the Piano system, and part is divided We mainly study the way the largest media in the world, like among other media according to the time spent on their The New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Financial Times, content. approached the same problem. Their respective investments into payment schemes are in the tens of millions of dollars. The challenge for us is to achieve the same result with a much Do you have plans for expansion to other V4 countries? lower budget and less exclusive content. For example, the New What kind of differences do you see in the media markets York Times employs more journalists than all the main Slovak of our four countries? media combined. From our point of view, all four countries are quite different. More often they resemble some other country in Western Eu- Do you have any special recipe for success? rope, rather than each other. The Czech Republic is unique, I think it would be premature to offer recipes after only half with dominant position of Seznam (search engine) which a year of operation. influences deliberations of all other players in the market. It is also relatively successful with selling online advertise- Why did you pursue such an uncertain project? What was ments and the share of space that is sold to advertisers. I’ve your motivation at the beginning? even heard that media in the Czech Republic are satisfied Our initial deliberations didn’t last long. After the first few with advertisement incomes, and they don’t necessarily need minutes of discussion with my colleague Marcel Vaššo, who is new sources of revenue, a situation which is unheard of in any now director of one of our mother companies, I strongly felt other European country. The situation in Hungary is precisely that we had to give it a try. No matter how small our chances the opposite. Media desperately need new revenue, and the for success would be. It was too good of an idea to keep locked political situation is more complicated concerning the influ- in my head. ence of politics. Media in the small Slovak market have relatively little money for investment in new products. This was When will you consider Piano Media to be a successful pro- an opportunity for us, because we allowed them to get new ject? sales immediately without any introductory investment. On The biggest achievement would be the moment when the me- the other hand, it limits the amount of content and services dia, thanks to income from Piano, again start to hire journal- offered. Poland is again completely the opposite. Media are ists, enlarge quality content and provide new services – and much larger there, and for them to invest a million euro into when all this is achieved in at least four or five countries. their own system is not unimaginable. So we have to be able to

37 economy Pension Systems Pension Systems in the Visegrad Group Different Solutions to the Same Problem?

In terms of social security we changed from optimists to realists. Twenty years of pension reforms in the Visegrad group have taught us that pension systems and reforms remain highly idiosyncratic within the region. For the time being, the Visegrad pension landscape remains as heterogeneous as it has always been. It is the right time to reconsider its prospects

Ondřej Schneider

he four countries in the lower official unemployment by allowing in reducing future payments, exposing Visegrad Group approached workers to exit the labor force early. itself to massive future deficits. their transitions from cen- All four Visegrad countries have trally planned and state reacted to the shifting pension land- Aging – A Universal controlled to market ori- scape with continuous reforms of their Phenomenon ented economies with dif- respective systems. However, these re- The dominant obstacle ahead of the pen- ferent strategies. And even forms have greatly differed in their tim- sion systems in the Visegrad region is the when adopting similar ap- ing, scope and boldness. While Czechs relentless aging of populations, which is proaches, they rarely did so at the same have thus far been the most cautious perhaps the most dramatic demographic time.T Due to this heterogeneity, we have reformers, they were the first to intro- change in the modern history of the re- witnessed a wide range of both success- duce voluntary pension funds (1994) and gion. Not only is the population getting ful and failing strategies of transition. increased the retirement age most dra- progressively older, it is also shrinking. This same pattern holds in the area matically. Hungarians were first to com- The United Nations now estimates that in of pension systems, where the underly- pletely overhaul their pension system, 2025 there will be 1.6 million fewer Poles ing situation in all four countries is quite introducing mandatory pension funds than in 2005, 800,000 fewer Hungarians, similar. As fertility rates have collapsed in 1998, only to all but abolish them last 500,000 fewer Czechs and 100,000 fewer and longevity has increased, these ageing year. Poland introduced the most com- Slovaks. In relative terms, the population societies have faced increasing pressure prehensive pension reform in 1999, but of Hungary is likely to shrink by 8% with- pension systems that still bear marks left substantial pockets of the old system in 20 years, while the Czech and Polish of the former, state dominated systems. in place and did not unify the retire- population will decrease by 5%, and the They usually provided pensions at rela- ment age for men and women. Slovakia population of Slovakia will decline 2%. tively early age, heavily taxed labor in- implemented a pension reform in 2005 This kind of dramatic depopulation has come, predominantly relied on the state that was both ambitious in reducing pay- never occurred during peace times, and provision of funds, and were used to ments to the state run system and timid it is bound to test the cohesion of each

38 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Pension Systems economy

Aging and public pension expenditures

s most recent s expected in 2060 107 107 102 94

74 55 56 48

Pension system ratio czech rep. hungary poland slovakia Public pension expenditures 7.8 11,0 10.9 13.8 11.6 8.8 6.8 10.2 (% of GDP)

society in question. Moreover, those liv- immigration – Ukraine and Russia – face the pension formula. With the exemp- ing in the region will be much older. The even starker decreases in their respec- tion of the Czech Republic, they also im- share of eldery, defined as 65 years and tive populations and may be expected plemented a structural pension reform older, will rise from 12-14%, in the re- to take actions against the migration of that introduced private pension funds, gion overall, to 19% in Slovakia, 21% in productive workers. The fall in the num- mandatory for the young and optional Poland, 22% in Hungary and 23% in the ber of pension system contributors may for older workers. In 1998, Hungary was Czech Republic. The number of people be even more pronounced if the Visegrad first to introduce this three-pillar reform dependent on retirement pensions will governments react to pension deficits by under the auspices of the World Bank. increase at least by one third in Hungary pushing up mandatory contributions to While the reform in Hungary was con- and as much as one half in Slovakia. At the system that would discourage work- troversial and opposed by a major po- the same time, the number of workers ers from the official labor market and litical party (which proved lethal 12 years contributing to the pension system will further suppress the number of contribu- later), the Polish reform of 1999 was decrease by 20-30% in all countries. tors. a consensual and thorough project that All demographic projections are involved all political parties. That reform uncertain and the actual numbers of First Wave of Reforms introduced private pension funds, but pensioners and contributors to pension – When We Were Optimists it also overhauled the remaining state systems may change. However, change Visegrad governments were not oblivi- pension system and built in substantial is unlikely to be either substantial or ous to this worrisome pension arithme- benefit reductions for future pension- beneficial for the system. In all the coun- tic and have repeatedly introduced para- ers. However, the reform left pension tries, fertility rates have stabilized at metric reforms that typically increased systems for farmers and uniformed ser- well below the replacement level of 2.1 retirement age (for all or specific groups), vices untouched and maintained a very children per woman. Immigration rep- tightened early retirement schemes, low retirement age for women. Slovakia resents the only potential upside. How- slowed indexation of existing pensions followed with similar pension reforms ever, the main source countries for this and reduced new pensions by changing in 2005, implemented by a reformist

39 economy Pension Systems

Pension Reforms in Visegrad Countries

Pension Contributions 28 26.5 32.52 24 (% of Wages)

czech rep. hungary poland slovakia

Pension Contributions to Pension Funds 8 7.3 9 (% of Wages)

reform started reform started reform started reform started 2014? 1998 1999 2005

2008-2011 changes 2008-2011 changes 2008-2011 changes 2008-2011 changes Retirement age Reforms abolished Transfers to pension System voluntary increased, voluntary in 2010 funds reduced for new entrants pension funds to 2.3% in 2011, since 2008 planned for 2014 retirement age to be raised from 2014

government against the wishes of the state system was increasingly deprived of formula remains very progressive, com- opposition. Slovaks went for a very am- contributions. Poland and Slovakia were pressing newly established pensions in bitious program, with the highest share partially able to reduce the shortfall from a tight range and reducing overall costs of pension contributions diverted to pri- privatization revenues, but the Hungar- of the pension system. vate pension funds. The reform was at- ian system’s deficits increased the coun- Table 1 summarizes the outlook for tacked within years of its conception and try’s explicit debt. the Visegrad pension systems before the the next government made it optional, The Czech Republic chose a differ- last round of reforms (or dismantling of even allowing workers to withdraw from ent path. It introduced voluntary pen- reforms). As demographic factors gradu- the pension funds they had previously sion funds as early as 1994, but kept ally deteriorate, public pension expendi- selected, thereby hampering the perfor- them strictly outside of the mandatory tures are bound to rise, often substantial- mance of the funds. pension system. Pension funds have at- ly. The European Commission expected Despite all uncertainties, pension tracted almost 80% of the active working that pension outlays would increase by reforms in Hungary, Poland and Slovakia population, but even contributors, who roughly 3% of GDP in the Czech Repub- were popular with workers and the par- overwhelmingly saved the minimum lic, Hungary and Slovakia between now ticipation rate in all three countries ex- amount that allowed them to collect and 2060. Poland was the outlier, as its ceeded government estimates. The high- the state subsidy and withdrew all sav- public pensions expenditures were ex- er participation was promising, as it was ings immediately upon retirement, have pected to decrease by almost 3% of GDP, expected to decrease future government not treated them as part of the pension with the Polish pension reform from expenditures on pensions. But while system. Meanwhile, the state run system 1999, shifting a substantial share of fu- they were more popular than expected, has been changed several times, increas- ture pension expenditures to the private the pension reforms also proved to be ing retirement age with – and in this the sector (recent changes in the Polish pen- more costly. As more workers decided Czechs are unique – no final retirement sion system have, however, substantially to switch to a new, combined system, the age set in the law. Moreover, the pension reduced the private sector role and the

40 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Pension Systems economy

public sector may be expected to pay The Polish reaction to the fiscal idiosyncratic within the region. Until higher pensions in the future). problems caused by the financial crisis 2010, the Czech Republic seemed to be was more measured, but radical none- an outlier that refused to reform its pen- Financial Crisis of 2008 – theless. The government reacquired two sion system radically, instead relying Time for Reconsiderations thirds of contributions that were sent on tight management of the state run The economic crisis that struck the re- to private pension funds, appropriating pension system. While the strategy has gion in late 2008 and 2009 highlighted some 1% of yearly GDP. The government mostly succeeded in limiting pension long neglected fiscal problems in all did not touch the assets of pension funds, system expenses, it has done so primarily Visegrad countries. Rising health care but the funds now face a much slower by lowering the benefits of future gen- expenditures, inefficient tax systems and build up of assets, so they will be able to erations. In this sense, the Czech govern- a sudden drop in tax revenues widened pay lower pensions in the future. What ment’s tentative decision to introduce fiscal deficits in all four countries. Hun- is most important, however, is the un- a partial and voluntary opt-out is long gary, the most vulnerable for a long time certainty introduced by the government. overdue. If implemented, it will make the running, had to apply for a loan from the It will be under severe fiscal pressure al- Czech system similar to that of Slovakia EU and IMF in 2009 and remains in an ready in 2012 and 2013, and both work- and Poland. The Polish government like- economic downturn. The Polish fiscal ers and pension sector cannot be assured wise seems to be moving to this “new deficit quickly ballooned to 8% of GDP, that the government will not seize trans- standard”, reducing the role of mandato- and the government debt is coming dan- fers still directed to pension funds. ry pension funds and unifying the retire- gerously close to the constitutionally set The changes in the Slovak systems ment age for men and women at 67 years. limit of 55% of GDP that would trigger were minor in comparison to Poland and Before a new universal system massive spending cuts. Hungary. The government extended the could have been established in the Viseg- Led by a government that has been period during which workers could with- rad group, Hungary moved sharply back, long opposed to pension reform, Hun- draw from the second pillar and made it demolishing its 12-year-old reform and gary has acted in ways that have shocked voluntary for new labor-market entrants. returning to the system based exclusively most observers. In 2010, the savings ac- The Czech Republic, however, reversed on state financing. It remains to be seen cumulated in pension funds – 10% of regional logic once more. Instead of pull- whether a future Hungarian govern- GDP in all – were “voluntary” returned ing back from pension reform, in the ment will reverse this move, and thereby to the state pension system, pension midst of the financial crisis the govern- return Hungary to the fold of countries funds were dismantled and state domi- ment decidede to introduce a new kind with pension systems dominated by the nance in the pension system was re- of private pension fund that would col- government, but with the private sector established. The effects of this “anti-re- lect a share of workers’ wages, invest playing an important role in providing form” are still difficult to quantify, as the them and then eventually pay pensions. old-age pensions to their pensioners. government remains vague as to how ex- The reform is more cautious than previ- For the time being, the Visegrad pension actly it plans to compensate workers for ous regional reforms, as it makes partici- landscape remains as heterogeneous as it assets nationalized from pension funds. pation in the new system entirely volun- has always been. However, it is clear that the public pen- tary and requires workers to co-invest in sion expenditures will rise in the future pension funds from their private sources. The author is a Czech is Czech economist and by more than the 3% of GDP estimated blogger, assistant professor at Institute of Eco- in 2009, unless the government imple- Conclusions: Elusive nomic Studies at Faculty of Social Sciences ments radical reforms within the state Convergence on of Charles University in Prague, currently an run pension system. Given the country’s a Universal Model adjunct instructor at Georgetown University worrisome demographic situation, Hun- Twenty years of pension reforms in the (Washington DC, USA). gary is at its most exposed since the 1998 Visegrad group have taught us that pen- referendum. sion systems and reforms remain highly

Literature – Barr, N. and P. Diamond (2009). Reforming Pensions, CESifo Working Paper 2523, January 2009, CESifo, Munich. – European Commission (2009) “Ageing Report: Economic and budgetary projections for the EU-27 member states”. European Economy 2/2009. – European Commission (2010) “Joint Report on Pensions” Commission Staff Working Document, Brussels, May 2010. – Holzmann, R.; M. Orenstein; and M. Rutkowski, ed. 2003. Pension Reform in Europe: Process and Progress. Washington, DC: World Bank. – Schneider, O. (2009): Political Economy of Pension Reforms in Europe, Czech Journal of Economics and Finance- Finance a úvěr 2009/4, pp.280-298 – Soto, M., B. Clements and F.Eich (2011): A Fiscal Indicator for Assessing First and Second Pillar Pension Reforms, IMF Staff Discussion Note, April 2011 – Velculescu D. (2010) "Some Uncomfortable Arithmetic Regarding Europe‘s Public Finances," IMF Working Papers 10/177, International Monetary Fund. – Wagner, H. (2005) “ Pension Reform in the New EU Member States – Will a Three-Pillar Pension System Work?”, Eastern European Economics, Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 27-51. – World Bank (2007) “From Red to Gray: The third transition of Aging populations in Eatsren Europe and the former Soviet Union”, The World bank, Washington, DC. – Schneider (2011) „Pension Implicit Debt – Burden of the Young“, IDEA Praha, květen 2011. – Schneider, O. a L. Dušek (2011) „Poplatky penzijních fondů: Komentář“, IDEA Praha, květen 2011.

41 interview Rudolf Chmel

Interview with Rudolf Chmel, Slovakia’s Deputy Prime Minister for Human Rights and National Minorities in the government of Iveta Radičová The beginning of Rudolf Chmel’s political career coincided with the formation of the Visegrad Group in 1990. After returning from the post of Ambassador of Czechoslovakia, he continued both his political carrier and academic studies, focusing on Slovak-Hungarian relations We asked Rudolf Chmel about his experiences and opinions on the history of the V4 cooperation

Nobody Questions the Geopolitical Identity of the Region Anymore

interview conducted by Máté Zombory

Your political career began as the Ambassador of Czechoslo- garians. After the split of Czechoslovakia in 1993, I returned vakia to Hungary in 1990. How and why did you step from from Budapest and devoted myself to my work at the univer- the field of literary criticism and academic life into politics? sity and the academy. I also became involved in the NGO sec- The end of the eighties paved the way for a more critical reac- tor, which fought a battle with the undemocratic regime of tion to politics, culture and the state of the society. For exam- Vladimír Mečiar and helped to defeat him in the elections of ple, we took our job quite seriously within the editorial offices 1998. I accepted the position of Minister of Culture for four of the literary review Slovenské pohľady (The Slovak View), years, beginning in 2002, and in 2010 I took on the role of which I led from 1988–1989. It was as if we were unknow- Deputy Prime Minister for Human Rights and National Mi- ingly preparing for democratic changes, the dimensions of norities. Both positions, of course, could demobilize an intel- which we didn´t even have the faintest idea about. As a con- lectual to a certain extent. Still, the post of Ambassador made sequence of the geopolitical turmoil, the changes, so to speak, it possible to think more freely. At least, in those days it did. were handed to us on a plate. The first period of transformation was led by many intellectuals who were, unfortunately, Would you describe how those times differed? How political gradually replaced by pragmatic people and those who took diplomacy look in relation to today? advantage of politics for low-minded personal goals. I entered Arriving in Budapest in the summer of 1990, I somehow into public life as an intellectual and researcher in literature. thought that the freedom of democracy would create an oasis In the spring of 1990, I received an offer to take up the post of mutual cooperation in our post-communist region – that of Ambassador of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic in democracy and freedom could oppress national and state Hungary. Since my career had been dedicated to researching egoism in the name of fulfillment of the European vision of in- Hungarian and Hungarian–Slovak literature and cultural re- tegration. It took a couple of months to recover from my illu- lations, the offer was attractive to me. In June of 1990, I hand- sions, in spite of the fact that the idea of European integration ed the credentials signed by then President Václav Havel over remained a tangible topic. Relations between the Czech and to the Hungarian President, Árpád Göncz, an old friend of Slovak Federal Republic and Hungary started to swiftly dete- mine. I was regularly involved in internal affairs, mainly as it riorate because of differing interpretations of certain central related to discussions of Slovakia's half-million ethnic Hun- issues, especially the situation of the ethnic Hungarian mi-

42 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 43 rUdolf chMel interView chMel rUdolf

Photo: Peter Župník interview Rudolf Chmel

nority and the question of the completion of the Gabčíkovo- “natiocracy” goes beyond democracy in some states, even Nagymaros Dam on the Danube river. The diplomacy in the today. It is good that the V4 lived to twenty, even if, to be early nineties was certainly interesting, both on bilateral and critical, the group was unable to unite these countries into multilateral basis. I think it was a historic period, and if I look a compact political and economic unit. The blame first of all at those events from the perspective of today I don’t regret lies with the Hungarians and Slovaks for their non-coopera- that period of my life. At present, diplomacy involves a more tion. But early on, the collaboration was ignored by, the then technocratic approach and many of its competencies have Czech premier, Václav Klaus. transferred to the EU and NATO. But still, Slovak-Hungarian relations don’t fit the diplomatic standards that are typically Looking at the twenty years of the V4 cooperation, 2004 unnecessarily overburdened with nationalist traumas and seemed to be a turning point, when its members achieved stereotypes inherited from the past. EU accession – the original goal of the organization. How do you see the story of the Visegrad Group? How did international relations between the V-4 countries The story of the V4 has perhaps two culminations. The first is look before 1989? connected with its establishment, but it was always partially Before 1989, the relations between Czechoslovakia, Poland independent of its participants. It operated as a life-belt, to be and Hungary were all subordinated to the Soviet Union’s po- more punctual, a starting block on the way to an integrated sition, so we couldn’t really speak about regional cooperation. Europe. The second culmination, entering the EU and NATO, Though there had been discourse on collaboration within the involved the cooperation of all four states based on stand- dissident communities, it passed almost unnoticed. This was ard stereotypes. Nobody posed the questions about the geo- mainly from the mid-eighties, in connection with the polem- political or geostrategic identity of the region anymore. The ic contemplation of Milan Kundera. The discussion about the Visegrad countries gradually and quietly gave Visegrad up as kidnapping or tragedy of Central Europe inspired by Kun- a lost cause. Perhaps the Polish remained the most faithful to dera went on mainly in exile and in samizdat literature. Do- the group’s principles. And also there was a period, between mestically there were no conditions for it. The phenomenon 1994-1999, when the idea of Visegrad was kept alive only by of Central Europe created only the slightest stir in Slovakia. the intellectuals gathered around the Central European Jour- I remember when a group of Slovak writers and intellectu- nal, a common supplement to the daily papers of the Slovak als, including myself, agreed on cooperation in 1988 with the Sme, Polish Gazeta Wyborcza, Czech Lidové noviny and the Austrian review Pannonia – edited by György Sebestyén, Hungarian Magyar Hírlap and Népszava. Polish initiative chairman of the Austrian Pen-club, who had fled Hungary was also dominant in this respect. The twenty year history of after 1956. The communist authorities and ideologues sus- the Visegrad has had its ups and downs. It doesn’t need to be pected us of trying to revitalize the Austro-Hungarian mon- put on life support yet, but I suspect we’re close to that stage. archy! According to them, Europe and even the world should It needs some impulse, a leader, who would give it new mean- have been permanently divided into East and West. Central ing. The characteristic routine for Visegrad doesn’t justify its Europe meant putting an end to this bipolarity for them, an existence. The politicians missed the opportunity and the in- overturning of the Cold War’s idyll. In a slightly figurative tellectuals got exhausted and gave up. sense, it meant the loss of their job. Yet the question of national minorities remains significant, In such circumstances, how did the idea of V-4 coopera- despite some expectations that inside it would cease to be tion develop and what was the role of the idea of "Central a hot issue within the EU. How do you see this, particularly Europe"? in light of the V4 cooperation? During the Velvet Revolution at the end of the eighties, it was The question of minorities, emerging due to Hungary and time to think about a new project for this region and to in- Czechoslovakia, and then after 1993 due to Slovakia, was one tegrate East-Central Europe into the existing structures. At of the problems that irritated and worsened the cooperation that time, the fundamentals started to shake in Yugoslavia of the V4. When, in summer of 1990, the Hungarian premier and its bloody continuation served as a memento mori for József Antall proclaimed an apparently innocent sentence, the West. The tensions in Slovak-Hungarian relations rose that he wished to serve in spirit as the prime minister of fif- from 1992, the last year of the existence of Czechoslovakia. teen million – instead of ten million – Hungarians, raising It posed the real threat of an ethnic explosion, at least in the the issue of Hungarians living in successor or post-Trianon mind of the West. Just the concept of creating the Visegrad states, this question became very important in bilateral and Group, the V-3 in February 1991, aimed for a kind of correc- multilateral relations within the Visegrad states. At present, tion of post-communist nationalism in Central Europe. This Viktor Orbán, Antall’s political heir, raised this question to endeavor sought to lead Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland another level, which has frozen not only Slovak-Hungarian into the united Europe. In this way, it was a trial-run, testing relations but also Visegrad cooperation. This is a counter- their ability to communicate and cooperate in a smaller com- productive component of the Visegrad story. In short, co- munity. As a matter of fact, concerning the transformation operation within the Visegrad is formal, cold and ritualistic. process in Central Europe – especially in the face of the crisis Unfortunately, this is not an optimistic conclusion, but a re- in Yugoslavia and Soviet Union – the West didn’t have a clear alistic one. This perhaps because we feel the absence of true political strategy. Importantly, there was no strategy to over- statesmen, like the late Václav Havel, in our region. Contrary come the historical traumas of Central Europe, which was of- to the politicians who just reproduce themselves and live for ten the reason behind conflicts that were cyclically repeated election outcomes. In such a way, they are merely devoted to in our region. In principle, this is because “ethnocracy” and populism.

44 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika INTELLIGENT MIND Euro Crisis in Central Europe

The Euro Crisis. Central European Lessons

Countries of Central Europe do not have a common response to the economic and financial crisis. They have revealed certain differences marked by a split between two political cultures: a “sovereignist” and a “pro-European” pole. However, it is in the best interest of Central Europe to do everything to save the European project by being engaged in building a new Europe

46 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Euro Crisis in Central Europe INTELLIGENT MIND

Jacques Rupnik

truck by the euro cri- a thousand years Slovakia was a province and 9th of December 2011, Poland sup- sis, Central Europe re- of Hungary, whose kings were crowned ported the proposals, whereas the Hun- mains far from united. in Pozsony, also known as Presbourg, but garian Prime Minister Orbán first rallied And indeed, the im- not yet Bratislava. behind the British veto but then changed pact of the financial However, there are certain com- his mind and, like the Czechs, supported and economic crisis on mon features in the way the region is the Swedish position, namely prior ap- the region differs from facing the crisis, summarized as follows: proval by the national parliaments.3 country to country, contrary to common misconceptions, The differences between individual as do the perceptions of its stakes and Central European countries have weath- countries partly explain contrasting per- Spreferred responses. Poland is the only ered the crisis better than the rest of the ceptions and reactions to the euro crisis, EU country to have passed through the EU. In the midst of the crisis, the election as well as the speculations regarding the international crisis without falling into year of 2010 witnessed the emergence future of the European project in general. recession, while the Czech Republic and of liberal and/or conservative right- One can also see these events in terms of Slovakia have managed to sustain only wing coalition governments (the case political lessons that the respective coun- limited damage. By contrast, Hungary of Hungary must be treated separately). tries of the region have learned from the has felt the full brunt of it. In the Baltics, In response to the crisis, these countries crisis of the European currency. Estonia adapted quickly and managed to felt closer to German discipline than to get going again, whereas Latvia intro- French fiscal policy, not tolerating the the Czech Republic: duced unprecedented austerity meas- budgetary laxness attributed to South- A Lesson in Self-Importance ures. The first attempt to coordinate po- ern European countries. Europe is now and Pragmatism sitions was the meeting of the Visegrad split between North and South rather “The euro was never a good idea. It was Countries at the end of February of 2009, than East and West. In the face of the bound to fail.”4 The declaration by the just before a European summit during financial crisis, “we belong to Northern President of the Czech Republic in No- the Czech presidency. The Prime Minis- Europe”, as Poland’s Minister of Foreign vember of 2011 also contained a remind- ter of Hungary called for a European res- Affairs declared.1 Perhaps most impor- er: “I told you so.” As a matter of fact, cue plan to avoid an “economic Yalta” in tantly, the Visegrad countries feared that it must be admitted that Václav Klaus’s Europe. His Czech counterpart categori- the French and Germans would close opposition to the idea of the single cur- cally refused this idea, precisely because ranks and impose their own solutions, rency dates back to the very day of its in- such a rescue plan could be interpreted taking steps toward the creation of an troduction. He agreed with the observa- as substantiating the idea of a continually “inner core” and a two-speed Europe. tions of the British ex-Chancellor of the divided Europe, with an Eastern Europe Among those who have adopted Exchequer, Nigel Lawson, who considers within the EU. The then Prime Minister the euro, Slovenia2 and Estonia (a coun- the monetary union “the most irrespon- of Slovakia, Robert Fico, went even fur- try which took the risk of joining the sible experiment of the post-war era”. ther, stating that the Slovak “situation eurozone in the midst of the crisis) are Václav Klaus, an economist by training, is a thousand times better than that of complying with the new pressures with- also considers disintegration preferable Hungary”. His formulation reflects the out faltering. Slovakia has refused to to ongoing rescue attempts: a fiscal Eu- absence of solidarity among Central Eu- change the rules mid-game for a disput- rope or a redistributive Europe is a dead ropean countries, a fact which is hard to able cause (the collapse of Greece). At the end that leads to an economy managed understand unless one knows that for end of the European summit on the 8th in the same way as “communism tried to

47 INTELLIGENT MIND Euro Crisis in Central Europe

manage it. And we know that there was In the present turmoil he urges for na- decade, Slovakia implemented a series of no light at the end of the communist tun- tional cohesion first of all: “The concepts brave and unpopular reforms (labor mar- nel and we had to exit that tunnel.” The of multiculturalism are worthless today. ket, pensions and healthcare) to control euro is a financial failure, but it is more On the contrary, the word ‘homeland’ public spending in order to fulfill the cri- than that: the crisis reveals its dangerous should not be considered a dirty word, teria for euro entry. Only to realize that logic that threatens the nation-state and but a value that is worth defending and it should, according to the agreement of democracy. On the occasion of the pub- for which we must be ready to suffer.“9 July, 2011, contribute considerable sums lication of his new book, “Europe With- The other—more European—po- (equivalent to half of the revenue in its out Illusions”, the Czech President gave sition is defended by the social demo- budget) to rescuing a country that has an interview on the title page of Lidové cratic opposition, but also by the party of been a large recipient of European funds Noviny with the title “We Are Governed Prince Karel Schwarzenberg, TOP (Tra- for thirty years, and decided to ignore by Sarkozy and Merkel”.5 dition, Responsibility, Prosperity) within these aforementioned criteria and falsify President Klaus was exaggerating, the governing coalition. As minister of its public finances. but he represents the rejection of the foreign affairs, he declared that holding Under these conditions, it was not dominant French-German couple and a referendum on the euro amounted to easy for Slovak government parties to go drives the agenda of Czech media, which turning their backs on their European back on what they constantly repeated tends to take up his favorite topics in ar- partners. His colleague, the Finance during the campaign. Stuck between ticles on “euro slavery” (in relation to Eu- Minister, Miroslav Kalousek developed pressure from Europe and mostly hos- rope’s plan to rescue Greece)6 or on “sec- the argument further: a two-speed Eu- tile domestic reactions, Mrs. Radicova’s ond-class members”.7 In other words, we rope seems to be taking shape, which is government was finally divided between are relieved that we are not included, but “contrary to the interests of the Czech those who, in her words, are for “no Eu- frustrated that we cannot participate in Republic”, a country which, as opposed to ropean funds, no guarantees, no aid and decisions concerning the future, which is Britain with its City, hub of international letting the crisis sort itself out” and the the common fate of the European Union. finance, Switzerland with its banks or other position, according to which “we Without the counterweight of his Norway with its gas, cannot allow itself have obligations, we belong to the euro- main political rival Václav Havel, whose to step away from European integration. zone, we are responsible and we cannot Euro-federalist speeches have always had In this way, the European question accept the advantages without sharing more resonance outside than inside the divides the government parties and it is the problems”.11 Richard Sulik defended Czech Republic, Václav Klaus sets the not impossible (if the crisis continues) the first position (“we will not give an- tone in Prague. There are two main cur- to imagine that this split may anticipate other cent”). He founded the liberal- rents on the Czech political scene. On the the breakup of a coalition already un- conservative party Liberty and Solidar- one hand, the ODS, the rightist-conserv- dermined by corruption cases,10 and the ity (SaS) a few months before the 2010 ative party of Prime Minister Petr Necas, development of closer ties between “pro- elections. His party refused to approve has adopted a souverainist position, ar- Europeans” among the social democrats the Slovak contribution to the European guing for less integration. Faithful to its and the liberal conservatives of TOP. Is Financial Stability Fund, which resulted British model, the ODS left the EPP in the European crisis a new faultline reor- in the fall of the government and the an- the European Parliament and established dering Czech internal politics? nouncement of early elections (at the an uncompromising group of Euro-skep- time, only the opposition party SMER tics with the British Conservatives and Slovakia: voted in favor of contributions to the Eu- Polish PiS, led by the Kaczynski brothers. A Lesson in Accounting ropean funds). Thus, the Slovak govern- According to Jana Cernochova, an MP It is an irony of history that Slovakia, ment was one of the numerous victims of from ODS: “the European Free Trade a country that participated in the disso- the euro crisis. And this was an eye open- Association (EFTA) is exactly the free as- lution of their common currency with er: Greece had been admitted to the eu- sociation of states that suits us.“8 At its the Czechs less than twenty years ago, rozone for political reasons (the support October of 2011 meeting, the congress of joined the European monetary union in of France), before it was economically, fi- the ODS voted unanimously for a refer- January 2008 – just before the outbreak nancially and institutionally ready.12 Slo- endum on the possible adoption of the of the euro crisis. This occurred under vakia, on the other hand, had shown that euro. Let’s not forget that the referendum the government of Robert Fico and his it was well prepared economically and held in June of 2003 on the accession of left-wing SMER party. The Greek crisis financially, but unprepared politically. the country to the EU included the obli- coincided with elections in Slovakia in gation, in principle, to join the European the spring of 2010 and the ascendency Hungary: currency. The argument raised against to power of a liberal-conservative coali- A Lesson in Humility adoption concerns ongoing changes in tion, whose leaders had promised not to After the landslide victory of his party the management of the eurozone. Alex- bail out bankrupt countries with Slovak in the spring of 2010, Fidesz received andr Vondra, an ex-dissident but now taxpayers’ money. The argument of Iveta two thirds of parliamentary seats. Vik- the Minister of Defense, declared to Radicova, a sociologist by training who tor Orbán immediately announced his the congress that the current crisis was became prime minister in the beginning intention to free the country from fi- caused by “the permanent heterogeneity of the summer of 2010, was the following: nancial dependence on foreign pow- of the national traditions, cultures and Slovakia is poorer than Greece. The aver- ers, namely the International Monetary economies of Europe, on which a false age salary (780 euros) is equivalent to the Fund and the European Union: “Neither solidarity has all too often been imposed”. minimum wage in Greece. Over the last the IMF nor the financial leaders of the

48 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Euro Crisis in Central Europe INTELLIGENT MIND

EU are our bosses and we are not their bracing the frustrated nationalism of the centr-right government of Donald Tusk underlings”. In fact, from the outset of inter-war period are strongly connected had no serious opposition on the left and the crisis in 2008, the former (socialist) to Orbán’s political and economic sover- stood his ground well in the campaign government obtained a loan of 20 billion eignism, who is overtly banking on inter- against Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s nationalist- dollars from the IMF with European sup- nal polarization and a defiance towards populist Law and Justice (PiS). The coun- port. In order to shake off this legacy, the foreign financial institutions. try modernized during the last twenty Orbán government implemented a series However, the latter are taking their years. It is listed among the “highly de- of radical measures, directly attacking revenge. Orbán, who refused to be developed“ countries in the UN Human the interests of bankers and foreign in- pendent on international financial organi- Development Index, and has moved up vestors. He refused the last installment zations, and did so with great histrionics, ten positions between 2007 and 2011 in of the IMF loan, re-nationalized private has now been forced by the deteriora- the Global Competitiveness Index of the pension funds and levied taxes on banks tion of the financial situation to make World Bank, positioning itself as a major and certain multinational companies. He an about-face and call the IMF for help. actor on the European scene. also promised to fix the exchange rate Standard & Poor’s downgraded the coun- The fact that Poland is an exception, between the Hungarian forint and the try to BBA- in November of 2011.14 And in a double sense, partly explains the atti- Swiss franc (1 Swiss franc for 180 forints), Hungarian debt is currently sold with an tude of the country toward the euro crisis. so that Hungarian citizens could repay interest rate of 9.4% (the highest in Europe Polish leaders know that it is in the best their mortgages.13 In 2008, the rate was after Greece), while the forint has lost interest of a country that conducts three around 140 forints; today it is 263 forints 20% of its value during the last quarter quarters of its trade with the European per Swiss franc. Banks, mainly Austrian, of 2011. Moreover, there has been a con- Union and owes 40% of its GDP to ex- were concerned that they would have to tinuous flight of capital toward neighbor- port to Germany to assure that the euro make up the difference between the rate ing Austria. Cornered, Orbán was forced and the European project survive. Even if recommended by Orbán and that rec- to propose “a new type of cooperation“ the Polish EU presidency voiced concerns ommended by the market. The govern- to the IMF, seeking to reassure the EU, about the way the big countries of the eu- ment also set out to investigate the origin without whose blessing no IMF loan will rozone bypassed European institutions in of loans in foreign currency. This brutal be granted.15 Politically, the EU has not making some decisions, the reactions of intervention created distrust in financial done much to counter the authoritarian Polish officials betrayed neither Schaden- circles, and sparked Austrian and Ger- tendencies in Hungary. It is the economic freude (in the style of Václav Klaus), nor man protests that were relayed by the EU lever that seems most efficient for Brus- a wait-and-see policy (“let them manage Commission. sels to bring Orbán back to the harsh re- as best they can”), nor even a temptation While it held the EU presidency alities of European constraints – in short, to take advantage of the situation and get in the first half of 2011, a new constitu- economic rather than democratic pres- on with the project of deconstruction (in tion was adopted in Hungary in April sure is being applied. the manner of Cameron). of 2011 that strengthened the power of Philip Roth’s latest novel is entitled The way Poland thinks about the the executive branch to the detriment The Humbling (the title is imperfectly euro crisis and its role in the matter is of the separation of powers, intermedi- rendered in French as Le Rabaissement). best illustrated by a speech given by the ary bodies and politically “neutral” bod- What we have witnessed with Hungary Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radek Sikor- ies (the Central Bank, the State Audit is a lesson in humility for someone who ski, in Berlin at the end of November Office and especially the Constitutional wanted to take back his nation’s sover- of 2011. It is surely the most important Court, whose members are appointed eignty. speech given by a minister of foreign by the Fidesz government). More than affairs of a Central-Eastern European two hundred laws were enacted within Poland: country in the last twenty years. After a year and a half, starting with a repres- A Lesson in Europeanness reminding the audience that the enlarge- sive law aimed at the media. Although Poland is exceptional in the region, both ment of the European Union had nothing it was amended after being criticized by in the performance of its economy and in to do with the crisis (of course!), the Pol- the European Commission, the law still its ambition to become, at a time when ish minister hit his central point: forces compliance, especially on public the euro crisis looms large, an important We have a Europe with a dominant media. An attempt has also been made European player. For its neighbors, the currency but no single Treasury to to strengthen control over the judiciary crisis is first of all a threat. For Poland, it enforce it. We have joint borders by forcing early retirement on more than has been an occasion to take responsibil- without a common migration policy. two hundred judges and replacing them ity and formulate a response to the Euro- We are supposed to have a common with young people close to Fidesz, ready pean challenge. The first noteworthy fea- foreign policy, but it is divorced from to implement retroactive justice against ture of Poland is strong growth, sustained real instruments of power and often leaders of the socialist party, supposedly even during the crisis (3.8% in 2010 with weakened by member states cutting responsible for the wrongdoings of the a similar number expected for 2011). The their own deals.16 communist era. While he wants to break second specific feature is the re-election The breakup of the euro would trig- with the communist past, Orbán reaches of the liberal Civic Platform (PO) gov- ger “a crisis of apocalyptic proportions”, back to the nationalist and authoritarian ernment in the October 2011 elections. which would affect the single market and Hungary of the Horthy era (1920–45). Everywhere else, voters were all too hap- the foundations of the Union. If we re- This double talk about breaking with py to eliminate outgoing governments, fuse to risk a partial dismantling of the communism on the one hand and em- deemed responsible for the crisis. The Union, then the choice will be, as for all

49 INTELLIGENT MIND Euro Crisis in Central Europe

federations: “deeper integration or col- dictated by the necessity to manage the compelled to follow suit. Viktor Orbán’s lapse”. The European Central Bank must financial crisis, it is the minister of a Eu- Hungary is not part of the eurozone and become lender of last resort, the Com- ropean state, who knows better than oth- shows determination in “regaining sov- mission should have more power and ers what it means to regain national sovereignty” – only to quickly realize its less commissioners. He also reminded ereignty, who has provided a real lesson limitations. The most striking contrast Britain (traditionally a reference coun- in Europeanness to the founding coun- is between the Czech Republic and Po- try for Polish governments in the 1990s tries that seem to have forgotten the ba- land in facing a European core that is on European questions) that their accu- sics. The Weimar triangle - France, Ger- taking shape around the eurozone: the mulated debt (sovereign, corporate and many and Poland - has been looking for former is visibly relieved not to be part household) exceeds 400% of their GDP, a long time for a raison d’être. The Polish of it, even at the risk of missing the train and that they have neither lessons to response to the crisis suggests that it is of the next big step in European integra- give nor valid reasons to prevent further there, and that the framework of a future tion and finding itself relegated to a sec- integration: “If you can’t join us, please Europe can and should be delineated. ond circle of the EU. By contrast, Poland, allow us to forge ahead”. Finally, the Pol- even though it is strongly attached to its ish minister addressed Germany that sovereignty for historical reasons, and he called “the biggest beneficiary of the even though it is not a member of the current arrangements” and therefore the The economic and financial crisis that eurozone, behaves as if it was and urges country that has the biggest obligation started in 2008 has shown us that the a “great leap forward” into federalism. to make them sustainable. He ended by countries of Central Europe do not have Poland has understood that it was in declaring: “The biggest threat to the se- a common response. The current crisis of the best interest of Central Europe to do curity and prosperity of Poland would be the euro, with its explicit political stakes everything to save the European project, the collapse of the eurozone”. And then, for the future of the building of Europe, which implies behaving not as a periph- an extraordinary thing to say for a Polish reveals contrasting perceptions related eral state and a mere spectator of the politician: to different ways of thinking about the crisis, but as an actor belonging to the I fear German power less than I am nation-state and the European project. core that is engaged in building a new beginning to fear German inactiv- The issue of the European crisis has re- Europe. ity. You have become Europe’s indis- vealed profound divisions on the internal pensable nation. You may not fail to political scene, but also certain differ- The author is a French political scientist, Direc- lead. Not dominate, but to lead in ences between the new EU members, tor of Research at CERI (Centre for International reform. marked by a split between two political Studies and Research) at Sciences-Po, Paris At a moment when, through inattention, cultures: a “sovereignist” and a “pro- and Professor at the College of Europe in Bru- Sarkozy and Merkel are moving forward European” pole. Slovakia is part of the ges, Belgium. Jacques Rupnik has been a visit- in fits and starts towards a federalism eurozone and seems to regret it, but is ing Professor at Harvard University. references 1. R. Sikorski at Harvard University, 28th of February 2011. 2. Slovenia was hardly affected by the crisis, when, after a referendum in 2011 which resulted in the rejection of the pension reform that would have raised the retirement age from 63 to 65 years, its debt financing rate rose from 4% to 7%. The credit rating agency Moody’s immediately downgraded Slovenia to AA-. Cf. F. Beaugé, “La Slovénie à son tour touchée par la crise”, Le Monde, 22nd of November 2011. 3. P. Spiegel, “EU treaty problems? Cameron is not alone”, Financial Times, 14th of December 2011. 4. Václav Klaus, “Euro dobrou myslenkou nikdy nebylo. Ztroskotani muselo prijit“, Parlamentni Listy, 14 November 2011. 5. Václav Klaus, “Vladne nam Sarkozy a Merkelova“, Lidové Noviny, 26 November 2011. Klaus’s new book is entitled Evropska integrace bez iluzi [Euro- pean Integration Without Illusions], Knižní klub, Prague, 2011. 6. Petr Sourek, “Eurootroctvi“ [Euro slavery], Lidové Noviny, 5 November 2011. 7. Julie Hrstkova, “Clenove druhe kategorie“, Hospodarske Noviny, 16 March 2010. 8. Jana Cernochova “Jsem hrda na korunu českou“ [I am proud of the Czech crown], Respekt, 31 October 2011. 9. Jan Machacek, “Z Vondry vlatenec, z Kalouska Evropan”, Respekt, 25th of October, 2011. 10. The capturing of public resources by parties in power has worsened in the last few years as shown by several studies conducted at the Charles Univer- sity in Prague as well as by the downgrading of the Czech Republic by Transparency International to the rank of Saudi Arabia and South Africa. The 2nd of November, 2011 issue of The Economist speaks of “rotting partitocracy” in a well-documented and fervent article entitled simply “State Capture”. 11. Iveta Radicova, interview in MFDnes (Prague), 22nd of October, 2011. 12. On the deep reasons for this predictable failure, see Georges Prévélakis, “Grèce: les raisons historiques de la faillite”, in Esprit, November 2011, pp. 18–29. 13. Spencer Jakab, “Risks of Swiss franc loans loom large over Hungary”, Financial Times, 20th of May, 2011. Three quarters of the mortgages in Hungary (and also many of the mortgages in Poland) are denominated in foreign currencies and 95% of those are in Swiss francs. Around 120,000 Hungarian households have defaulted in the repayment of such loans. 14. Joelle Stolz, “La Hongrie se résout à appeler le FMI à l’aide”, Le Monde, 19th of November, 2011. Moody’s rated the obligations of the Hungarian state as junk. At the same time, Austrian banks opened branches at the Hungarian border to facilitate the flight of Hungarian capital. 15. N. Buckley and K. Eddy, “Market jitters force Hungary into seeking support package from IMF”, Financial Times, 9th of January, 2012. 16. Radek Sikorski, “Poland and the Future of the European Union”, Berlin, 28 November 2011.

50 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Velvet Divorce INTELLIGENT MIND After the Velvet Divorce Observations of a Double Insider

Martin M. Šimečka The astonishing similarity between Slovakia and Czech Republic is likely to prompt an outside observer to ask a logical question: what, in that case, was the point of the separation? The answer is ires quietly swish on the motorway, gliding on the simple. The secret of national identity is in the details that escape smooth surface almost an outside observer. They are numerous and their causes are untouched by cars right varied, ranging from the historical and psychological to random up to the Czech state phenomena that may have the appearance of historicity but often border. This is one of the few motorways in Europe stem from quite banal causes. We present a provocative analysis that has seen the number of causes and consequences of the Czechoslovak split. of cars using it go down. Once it was knownT for heavy traffic, but that was a long time ago, before two nations turned their backs on one another. In 1992, in a touching display of cooperation, these the years, it is now making our drowsy first time since 1989, I witnessed mass two nations erected two concrete build- heads sway fitfully to the rhythm of the gatherings of people showing their desire ings for customs and border officials minibus as it bumps along on the uneven for a better world and voicing their long- on the border they shared. It was as if a highway. ing for the “love and truth” embodied by river had been artificially diverted into a As one of the ten Slovak friends of Václav Havel to prevail. His death sent newly built canal. The stream of cars that Václav Havel travelling to Prague for his the Czechs out into the streets and for used to flow westwards from Bratislava funeral, I recalled an interview in which a whole week transformed this nation of to Prague has almost dried out, the cur- Havel spoke of his resignation from the pragmatic ironists into a community of rent now flowing eastwards, into Slova- office of President of Czechoslovakia in romantics mourning their spiritual king. kia’s heartland. Political engineers have the summer of 1992 – after he realized However, the strange thing was that his succeeded in completing a project about that the state that the Czechs and Slo- death had a similar impact in Slovakia, which their colleagues in construction vaks shared, to which he had sworn al- where the government went so far as to could only dream. legiance, could not be saved – describing declare a day of state mourning. Slovak When the Czech and Slovak Re- it as the most difficult decision in his po- society found itself in a schizophrenic publics entered the Schengen space in litical career. situation, saying a heartfelt and tear- 2008, the customs officials vacated their The week that passed between ful goodbye to a man it had abandoned concrete bunkers, but the two nations Havel’s death and his funeral was one of twenty years ago, in exchange for the ful- did not reunite. These days the Bratislava those peculiar moments that occur only fillment of their longing for an independ- - Prague motorway, the first one to be once in a very long while. They are the ent state. When, on one of his last visits built in Czechoslovakia, only comes alive moments when nations transform from to Bratislava as President of Czechoslo- once you’ve crossed to the other side of an amorphous mass of frustrated indi- vakia, he directed his car to drive past the Czech border, near Břeclav. Pounded viduals into communities posing the ex- a crowd demanding that the federation by millions of cars and heavy lorries over istential question of their identity. For the be dismantled, his car was nearly over-

51 INTELLIGENT MIND Velvet Divorce

turned by furious nationalists and his phones, two e-mail addresses, I write It is humble, yet it doesn’t let itself be bodyguards barely managed to get him and speak in two native languages, have violated. Of course, you can lie and talk out of harm’s way. Twenty years later, roughly the same number of friends and nonsense in Slovak too. But thanks to opinion polls show that the majority of acquaintances in both countries and, the sobriety of the language you are soon Slovaks have a positive view of Havel, judging by the response, am regarded as found out, and your words turn into em- whereas barely 16% today respect the a Czech by the Czechs and as a Slovak barrassing drivel. Lacking a written col- once idolized Vladimír Mečiar, who be- by the Slovaks. This is the legacy of my loquial form like Czech, Slovak imposes came the “founding father” of independ- Czech parents, who moved to Slovakia discipline and accuracy on the speaker. ent Slovakia in 1992. before I was born. My father always used All attempts to introduce regional ver- What could explain this paradox? to say that one chamber of his heart was nacular (almost non-existent in Czech) Václav Havel seems to have represented Slovak and the other Czech. This heart into the language have failed since they something more powerful than the idea was broken in 1990, at a time when, were more reminiscent of textbooks on of the state. While still alive, he seemed with his legendary prescience, he already folk culture than of fiction, while urban to provide a guarantee that existential knew that Czechoslovakia would fall slang has not yet taken root, since it is evil would be reined in. When he died, apart. developing at such a furious pace that its both Czechs and Slovaks mourned him It took me a long time to admit to expressions age within a few years. because this guarantee was gone. Now myself that, in spite of their external sim- One of the reasons I wrote this text they have to weather the full force of the ilarity, the two nations are, deep down, in Slovak was to make sure I didn’t de- economic crisis, drowning in the quag- really different. The two languages, indis- lude myself. mire of corruption, at the mercy of poli- tinguishable to a foreigner, represent two Similar profound and historically ticians they despise and trying in vain to independent entities in my brain. Czech, conditioned differences apply to at- articulate and understand why the devel- historically more ancient and rich, is ag- titudes and to nature. My Czech par- opments of the past twenty years have gressive and domineering, it conquers ents loved Czech spruce forests and my left them so frustrated. the author while ingratiating itself with mother was always particularly happy on In a great historical irony, the two him. Words seem to rush to the lips of our mountain hikes to see them so “tidy”. nations split in 1992 so that they could their own accord, and listening to Czechs This is because the Czechs regard nature go their separate ways, yet ended up speak you feel they are literally reveling as part of their human world and demand treading the same path. They have fol- in their language and don’t know when that it be humble. They had eradicated all lowed what the other has been doing, to stop. This is a feeling with which I am their bears and wolves by the 19th cen- sometimes in jealousy or competition, intimately familiar: even if you lack any tury. They keep the remaining animals but mostly they have behaved as good ideas, Czech allows you to spout mean- for meeting, such as deer, in enclosed friends. The world ice hockey champion- ingless nonsense or lies, and still give the areas they have dubbed “reserves”. Not ships are a classic example of this strange impression of speaking wisely and truth- even the most ardent Czech environ- relationship: whenever the two teams fully – that’s how enthralling Czech is. It mentalists find these enclosures for wild play each other, each nation zealously has the enormous advantage of a formal- animals perverted in any way, and they roots for its own players, but the minute ized division between the so-called com- were surprised when I explained that one of the teams gets knocked out, their mon (colloquial) and the standard Czech, a similar practice would be unimaginable fans immediately and with the same fer- both versions of which are acceptable in in Slovakia. vent enthusiasm, adopt the side that has writing, if necessary. The richness of the By contrast, the Slovaks regard na- managed to stay in the competition. Czech language, however, is sometimes ture as a separate, independent world The astonishing similarity between more of an obstacle than an advantage, that belongs to animals and is dangerous. these two countries, their nature and de- and does not make it any easier in and Nowhere in the Czech Republic will you velopment, is likely to prompt an outside of itself to understand national identity. find a place where nature poses a threat to observer to ask a logical question: what, Havel was right when he bitterly re- your life, whereas in Slovakia it is enough in that case, was the point of the sepa- marked, “talk of Czech national identity to venture a kilometer out of a village ration? The answer is simple. The secret often doesn’t go beyond mere chatter”. or a city to find yourself in deep woods of national identity is in the details that Perhaps one of the reasons why where the bear is king. This mixture of escape an outside observer. They are nu- Czechoslovakia had to split was the fact respect and fear may also be one of the merous and their causes are varied, rang- that the Slovaks felt humiliated by the reasons why the Slovaks are more aware ing from the historical and psychological verbal dominance of Czech politicians, of their own parochialism, of being limit- to random phenomena that may have the who spoke seemingly rationally but ed by other worlds, and why, despite their appearance of historicity but often stem misused their language to suppress the proverbial emotionality, they are much from quite banal causes. budding Slovak longing for equal rights. more realistic than the Czechs. Living The Czechs and Slovaks themselves Even Václav Havel, one of the few people in deep valleys surrounded by menacing have surprisingly little insight into these capable of molding the Czech language mountains has made them understand differences, as they are mostly unable to into a beautiful shape, took far too long their lot of being on the periphery and keep up with the developments in their to understand the urgency of this Slovak being able to survive only through loyalty own country, let alone in a neighboring longing. to a distant center of power. This loyalty one. I may be a kind of anachronistic Slovak is soft and melodious and is the destiny of a small state on the mar- exception in this respect, living a dual you can tell Slovak women by their voic- gin of the European Union, whose center Czech and Slovak life. I have two mobile es, which are higher and more delicate. is located far to the west. That is one of

52 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Velvet Divorce INTELLIGENT MIND

the reasons why they have adopted the perfectly everything works in the Czech In the fight against corruption, Slovakia euro and have done their damndest to Republic. It was no accident that the puts greater emphasis on transparency: prove themselves a reliable member of economy kept running smoothly in 2006, all state contracts with private compa- the European community. Unlike Václav when the Czech Republic had no legiti- nies have to be published on the Internet Havel, most Czechs, evoking the Hussite mate government for six months. and for the past ten years, anonymous tradition of rebellion, have not realized Nevertheless, there is one thing, firms have been banned from trading they are just as parochial as the Slovaks quite unusual for Central Europe, which their stocks. In the Czech Republic, most and have behaved like the Brits, living the Slovaks and Czechs have in com- companies that are awarded state tenders on an imaginary island they created in mon, in spite of the obvious difference in still have undisclosed owners, many of their own image having expelled every- their attitude to money. Their experience whom are undoubtedly politicians. one who threatened to ruin it, from bears from the 1920s, when Czechoslovakia In Slovakia, the fight against the and wolves to the Sudeten Germans. This was famous for its strong currency, has grey economy has even managed to over- is why they are among the most ardent instilled in them the idea of strict fiscal ride the aforementioned relaxed attitude opponents of the European Union into discipline that is regarded as the govern- to money. In a Czech pub a waiter will which Havel pushed them. ment‘s historic obligation. It is no coin- typically add up your bill on a scrap of The number of these historical dif- cidence that Czechoslovakia’s commu- paper, and you have to rely on his math ferences is greater than I used to admit, nist regime – unlike those of Poland and skills. On the other hand, even in the in my reluctance to accept the existence Hungary – left very little debt behind. most remote corner of Slovakia, if you of a “national character”, a concept that Similarly, no prime minister since 1989, order a beer you will receive a proper smacks of nationalism. Presumably, Vá- Czech or Slovak, has dared to increase receipt from an electronic cash register. clav Havel did not admit these differ- debt beyond a reasonable level. However, The Slovaks introduced these registers ences existed either, as they ran counter the Czech skill in organizing society also ten years ago as part of the fight against to his notion of a universal essence of our entails some risks, including the fact that tax evasion while the Czechs still keep being. they do not feel a strong need for reform. making excuses, claiming this form of Even now, I feel as if I were ventur- Twenty years of independent develop- oversight is too expensive. ing into forbidden territory. Yet who else, ment have brought about a surprising I could list many similar examples, if not me, is entitled to compare Czechs phenomenon: institutionally, Slovakia but the fact remains that most of them and Slovaks without falling under the is a more modern state than the Czech ensure a better democratic framework suspicion of favoring one or the other? Republic. While the reasons for this de- in Slovakia than in the Czech Republic. Before the funeral, something velopment seem to be accidental, there So why is the extent of corruption actu- quite characteristic happened when we is logic to it. In order to survive, Slova- ally roughly the same in both countries, – Havel’s ten Solvak friends – dropped in kia, with its traditionally less efficiently and people are equally convinced that at a café near the Prague castle for a cof- organized society, full of internal con- the system is unjust? It’s simply because fee and a shot: one of us picked up the tradictions, needed better governance the Czechs make up for the lower qual- whole tab and we all said thank you. This than the Czech Republic. The Slovaks ity of their legislation with higher qual- is something I’ve hardly ever experienced experienced this first hand during the six ity among their elites. For example, the with my Czech friends, and although years it took to get rid of the authoritar- Czech judiciary, which is in principle less Czech pubs are famed for their cozy at- ian Mečiar, who brought the country to dependent on politicians than its Slovak mosphere, everyone typically pays only the brink of collapse. The Czechs, on the counterpart, enjoys a better reputation for themselves. other hand, enjoyed a seemingly ideal due to the judges‘ strong personalities. By This difference in the attitude to transition to democracy and capitalism comparison, Slovak judges have abused money and its role in life is widely known, in the 1990s and are only now beginning their independence to create a closed and the Slovaks regard the Czechs as to realize how right Havel was to criticize and deeply corrupt edifice. penny-pinching scrooges. Yet statistics “Mafia capitalism”. The differences in the develop- show that Czechs contribute more to In terms of their institutions, the ments of political systems, and their charity than Slovaks. The fact is that the two countries had the same base line, reflection in such trivial matters as Czech attitude to money is just another as Slovakia has literally inherited most electronic cash registers, are evidently expression of their profound faith in the of the original constitution adopted be- the result of larger social processes and functional essence of civilization, based fore Czechoslovakia split. However, fol- to examine them would provide mate- on a rational organization of society lowing Mečiar’s fall, enormous changes rial for several books. But there are also (without God). And the Czechs‘ ability to took place in Slovakia’s political system. other differences, whose causes may at organize their life and the country can be Unlike the Czechs the Slovaks can now first sight seem quite banal. Every time astonishing. The country is interspersed elect their mayors (as well as the Presi- I go to buy a newspaper or cigarettes in with a dense network of roads and you dent) by direct vote, which has curtailed the Czech Republic, I notice that I can rarely walk for more than three kilome- the excessive power of political parties. look the man or the woman in the kiosk ters before reaching a village. In Slovakia The country has been more profoundly in the eye and we sometimes exchange a by contrast, which is significantly smaller, decentralized and the prosecutor’s office few words, even though we don’t know you might wander for many miles in the has been separated from the executive each other at all. It’s because the Czech mountains and not come across a liv- (the Prosecutor General is elected by the newspaper kiosks resemble little houses ing soul, let alone a village. Compared parliament, whereas in the Czech Repub- with a huge open window from which to Slovakia, I am always stunned at how lic he is appointed by the government). the salesperson observes the world and

53 INTELLIGENT MIND Velvet Divorce

tries to attract customers. In Slovakia, hastened to get rid of most their aristo- Union together. We hear the same re- by contrast, they hunker in their dark crats, regarding them as hostile, i.e. Aus- criminations regarding who is getting kiosks, hidden behind glass with a small trian, German or Hungarian. the short end of the stick and the same opening through which an impersonal Thus the absence of a great and il- calls for sovereignty. Every day is déjà hand pushes the newspaper and takes lustrious history has enabled the Czechs vu, including the frustrating realization your money. Is this striking dissimilarity and Slovaks to focus on practical state- that people are bringing about this dis- a sign of cultural differences or an acci- building based on the standardized integration even though they don’t want dental circumstance? I’m not sure. The manual of democracy, which has also it, just because they lack imagination. In only obvious reason is the fact that in the prevented society from becoming too the early 1990s, nobody could really im- 1990s the newspaper distribution mo- divided. Suffice it to examine the impact agine that Czechoslovakia would actually nopoly in Slovakia was seized by a Mafia historical arguments have had on politics fall apart. Just as today, almost nobody entrepreneur who flooded the country in Poland or Hungary, where they have is prepared to admit that the European with standardized kiosks turning them created deep chasms in society along the Union may cease to exist as soon as to- into armored fortresses, as befitted his tectonic lines of relatively recent history. morrow. Nations behave like a child who own character. In the Czech Republic, It is no coincidence that over the past drops a glass with milk on the floor just the distribution of newspapers was sub- twenty years no professional historian to find out what happens, and then is as- ject to fierce competition, which created has risen to prominence in Czech and tonished by the mess it has caused. a model responsive to the needs of cus- Slovak politics, while in Poland and Hun- However, the happy ending of the tomers. gary historians have formed a key part of story of Czechoslovakia’s disintegration However, the reasons for this the political elite. that might serve as a Eurosceptic text- strange difference may go deeper. While Revisiting the division of Czecho- book for the peaceful dismantling of the it is true that the newspaper kiosk is a slovakia in an interview, Václav Havel European Union is purely illusory. Peo- shared legacy of the Austro-Hungarian admitted that relations between the ple tend to forget that the only reason monarchy, when war veterans were re- Slovaks and Czechs may be better to- these two nations parted so smoothly warded with the right to build small ki- day than they had been in the Czecho- was that they shared a common desire to osks for selling newspapers and tobacco slovak state and that the Slovaks them- be reunited within the European Union. to make a living, in the Czech lands the selves may have been the ones who have I wouldn’t even dare to guess how rela- kiosk became something of a national gained more because they had lost the tions between the Czechs and the Slo- institution (although in Prague they are Czech mirror: the mirror in which they vaks might have developed had they had now mostly run by Russians). The opera- constantly compared themselves with to pass the test of ruthless geopolitical tion has never taken deep root in Slova- the Czechs. He expressed doubts about games without the safety net of the EU. kia, partly because the first decent Slovak Czech national identity: “Is it the lan- Having lived a dual life I can’t tell newspapers did not appear until the 20th guage? But the language we speak has whether I’m more Slovak or Czech. How- century. To this day, there is a dramatic been rather profaned! Is it our corner of ever, what I do know is that I wouldn’t bet difference between the circulation of the planet and its countryside? But we’ve a euro on the ability of these two sepa- Slovak and Czech periodicals. Although been obliterating it systematically!” rated nations to withstand a geopolitical there are almost exactly twice as many However, Václav Havel’s problem crisis that might follow the disintegration Czechs as Slovaks, the newspaper mar- was that as an exceptional Czech he just- of the EU. The only way they could man- ket in the Czech Republic is four times ly came down hard on his fellow-coun- age it would be by reuniting. Whatever larger than in Slovakia. It is, therefore, trymen, but he didn’t dare to criticize the form that new union might have would quite possible that the pleasant openness Slovaks whom he didn’t know so well. In require them to admit that splitting up of Czech kiosks is a reflection of a signifi- 1992, I reproached him for having aban- was a folly, bred by the delusion of “the cant cultural difference, rather than the doned the Slovaks and taking on the post end of history”. However, one thing these mere reflection of the character of a sin- of Czech President six months later. To- two nations do have in common is their gle Slovak entrepreneur. day, I know there was nothing he could small size. And from this small geo- In spite of these and many other dif- have done to stop Czechoslovakia from graphic size follows the smallness and ferences, after twenty years of develop- falling apart. parochialism of their political and intel- ment the two countries have reached, via After all, it wasn’t because I had lectual elites. The fact that Václav Havel a number of detours, a stage when they loved Czechoslovakia so much that towered above them so dramatically is are the spitting image of each other – es- I mourned the demise of the common just the exception that proves the rule. pecially when observed from a Central state. Communism has taught me to On the other hand, if these two nations European perspective. I am also puzzled keep my distance from the state. What were able to honor and love Havel, they by this and put it down, among other made me so sad was seeing the rise of na- may not yet be entirely lost. things, to historical circumstance. The tionalism, the mass hysteria nations emit Translated by Julia Sherwood fact is that, in spite of their differences, from time to time like a haunting specter. the two countries share one profound ex- Separations were fashionable in The author is a Slovak writer and journalist. perience: their history is overwhelmingly the early 1990s and these days they are Editor-in-chief of SME, Slovakia's leading daily a history of plebeians. Neither has ever getting quite trendy again. A thread, be- newspaper between 1997 and 2006, editor-in- regarded aristocracy as their national ing pulled asunder by the same negative chief of the Czech political and cultural weekly elite and following the foundation of emotions I experienced when Czecho- Respekt between 2006 and 2008. Czechoslovakia in 1918, both countries slovakia fell apart, holds the European

54 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Velvet Divorce INTELLIGENT MIND

Nice One, Vaclav Havel !

György Konrád

rague in 1989 was like a fairy tale. The much- ago his home had still been his site solitary confinement and that loved Vaclav Havel replaced the unloved he could recognize some of his former guards among his new President Gustav Husak. Seventy years ear- bodyguards. lier, another Czech thinker, Thomas Masaryk, When Slovakia separated from Czechoslovakia, something founded the liberal democratic republic. In Havel was not happy about, he renounced the title of Czecho- that fantastic year of 1989, another world- slovak president and in the interregnum paid a visit to Buda- renowned Czech author, with some of his pest. Friendly protocol made it possible for the two of us to have friends, restored democracy and renewed breakfast in the government’s guesthouse. I wanted to convince the republic. The metaphor of the philosopher king came back him to return to literature. He had done what was expected of intoP fashion. Painted on the t-shirts of pretty girls on the Charles him in the public arena, I told him – now the artist should re- Bridge, we could see that quiet, smiling face that a just destiny had emerge and leave politics to the politicians. There is an obliga- lifted from prison so it could, in the Hradčany, personify the new tion, not just the writer’s self-interest, the guest replied. Many freedom of the Czechs. “Havel to the Castle!” was the slogan that expected him to remain president, even if only of the Czechs. could be read everywhere. In early autumn, even the dissident The room was filled with sunshine and everyone had their paths writers could not believe this would happen. After the New Year, on which to return: me to my desk and he to pay respects to his this was the most natural thing in the world, and if the President colleague Árpád Göncz, the Hungarian president. He had a busy, visited Bratislava, the flag went with him. The pure strength of interesting life. Perhaps for a moment, but no longer than that, his thoughts lifted him head and shoulders above other heads of we both envied one another. In my eyes, he was the embodi- state. He was invited everywhere and he imbued respectability to ment of clear-thinking and responsible European politics. On the events where he was present. We first met forty years ago. He more than one occasion we signed a common declaration. An was conspicuous with his hearty smile, deep voice that rumbled inner voice told me: if he says so, then this is quite right. Together out into space and his meditative sense of humour. In January of with Gábor Demszky, mayor of Budapest and former samizdat 1990, together with my wife and Adam Michnik, we paid a visit publisher, I paid a visit to the retired and gaunt Czech president to President Havel. We saw him at work in a Prague Castle pub. in an old house on a little Prague street, surrounded by friendly He chatted with us, in the company of long-haired, happy artists female colleagues. Havel was pleased by his long-lost samizdat and freshly recruited ministers. He showed off, boyishly: “You books in Hungarian, the fruit of much brave and diligent work. see? The President’s beer-glass is two finger-breadths taller than His head bowed, he spoke out into space, just as before. He was the other glasses.” The glass was indeed taller, but Havel reached still himself: cheerful, refined, with just a tad of melancholy. As for it less often. Documents were put before him: “Vasek, this we came out, I noticed that a little heart had been drawn with is good, you can sign it.” He read them thoroughly, and made lipstick on the bronze plaque bearing his name in the doorway. modest comments on them. His new role suited him. He applied “Quite right”, I said to myself. himself to it with bright but serious humility. He could feel a little Translated by David Robert Evans dizzy in the whirlwind of events, but he could deal with it with devotion and reflexive honour. The author is a Hungarian dissident writer, novelist and essayist, known as The writer’s fate was to learn from his work as the master an advocate of individual freedom. He was elected president of International of an absurd drama. It was genuinely surprising that not too long PEN in the early 90es and of the Akademie der Künste in Berlin in 1997.

55 VISEGRAD ABROAD Central Europe and the Arab Spring

Lost Illusions or New Hopes Central Europe and the Arab Spring With the arrival of the first anniversary of the Arab Spring, commentators have conspicuously retreated from drawing parallels with 1989

Lucia Najšlová

t present, expecta- with this region belonged to the bygone But they could hardly be blamed tions about the ca- era of international socialism, something for not prioritising the region. For a large pacity of Central and the new “champions of democracy” were portion of their post-89 lives, Central Eastern Europe to quick to forget. And although the Middle Europeans were submerged in their own help Arab reformers East generates massive attention in inter- struggles with authoritarian pasts and are apparently more national politics, Visegrad foreign policy concentrated on reforming their own modest. Is this a sign strategies would usually include it only as countries. And once they freed their that the Arab Spring a compulsory “must have” – an issue to hands from the immediate concerns is no more than yesterday’s news for be kept on the radar for new responsible of domestic transition (late 90s – early CentralA Europeans, or has it become members of the Euro-Atlantic club. Their 2000s) and could spare some energy for clear that they must make long term interference in the MENA region was foreign engagement, there were more investments of energy and resources, limited mainly to contributions to wars obvious candidates for cooperation than forgoing near term recognition? and postwar reconstruction in Iraq and the Arab states. The Western Balkans and Before 2011, the Visegrad countries Afghanistan. Beyond that, interest in the Eastern Europe – the key foreign policy hardly noticed the Middle East and North region was alive only among small pock- priorities of the V4 states – were histori- Africa. In the end, extended relations ets of Orientalists. cally and geographically much closer, not

56 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Central Europe and the Arab Spring VISEGRAD ABROAD

mentioning cultural and linguistic prox- tial law in Poland. Today we understand “Western intrigue”. Is this balancing act imity in case of the Slavic-speaking na- that democracy is a problem in itself.” working? tions. What mattered crucially was that Although it is clear that the V4 gov- Zora Hesová, from the Prague- once the V4 states joined the EU, they ernments went beyond declarations and based Association for International Af- had to find something to contribute to its provided real assistance – we have yet to fairs, cautions against inflated expecta- policies – in order not to remain eternal see how lasting this support will be, since tions: “Our impact might be comparable students and recipients of assistance. The MENA is not at the top of V4’s priorities. to a drop in the sea. But that does not V4's recent euro-integration trajectory The representatives of V4 civil society in- mean that our work is useless – once and East European and Balkan aspira- terviewed for this article agree that fund- there are people interested in open dis- tions in the EU were a clear match, and ing, provided by their respective MFAs, cussion, and we are able to provide them the dominance of these two regions in was important in helping them to get a with various contacts and information, the V4's international cooperation is un- foot in the region. In the end, the noble we should do it.” likely to be replaced anytime soon. idea of sharing transformation know- how and establishing links in civil society Only the Beginning Fifteen Minutes of Fame can be implemented only after one buys Yet the non-governmental organizations or a New Partnership? plane tickets, makes a hotel reservation from the V4 are still generally in the Yet, 2011 did bring a new element into and hires an interpreter. Without a part- phase of searching – for contacts, part- the V4's rhetoric and policies, and we are nership with their MFAs, most Central ners and useful fields of future activity. yet to see if it will be a lasting one. Poland European NGOs cooperating with Egypt As Klára Bednářová, who works with the and Hungary were on the front lines, as or Tunisia would not be able to run ac- Prague-based People in Need puts it, “Al- they both held the EU presidency during tivities. though the lessons of 89 are important, the Arab uprisings and thus had to play Ivana Raslavská, with the Bratisla- we really have to move beyond them. It a part in their own bilateral tracks and va-based Pontis foundation, who runs is interesting to discuss the parallels and in terms of contributing to EU policy. a capacity building project for NGOs share our expertise, but now it is time Erzsébet Rózsa, head of the Hungarian in Egypt, has underscored the Egyp- to address very specific concerns of the Institute of International Relations, em- tian enthusiasm “to change things, to Egyptian civil society. The state is not lis- phasizes Hungary's contribution to the achieve something”. Although no major tening, so we can work only with the civil EU's efforts in Libya – its embassy played reforms were adopted in Egypt a year af- society now and for this we need time”. a crucial role both in diplomatic efforts ter toppling Mubarak, CEE intellectuals Given the similarity of CEE post- and in the protection of civilians. In his engaged in cooperation projects speak communist experience and limited re- 2011 foreign policy annual address, Pol- about changes that have occurred at the sources of the Visegrad countries, it ish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski level of individuals – they are hungry for makes sense to ask why we have not seen named the Arab Spring as one of the two information, and interest in politics has much V4 cooperation on this issue. The main challenges facing the EU – together been awakened in segments of society Visegrad Group has adopted a common with the economic crisis. where it previously never existed. declaration in support of Arab democ- All four countries hurried to “do Despite tremendous interest in in- ratization (March 2011), but has not yet something” and invested their limited re- formation about politics, the Egyptian pursued joint action. Of course, NGOs sources into a number of mini-projects. authorities do not seem to be supportive do talk about the need and importance Bratislava, Warsaw, Prague and Buda- of dialogue with foreign organisations. of regional cooperation, but the debate pest hosted a number of workshops, in A number of CEE activists have com- often comes to a halt once the question which Central Europeans and their Arab plained that the present military regime of funding is raised. The prerequisite for colleagues jointly brainstormed over the keeps searching for an “invisible Western joint projects is that donors would have same question: How could CEE utilize hand”, and therefore a number of work- to give up their demands for “owner- its relevant experience to assist Arab re- shops in Egypt simply had to be can- ship” or individual “visibility”. The dust formers. Former V4 dissidents and intel- celled or postponed indefinitely. The ini- and debris have not yet settled, but once lectuals traveled to Tunis and Cairo and tial premise of many in Visegrad, “CEE is it is clear which V4 NGOs want to work answered questions about dismantling more fit to help the Middle East because in the region longterm, it is necessary to the security apparatus and old party we have never colonized it and are not come up with a joint V4 strategy – one structures, measures to eradicate cor- well-known for our oil interests”, might that could actually be implemented. As ruption and reform public institutions. crumble. And although the Central Eu- Raslavská suggests, “If we plan a long- Sometimes they had to cool down the ropean experience attracts interest, it is term strategy and allocate resources, hopes of their Arab colleagues, suggest- only one of many examples that is being more people would believe in the posing that after twenty years Central Eu- studied. sibility of making an impact. However, rope has still not been able to deal with Thus, the Czechs, Slovaks, Poles if more people believe that our engage- all the ghosts of its past. Jan Piekło, direc- and Hungarians who volunteered to ment in the region is just short term, we tor of PAUCI, a Polish-Ukrainian NGO, launch cooperation projects with Egypt are unlikely to succeed.” who participated in some of these ex- or Tunisia are struggling on various changes, says that these encounters have fronts – they have to reiterate that do- The author is Editor-in-chief of Zahraničná poli- forced him to rethink Polish transitions: mestic funding should not dry out, they tika magazine and research fellow at the Insti- “For MENA folks, democracy is like have to explain that they are well-inten- tute for European Policy EUROPEUM. a panacea. Like for us at the time of mar- tioned and not part of a consipracy of

57 VISEGRAD ABROAD Central Europe and the Arab Spring

Egypt’s January Revolution

and the Eastern European Experience: Inspiration, Similarities and Differences

58 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Central Europe and the Arab Spring VISEGRAD ABROAD

Egyptian political activists have been inspired by the Eastern European experience and have usually dreamt about achieving similar political changes

Nadine Abdalla

ith the 25th of January Revolution, an amendment to article 76 of the constitution was made, this dream has become a reality. providing Egypt the opportunity to hold direct presidential Egypt is currently passing through a elections. Profiting from this political openness, the period very critical time in its history and witnessed the rise of two main actors: the Kefaya Movement the Eastern European transition to (Enough) that organized anti-Mubarak and anti-succession democracy is more relevant than demonstrations and the liberal Ghad Party that advanced ever. That’s why I will divide this arti- a candidate against Mubarak in the 2005 presidential elec- cle into two main parts: In the first, I tions. Those political groups presented voices of change, and will attempt to describe the primary factors that led to Egypt’s allowed young activists to enter political life and obtain expe- Revolution.W In the second, I will emphasize the influence of rience in socio-political participation. For the next few years, Eastern Europe on the Egyptian revolution, and I will try to de- the politically active Egyptian youth distinguished themselves velop the lessons that could be learnt for the transition period. from the stagnant older generation through cyber activism, which forged the youth’s new opposition identity. th I. The 25 of January 2006 – Emergence of Social Protests: Search for “Social Justice”? Revolution in Egypt: As in many other Arab countries, economic liberalization and high rates of economic growth in Egypt had no impact on the Causes and Main Actors society at large, primarily because of corruption and a lack of just distribution. For this reason, 40% of the population still Analyzing social movements, such as the one that drove the lived under the poverty line, while inflation and unemploy- Egyptian people to Tahrir Square to demand “freedom, social ment was as high as 20%. Furthermore, increasing privatiza- justice and dignity”, it is essential to comprehend the “how” in tion resulted in the deterioration of the public sector, which order to understand the “why” – the circumstances and caus- lead to less employment and a lack of economic rights for es of this socio-political change. Applying this insight to the those working in the growing private sector. In this context case of Egypt, I will present the key phases that preceded the of social frustration and dissatisfaction, principally over the revolution and the extent to which these served as triggers. socio-economic policies of the regime, in December 2006, over 24 000 textile workers in Mahalla El-Kobra, a city north 2005 – Presidential elections and Political of Cairo, went on strike to fight for their financial rights. This Opportunities: Search for “Freedom”? huge strike produced a spillover effect on social protests in In 2005, the Mubarak regime was forced by domestic and the country. Driven by an increasing population, new sectors international pressure to slightly open. For the first time, of the labor force, such as doctors, teachers and academics,

59 VISEGRAD ABROAD Central Europe and the Arab Spring

joined the working class protests. The absolute number of protests consequently increased from 266 to 614 from 2006- II. Egypt’s Revolution and 2007, eventually peaking at around 900 in 2010. the Current Transition to 6th of April 2008 – Call for a National Strike Democracy: Inspiration, As in 2006, Mahalla El-Kobra textile workers decided to hold a sit-in strike in their company, demanding additional eco- Similarities and nomic rights they previously didn’t achieve. For the first time, young Egyptian cyber activists took up the initiative of calling Differences with Eastern for a national strike in the whole of Egypt in solidarity with the workers. They also expressed anger because of bad politi- Europe cal and economic conditions. The call was established via a Facebook group, which eventually had around 70 000 mem- Egypt’s Revolution: bers. Even if this call didn’t succeed, since few responded to it, Inspirations from Eastern Europe? their success was elsewhere. This was the first time any activ- After the 6th of April 2008, two Eastern European countries be- ist had the courage to ask for a protest on the national level. came especially relevant to Egypt: Serbia and Poland. From this point onward, two interlinked factors emerged: the For the youth, the Otpor experience in Serbia was inspir- youth and social protests, both demanding change. An active, ing. Films relating the techniques used by Otpor to mobilize politicized youth slowly took the place of the old and official people and fight authoritarian rule were widely disseminated opposition in Egypt. For instance, the youth who called for in political oppositions areas. From the first day of its founda- this strike founded a political movement called the 6th of tion, the 6th of April movement took Otpor movement as a April Movement, one of the movements responsible for or- guide, and they even took their logo as their own. With the ganizing the protests on the 25th of January. help of militant intellectuals, activists began to lecture about Optor’s success and the lessons that Egyptian youth could take 2010-2011: Youth Searching from it. The strength of non-violent resistance and peaceful for “Dignity and Alternatives” strategies for change was the main focus. Mobilizing people In the years leading up to the 2011 revolution, politicized and protesting through original methods was also an impor- youth became one of the main forces in the struggle for free- tant technique that youth movements began to use, especially dom and democratic change. One of the most important in the 6th of April movement and The Campaign for El-Ba- youth movements that emerged at this time was the El Bara- radei Movement” This was especially visible with the Khaled dei Campaign for Change Movement. This movement sought Said method of demonstration. Protests were organized in to mobilize people for change by promoting Mohamed El- an original way: Young people stood for hours facing the sea, Bardei, ex-director of the International Atomic Energy Agen- dressed in black, each protestor five meters apart from the cy, as an alternative to the regime and plausible presidential next. Those protests appeared to be a very strong way to show candidate in the 2011 elections. As in 2005, a number of the power of well-organized peaceful protests. However, the youth became active in politics through the El-Baradei Cam- main difference between Serbian and Egyptian youth was the paign movement. In this context, the death of Khaled Said, a lack of a united strategy for change. Young people in Serbia young man who was beaten to death by police, triggered sev- were working through a clear strategy put in place by Otpor eral youth demonstrations. This event, in which police killed leaders, with the support of the West. By contrast, Egyptian a young “non-activist”, was decisive in pressing the youth to youth were divided into various political movements and par- search for dignity. Khaled Said was the symbol of the undigni- ties. The first time they managed to coordinate was on the eve fied life they were being compelled to live. of the 25th of January Revolution. By November 2010, regime strategy abruptly changed Moving to social protests and labor movements, the because of the influence of the new guard lead by Gamal Solidarity movement and trade union experience in Poland Mubarak within the NDP party (the former ruling party). The was extremely relevant. Leftist activists, who began to spread parliamentary elections were completely rigged (whereas in short films and notes about it, especially emphasized the later. 2005, they were paritially rigged) and social frustration grew The main focus was on the capacity of the labor movements enormously, hence the call for a nationwide protest on the to coordinate and make national strikes that could compel the 25th of January 2011 by several youth groups and move- regime to step down or make large concessions, as Solidarity ments. As in April of 2008, Facebook was the tool for spread- had in 1980 and 1989. If this idea was very clear in the mind of ing the call. Due to the Tunisian revolution, the youth got an leftist activists in Egypt, the situation was different for actors unexpectedly large response. In the first phase, until Febru- in the labor movement, who were reluctant to coordinate. ary 7th, people responded to the youth appeal and massive Every labor movement was mostly focusing on the problems crowds gathered in Tahrir Square under the slogan: “Bread, of its own sector. Hence, contrary to the Polish experience, Freedom and Social Justice”. The second phase, until February where change occurred through a unified labour movement 11th, came close to civil disobedience. Frustrated since 2006, paralyzing the regime, Egyptian strikes were simultaneous as was previously mentioned, workers organized strikes that but uncoordinated. involved all economic sectors (including military mills) ac- Later in the summer of 2010, with the presidential elec- cross the country. Through civil unrest, Mubarak was forced tions closer, Egypt’s political activists become very interested to step down. in studying the electoral revolutions of Ukraine and Serbia.

60 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Central Europe and the Arab Spring VISEGRAD ABROAD

This scenario appeared to be the last chance to achieve change such as Poland and Czechoslovakia, reforms were clear and in Egypt. Seminars and films were spread. Activists, especially radical, contrary to the examples of Ukraine and Serbia where those from the Campaign El-Baradei, were seriously thinking the failure of institutional reforms led to a backlash. This is about such a scenario, given that they were pushing Moham- an extremely important lesson for Egypt, if it wants to see its ed El-Baradei to run in the September 2011 elections. How- transition to democracy succeed. In Egypt, the state institu- ever, the revolution erupted before that date ever arrived. tion has yet to be reformed. The old system still prevails in all state institutions, since figures changed but the system Egypt’s Transition to Democracy: has not. The violent events Egypt witnessed serve as proof of Lessons from Eastern Europe? this fact. The same unprofessional and pro-regime discourse We agree with the qualification of Asaf Bayat (prominent po- is present in the media and police violence is still the order litical scientist) on the way change occurred in Egypt: “REFO- of the day, without even mentioning the institutions of edu- LUTION”, meaning that people undertook an extraordinary cation and healthcare (that require a full overhaul). Hence, a revolution in demanding regime, but power was seized by the schedule for effective reform will be the key for a successful Military Council (the SCAF), an institution of the incumbent transition to democracy in Egypt, with the security sector and state and former regime. This situation carries the perils of media at the top. The independence of the judiciary has to be a counter-revolutionary restoration, precisely because the realized immediately. revolution has not made it into the key institutions of state power. In fact, this has created a sort of a continuous contra- Conclusion diction between the SCAF and revolutionary political forces Egypt is not witnessing a decisive phase in its history, as interests and visions for reforms that should be undertaken. three major challenges stand in the way of its transition to In this context, two important lessons could be of special in- democracy: terest for Egypt in its current transition period. 1. Achieving an agreement between political forces and the SCAF on the rules that should govern the rest of the transition process and military-civilian relations after it III. Round Table ends. 2. Establishing consensus between political forces for Agreements: writing a constitution that could represent all Egyptians and not only political currents or parties that receive The Round Table agreements that were held between the old the majority in parliamentary elections, taking in ac- regime and new forces in Eastern Europe (Poland, Czecho- count that it is the parliament who will have the duty to slovakia, Hungary, etc.) helped to set all the legal, political choose the constitutional assembly. and economic rules that governed the transition process in 3. Arrival of a pro-change president, since the counter- those countries. The transition period then went smoothly. In revolutionary powers are still powerful in Egypt. Here, Egypt, by contrast, there was no agreement on the following: we should also stress the fact that a pro-change presi- 1. The end date of the transition period, and the transfer of dent is never sufficient alone, but should be strong power to civilian authorities, 2. A concrete agenda of reform. enough to apply a democratic agenda by reforming In addition, no formal channel of communication between the state institutions. The example of Ukraine is certainly SCAF and political forces has been established. Now, on the important in that respect. eve of writing a new constitution, we think that two roundta- In conclusion, we should not forget that Egypt’s transition bles (or a dynamic similar to the roundtable) need to be held: success will have an extraordinary effect on the future of the the first should be held between opposition forces to achieve Arab Spring as a whole: It is obvious that in Egypt, Tunisia and a consensus about the constitution, while the second should Libya, the overthrow of the regime did not come at the hands be held between opposition forces and SCAF, in order to set of the military – the traditional guardian of revolution and the rules that will govern the rest of the transition period and political change in the Middle East – but through civil society military-civilian relations. In this context, the Hungarian embodied by a large popular movement. Egyptian youth were round table talks, which were held first among the opposition inspired by their Tunisian peers. Libyan and Syrian rebels forces themselves, and second between the opposition forces were in touch with the Egyptians online and in exchanges. and the old regime forces, could be inspiring for Egypt, given Hence, we can say that a sort of grassroots cooperation dy- that it has a fragmented opposition that needs to achieve con- namic is already present between Arab Spring actors. Thus, sensus about a democratic and constitutional agenda. the possibility of accession to power of those who were supportive of revolutionary movements will certainly increase the possibility of regional cooperation at an official level, call- IV. Institutional Reforms ing to mind the fact that the Visegrad Group was established in 1991, only when pro-change forces were in power. Institutional reforms are the anchor of any transition to democracy. The first wave of the transition to democracy in The author is a Research Fellow at the Arab Forum for Alternatives Stud- Eastern Europe at the end of the 1980s (Poland, Hungary, ies (AFA) in Cairo and a PhD candidate at the Institute for Political Stud- Czechoslovakia, etc.) was vastly more successful than the ies (IEP) in Grenoble, France. second wave at the beginning of the 2000s (Ukraine, Serbia, Georgia, etc.) for one important reason (although there were certainly more factors): institutional reform. In countries

61 VISEGRAD ABROAD EU Presidencies

debate Marek Cichocki Polish philosopher and political scientist at the Institute of Applied Social Sciences, Univeristy of Warsaw.

Vít Dostál Czech analist of International Relations at the Association for International Affairs.

Andrew Michta American political scientist, director of the Warsaw office of the German Marshall Fund of the United States.

Wojciech Przybylski Editor-in-chief of Res Publica Nowa and Visegrad Insight.

EU Presidencies in Central Europe

Three countires in the region have concluded their mission of presiding in the Council of the EU. Each has taken place during difficult times involving a conventional war outbreak in its vicinity, the Arab Spring and the economic crisis in Europe. Here, we examine these tenures from the point of view of the V4. We also speculate on the future prospects of the Slovak presidency

62 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 EU Presidencies VISEGRAD ABROAD

Wojciech Przybylski: Everyone seems to have accepted that opinion is trying to enter the core group of Europe. This was the presidency of the EU Council is a bureaucratic instru- so during the Weimar Triangle, under the auspices of the ment, the sole use of which is to frame the whole process Chancellery of the Prime Minister of Poland, where it was of decision and arrangement-making in the European Union. strongly underlined that Poland sees itself more as a country It no longer has an actual leading function. As the third of aspiring to those of a higher category than one which consid- the Visegrad countries to preside, Poland has gathered fairly ers the countries in its region to be its natural partners in positive reviews in the European press. How significant was cooperation. it for Central Europe that Poland, the Czech Republic and I would add something else on this issue. I’ll never for- Hungary were presiding over the EU Council? get when I was in Bratislava, at the Globsec conference, when one of the participants of the panel in which I also took part, Marek Cichocki: What is the significance of this presidency Tomas Valasek, said that there’s a feeling that Poland is ne- in the regional context? So far, it has been difficult to notice glecting Visegrad relations. The Polish speaker repudiated such regional importance. With the exception perhaps of en- this vehemently, saying it was not so. ergy issues, and more precisely, laying the foundations for the North-South system of the transmission infrastructure. The Wojciech Przybylski: On the other hand, Poland needs the question would be whether first steps in this sphere have been Visegrad Group to support the Eastern Partnership pro- made, leaving visible traces both in the form of specific results gram. Eastern Partnership has sucessfully become a priority – such as projects implemented or ones underway – and in of the Visegrad Group. From the point of view of the Czech the relevant documents of the European Commission, in the presidency, how would you evaluate the path we took in this transmission infrastructure development plans within the EU. sphere? It would be quite problematic to compare these presidencies, as the Czech presidency functioned in a completely Vít Dostál: I think that both the Czech and Polish presidency different mode, it was a presidency that was not defined in have done a lot for the Eastern Partnership. However, if the terms of the Lisbon Treaty. The Hungarian presidency was reforms needed for Eastern Partnership are not implement- also special, in a way, as it was taken over by a completely ed, it will be difficult to achieve any major success, even for new government, which emerged after a turbulent internal a presidency that supports the Eastern Partnership. I’d also process. It was a government that, at least at the beginning, like to go back to what was said about the Visegrad Group. came under much scrutiny due to its decisions and the per- I think that this Eastern dimension is an example of an is- son of the Prime Minister. sue on which the Visegrad countries agree and want to keep From this point of view, the Polish presidency is quite the partnership high on the agenda in the European Union. different, because it is held by a government of continuity I’d say that this cooperation has been successful and that and a government that doesn’t seem to be under scrutiny, at the Visegrad Group has its own initiatives to support these least not so far. So it seems to me that these presidencies had countries. no regional dimension. It also seems to me that the Polish I won’t agree that the activities of the Group are getting presidency has not created any kind of regional dynamics worse and worse and that this cooperation is not good. I think and the crisis brought about by the deepening heterogene- that the Visegrad Group has now proposed its own programs ity of the region. However, some attempts, such as those in within the International Visegrad Fund for the Eastern Part- the energy sector, do include a promotion of certain projects nership. They already include certain components that have crucial for the region. yet to be introduced within the European Union, for example scholarships for students from these countries. In this, Wojciech Przybylski: Does energy security define the Cen- I think that the Visegrad Group is perhaps in the vanguard of tral European region? the European Union. Also, there are spheres other than the energy sector in which the Visegrad Group is very active: for Andrew Michta: On one hand, there is cooperation when it example the integration of the Western Balkans. There is also comes to nuclear energy. Czechs and Hungarians are against the Visegrad Fund, which provides extensive support to civil what has happened in Germany, so there is a sort of coor- society cooperation. dination there. As for gas, interconnectors are being built, which will be an important element for creating an energy Andrew Michta: I’m afraid I have to disagree with you about market in this part of Europe with the possibility of uniting the Visegrad Group being so active, with all these programs, the markets of these countries. On the other hand, it is dif- scholarships and so on. I’m not questioning that, but for me ficult to talk about a unified approach of the Visegrad Group the value of regional groups depends on whether they trans- toward energy, because Poland follows a different path when late to getting all of Europe to act. I still remember the very it comes to shale gas, and gas in general. Other countries uneven response of European countries to Belarus. I wouldn’t simply do nothing about it. Poland carries out its gas-related even disagree with the statement that the American reaction policy first of all in Berlin and Brussels, not to mention what to Belarus was a stronger, more positive attempt to exert is happening in its relations with Russia. pressure than the divided voices of Europe. So I would insist However, we also need to mention the American per- that the true test of effectiveness for such regional groups as spective: when we are thinking about the European presi- the Visegrad Group is not so much whether they can build dency, we are not thinking in such regional categories, but civil society or give scholarships. These are very valuable and about American relations with Europe as a whole. This looks necessary things, but are they capable of getting the rest of interesting at the moment because of Poland, which in my the continent into action?

63 VISEGRAD ABROAD EU Presidencies

Wojciech Przybylski: Coming back to the future of the EU tions between Merkel and the European Commission, and project, has Poland, as the third Visegrad country in a row to especially Barroso, over the last weeks and months, we see preside over the EU cooperation, marked its presidency in an that there is an overt and very deep conflict. So saying such unequivocal way, in a way that is significant for the region of a thing in Germany, supporting the Commission, is tanta- small and medium countries? mount to opposing Merkel’s current policy.

Marek Cichocki: Let’s take a look at the speech of Radosław Andrew Michta: This is a criticism of the German policy, in Sikorski, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, delivered fact. on November 28, 2011 in Berlin. These were definitely not views which would express the attitude or the general opin- Marek Cichocki: Yes, but wrapped in the language of Ger- ion typical of the region of Central Europe, and we also need man correctness. In this sense, when I’m saying this is anti- to pay heed to the fact that this is a speech of great political German, I don’t mean anti-German as such, but that this weight and that it was delivered toward the end of the presi- speech includes points that are against what Angela Merkel dency. Also, the Prime Minister announced that during the has represented for quite some time on the issue of the crisis. last month of 2011 Poland would be very active in proposing Taking into account the external and internal context, this is remedial actions for the eurozone. precisely the pressure that Germany is subject to from the But as Mr. Michta has noticed, it’s more a sign of Pol- outside, for example: let the European Central Bank finally ish attempts to make its way into the discussion, rather than buy up bonds and let some money into the system, because being in the center, which is being crystalized as a result of we’re suffocating. But there is also huge internal pressure, the eurozone crisis. Poland’s current level of development because consenting to that means opening a debate about makes it impossible to join the eurozone, at least under the changes in the German constitution. And then Merkel will conditions revealed by the current crisis. Slovakia has done have the Constitutional Court against her, and she will have that, and it’s interesting to watch the Slovak example with a problem with a referendum. Saying that we want to change this point of view in mind. It shows not only the bright sides the constitution by a referendum in Germany means step- of this decision, but in the context of the last government ping on the ground we’ve tried to avoid since the Second crisis and the atmosphere surrounding it, we can also see the World War, it’s crossing a sort of Rubicon. It’s putting her darker sides of being in the eurozone in times of crisis, when back against the wall, and definitely her reaction to these the citizens of Slovakia learned that they have to contribute speeches cannot be euphoric optimism. to the stabilization fund with about 1500 euros per capita, from their own pocket. It’s very difficult to explain to citi- Andrew Michta: One thing which is very interesting to me, zens of Slovakia why they are supposed to give this money to which we haven’t mentioned yet is the fact that this speech, maintain a certain level of public spending in a country like considering what is happening in Europe and how it is per- Greece, which, despite the crisis, has a comparatively higher ceived by the United States, shows which part of Europe is level of affluence than Slovakia. functioning and which is not. This is also so for the Eastern I think that the Polish opposition is 100% wrong in its Partnership, because for me the Eastern Partnership was an opinion on this speech, regarding it as pro-German. I think attempt to put an end to talking about the post-communist that was a very anti-German speech. If you read it carefully, Europe versus the old Europe. There was the Swedish-Polish Minister Sikorski said things that cannot be liked in Germa- cooperation and discussion around this subject, crossing ny, regardless of official or public reaction. Precisely because these faraway paths. The crisis in Europe has led to a situ- this speech matches the growing pressure on Germany to ation where, from Washington, there is a Europe which show its readiness to save the eurozone, its willingness to ac- functions and a Europe which doesn’t. And it’s not along cept changes that would probably also require adjustments the East-West but the North-South lines. Sikorski presented to the German constitution, which is very difficult but would himself as a leader from the North during this talk. From be a relief for the eurozone and would possibly help to solve the point of view of economic growth and the possibilities several issues connected with the growing crisis. Can anyone of functioning, Poland is seen in the States as a country of who says that Europe should be a federation, be criticized in success. The point of reference is where Poland was ten or Germany? No, because Germans would have to break their twenty years ago. own linguistic correctness, which they use to describe the European integration. Even if they themselves know that this Vít Dostál: I would also like to say a few words about the is not a concept that can be implemented in Europe, at least question with which we started. We need to say directly since Great Britain joined the European integration, and defi- that there is no Polish presidency on the issue of the eu- nitely not in a Union of 27 states. rozone crisis. There is the permanent presidency of Ger- I agree that the speech contained things said in a very many, the Frankfurt Group, Germany and France. We German language, which targeted different elements of couldn’t have expected the Polish presidency to change the Angela Merkel’s position on the crisis. First of all, the very course of these solutions. And here, Sikorski’s speech in concept that you mentioned, that is Merkel-Sarkozy: we are Berlin was an attempt to force his way into this narrow cir- the ones repairing the eurozone, and when the house is on cle and say something, which would be preceded only by fire, we are not very much interested in what the others have speeches of Sarkozy, Merkel and several other politicians to say. David Cameron and many others have already heard before the Berlin summit in December. Sikorski also cau- that. Secondly, Sikorski paid a lot of attention in his speech tioned against the rise of a two-speed Europe. This was an to a strong European Commission. If we look at the rela- important statement.

64 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 EU Presidencies VISEGRAD ABROAD

The Czech prime minister unfortunately does not agree. actually be deployed. They cannot go outside their territory. He even wrote an article stating that he is not at all afraid An air force meant to circle over Belgium is an aviation club. of two speeds. But for the region, it’s an important state- Germany is actually undergoing demilitarization. I never ment. There was no reaction by the Czech media to Sikorski’s thought I would say such a thing about Germany, achieving speech. There was only one article from an economist deal- such great success and pacifism. ing with these matters, who translated an excerpt from the speech and commented that he can fully agree with these ar- Wojciech Przybylski: Minister Sikorski was the second min- guments. Otherwise, there was no reaction in the Czech Re- ister during the Polish presidency to speak on the European public, and these were very important things. There was also forum about the threat of war if the crisis is not solved. The one paragraph in Sikorski’s speech directed at the British. He first was the Minister of Finance – Jacek Rostowski – in his said: “Do not be convinced that this crisis has nothing to do speech in the European Parliament. But is it not an exagger- with you". When I read that, I thought that the same could be ation, because on one hand the fiscal agreement regulations said to the Czech government, which seems to have a similar do not pose a direct threat of military conflict, and on the approach as the British. "We don’t care, this is a eurozone cri- other hand, the presidency of a non-euro country is not en- sis and that they should look for some solution there.” titled to bring up such serious issues and lead such a strong presidency in European matters? Andrew Michta: I’m thinking two things. The first is, let’s leave this to the economists. But I’m hearing more and more Vít Dostál: I can repeat what I was saying, that it doesn’t signals that the capitalization of British banks is not as good really matter that Poland is holding the presidency, because as most people imagine, so there is another potential alarm I don’t know if Spain had done anything about the crisis in the crisis. Another thing is where this sharp view on the during its presidency, with the same being true for Belgium British came from. I think that there is one more element and Hungary. The countries which are significant in this cri- that will lead us to the presidency. You might remember the sis are those which can help to save the eurozone. Poland, Group of Five’s letter to Catherine Ashton concerning the which is a non-euro country and is still poorer than Western CSDP, that kind of thing. Again, the British opposition was Europe, does not have a lot to say here. a key element in this initiative. I think that there are more perspectives for looking at the United Kingdom right now. Marek Cichocki: This Polish presidency has already been And it’s not just a question of the federal concept, but also held within the limits of the Lisbon Treaty, which has fun- a question of some political initiatives and where the British damentally changed its character. In this sense, to look from see themselves in the European Union. At least for me, in a formal point of view, the Czech presidency functioned un- this speech there was an overtone of “if you don’t want to der completely different conditions than the Polish one. As help, do not disturb. Just withdraw”. Which is interesting if has already been said, Poland is not in the eurozone and be- we think about the future of the idea of the European Un- cause of objective reasons it cannot declare that it’s going to ion. Because we’re talking here about a country which is one join within a specific timeline, as it had been trying to do until of the two remaining key countries having something to do recently. Thirdly, as I had already said, there are two countries, with military strength and thinking about it fairly seriously, Germany and France, which declare their readiness to solve so they are a crucial element in any later solutions within the crisis and have a sort of informal approach toward this. security structures or the defense of Europe, etc. This is not indicated in the Lisbon Treaty, it’s created in an in- However, we need to ask a question about what is hap- formal way. Like during the G20 summit, where interestingly, pening at the practical level. The British and the French are President Obama’s participation was not very visible, which is getting on as far as cooperation on security issues is con- fascinating, because if we compare it with other summits, it cerned, because there is no other way. This is a very serious was completely different, wasn’t it? But during this summit we situation. The United States doubled its military budget over could notice Merkel and Sarkozy in action. America was more the last decade, but it was the budget of an operating army, in the shadow, sort of withdrawn. meaning that this was an army that could be sent into differ- The last G20 summit also showed that this leadership ent places. It was never depreciated. Also, this was during is strong enough to actually lead to a change of government the period when we told everyone how to build countries in Greece, but not strong enough to convince the United and nations. Now we are in a situation where the balance States, China or India, to participate in financing the Euro- can tip very radically in favor of Asia, and we are going to pean stabilization fund. In this sense, we can say that the have a smaller marine force than during the last thirty years. G20 summit was a failure. Similar situations with such ex- There are talks of closing some of the F45 programs, and amples of ineffectiveness can undermine this type of leader- the eleventh aircraft carrier will probably not be built. Even ship. But of course, this is a reality where asking about the insurance will be cut, this will be a very dramatic shortening presidency is irrelevant, in that the presidency will possibly of options. Because of that, Europe is looked at in a very spe- be kept only as a way of promoting the culture of each mem- cific way, as if it was being asked what it has to offer. We’ve ber state in Brussels, but not as an institutional instrument already had the Balkan disease. of participating in the leadership of the European Union. In The problem of Europe’s defense after the end of the this sense, what Minister Sikorski and Prime Minister Tusk Cold War was already visible during the Balkan air cam- did was very interesting: an attempt to take a place at the paign. And don’t judge my words as too brutal, but to me, European table and make one’s voice heard on the occasion what they call armies in Europe are in fact job creation proof the formal leadership in the EU Council. grams. It’s storing people in blue or green suits, who cannot

65 VISEGRAD ABROAD EU Presidencies

THE HUNGARIAN COUNCIL PRESIDENCY: AN EVALUATION

Piotr Maciej Kaczyński

fter six long months, taken together appeared to provide little the Hungarian Presi- hope. First of all, the country had almost dency of the Council gone bankrupt eighteen months earlier of the European Un- and needed a bailout brokered by the EU ion ended in glory on and the IMF. Furthermore, in late spring the last day of June of of 2010, the newly elected government 2011. Croatian acces- had challenged the terms of these loans sion negotiations to from international institutions, and the the EU have now officially closed. The same government has struggled in deal- nextA phase will involve drafting the ac- ing with the dramatic economic situa- cession treaty, followed by a referendum tion. In addition, alongside the govern- in Croatia and ratification in the EU’s ment, with its constitutional majority, 27 national parliaments. After all that, a new extreme right wing force appeared on the 1st of January 2013, Croatia will on the Hungarian political scene: Jobbik. hopefully become the EU’s 28th Member The anti-Roma radicalism of this party, State. This will probably be the legacy of coupled with the structural weakness (or, the Hungarian Council presidency. as some put it, intellectual and ideological bankruptcy) of the Hungarian left, Six Months Before put Mr. Orban’s Fidesz in a semi-mo- In January of 2011, when Hungary took nopoly position in parliament. The so- over the presidency of the Council of the cio-economic situation of the Roma mi- European Union, expectations in Brus- nority has remained an issue across the sels and other European capitals were ei- Union. The issue became particularly vis- ther low or extremely low, and the mood ible three months before the Hungarian rather somber. There was strong criti- presidency when France expelled a num- cism of Budapest concerning its new me- ber of Roma migrants from Central and dia law. People were also thinking about Eastern Europe. Finally, just a few weeks a series of rather alarming facts, which before the start of the presidency, the

66 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 EU Presidencies VISEGRAD ABROAD

newly installed Orban government took The problem for the Hungarian in the European press did not make life the radical decision of reshuffling some presidency was that there was a large easy. Some comments during the presi- of the most important figures responsi- discrepancy between public attention (in dency were very negative, even offensive. ble for overseeing the post. In short, it the first two months) and the delivery of At the same time, these criticisms reflect- was a new government, economically results (mainly in June). When positive ed not only a specific view of Hungarian unstable, challenged by the extreme items appeared, the media were too busy domestic affairs but also two other devel- right, with major domestic tensions, with other topics to sum up Budapest’s opments. First, the Hungarians ran a low making last minute personnel changes achievements. Hence, in many eyes the profile presidency, in which the political concerning the presidency. If there were Hungarian presidency was, at best, a lim- class did not challenge the efforts of the any Hungarian Council presidency op- ited success because it did not turn out bureaucrats, but neither did they provide timists left, they were likely only to be to be a major failure. One major setback much assistance. Second, despite the ef- found in Budapest or the Hungarian was the cancellation of the Eastern Part- forts of public officials, the image of the Permanent Representation. nership summit in Budapest. This was to country has not improved over the last However, two factors played to the have been a major event. One needs to few months. Post-Lisbon, the added val- benefit of the Hungarians. First, when remember that the event will officially ue of having rotating presidencies could expectations are very low it is relatively be co-hosted by both the Poles and the be twofold, but the Hungarians scored easy to meet and surpass them. Sec- Hungarians. Another major problem was poorly on one count and potentially very ond, the Lisbon Treaty had completely a letter sent to the European Commis- well on the other. The first six months changed the role of the rotating presi- sion critical of the European Semester – of 2011 gave the perfect opportunity to dency. The rotating presidency was pre- this created some confusion as to what promote the image of Hungary, but this viously a political and administrative the presidency really wanted (one Hun- was not exploited to the full extent possi- task. They were responsible for (almost) garian minister was apparently pushing ble. This was mainly due to the domestic the entire European project. Under the for fast European Semester assessments, political situation and their limited range new treaties, the “political” dimension while another was critical that they were of activities. On the second count, the re- has largely evaporated. In the new insti- being done too quickly). Another ele- sult was decidedly better. Investment in tutional system of the European Union, ment that raised some eyebrows was the public officials, who know the function- the main task of rotating presidencies fact that some of the new officials working of the EU machinery in detail, cannot is to take care (within the Council and ing on the Hungarian presidency were be overvalued. This should contribute to with the European Parliament) of on- still being trained in January: they were more effective Hungarian participation going legislation. The Hungarians fully learning on the job. However their com- in future EU integration. embraced this and remained actively mitment helped public administrators engaged in negotiating ongoing dossiers. and the Permanent Representative to A Legislative Model of achieve substantial results. a Council Presidency Success, Failure and the The larger issue at stake, however, The Hungarian presidency was of a legis- Issue of Relevance is whether or not the rotating presidency lative or administrative nature not a po- Although progress on Croat accession is relevant. Over the first six months of litical one. Many dossiers were produced is the most visible, there were more 2011, all the major issues for the Europe- thanks to the tireless efforts of some 700 successes. The Hungarian presidency an Union did not fall within the remit of public officials, who worked for their is proud that it was able to conclude the rotating presidency. The Hungarians department, their country and the EU’s over one hundred legislative files, with were there and helped as much as they success. It was the administrative side the most important – the six-pack on could. On the key issues, however, they of the presidency that shone, despite economic governance – being “almost” were either absent politically (not being low expectations at the outset. The fact concluded by the end of June. The Hun- a member of the eurozone, the Hungar- that it was a low profile administrative garian list of official successes goes be- ian finance minister did not participate presidency is in itself an important de- yond the aforementioned, including: the in the Eurogroup meetings) or structur- velopment, as Hungary never claimed completion of the European Semester, ally (the situation in North Africa and the its presidency to have any major politi- the directive on consumer rights and conflict in Libya were primarily the re- cal dimension. This is important, given progress on the Single Market Act, ne- sponsibility of the High Representative). that it confirms the Lisbon Treaty model gotiations with Iceland, progress on All in all, the Hungarians have provided of political responsibilities and leader- the European Patent, cooperation with good services of high quality, but the ship in the Union. In theory, this docu- the High Representative on issues in system would have functioned (or not) ment stripped the rotating presidency of the Western Balkans, North Africa, the as usual – with or without them. What any major political input. We have now United Nations and in the aftermath of is the added value of the rotating presi- had two consecutive Council presiden- the Fukushima disaster, adoption of the dency for the EU? Should the system of cies that have confirmed that rotating Danube Strategy and the Roma Strategy. rotating Council presidencies be main- presidencies not only cannot play a po- By June, many in Brussels were truly tained or limited in the future? litical function, but also that they do not amazed as to how much the Hungarians In the Hungarian case, initial ex- want to play any major political role. were able to accomplish. However, this pectations were so low that it was no The caretaker Belgian prime minister positive image was hardly visible outside challenge to surpass them, though early did not challenge the ex-Belgian leader, the EU’s headquarters. criticism of Hungarian domestic politics who is currently the European Council’s

67 VISEGRAD ABROAD EU Presidencies

president. The Hungarian prime minister the Hungarians cannot be held respon- beginning of the term, there were some had no intention of challenging Herman sible for external developments, and the communication problems on issues such Van Rompuy. Mr. Orban’s lack of international veto kept them from reaching as cooperation on preparatory work for est in European politics can be compared a major agreement. the European Councils (i.e. one comment with the désintéressement of the Span- The European Roma Strategy was indicated that the GAC was sidelined in ish leader Zapateto. Both of them were adopted in June. It will only be possible to the early months but the situation signif- so strongly focused on domestic politi- assess its effectiveness after some years, icantly improved from March). On the cal developments that the EU’s fate was but there are already voices complaining political level, there was no competition of secondary importance. In the Spanish that the document is largely toothless between the European Council President case, it turned out to be detrimental to and potentially meaningless. and the Hungarian Prime Minister; some the presidency’s fate. In the Hungarian Again, the finalization of Croat ac- comments indicated a good personal re- case, Mr. Orban was in perfect alignment cession talks is the biggest success of the lationship between the two leaders. with the European mainstream press, presidency and it would not have been Towards the end of the term, lev- who did not want him to play any major possible without Hungarian commit- els of trust and cooperation increased. role. The relationship between the Hun- ment, alongside active engagement on However, this needs to be contextualized garian leader and the European press was all sides of the process (the Commission, with the sometimes anti-European or strengthened by mid-presidency, when the Member States and Zagreb). anti-Brussels rhetoric of Prime Minister Mr. Orban’s message was that he did not On the other hand, Schengen en- Orban. Such statements even challenged, care, comparing Brussels to Soviet Mos- largement to Romania and Bulgaria did if only for a moment, the successful con- cow and Habsburg Vienna, and the EU’s not happen. The Dutch veto was still in clusion of the Croatian accession talks. media also did not care. Moreover, he did place. Had this not been a Hungarian not care when the EU press criticized the priority, they would not have been held In Lieu of Conclusions: Hungarian constitution in April. responsible for its failure. However, they Hungary in the EU did declare it a major priority, which was – What Now? Analysis of Presidency left unfulfilled. Some progress has been Despite political struggles, Hungar- Priorities made on the issue, but this was coupled ian officials did deliver more than was On the issue of the six-pack, the Hungar- with the Hungarian inability to stop the expected of them. The country passed ians did very well. If the legislative pro- anti-Schengen debate from emerging the “maturity test” and now possesses cess in the Union takes on average over across the Union (between Italy, France a public administration that knows the 20 months, completing the files within and Denmark). EU’s hidden corridors inside out. This is the Hungarian term would have been There were no major reports of pro- truly a unique experience on which the a major success. This did not happen, cedural setbacks. The cooperation model Hungarian state should now capitalize. however, and we still do not know if the with the High Representative was posi- Post-presidency, Hungary should avoid entire exercise is going to be successful. It tive and functional, and the Hungarians following the path of self-marginaliza- appears that the last outstanding differ- did not try to challenge the foreign policy tion by facing up to new challenges and ence between the Council and the Parlia- chief of the EU. The Hungarian foreign redefining its European strategy. It now ment is so great, it could well challenge minister likes to say that he represent- has one of the most knowledgeable pub- the entire adoption of the six-pack. This ed the Union on behalf of Lady Ashton lic administrations that should be able to was the most important legislative file more often than he chaired the General help bring the country out of its econom- and it was not adopted during the Hun- Affairs Council. The Hungarian model ic and political woes, and thereby make garian term. of cooperation within the Council, with Hungary one of the most engaged mem- The energy files were completely other institutions (the Parliament, the bers of the European Union. disrupted during the presidency, but Commission) proved to be more or less This material has been also published by the not because of presidency mistakes. The effective. However, one significant set- Heinrich Böll Foundation Fukushima accident has had a major im- back was communication with the Com- pact on European discourse about nu- mission on the European Semester. This The author is a Polish Research Fellow at the Cen- clear energy. The Hungarians were able incident demonstrated a lack of political tre, Centre for European Policy Studies, Brussels. to lead the process after the February commitment on the side of the Hungar- European Council, even if no major deci- ian elite. sion was possible due to Japanese devel- The last benchmark concerns the opments. Failure to adopt the European cooperation between the rotating presi- Roadmap 2050 in energy was yet another dency and the president of the European blow to presidency plans. Nonetheless Council, Herman Van Rompuy. At the

REFERENCES 1. See “Four states push back against ‘EU Semester’”, EU Observer, 15th of June, 2011, http://euobserver.com/?aid=32494 2. Interviews with a senior advisor to the Presidency; a senior official of the General Secre-tariat of the Council; and with and aide to the President of the President of the European Council. 3. Interview with a senior national official.

68 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika VISEGRAD ABROAD EU Presidencies

Slovakia and the EU Presidency in

Forecasting: The participation of the Netherlands in the Presidency trio with Slovakia offers another opportunity to strengthen V4-Benelux cooperation, counterbalancing the growing strength of the Franco-German alliance. This is one of the many opportunities of the Slovak EU Presidency in 2016

Peter Weiss

iven that the Slovak ing the contours of the Slovak Presidency cy of the Council of the European Union Presidency of the remains, given the absence of any discus- will be a significant political challenge that Council of the Euro- sion on the subject by public experts. This will test the administrative and technical pean Union is slated is the case, in spite of the fact that the capacities of Slovakia, and enhance the for the second half Presidency of the Council of the European practical experience of civil service per- of 2016 – in a “trio” Union is an axiomatic point in the Slovak sonnel, broadening their knowledge of with the Netherlands political calendar. Due to the early elec- the European agenda and helping to form (January – June 2016) tions in March of 2012, it is expected that their perceptions of the EU. and Malta (January – June 2017) – writing both political and diplomatic prepara- Slovakia has an advantage in prepar- aboutG its priorities is a very difficult task, tions for this historic event will only coming for its first performance in this role, almost in the realm of the supernatural. mence after the new government assumes given that it can draw on observations Especially because one cannot predict, power. Therefore, the thoughts expressed of the preparation and performance of with any certainty, how the EU will look in this article are only the reflections of the consecutive Hungarian and Polish in a few weeks time – much less in a few the author’s private opinions. Presidencies, as well as the experiences years. We cannot exclude the possibility One thing about which we can be of other new member states – including that following recent disturbances, which certain is that the Slovak Presidency of Slovenia and the Czech Republic. In par- began in the eurozone, unforeseen chang- the Council of the European Union will ticular, the Hungarian experience dem- es might be made to the Lisbon Treaty. have a greater impact on the position and onstrated that it is extremely important Theoretically, the current institutional reputation of our country in the European for the presiding country not to draw too and legislative framework – a result of Union and the transatlantic community much attention to complications arising hard-fought battles – and the function- than the non-permanent membership of from domestic political developments or ing of the EU might be altered, including Slovakia on the United Nations Security to make assertions that do not relate to a modification of the existing form and Council (UNSC) in 2006 – 2007. To date, the agenda of the Presidency. Such ac- period of the rotating Presidency of the the place on the UNSC was the most se- tivities can be interpreted as being at odds Council of the European Union. rious litmus test of maturity and profes- with the commonly accepted values of the Even if we suppose there won’t be sionalism to be faced by Slovak diploma- Union and thereby overshadow the other- any changes, the difficulty of determin- cy, still in its infancy. The Slovak Presiden- wise positive outcomes. By contrast, the

70 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 EU Presidencies VISEGRAD ABROAD

professional management of European diplomats greatly appreciated the paral- new Multiannual Financial Framework affairs and avoidance of internal squab- lel Slovak Presidency of the V4 Group, and new European legislative. As with all bling marked the precedencies of Poland which was quite dynamic and effective in other member states, Slovakia also sees and Slovenia, thereby weakening the supporting the priorities of the Hungar- its presidency as a unique opportunity claims of some political forces and media ian EU Presidency. In 2011, the V4 Group to realize its foreign policy goals in the in larger and “older” member states about of states experienced a revival and one of European Union, and promote itself as the readiness of “new” states to fulfill such its most successful periods. The potential a dynamically growing country devoted roles. Slovakia will also need to disprove of the V4 “brand” was also noticed by the to European values. such misconceptions, held in some parts “big players” in EU institutions. We might In this context, one of the potential of the Union, about the reliability of Cen- also expect that Slovakia will offer its ex- priorities of the Slovak Presidency could tral and Eastern European States. perience as an inspiration to other coun- be the issue of water security, which is Naturally, no government can influ- tries, especially to those countries that increasingly problematic due to climate ence the entire economic and political de- aspire to EU membership. changes. Changes in the water cycle are velopment domestically, much less in the As far as the substantive preparation resulting in extreme weather patterns, Union as a whole. However, they can pre- for the Presidency is concerned, it will be which have affected Central European dict and control the effects of their own crucial to synchronize the drafting of the countries in the past. For this reason, political conduct on their European part- joint trio program, in which every mem- water will attain strategic security impor- ners and the public in other EU Member ber lays out its priorities for the actual EU tance in the near future. In the future, wa- States, something the Slovak political elite work program. It will be important that ter will perhaps become more important has already experienced, negatively, in as- the government takes into account the than crude oil. As a state with strategic sociation with the expansion of the euro need to fulfill the program of the preced- resources of drinking water and the next bailout fund (EFSF) in 2011. This prem- ing Dutch Presidency, while respecting President from the region of the Danube, ise of the preparation strategy for the up- the evolving legislative work plan of EU Slovakia could indirectly follow up on the coming Presidency of the Council of the bodies as well as the expectations and re- importance the Hungarian Presidency as- European Union is closely interconnected quirements of the EU Member States. signed to this issue five years ago and re- with another political dimension – build- As the Slovak Republic will share view the implementation of the Danube ing a strong and permanent consensus the Presidency with the Netherlands, Strategy or even propose its re-examina- among political forces in ensuring the with which it cooperates in supporting tion, if appropriate. Keeping water qual- material, financial, personnel and logisti- the transformation processes in Tunisia, ity high, securing the access of citizens to cal conditions are all at the disposal of the within the framework of the Community water, its effective conservation, and its presidency. of Democracies, we may expect that five efficient use must all become common Here, it should be noted that regular years following the outbreak of the “Arab goals within Central European countries parliamentary elections in Slovakia ought Spring” will provide a meaningful oppor- and Europe as a whole. to be held in the first half of March in 2016, tunity to evaluate the tangible outcome of Another issue on the agenda of the three months before assuming the Presi- this movement and the role of the EU as Slovak Presidency, with the potential for dency. It will be crucial to avoid a disrup- a global actor. Participation of the Neth- evaluation and revision in mind, could tion in the preparations based on changes erlands offers another opportunity – to be progress in the implementation of the in the government. In particular, it will be strengthen V4 cooperation with the Ben- Roma Strategy and the related national essential not to change key staff members elux countries, thereby counterbalancing strategies. Not only is the elimination of involved in expert and logistical prepara- the growing influence of the Franco-Ger- poverty, social exclusion and discrimination, which could lead to mistakes being man alliance that comes at the expense tion on a racial or ethnic basis at the core made domestically or causing partners to of communal decision-making. It should of EU values, but it is increasingly becom- become anxious, especially the rest of the be in the interest of all small and medium ing an issue that is misused by the groups aforementioned trio. Equally important, sized EU countries to strengthen the com- representing national populism, xeno- will be the avoidance of abrupt changes in munal method of dealing with problems phobia and far right extremism. political approaches after the parliamen- and promoting EU goals. It can be expect- Last but not least, topical challenges tary elections. Individuals assuming po- ed that the Slovak government will elevate concerning EU sectorial policies may find litical offices should become an integral the voices of small states with limited in- their way in the priorities of the Slovak part of the team involved in the prepara- fluence on the so called “big players” in Presidency. These include issues such as tions for the Presidency, and open lines of the EU, especially through consultations energy security, and challenges in the area communication must be established with with the V4 Group, the Benelux Union of the Common Foreign and Security Pol- partners from the trio, other members and the Nordic Council. icy (CSFP). However, it would be prema- states and EU institutions. One can safely assume that the ture to speculate about specific content. Regardless of its political composi- Slovak government will promote Euro- Much will depend on developments that tion, I am convinced that the Slovak gov- pean policies through the common lens cannot be known in advance. Ultimately, ernment will manage the EU Presidency of Visegrad cooperation and Central the choice of priorities, preparation and in 2016, and it will utilize the positive European regional interest (energy and implementation will involve the ambi- experience gained from the two Central road infrastructure, cohesion policy, EU tions of future governing political parties, European presidencies in 2011. In this re- enlargement, Eastern Partnership and which cannot be known yet. spect, it is important to remind ourselves placing additional focus on Slovakia’s that leading Hungarian politicians and largest neighbor – Ukraine), under the The author is Slovak Ambassador in Hungary.

71 ViSeGrad aBroad weStern BalkanS

Time for the EU to Deal Fairly

withinTerView the wiThWestern eduard Balkans kukan

interview conducted by luciA nAjšloVá

duard Kukan defi nes himself as a "euro-opti- falls victim to eff orts to increase the prestige or respect of indi- mist" and believes that in seven years the EU vidual V4 countries. might be “back to normal”. Elected to the Eu- ropean Parliament (EP) in 2009 (EPP group), At the same time, the V4 keeps recommending to the Balkans he chairs the EP delegation for relations with that they should strengthen regional cooperation. South-East Europe and is a member of the Regional cooperation is in the fi rst place reiterated by the Eu- EP Committee on Foreign Aff airs. He spent ropean Union. In the EU's evaluation of reform progress in the most of his professional life as a diplomat, Balkans, their engagement in regional cooperation is an impor- serving three terms as Slovakia's Minister of Foreign Aff airs. tant criterion of progress. And here, certainly, the V4 experience eIn our conversation on the European future of the Western might be an added value for Balkan politicians. As a practical Balkans, he suggests that the V4 countries should not hesitate example – look, we did it and it helped us. to coordinate their eff orts. Don't they think it's ironic that we recommend regional coop- A number of V4 declarations stipulate that the Western Bal- eration, while the V4's own engagement in the WB is mainly on kans is a foreign policy priority and that the V4 contributes to an individual basis? integration of the region within Europe. How is this done? Th is is our own critical self-evaluation, and we need to pay at- Well, in the fi rst place, we regularly publish declarations. I believe tention to this. But the Western Balkan leaders do not analyze we even mean them, and we are serious about the topic. But the whether the V4 acts collectively or not – they focus on individual practical engagement comes more from individual members of countries. the Visegrad Group, not so much from the group as a whole. Ac- tivity toward the Balkans comes principally from Slovakia and Is the V4 easily understood in Serbia or Albania? Hungary, as I do not see such activity in Poland and the Czech Not exactly. Th e Visegrad Group is composed of diverse part- Republic. During its EU presidency, Hungary was really active in ners. We have a big state like Poland, which has its own interests the EU enlargement process, trying to fi nish up many things, for and sometimes gives them precedence over the joint action of example in negotiations with Croatia. But on the V4 level, I do the whole V4. So, our Balkan colleagues do not even expect we not see much joint, coordinated eff ort, perhaps with the excep- are going to be coordinated. tion of organizing conferences. Our leverage could be bigger if we acted jointly. Looking at individual engagement – there are a number of activities going on at the level of states – what about civil society What prevents the V4 from stronger cooperation when the projects? declared priorities toward the region are the same? Do the Well, civil society cooperation certainly is important. And the individual countries in question want to keep their respective civil societies of the Western Balkans need our support –to learn successes – as in, “we the Czechs or Poles did this”? about the functioning civil society organizations in the V4. Here It seems there has never been enough political will for joint steps. we need to do more. But sometimes our colleagues from Balkan Th is is not only the case with the Balkans – it is true in many administrations or parliaments tell us that there are cases when other contexts. As you suggested, when the individual members the donors just give resources to selected organizations, without of the V4 have the opportunity to have a moment of individual being aware of what these organizations actually do, and it may visibility, they prefer it to coordination. Very often, cooperation happen that the resources are wasted or even misused.

72 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 weStern BalkanS ViSeGrad aBroad

year after year. If we say that if you fulfi ll this task we will open the negotiations, we should do it. Not “let's wait six more months”. Th at is not credible on our side.

What is behind all the delays? The usual “enlargement fatigue”? In my view, it is always concrete events concerning one of the larger EU players that slow the process down. For example, the candidate status of Serbia was postponed because of the recent clashes in northern Kosovo. Chancellor Merkel said that she could not explain to her voters that the EU would do something positive for Serbia when German soldiers are being attacked with stones. It's always these little things and issues with individual countries. But not “enlargement fatigue”. Th ere is a lot of talk on enlargement fatigue and sometimes it is exaggerated.

Let me come back to Serbia & Kosovo for a moment – can you imagine a situation that only one of them makes it to the EU, while the other is left out? Wouldn't we be facing a situation similar to that of Cyprus? It seems to me that the big players in the EU are extending pressure on Serbia to resolve the relations with Kosovo before moving forward with accession process. For example, recently a couple of German MP's put it very bluntly in Serbia: if you do not recognize them, there are no negotiations. However, at the moment there is not any formalized EU position on the recognition – just individual statements. But it is logical to eduard Kukan expect that this will have to be solved before the accession. Several public opinion polls have recently shown that euro- Looking at the broader EU dimension of working with the optimism in the Western Balkans is on the retreat. How can Balkans, perhaps the major challenge remains the non-rec- we explain this? Is it that the process has been going too ognition of Kosovo by some member states. Given this, can long? the EU have meaningful policy toward the region? Th ey are tired of waiting. Particularly when they have not al- Th at's certainly the most diffi cult question. Yet, I believe we ways been treated fairly. And of course, perhaps it was not ex- can. For example, at the moment there is a joint eff ort to pected that all reform process would be so closely monitored eliminate the discrimination of Kosovars in visa-free travel and controlled by EU institutions. Even though the enthusi- to Schengen. Here, the European Parliament is certainly the asm has fallen, the EU perspective is still a strong factor for all most active body pushing the European Commission to take these states. You can see it in election results – the political more action and our powers to do so have increased after the forces interested in joining the EU usually win. Lisbon treaty was adopted. Visa-free travel, in the end, is not a policy towards a “state” but towards people. So even in rela- But then, don't the internal EU crises weaken our foreign tion to Kosovo, I believe we can make positive progress. Of policy and capacity to be engaged with neighbors? course, sooner or later the question of Kosovo’s status will Of course they do. Th at is also the reason why some activities, come up. But the more pressing issue at the moment is broad- also towards the Balkans, are less intense. Th e slowing down er: the EU's credibility and real intentions to pursue a Euro- of negotiations and longer waiting time for aspirants is one of pean perspective in the Balkans is in question. the consequences of the tough challenges we are facing on the domestic front. However, at the level of rhetoric the promise seems to be fi rm – EU leaders have reiterated their pledge to the West- How long might this last? None of the EU crises – economic, ern Balkans on every occasion possible. loss of confi dence in politics and politicians – is about to be Take Montenegro, for example. Th ey have fulfi lled everything resolved in the near term. we wanted from them. And yet, they still do not have a date. It will take longer – my estimate is seven years. Th at could Th e Council sometimes comes up with some other reason be the time to bring us from the worst back to normal. I am for delay. Such as “ok, they adopted the reform, let's wait for a euro-optimist. I believe the European project will not fall implementation”. Or take Macedonia – a candidate country apart. But let's be honest: we are still only thinking, and when for years. Th e Commission does not even know what to write we come up with something... We have in fact not yet imple- into its progress report. It is “they fulfi ll Copenhagen criteria”, mented a measure that would really improve the situation.

73 coMMUnitieS Scientific coMMUnitieS

GeneraTions, ideoloGies and reTurnees: deVelopmenTs in romanian social research

An academic career in the social sciences will become the privilege of a few, usually better-off segments of the shrinking middle classes. Th ese pressures will serve to amplify the monopolies inside the fi eld and further preclude any possibilities of solidarity for eff ecting change

florin PoenAru

espite some institutional rearrange- ments (most notably the reappearance of sociology as an independent discipline) and purges of some top fi gures, many pre-1989 tendencies continue to inform thed Romanian social sciences, especially positivism and methodological nationalism. What was new in the post-89 era was the anti-communism that became

74 VIsegrad InsIght 1|2012 Scientific Communities communities

influential in research, introducing a tri- the state into private hands. This process same time, a large number of sociolo- umphalist narrative that portrayed the presupposed not only a brutal dismem- gists and political scientists (exponents fall of communism as an external evil berment of socialist industry but also led of a discipline that specifically emerged that was defeated – but not as a complex to increased social polarizations, push- after 1989 as a means to create new cad- social system that had to be understood ing large segments of population previ- res for the new regime, therefore princi- through research. This anti-communist ously employed in the industrial sector pally geared toward public policy rather perspective (hegemonic in historical downward and outward. People at the than scientific research) organized their writing) had numerous consequences for wrong end of this process were pressured research and expertize for the benefit of the social sciences as well, not least of all into securing other forms of livelihood, political parties and government. Some the legitimation, under the catch-term either by going back to agricultural work entered politics more or less openly and “mentalities”, of a pseudo-scientific ap- or through migration (sometimes both). helped with electoral campaigns, politi- proach that found an explanation for the After 2000, an estimated three million cal programs and voting strategies. Oth- present in the mechanical causality of the people migrated from Romania for work, ers provided a type of research backed by communist past. mainly as unskilled or care laborers. Con- the halo of science that was clearly a po- This high emphasis on “mentalities” comitantly, the process of privatization litically charged policy (pension cuts, for was also possible because of the meth- coupled with deindustrialization signifi- example). odological nationalism prevailing in the cantly altered the bases of the economy, This brings to fore another central Romanian social sciences. Once the “na- requiring a new emphasis on services, feature of the contemporary Romanian tion” became the unit of analysis, it was trade and finance, that, in turn, required scientific community, the generally un- almost natural to invoke ahistorical es- a different type of labor force. These local critical relationship to power (political sential features pertaining to it as a col- processes were nonetheless highly en- or financial). This form of dependency lective homogenous entity, either posi- tangled with global processes of capital- severely limited the options for a real tively or negatively. Obviously this tra- ist accumulation and were ushered in by critical stance of the scientific commu- dition pre-dated socialism itself, having the same ideology of neoliberal econom- nity, thus presenting yet another level of first emerged in the 19th century efforts ics that have been transforming the core continuity with the state-socialist period. of nation-building and, concomitantly, of the capitalist system since the 1970s. of science-building that assisted and As such, far from being simple “natural” New Topics and the EU reflected upon this process at the same transformations pertaining to the post- Nonetheless, the dependency on the time. During socialism, this approach socialist transition, these changes re- market for funding had its positive rami- gained different momentum, spurred by flected trends that were global in scope. fications, pushing research into socially the political interests of the Party, and All these dynamics spurred a signif- relevant areas. In particular, I refer here generated the ill-fated intellectual phe- icant series of social effects, not least in to a large series of studies on migration nomena of protochronism – in short, an the academic and scientific field. Just like that made a significant contribution in attempt to identify Romanian precursors in many other sectors, the state signifi- mapping this large-scale social process in many fields of natural and social sci- cantly retreated from funding education, mentioned above. This work was com- ences in order to demonstrate unequivo- including research. As a result, universi- plemented by an equally important ef- cally the genius of the Romanian people. ties and research institutes became in- fort, this time by anthropologists who Such ideas managed to permeate almost creasingly dependent on attracting funds followed migrants back and forth as all forms of scholarship and continued to from private sources. This downsizing they moved between their new and old retain an important hold in many areas entailed opening up the gates of the uni- worlds, exploring their life struggles well after 1989, in the post-Soviet pro- versities through the lowering of admis- and trajectories. Roma studies deserves cess of “nation-building”. sion criteria and simultaneously increas- a serious word of mention as well, since But by the turn of the millennia, ing tuition fees. This not only significant- it represents one of the most important global capitalist forces shaped the Ro- ly dented the principle of universal access topics of research in the local social sci- manian social sciences more than these to education, but also steered the univer- ences, a fact underlined by a newly estab- internal legacies. In this text, I would like sities into simply providing students with lished PhD program. To be sure, all these to present some of these changes, many the skills required for swift integration topics were spurred as much by the con- of them fully contemporary. I will do this into the job market. This process was cerns of the European Union, which of- primarily by referring to some of the key further accelerated by the implementa- fered most of the funding, as by genuine, changes in the Romanian society during tion of the Bologna process, whose full local scientific interests. In fairness, since the past two decades, exploring their im- range of effects cannot be properly ad- it was not entirely market-oriented, these pact on the social scientific and academic dressed here. Dependent on a student’s areas of research offered a wider degree field. funding and private actors, the universi- of scientific autonomy in which research- ties had to steer away from research or at ers could articulate a series of critical A Double Bind: least to adapt their research topics to the views, including criticism of EU policies Policy and Market new environment. In sociology, this re- on ethnicity and gender, for example. The first decade of post-communism was sponse entailed a palpable shift towards Facing simultaneous downward marked, like in many countries of the market-oriented research, including pressure from the global academic mar- former Eastern Bloc, by a process of ac- surveys for marketing purposes, demo- ket and its hegemonic and colonial ef- cumulation and dispossession, entailing graphic analysis, samplings, interviews fects in the peripheries like Romania, the transfer of property and assets from and a turn toward “media studies”. At the expressed through publication patterns

75 communities Scientific Communities

and international networks of scholarly highly polarized, structured by hierar- research in general are rapidly becoming peers, and upward pressure coming from chical vertical relations and competing institutions for producing public policy young local researchers and academics horizontal relations among students and for the immediate use of power. Theoret- (most of them schooled in the academic young scientists. Direct confrontation ical considerations and critical research institutions of the West), new topics of with authority and horizontal solidarity are portrayed as an uninteresting luxury. research, and new ideologies and meth- are not absent but not frequent either. An academic career or a life in the so- ods increasingly made their way into This generational (and class) divide cial sciences will become the privilege the local scientific parlance, including: overlaps with splits driving the ideol- of a few, usually better-off segments of urban studies and urban ethnographies; ogy and politics of research. As already the shrinking middle classes, but once gender studies and issues dealing with mentioned, the field itself is deeply inte- there, they will simply have to follow body and sexuality; labor relations and grated into a global neoliberal structure a predetermined agenda of research. new subjectivities specific to late capi- with few possibilities for autonomy or These pressures will serve to amplify the talism; and more marginally, attempts to significant dissent. Thus, the core of the monopolies inside the field and further indigenize within social sciences various neoliberal doxa - ranging from efficacy, preclude any possibilities of solidarity for forms of Marxism, post-colonial think- transparency and market relevance to in- effecting change. As a consequence, re- ing and critical analyses of global capital- dividualism, rationality and technocratic searchers will be disgruntled but unable ism. Meanwhile, scholarship with a local positivism, - deeply shapes the presup- to mobilize, while class antagonisms will tradition (for example the Bourdieuian positions and methods of most research continuously be displaced, either as gen- analysis of fields, as well as research on projects. In the local community, the split erational battles or as struggles against modernity, nationalism and state forma- might be portrayed in the standard terms the “returnees”. By this I mean to refer tion) continued to hold their ground, al- of quantitative and qualitative debates, to the large number of graduate students though they too had to keep up with the or between “objective” and “partisan” that will seek to return to Romania once changes and move into interdisciplinary science (both a legacy of state socialism, they have finished their studies abroad, directions, particularly towards history as much as a genuine struggle in the pre- unable to secure jobs in a declining envi- – thereby raising significant challenges sent). But in point of fact, the real split is ronment. While some might be absorbed to dominant anti-communist and na- between those who seek to question the by the local economy in various posi- tionalist paradigms. very epistemic foundations of the dis- tions of petty technocrats, most of them ciplines (and their division of labor and will put pressure on the already existing Internal Splits: Generation methods within this arrangement), while academic infrastructure in order to ob- and Ideology pinpointing to their necessary entangle- tain jobs. This might entail demonstra- Obviously, the field of social sciences is ment with power (writ large) and thus tions of solidarity with young exploited far from homogenous and is in fact split introducing a more reflexive turn in their researchers in order to effect change, or, along various lines: the practitioners are métier, and the others who seek to pre- most likely, the returnees will force the differently positioned in this field -ac serve the idea of the neutrality of science cost of academic labor even lower. In this cording to class, generation, ideological and the utopia of a value-free, un-politi- background, the ideological and meth- commitments and other dispositions, cal and objective form of research, which odological questions will be muted and thus being differently affected by the thereby silences the double dependency will become less of an issue publicly. The sweeping processes mentioned above. described above. These positions are ob- aforementioned societies of sociologists Because of space constraints, I will viously more nuanced in practice. And and anthropologists will perhaps con- only discuss two of the most important yet, the broad effects of these antago- tinue to grow within the existing system, lines of division structuring this field: nisms even extend to the formation of but there are also signs that many of their generation and ideology. “Generation” the Society of Sociologists from Romania members might be ready to seek forms is always a tricky concept, given that it – a network of scholars more robustly of social research and science outside the might evoke simple struggles between linked with the global academic scene, current model and in interaction with the old and the new approaches or be- both in terms of networks and in terms other social forces seeking to oppose the tween divergent modes of professional of research interests. Also not immune to current enclosure. Whether they will formation. However, in the Romanian this divide is the revival of the Romanian succeed or not will have an impact far context this generational struggle seems Society of Cultural Anthropology, which beyond the scientific field. to express deep-seated forms of class seeks to establish an autonomous local struggle, since generational belonging field of anthropology embedded in trans- The author is currently completing his PhD the- reflects unequal relations with respect to national networks. sis in anthropology on the class politics of his- securing a livelihood. As it stands, older tory in post-socialism at the Central European professors benefit from the advantages Future? University. A Fulbright Visiting Scholar at City of established networks both within and What might plausibly be expected in the University of New York (2011/2012) his inter- outside the scientific milieu to centralize near future, given these tendencies and ests include theories of history and memory, significant powers and institutional po- forces? Because of immense pressures to class politics and urban studies. sitions, creating veritable forms of mo- cut state spending in the new context of nopoly within the field. Thus, students the post-2008 financial shock, the dou- and young researchers have to face the ble dependency on power and markets uneasy situation of submitting to these will only be exacerbated. It is already rules or facing the ax. The field itself is absolutely clear that the university and

76 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Focus on Health Care REPORTAGE

Landscape after the Battle Doctors on Strike in the V4

Recognizing similar healthcare problems across the V4, the doctors’ unions decided to work out common strategic plans for co-operation. Public campaigns in Slovakia and Hungary were largely inspired by the previous achievements of doctors in Poland and the Czech Republic. This unexpected cooperation within the V4 has come as a relief to patients in a region threatened by brain drain in previous years

Exclusive reportage accompanied by photos of health care from the four countries

77 REPORTAGE Focus on Health Care

Szabina Kerényi

he system is about to collapse!” The doctor sighed, apologized and turned back to my results before continuing: “It’s going to collapse. I myself don’t care that much. I’m going to retire soon, but what about my colleagues? The nurses are even worseT off, with the day and night shifts, overloaded with work and underpaid, and I can’t imagine what might ease the burden they carry.” Disregarding how embarrassed my allergist made me during the examina- tion, he is far from alone in his profession. Indeed, in recent years many doctors have expressed increasing despera- and continued through 2007 and 2008. Krzysztof Pacholak (1986). Lives in Warsaw, tion about the state of health care and In 2010, massive campaigns kicked off Poland. Photographer and curator of work by young aristists. Works for various Polish NGOs. future of public hospitals. in the Czech Republic, where thousands Studying sociology (University of Warsaw, Poland) A similar story is playing out in of doctors deposited a dismissal notice. and photography (Institute of Creative Photogra- practically all the countries of the V4: ex- This was followed by a similar action in phy – Opava, Czech Republic). Website: http:// hausted, overworked doctors and nurses, Slovakia in late 2011 and finally in Hun- pacholak.net and photo-blog: http://multicon- working lengthy shifts with extra hours gary. Drawing on the similarities in these trast.blogspot.com. for pitiful compensation. Students of post-communist countries, the unions of About the photos: Photos were taken in the city medicine have a distorted image of their the V4 decided to support each other in hospital in Sieradz (provincial town in the center of Poland). When Sieradz was a county town, the prospects and patients are losing trust, the campaigns and negotiations. hospital was a major medical center in the area. as the health service has not improved Today the situation is more complicated. The hos- reasonably since 1989. Only the costs Pushing and Pulling pital is aging and many of its units require repairs. have raised and the problem of informal After the fall of socialist regimes, the Some have been modernized with the participa- payment is still on the table. Substantive field of medicine was burdened by rel- tion of the European Union, but the money in the structural changes have not taken place ics of the authoritarian past, particularly budget is still insufficient. and health care has entered a period of damaging was the baggage of low wages crisis – budgets are tight, hospitals are and anti-competitive conditions. Toward indebted and thousands of doctors leave the end of the 90's, doctors in Central their countries each year for material Europe not only earned considerably less reasons. than their Western colleagues, but also In this apparent dead-end, doc- lagged behind other occupational groups tors have begun a series of campaigns within their home countries. This result- to improve work conditions and raise ed in new waves of emigration, reaching salaries, with the eventual goal of reach- a peak after accession to the EU. Open ing two times the national average for borders and simplified administrative young doctors, and three times that for procedures have attracted tens of thou- specialists. Still far below the “West- sands of health care professionals from ern standards”, this would nevertheless the region – surgeons, psychiatrists, an- be enough to keep them at home. Like aesthesiologists, obstetricians and pro- a rolling strike, with the wave moving fessionals from other areas. The most across countries rather than sectors or popular destinations are the UK, Germa- units – strikes began in Poland in 2006 ny and Scandinavia. Even France, Aus-

78 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Focus on Health Care REPORTAGE

79 REPORTAGE Focus on Health Care

Zuzana Halanova Completed Art History studies at Comenius University in Bratislava with MA in 2003. She worked as a journalist in various major Slovak media after studies. Since 2010 she has been enrolled at the Institute of Creative Photogra- phy at Silesian University in Opava, studying photography and working as a freelance photographer. She is primarily concerned with documentary and reportage photography. About the photos: I visited a hospital in Pop- rad, a small town below the High Tatras. Despite the overall negative state of our healthcare system, this hospital has not been pulled down by the burden of debt. Perhaps this is due to the fact that it was transformed into a joint stock company holding, which is reflected in the incremental improvement of the hospital's facilities and infrastructure. Although many wards have been transformed by shiny new equipment, some still seem frozen in time - the 70s (when the hospital was opened) seems to cling to the walls.

80 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Focus on Health Care REPORTAGE

tria, Spain and Switzerland (otherwise to take up to two attendances a month, instructive example in this case would restrictive concerning emigrant work- but we were encouraged to “volunteer” be the migration of Slovak doctors to the ers) welcomed doctors from the former for further attendances. Moreover, the Czech Republic. While there are minimal Eastern bloc, attempting to fill shortages payment for an attendance is 70% of the differences in wages between the two in small towns and marginal regions, ex- regular salary. I was the only person who countries, the Czech Republic is home pand weekend hours and increase their didn’t sign this – I was not about to offer to better facilities, including a higher respective supplies of specialists. extra work for 1 Euro/ hour. Not that it number of large and well-equipped hos- The reasons for leaving are generally mattered – I had to do it anyway.” pitals. In Western Europe and Scandina- pragmatic. To quote the Hungarian psy- The problem with working hours is via, physicians are given better supplies chiatrist Dr. Edina Sugár: “When I decid- also well known in Slovakia. Jana, a stu- and provisions – there is no threat of ed to leave, my monthly salary was about dent of medicine, describes the state of a shortage of appropriate medications 120-122 000 HUF, while the balloon pay- affairs at Comenius – considered the and hospitals do not need to cut costs on ment for my apartment had gone up to finest medical university in Slovakia: available examinations. In short, in these 112 000 HUF.” Doctors’ salaries in Hun- “There is a lack of staff, the working regions doctors do not need to consider gary are the lowest in the V4. But even hours are long and our professors don’t financial implications when ordering Czech doctors can make 4-5 times more have enough time even to teach us!” The tests. in neighbouring Germany or Austria. Slovak Doctors’ Union (LOZ) warns that If a physician decides to go abroad, Besides issues of compensation, poor while the EU directives suggest no more they usually turn to one of the numer- working conditions are also responsible than 192 extra hours per year, Slovak ous recruitment agencies specializing in for the massive healthcare exodus. Cit- doctors face approximately 500-600 ad- health care. The procedure is rather sim- ing Dr. Sugár once more: “In our hospital ditional hours each year, a situation that ple – the basic condition is a diploma in we had regular shifts of 8-hours, but we puts both doctors and patients at risk. medicine. It is easier to get a job as a spe- were obliged to provide attendances of 16 Beyond working hours and wages, cialist but this is not a requirement. It is hours plus administration, after a regular the movement of doctors is also motivat- preferable that the candidate has good work day, which made shifts as long as ed by better conditions and the opportu- language skills – usually an intermediate 26-28 hours. A physician can be obliged nity to gain professional experience. An level of English or German is sufficient.

81 REPORTAGE Focus on Health Care

The first interview takes place on loca- safety net of Western European or Scan- Daniel Poláček Born in Prague in 1979, he has tion, and after having received a positive dinavian social systems and it is unlikely been passionate about photography since 2000. In particular he is interested in photojournalism review the candidate is generally invited they would return to the same conditions and landscape photography. He currently studies for a second interview, already at the once they have escaped. photography at the Institute of Creative Photogra- prospective hospital of employment. If phy of the Silesian University. necessary, a language course will be or- Rolling Campaigns About the photos: This series of photos comes ganized. The agencies also provide free The reactions of respective governments from an older hospital in Prague, which has been language courses for spouses, as well as have been criticized as shifting reck- in operation for the past 80 years. help with administration, obtaining ac- lessly between denial and rage. Handling commodation or organizing schooling a complex economic and social prob- for children. lem as a matter of individual choice has There are rarely problems with ac- pushed the question of responsibility ceptance in the foreign country, among aside. By the time the campaigns of the patients or colleagues – as the flood of unions began to unfold, it was already Eastern European doctors is neither too late, and talks look increasingly like exceptional nor new. As Dr. Sugár ex- battles rather than negotiations. plained: “There are three psychiatrists in Polish health professionals went our hospital – one Norwegian, one Pol- on strike in 2006. In the years following, ish and me – I mean specialists, because the doctors joined the national strikes of the resident doctors are usually Norwe- public employees, embracing teachers, gians. Otherwise, we have a Hungarian bus drivers and coal miners. The union dermatologist in the hospital, one of the reported strikes in 230 of Poland’s 800 anaesthesiologists is Austrian, another is hospitals. Nurses occupied the territory Hungarian and there are two Serbs. The in front of the Prime Minister’s office in paediatrician is Polish – what can I say, 2007. They managed to put up 150 tents they’re used to it.” and demonstrated under a very telling Physicians usually leave in their banner: “Stay Healthy, We’re Leaving!” 30s-40s, at the beginning or peak of their In Poland, the outflow of medical staff careers, and they are rarely interested in started in the late 90s, which led to a se- returning. The doctors who leave with vere lack of human resources in hospi- their families are welcomed into the tals. At the same time, the country was

also a destination for doctors from the former Soviet Union, especially Ukraine. But this influx slowed after accession to the EU, as Anna Stradza, head of a Pol- ish recruitment agency explains: “The procedure of recognition of a Ukrain- ian doctor’s diploma has become more complicated and time consuming.” The discrepancy between incoming and outgoing physicians continued to expand, at least until the doctors managed to nego- tiate better payments in 2008-2009. The Czech union leader, Martin Engel, blames corrupt political leadership, citing this factor as the primary reason why his union is opposed to the privatization of hospitals. In the Czech Republic, the campaign was preceded by dramatic statistics in 2007-2008, showing about 300 doctors leaving the country each month, primarily for Germany

82 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Focus on Health Care REPORTAGE

and the UK. In early 2010, Czech doc- and simply: “It’s the political elite that their Slovak colleagues, the Hungarian tors launched their massive campaign has been doing so [taking hostages] for doctors also decided to organize a joint “Thanks, We’re Leaving”, where more years”. During the 2 months of the cam- “quit and leave” action, with more than than 3800 doctors, that is about one paign, “Let’s Rescue Healthcare”, about 2200 individuals joining the campaign fourth of all hospital doctors declared 2500 doctors (including half of all the “For Viable Healthcare” by early De- their resignation and put together a list doctors in Bratislava and 100% at a par- cember. These figures are but the logical of 13 reasons for their exodus. And the ticular ward in Nitra) signed a resigna- extension of an ongoing process, consid- government finally agreed to raise doc- tion notice. At the dramatic height of ering the data of earlier years – in 2006, tors’ salaries by 5000-8000 KC/ per events, Ivan Uhliarik agreed with LOZ 520 doctors asked for their certificates month, with promises of further raises. to raise the salaries of doctors in sever- for employment abroad at the Doctors’s Angry rhetoric also characterised al steps and to stop the privatization of Chamber, while in 2009 and 2010 this the campaign of the Slovak doctors’ un- state hospitals. number rose to 1500. ion, which has employed clear references The Hungarian situation did not to regime change – claiming that it wants look much more promising – the Health Visegrad on the Move to dismantle the current, malfunction- Portfolio proposed that doctors would Recognizing the similarities between ing social security system, just like the be obliged to stay at the hospital where the problems of health care in the V4, corrupt and malfunctioning authoritar- they received their specialization for four the unions decided to work out com- ian regime was dismantled in 1989. The years, in order to prevent them from mon strategic plans for co-operation. Slovak minister of health care, Ivan Uh- leaving the country. This plan did not In fact, the campaigns in Slovakia and liarik, accused LOZ of taking patients make it through, and no agreement has Hungary were to a large extent inspired as hostages. The response came quickly been reached in the meantime. Following by these frameworks and the previous

83 REPORTAGE Focus on Health Care

Imre Varga is 35 years old and currently lives in Budapest. He works as a freelance photographer, taking pictures for foundations and magazines, etc. About the photos The pictures was made in the Pal Heim Children's Hospital. Photos (first and second) show doctor analysing a child's leg after a dog attack. Third photo is about blood sampling,

Agreement of Joint Actions – An Excerpt from the successes of doctors in Poland and the Visegrad Charta Czech Republic. As Dr. János Bélteczki, > Quit and leave: If necessary, the “quit and leave” action will be undertaken in all leader of the Hungarian Doctors’s Union, four countries simultaneously. explained: “There is a lot we can learn from the Czechs. They already worked > Work Through Rule (WTR): There are a number of regulations in practice in out strategies for campaigning and pub- our countries that are neglected, due to the need for continuous and uninterrupted lic appearances and can advise us in the treatment procedures, namely that a limited number of patients are financed in deadlocks and the various stages of our specialist care. Had we kept these regulations, our capacity to care for patients would actions.” In October of 2011, the unions be extremely reduced. To be able to create pressure, we suggest applying these regulations in a very minute, organized and complex way. of the four countries established the Visegrad Charta, which sets out basic > The Strike of Doctors principles, including plans for action > Joint Activities in the Legal Field: In case of injustice, we have a better (see Box article). A concrete step in this chance to solve legal problems before the European Union and the European Court. co-operation was the call by Czech and Hungarian unions for solidarity with the

84 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Focus on Health Care REPORTAGE

Slovak doctors during their strike, which issued. Even if there are specialists will- the contrary, five nurses in Poland went meant, in practical terms, a denial of ing to go abroad, the recruitment agen- on a hunger strike in the spring of 2011, help to hospitals affected by the “quit and cies are rather busy finding short-term for example. However, the brain drain leave” campaign. occupations, such as weekend shifts and and uneven movement of health work- The results of the uncompromising locum jobs. ers is slowing down and the prospect stances and actions taken by Visegrad It is important to note that payment of better earnings and work conditions doctors are already reflected in the sta- issues are not fully sorted out and there may potentially keep health specialists tistics. In Poland, wages for doctors in are still worries that the promised im- at home, thereby raising the level of trust the public sphere were raised, in some provements will not be achieved. It also amongst partners – health care employ- cases, by 60%, and the outflow of doc- needs to be stressed that the results still ees, the government and – not the least tors dramatically slowed. During the first don’t cover the whole of the health sector of which – the patients. year after the EU accession, 2800 doctors and that the doctors are a group with sig- left Poland, but by 2010 this number had nificantly better representation. Nurses, The author is a cultural anthropologist writing dropped to 325. By the first half of 2011, assistants and other employees did not her dissertation on post-socialist urban move- less than 150 certificates for leaving were necessarily benefit from the actions. On ments.

85 urban Space and Language

Solemnity and Violence in Central and Eastern European Urban Life

86 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Space and Language urban Photo: Marcin Kamiński Marcin Photo:

The urban code of Central Europe has its own specificity. The experience of rapid and forceful modernization in the last century went hand in hand with a search for language and customs that may surprise Western Europeans. Is it possible to explain this experience through a literary work – namely the Polish urban legend of Zły by Leopold Tyrmand?

Kacper Pobłocki

mongst the unintended consequences of Central and Eastern European accession to the European Union, particularly conspicuous was the invasion of our streets by young Britons, flying over for “stag week- ends” or partying bouts. Locals found their ways truly disagreeable. But their offensive demeanor in public can only be partially attributed to their notorious pub culture – with its slogan of “drinkA ‘till I pass out”. Jan Nowicki, an actor and Polish arbiter elegantiarum, regularly described British tourists as the “new barbarians”, nothing short of hooligans or even plain crimi- nals. Accustomed to a different regime of public space, young Britons simultaneously broke and revealed some of the tacit rules undergirding Central and Eastern European urban life. Partying Britons stood out in the local landscape for at least two reasons: first, whatever pub or bar they went to, they Solemnity and Violence rarely sat down – instead consumed their beverages standing in a tight swarm. In such an arrangement they disrupted the predominant spatial order of the region, comprising human bodies engaged in a conversation while seated and immobile. in Central and Eastern They brought with themselves elements of the uniquely Brit- ish working-class public culture, which differs substantially from the Central European coffeehouse tradition. According to Jürgen Habermas, this tradition became the very linchpin European Urban Life of civic life in continental Europe. Whereas the British working class was made largely in pubs and taverns, as described by E.P. Thompson. First of all, this was due to the fact that

87 uirban Space and Language

these spaces of provided for unfettered political contention and heated, often overheated, debate. Secondly, the zeal, chaos and mob-like atmosphere of pubs triggered a “civilizing” backlash from the working-class aristocracy that coalesced around the teetotal movement. Perhaps because Britain is still the world's only true class society (in the sense that “old-school” class analysis remains congruent with realities in Britain), it is also one of the few countries were the working classes developed a sense of cultural pride and independence, and where the rank-and-file frowned upon elites – rather than looking up to them. Consequently, unlike in Central and Eastern Eu- rope, many Britons feel relatively unencumbered by highbrow “rules” of behavior in public, urban spaces. A similar difference can be observed between the Neth- erlands and Belgium. Sights that terrify Polish urbanites, like street camera footage of a naked foreign tourist strutting on the main square of Wrocław, an event that made headlines some months back, would leave most Dutch people unimpressed. In the Netherlands, a drunken man urinating in the middle of the street is not likely to raise eyebrows. By contrast, Belgium is far more continental in its intolerance of such displays. The key difference here is the absence of the cultural brunt of the nobility. The Netherlands is perhaps Europe's most bourgeois society, culturally established in the “golden” seventeenth century. It was not pressed to marry into the aristocratic house and court culture in order to assume the reigns of modern society. The Dutch also “missed out” on the nineteenth century – when most continental “national cultures” were forged largely out of trickling down highbrow elements, and when, as described by Richard Sennett, the modern city life of Europe germinated. One of the key components of that development was the ush- ering of “silence” into the public realm. In this sense, the “unruly” Britons or “blunt” Dutch (as they often describe themselves) remained pre-modern, and the way they jell together in urban space is similar to the public life of the ancien regime, where it was still in good form to talk, or even shout, during Photo: Marcin Kamiński theater and music performances, where the demarcation line between the active performer and silent and passive audience was very much blurred. Today in the Netherlands, “silent ser- seljačina, primitivizam, and malogradjanstina in the dialects vices” on trains remain silent only in theory, and I have never of the former Yugoslavia, paraszt, tirpák and tahó in Hungar- seen a person admonishing others for not keeping quiet. Final- ian, ţăran and mitocanie in Romanian, goimoba and marily, their disrespect for silence constituted the second feature azhoba in Georgian, hulvát, vidlák and sedlák in the Czech that singled out British tourists from the urban landscape in and Slovak and selianin, seliak and seliandur in Bulgarian. In Central and Eastern Europe. most cases, these terms imply a peasant untutored in “proper” City life in Poland is marked, as the historian Błażej urban life, and have been key in the symbolic violence meted Brzostek put it, by its “solemnity.” A foreign visitor described out toward new post-war urbanites by the elites, often with the antebellum street life in Warsaw thus: it “is not good form gentry background, who established the hierarchical founda- here to whistle or sing in the street. People do not talk on the tions of urban order and public space in the region. tram. Nobody laughs. Nobody is joyful and nobody smiles. In order to understand this process, one needs to turn Even whores strut the streets puffed up as if they were ma- back to the 1950s and 1960s. Leopold Tyrmand captured this triarchs”. Although somehow exaggerated, he captured the formative epoch in his novel The Man with the White Eyes lineaments of the emergent urban order well, when old social (1955) – perhaps Poland's only true piece of urban literature. and class divisions, hitherto anchored in rural life, entered It describes how life in Warsaw was disrupted by a mysterious the urban turf. The key notion describing this development is superhero dubbed Zły. He appeared out of nowhere whenever chamstwo. Coined by the nobility, it used to be the deroga- “normal” law abiding urbanites were troubled by “hooligans”, tory notion reserved for the most destitute of the peasantry. beating villains to pulp. Tyrmand reveled in describing the vi- Today, it has lost its class connotations and describes rude and brant chaos of postwar Warsaw – a “wounded city” largely disrespectful behavior in public space. Of course, Poland is reduced to ashes during World World II. Materially a ghost not alone in this. Vernaculars in the region are replete with of its pre-war equivalent, it was a wholly new beast in social similar terms: khamstvo and selyuk in Ukrainian and Russian, terms. Because most investments during Stalinism went into

88 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Space and Language urban

industry, the urban environment was a feeble structure, un- houette was nondescript; he was neither tall, nor short, wear- able to contain the human crucible of Poland's momentous ing a gray coat. He was, in other words, the oft-mentioned “av- transition from rural to urban life. Tyrmand describes with erage citizen,” whose gaze, amplified by the beatings, became a true brilliance all the quotidian moments when the rules the new disciplining factor in Poland's post-war cities. Today, for the new urban order were established. Warsaw, he wrote, the structural violence underpinning the urban games of de- resembled a giant and overcrowded tram. And when packed meanor and deference are less apparent, and in some cases they like sardines and no longer able to tame their seething anger, have moved from custom and morality to law proper. In a city “people's most important instincts and character traces sur- in Ukraine there was recently a motion to introduce fines for faced,” and they got into fights. The young “hooligans” were those who declined to give their seats on public transit to the the chamstwo who refused to play by the new rules, not only elderly. Contemporary cities are no longer dominated by “hoo- disrespecting the iron principle of seniority (young people ligans”. They are dominated by “average citizens” who share were, and still are, expected to give their seat on public trans- Zły's moral code. We take this regime for granted. And this is port to the elderly), but also occupying seats for the disabled precisely why so much moral indignation has been triggered and telling the indignant passengers off. Or they cut in line. by the British tourists, who are like an uncanny visitor from Or they threw things at by-passers just for the heck of it. In all Poland's past, when the rules of the urban game were not yet these situations, Zły entered the stage, rescued the innocent set in stone, but actually were being negotiated in the millions victims and paid the perpetrators back for their “mindless vio- of daily situations described by Tyrmand, when the urban caul- lence”. dron was still teeming with spontaneous, if unruly, life, that has Zły represents the super-ego of the new, urban society. not yet been confined by a structure. Although he breaks the law by resorting to violence, he is re- vered by the mass media and even by the police. Yet, nobody The author is a Polish sociologist at University of Poznań and a member has ever seen him, except for his piercing, white eyes. His sil- of the editorial board of Polish quarterly Res Publica Nowa.

89 books Discovering Central Europe

Lifting the Fog: Central Europe from the American Perspective

I “wrote” Central European fiction before I read it

90 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

George Blecher

ecause my father But my experience was the excep- Loves of a Blonde (1965), Menzel’s was an immigration tion. If anything at all, most Americans Closely Watched Trains (1967), and lawyer who helped thought of “Central Europe” as a land Kadár’s The Shop on Main Street (1965). World War II refu- of perpetual fog where people walked All were small, understated auteur films, gees come to the around with their coat collars pulled although they were more modest and States, I knew that up to their ears. Czeslaw Milosz’s Cap- self-ironic than the French New Wave Central/Eastern Eu- tive Mind (1953) – the first book to tear (La Nouvelle Vague). Unlike the Hol- rope existed. His of- a rent in the Iron Curtain – reinforced lywood movies that we grew up with, fice was as lively as the steerage of an old that impression. I was too young to get the directors focused on scaled-down, Bsteamship: Orthodox Jews in yarmulkes much out of Milosz’s dense prose and intimate moments, and the acting was and peyes, grannies in babushkas, sultry elegant generalizations, but I remember so “naturalistic” that many of us found women with long legs and tooled eye- his stern face on the book jacket, and the the movies banal. What could Ameri- brows (he brought the Gabor sisters to blurbs that set up an excessively simplis- can audiences grasp, for example, in the the U.S.!) sat thigh to thigh behind a low tic dichotomy between the intellectual petty tensions between the characters wooden railing by the secretarial pool freedom of the West and the stagnation cooped up in the sailboat of Knife in the waiting to be interviewed, comforted and of the East. (It would be decades later Water, except that they were exactly the rescued. that I’d hear Witold Gombrowicz express kind of ungenerous feelings we felt but Some of his clients became his a similar reservation, asking in his Dia- to which we could not admit? And how friends. Without my being aware of it, ries, 1953-88, if Milosz had “made a suf- were we to read a “war” movie like The I got to know a band of Central European ficient effort to extricate himself from the Red and the White, which felt like the survivors – beefy men (and some wom- dialectics that have shackled him.”) antithesis of Hollywood epics – hardly en) with unplaceable accents, many with Anyway, it wasn’t politics or po- any dialogue, no good guys or bad guys, numbers on their arms, whose home was litical theory for which I was longing. characters on camera appearing for the whole planet as they shipped cheap I wanted books and movies that cleared not even long enough to have names plastic toys from Japan to Venezuela, ba- away some of the fog and let me see what (though somehow we got a sense of nanas from Venezuela to the States, steel people behind the Iron Curtain actually their personalities), cruelty so arbitrary and oil from the States to God knows thought and how they behaved. that executioners wandered off-screen where. They were a cheerful bunch. They A trickle of movies started in the with their victims, and we never saw any liked rich food, cigars, strong perfume late 50s and early 60s, increasing in the of them again – yet we came away feel- and sitting around in my parents’ living lead-up to the Prague Spring: Wajda’s ing that what we’d just witnessed was room drinking good Scotch. They all ex- Ashes and Diamonds (1958), Polanski’s exactly what war must be like. uded the survivor’s blend of canniness Knife in the Water (1962), Jancsó’s The In a word, these films seemed more and self-pride. Red and the White (1967), Forman’s grown-up than the ones with which we

91 books Discovering Central Europe

were familiar with. The worlds they cre- So you could say that I “wrote” Cen- worse or better than the present. And ated were based on experience rather tral European fiction before I read it. But yet, in a sense, time was all there was! than fantasy. Ironic, wistful, and even the book that opened doors to the litera- There were no physical descriptions, no world-weary, they embodied the novel ture itself was a collection of the texts in hint of nature as a panacea, no violence idea that complex moral situations could a series of BBC programs by the British or insanity, both of which would imply be more interesting – even more enter- critic A. Alvarez, Under Pressure: The a world of ideals and value judgments. taining – than sentimentality and escap- Writer in Society: Eastern Europe and Kundera’s world – not exactly “Bohemia”, ism. Except for a few young American the U.S.A. (Penguin, 1965). It was the but not exactly not - was a world without filmmakers like John Cassavetes, who kind of book that you see all the time clear norms, where behavior was every- else in the States was thinking like that? nowadays: intellectuals – talking heads thing, and in which the characters lived – taking on the problems of the world. in quiet isolation, trying to create their But these were Central/Eastern Europe- lives as they went along. Tragedy stood an intellectuals! Alvarez had gone there, outside the dome that surrounded them, In 1967, an editor of young adult books nosed around, and spoken to establish- but the poignancy of the stories seemed at Scholastic, one of the biggest U.S. ment writers and dissidents. He could to come from the absence of tragedy; the children’s book publishers, dropped even differentiate between the fog-bound only distant sound was laughter, some- a manuscript in my lap. (I was doing countries: Poland was proud but “trou- times mocking, sometimes genuinely some free-lance editing at the time.) bled,” the most sophisticated but also the amused, most often wistful. “We found this in the slush pile. The most doctrinaire of the states he visited; I make no claim for Kundera catch- translation is rough, and the book needs Hungary was more hedonistic, the gov- ing the zeitgeist of pre-glasnost Central to be divided into chapters. But it has ernment more relaxed and permissive; Europe, or of the difficulties of adjusting something. Can you fix it?” Czechoslovakia was depressed, reserved, to the West after the raising of the Iron I never learned how Jediná (1963), in 1962 (when the interviews were con- Curtain. But if you listen closely, you by the Slovakian writer Klára Jarunková, ducted) the least free, but on the brink can hear in Kundera’s writing echoes of came to be translated or how it ended up of change. Though Alvarez’s conclusions Polanski’s pessimism, Konrád’s compas- in Scholastic’s heap of unsolicited manu- were cautious, and his interviews were sion, Borowski’s sense of the banality of scripts. But someone smart had spotted polite rather than probing (he was deal- evil. For me and many other Westerners, it, and someone else had bought it. In ing with Writers’ Union functionaries), Laughable Loves and Kundera’s books fact, it already had a new title: Don’t Cry Under Pressure served a critical func- that followed seemed both exotic and For Me. tion. In addition to offering a thumbnail oddly familiar. I remember the quality of the man- sketch of each country’s cultural history, uscript paper: crumbling, yellow-brown, it let us know that the people there were smudged almost beyond readability on alive and thinking. cheap carbon paper. It was like finding an Apparently Alvarez was close to the All this happened a long time ago. Nowa- ancient manuscript, a book hidden away American novelist Philip Roth. In the days tourists fill the streets of Prague and for centuries. Thrilling! I set to work. By early 70s Roth became General Editor of rave about the Gellért Hotel in Budapest today’s translation standards, I may have a series called Writers from the Other Eu- or Kraków’s Baroque architecture. But manhandled the book, trying to make rope, also from Penguin Books. Now the I have the feeling that we know less about every sentence chime – because I loved floodgates really opened. If not exactly a these places than we did when the flurry it and wanted everyone else to. Not only flood, the series made available a steady of books and films made its way to us had Jarunková created a believable cen- stream of important Central/Eastern past the censors forty years ago. Due to tral character – a spirited, self-possessed, European voices that lasted more than a the shrinking of the publishing industry, sometimes self-righteous teenager – but decade: Andrzejewski, Borowski, Hrabal, changing fashions, and the loss of a uni- she’d also caught the sounds and smells Klíma, Konrád, Schultz, Kiš, Konwicki, versalist attitude that the best of Western of the Bratislava apartment block where Csáth – and, most significantly, Milan thinkers prided themselves on having, Olinka lived, the easy intimacy between Kundera. we hardly get any books and films from neighbors, the competition between Kundera’s first book in the series Central Europe anymore. The mono- classmates trying to move up the ladder was a collection of stories - Laughable chromatic fog may have lifted, but the in a rigid system. For a “children’s book,” Loves (1974),. For me it was a revelation. tourist hype that has replaced it is just it was incredibly bold. It touched on di- The sensibility behind the stories was as opaque. If anything, Kundera’s vision vorce, suicide, rape, child neglect—but cool but not cold, aloof but tender; rath- seems to have extended westward. Be- never in capital letters, merely as part er than landing squarely on a subject, it neath the blare of our electronic noise- of the experiences that an alert teen- seemed to hover around it. The narra- makers, we all seem to be living in quiet ager might observe. I especially liked a tor was omniscient – but a most curious isolation. straight-talking family friend who took kind of omniscience, a voice that mocked what must have been amphetamines itself and the very possibility of being The author is an American writer, translator and whenever she got depressed: “I do my omniscient. critic. best to make my life as pleasant as pos- If not exactly out of time, Kundera’s sible,” she said. What character in an characters existed in a time with invisible American children’s book would dare to horizons. The past was largely meaning- be that frank! less, and the future promised to be no

92 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika books Discovering Central Europe

Had I Not Treated Life, I Could Not Have Spoken About the Destruction An interview with the poet The book you are working on began with your translation of and translator Jizchak Katezenelson’s poem, “Song of the Murdered Jewish People”. What were the circumstances in which Katzenel- Zoltán Halasi son wrote this poem? Katzenelson was a professor and poet from Łódź, and he spent most of his adult life writing plays and occasionally po- interview conducted by MÁTÉ Zombory ems. His works were published in Hebrew. He was a Zionist and convinced socialist, but he was also familiar with reli- gious culture, as he taught Bible classes in the school where he encounter with Jizchak Katzenelson’s fa- he worked. Interestingly, or perhaps we should say tragically, mous poem “Song of the Murdered Jewish in 1939, after the Germans invaded his country, this school People” proved to be decisive for Zoltán Halasi. became the headquarters of the Gestapo. From this point for- After translating the poem into Hungarian, he ward, Katzenelson had to stay in hiding. He went to Warsaw, continued his work in the form of research and where 400-500 000 Jews were living in the ghetto. He started is currently striving to recover and capture the to write more and more poems, increasingly (and at last only) East-European world of the Yiddish language, in Yiddish. He thereby changed his poetic language. The ver- which was destroyed during WWII. In this naculars of the Warsaw ghetto were Polish and Yiddish. So conversation, we talked about his research, which will materi- Katzenelson, after having written his poems, read them to alizeT in his book Footnote. those who lived in the ghetto. During the years he spent there,

94 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

In this respect, you have to keep in mind where and when the poem was written, in the midst of genocide. So when he testifies about what is going on, it amounts to a political message transgressing the limits of literature. Exactly. While I was writing my book, it occurred to me that almost wherever Nazism threatened the Jews, their very first reaction was that they had to document what was happening. Even if they would not survive, the documents should testify. he lost his family and relatives, except for his elder son. In How did Katzenelson’s poem survive? a condensed form, he lived through all the events that were He made several copies. One was smuggled into Palestine in witnessed by Polish Jewry. Those events that he did not expe- the handle of a suitcase by one of his colleagues, who was ex- rience himself, he at least heard about, since he was a member changed for a German prisoner. Another copy, in a bottle, was of the group of intellectuals that had tasked itself with gather- buried by the trunk of a tree and later recovered by a friend ing and maintaining a historical record. In short, Katzenelson who survived. This is why it could be published in Paris in knew a great deal. Some parts of his poem are astonishing. It April of 1945, even before the war ended. seems unusual that he was able to gather this vast amount of knowledge about events in Poland from within a seemingly The book you are working on bears the title Footnote. How isolated environment. does it relate to Katzenelson and his poem? Initially, as I used to do in other cases of translating, I wanted Gathering this knowledge had a specific purpose for him, to write an essay about the author and the circumstances in since he was aided in escaping from the ghetto in order to which the poem was written. Pushing deeper into the subject, testify about what was transpiring. I found myself overwhelmed by the reality that was before me – not only the murder of people but the annihilation of a Exactly, his friends sent him from the ghetto to the out- whole culture. And it was this non-existent culture that con- er world, so that he, as a literate person, could testify to the tinued to capture my attention and efforts. I felt that writing situation. At last, he left Warsaw and was taken to northern once more about how the people were killed would amount France with a Honduran passport, where he was put in a so- to another act of murder. Instead, against the intentions of called transit camp in July of 1943. In this camp, prisoners the murderers, I set out to bear witness to what has been lost. were held for a potential swap. There, in Vittel, he desperately wanted to write about what had happened. At the beginning, What characteristics of Jewish culture are we talking about? he couldn’t work due to fatigue and the monstrous humilia- Besides orthodox and traditional Jewish culture, there was tions of his circumstances. Moreover, he felt that he did not a robust, modern secular Jewish culture, which, because it possess the words to express what he had seen. It was during was polyglottal, was open to the whole world. By the begin- the fall, while deportation was looming, that he began to write ning of the 20th century, this culture was about to create in- the poem in which he wanted to tell everything. He finished it stitutions, just like other European nations had been striving in January of 1944. Soon after, in March, he was deported and to do earlier. The particularity of this culture is that it was not murdered at Auschwitz. confined to one country. It did not have a country as such. The The poem consists of 15 verses, and is quite varied for world of the Yiddish language, broadly speaking, comprised its genre. It starts out as a traditional song with minor modi- of territories from Moscow to Berlin: there were newspapers fications and then changes into "a news chronicle song". published in Yiddish in both cities. But being more precise, it This latter form is an ancient genre used to publically nar- was a population living in small towns, from Belarus to Cen- rate events. Katzenelson could not know how the war would tral Poland, and from Riga to Odessa. end. He wrote on behalf of the exterminated Jewish people, for the Jewry living overseas and in Palestine, and humankind Your presentation of this world is highly unusual. at large. There are also dramatic elements in the poem, when As I said, when I began to understand what had been lost, for example, he describes the death of Adam Czerniaków, the I knew that I had to render it visibly. But the question was leader of the Warsaw ghetto. how it ought to be done? I’m not a historian, nor am I a novelist. I therefore wanted to provide some kind of intellectual The poem also employs the non-literary form of testimony. approach, because culture, which is a conscious reflection on With incredible precision, Katzenelson describes what hap- the world, cannot be depicted in a naïve or fairytale-like man- pened to him and to the others around him in the Warsaw ner. In this spirit, I decided to select some segments of the ghetto. culture in question. I was surprised by the richness of the edu- Sometimes you can feel that the lines are staggering because cational system, the plethora of schools and intellectual cur- of the pain, though not in the bad sense. They reflect the po- rents, which often complemented or sometimes overlapped et’s trepidation. each other. Because I did not want to repeat myself, I had to

95 books Discovering Central Europe invent a different form for each segment. In each case, a real Privatisation person represents a selected part of the Yiddish world. For example, an employee of the Synagogue informs the parent and the End of a child, new to the town, about the Jewish educational sys- of Solidarity. tem, while the architectural values of the wooden synagogues are highlighted by a contemporary art historian, in the form Czech of a written request for monument preservation. This means Literature that my account is not retrospective. Therefore, my work does not contain what subsequently occurred. Had I not treated Trying to life, I could not have spoken about the destruction. Define its By depicting the Yiddish world through real people and cul- New Role in tural forms, your work approaches documentation. Yet it remains fiction, given that this request was never actually Society written, and also your account of the research on starvation in the ghetto is your invention. Jan Němec This genre is usually called documentary fiction. The people, the context, and the forms are real, but the narration is ficti- tious. There was indeed research conducted in the ghetto on he two decades of mass starvation, in a situation when isolated masses were ex- Czech literature that posed to the consequences of the lack of food for a very long followed the regime time. Of course, I did commit transgressions with regard to change should not historical facts. For example, a guide on the Warsaw ghetto be dated mechani- could not have been written in 1939. It was a shameful area, cally. We can con- inhabited by poor people. sider the publication of Long Distance In- I have the impression that in this way you avoid the domi- terrogation (Dálkový nant form of depicting the past, according to which nothing výslech) – a book in should be forgotten, and everything must be preserved. Am which the journalist I right in saying that these artistic decisions made it pos- Karel Hvížďala inter- sible for you to not only preserve but also elaborate on the views Václav Havel – as the meaningful be- material in question? ginning of this period. The book came out Absolutely. Writing is preceded by a much longer process, Tin December of 1989, shortly before Havel during which I reflect upon historical material. The final became President of Czechoslovakia. And outcome only comprises 5 percent of the material gathered. we could date its end to November of 2011, However, what I do is related to Katzenelson and his poem. when the poet Ivan Martin Jirous, legend To express this in the language of the theater, I would say that of the Czech underground, died. His death I provide an illumination, which opens up the space for the marks the end of the rising tide of Czech poem. I provide a background text. literature. The early 1990s were defined by the Katzenelson’s poem does not remain within the confines repayment of debts. Literature, which of literature. Do you think that your work is also somehow had been divided into three streams – of- political? ficial, exile and samizdat –, once again For me, writing is solving a series of aesthetic problems. became a unified body of Czech litera- For example, I was wondering if I could use eloquent language ture, and was able to re-establish contact in the dialogue between the rebels of the Warsaw ghetto. Pa- with other national literatures by means thos, this idealistic voice was inherent in the period, but it has of translations of previously banned au- been doomed by history. However, it is also true that I write thors. Perhaps symptomatic, the first this book against the culture of violence and the romantic vi- freely published book was Long Distance sion of history, which is still with us, and according to which Interrogation, whereas the title that was the individual owes absolute loyalty to the community, a loy- published in the highest quantity (about alty that is always defined and manipulated by its leaders. half a million copies) was the decades-de- Translated by Balázs Berkovits layed reprint of Talks With T.G. Masaryk (Hovory s TGM), where the writer Karel Zoltán Halasi, born in 1954 in Budapest, is a poet and translator. He Čapek conversed with the first Presi- has published three books of poems and one volume of essays. He has dent of Czechoslovakia. It’s additionally translated poetry, prose and drama, including works by Goethe, Kafka, symptomatic that the book was lying on Canetti, Jelinek, Różewicz, Szymborska and Venclova. His poetry was bookshop shelves for a long time and was awarded the Attila Jozsef prize, and his translations have been honored later offered at a highly discounted price. with the Hieronymus prize. Those days could be captured with a single word – chaos.

96 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

literature has lost its political and social accent because there is currently a cadre of professional, democratically elected politicians

But I don’t intend to remain at the tration in Zábrana, the two diaries have “The normalisation story of Kvido’s cute level of general history here. I’d rather like also become exemplary because they deal family arrives in a time when the attitude to try and select a few personalities from with two substantial experiences of Czech to literature changes radically. After two the two decades that have just ended. The authors of the second half of the 20th cen- years of the post-revolution euphoria when selection is partially personal – it reflects tury. Zábrana’s diary suggestively captures both readers and critics were passionately how I’ve been “reading” the post-commu- the existential situation of a banned man of discovering the ‘hidden face of Czech litera- nist period. letters (after 1968, Zábrana could only pub- ture,’ the enthusiasm cools and the interest lish translations). Ivan Diviš fled to West in the work of forbidden authors tails off This Has Been My Life Germany in 1969, where he worked as an fast.” In other words, let the old shabby lions In my bookcase, only two books have wide editor of Radio Free Europe. His Theory of return to their cages, because there’s a new enough spines to accommodate a portrait Reliability therefore captures the destiny of male in the arena. photo. The Czech poet Ivan Diviš (1924- a Czech writer in exile. Michal Viewegh’s star soon broke in 1999) is on one, and the writer and transla- two. While the interest of readers grew, tor Jan Zábrana (1931-1984) is on the other. Able to Earn a Living critics were no longer impressed. In the Their diaries attracted a lot of attention in If the new order in Czech literature could Czech literary environment, Viewegh has the first half of the 1990s. In 1992, the Book be given a single face, it would be that of become the prototype for an author who is of the Year in the Lidové noviny survey was Michal Viewegh (1962). The transforma- able to earn a living, but disdained because An Entire Life (Celý život) by Jan Zábrana, tions of that face are as follows. In the early he has turned into a mere craftsman. The and two years later the award went to The 1990s, the greasy complexion was framed dramatic tone with which the reviewers re- Theory of Reliability (Teorie spolehlivosti) with a waterfall of small black curls (in turn to this theme with every new book by by Ivan Diviš. those days, even Jaromír Jágr had a perm). this author, may perhaps demonstrate only Zábrana‘s and Diviš’s diaries opened At present, Michal Viewegh is a good-look- one thing: that a book is still not viewed as the flood-gates of authenticity in Czech ing metrosexual – after all, as the best-sell- mere goods. literature, which had been closed for four ing Czech author of the past two decades, decades by Communism. We could say that he has to look after his image. In Another Orbit diaries, memoirs and other biographical Michal Viewegh is somebody com- Some time ago, I was sending some edito- texts were dominant during the first decade pletely different from the aforementioned rial material to Milan Kundera. It included of freedom. Their strong sense of subjectiv- poets. The only thing they have in common one book: The Unbearable Lightness of ity and accentuated authenticity formed the is that he is also a child of his time. In 1992, Being. In the Czech Republic, it was only opposite pole or complement to the collec- he achieved a great success with his novel published in 2006, twenty years after its tive reflections of the past, which were The Blissful Years of Lousy Living (Báječná original appearance in France. I enclosed gathered in the press. They played an irre- léta pod psa). The contradiction in the title a short note for the author, asking him not placeable role in the post-revolution anam- refers to the years of “normalisation” (re- to bother with a dedication. But I couldn’t nesis, when the soul of the nation was rec- gime consolidation after the Soviet inva- help to add that instead I would appreciate ollecting memories that had been ousted sion in 1968), which, for the main character, if he could tell me his three favourite words. from the past. At the same time, these two were also the years of his childhood. They He didn’t unveil them to me. I didn’t expect diaries made it clear, right in the beginning, were filled with joyful blitheness, but also anything else. It’s well known that he’s dili- that biographic literature has its limits. of his first conflicts with Communist real- gently guarding his words. They can turn into an egotism of distorted ity. His combination of humour, irony and When The Unbearable Lightness of judgments, and their suggestiveness doesn’t hyperbole earned him critical acclaim and Being was published here, it was a liter- necessarily relate to morality directly. appealed to readers. In an essay dedicated ary event. The press was full of headlines Apart from their general appeal, to the author in the monthly Host (3/2011), like “The Unbearable Lightness of Literary a volcanic urgency in Diviš and a life frus- Miroslav Balaštík puts it the following way: Construction,” “Un(bearable) Disputes over

97 books Discovering Central Europe

author is no longer the nation’s conscience, nor its spokesperson

Kundera”, or also “Kundera Disappeared in Emil Hakl (Of Parents and Kids [O rodičích has changed over the last two decades. The a Flash” (that is, from bookshops). a dětech], Rules of Funny Behaviour [Prav- most significant change is certainly the loss In the post-communist period, Kun- idla směšného chování]), Martin Ryšavý of the social prestige of the field and conse- dera has held the exclusive position of the (Travels in Siberia [Cesty na Sibiř], Vrach quently of authors. The author is no longer only world-famous author of Czech de- [Vrač]), Radka Denemarková (Money from the nation’s conscience, nor its spokesper- scent. He both has and hasn’t been part of Hitler [Peníze od Hitlera], Kobold). son. What I described as the accentuating the local literary environment. But his po- A week after Jan Balabán’s unexpected of an individual life path or literary career sition at home has been no bed of roses. passing, his funeral took place in a Luther- can be systematically labelled as a conse- In October 2008, Adam Hradílek caused an church in Ostrava. Jan Balabán was one quence of the privatisation of literature. a great uproar in an article in the weekly of the few truly noticeable Czech writers Pavel Janáček, head of the Institute for Respekt, where the author deduced from who often made himself heard in the pub- Czech Literature at the Czech Academy of a single police document that in 1950, Kun- lic sphere, but nobody bothered to attend Sciences even recalls, in an interview for dera denounced one Miroslav Dvořáček, the service. I didn’t see any other writer, Host (3/2011), that in the liberalism frenzy who subsequently spent 14 years in a Com- except for Balabán’s friends from Ostrava. of the 1990s, a metaphor appeared suggest- munist gulag. Nevertheless, long before Not a soul from the weekly Respekt, where ing that literature was something like gar- that Kundera had committed an offence in Balabán was a regular contributor until his dening – a private hobby which deserves the eyes of part of our cultural community death. no support from the State and which, seen by departing from the orbit dedicated for I’m afraid that this observation is from the other side, has no relation to soci- Czech writers and moving from a different symptomatic in some way. The Czech liter- ety as a whole. sphere, from which he, moreover, refused ary field of the first decade of the st21 centu- I suppose it all depends on the point to return after the regime changed. He re- ry is lacking in solidarity, it is broken up and of departure. For some, the changes of the planted himself from Czech soil to the Eu- disintegrated – like a document opened in past two decades are first of all a restora- ropean substrate, both physically and philo- the wrong format. In comparison with the tion of normal relations. Literature has sophically. days of the dissent, but also with the early lost its political and social accent because 1990s, there’s a huge difference in the extent there is currently a cadre of professional, Death of an Author to which literature is understood as a com- democratically elected politicians, as well and the End of Solidarity mon effort. Today’s authors are drawn as space for public discussion. In this sense, Jan Balabán (1961-2010) was perhaps the closer to the metaphor of the individual life the only thing that has happened is that most acclaimed Czech author of the first path, if not literary career, and perhaps the literature got rid of the functions that had decade of this century. His texts are com- only time when this path intersects with the been unnaturally grafted onto it, and it can pact and sad. After he unexpectedly passed paths of others is when handing over the therefore return to its original vocation. away at the end of the decade, interest in keys of residential apartments or at award The question remains whether contempo- his work has grown. Balabán represents ceremonies. rary literature will now have to grapple, in the most important stream in Czech litera- an equally sophisticated manner, with the ture, i.e. – in simple terms – contemporary The Privatisation world of economics as it previously did authors. It should be said that the post- of Literature with politics. Here, too, it’s necessary to communist period has produced a lot of I have mentioned several very different au- make choices between fundamental alter- interesting names and works. To name just thors who in some way or other represent natives which are irreconcilable in a long a few: Jáchym Topol (City Sister Silver [Ses- different modes of literature from the past term and these decisions have to be taken tra], Chilly Land [Chladnou zemí]), Petra two decades. However, literature is not on a daily basis. Hůlová (In Memory of My Grandmother just about authors. Instead, a closer analy- Translated from Czech by David Klimánek [Paměť mojí babičce], Plastic Three-Bed- sis of the literary field and its institutions room Apartment [Umělohmotný třípokoj]), would show how the position of authors The author is a Czech writer and critic.

98 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

Shock Literature: the creative approach of a younger New Freedoms generation - shock and resistance on the Slovak Literary Scene

Katarína Kucbelová

have a friend who used to than those concerning everyday life. We nineties were also connected with previ- work as a social worker. Her experienced Mečiarism and the risk of in- ous dissenters, especially Martin Šimečka job consisted in preparing ternational isolation at the moment when and Oleg Pastier. With the progressive at- released convicts for their our neighbors were about to join the EU. tempts to limit human rights after the dis- return to society. Once she The voluntary sector emerged, but the cul- solution of Czechoslovakia, which were was assigned an inmate who ture became commercialized. Independent related to the arrival of Mečiarism, the had spent nearly twenty media appeared, but we were taken aback expectation started to fade out. Viliko- years behind bars because of by their progressive tabloidization. The vský's works, written in the seventies and a murder committed in 1989. book as an article of commerce. Organized eighties, were published in 1989. Tatarka's Integrating this man into crime. The death of the author. A new mil- work was completed in 1989, because of ordinary life amounted to lennium. Big Brother. the author's demise, and the publication something like going through of his books was dragged out by copyright a sci-fi story with an obscure denouement. Illusions Concerning Dissent disputes. We lost Rudo Sloboda in the The convict was supposed to enter a free For two decades, we have constantly cre- nineties, and in the subsequent decade we society,I facing democracy instead of social- ated the illusion that our society has lost Šikula, Hrúza, Johanides and Laučík. ism, a developed private sphere, commer- achieved something. It has joined the Most disappeared too early. These sober- cial competition, individualism and the West. Europe. It has come from some- ing experiences were also marked by the possibility of travelling to most European where. That place was isolated. Any freed fact that some writers who had been able countries without a passport. In addition, convict must first admit that nobody is ac- to save their face in socialism didn't really a job had to be sought out and there was tually expecting his release, and that other master the period of Mečiarism, accom- a high risk of never actually finding one. people feel rather uneasy about his arrival. panied by nationalist moods and social The list goes on: civil society, free elections, Regardless of whether he was rightfully conflicts emerging after the dissolution of supermarkets, consumerism, palaces of convicted or not, his experience is untrans- Czechoslovakia. The difference between commerce, ATMs, credit cards, dozens ferable. In Kertézs's Fateless, we read some- the Czech Republic and Slovakia also be- of banks and insurance companies, mort- thing about the disillusionment ensuing came apparent in literature. The illusion of gages, omnipresent advertisement, blatant the return from a concentration camp. In Slovak dissent was unmasked – compared social discrepancies, information society, a sense, something of this kind also hap- to Czech dissent, it barely existed. The situ- computers, cell phones, internet, social pened in Slovakia and other post-socialist ation in Slovakia was paradoxically similar networks, internet banking, GPS, multiple countries, in their cultures and literatures. to Hungary. As explained by the writer Pé- TV channels, technical innovations and an Two different expectations were present ter Esterházy, the fact that socialism also overwhelming supply of seemingly neces- in Slovakia just after the change; the first involved certain islands of freedom result- sary gadgets. Virtual reality. Globalization. one concerned publishing suppressed au- ed in a society that coped with the period A different country to live in. The city in thors and un-official literature, the other in question in a terribly complicated way. which the convict had lived wasn't any one was related to the acceptance of litera- No clear dividing lines could be traced. But longer its capital. What's more, his country ture coming from abroad. In both cases, who could recognize this in the period of had joined the European Union, a com- we have fallen short of these expectations. Mečiarism, when the media were infested munity based on very complicated rules of The early nineties were still under the sign with extremist appeals, such as "Tanks on- partnership. A different currency, different of the older generation: Tatarka, Sloboda, ward to Budapest"? Underground culture goods. Lots of goods. Vilikovský, Kadlečík, Mitana, Dušek, Hrúz, was practically non-existent in Slovakia, Slovak society, which had been set Johanides, Moravčík, Šikula and Blažková. and the grey zone usually represented the free somewhat earlier, could cope with And there were the lone runners: Štrpka, unofficial scene. The importance of these the changes gradually. On the other hand, Repka, Laučík and Ján Buzássy. The Trnava authors rarely extends beyond the bounda- these changes were much more numerous group. Beside the old generation, the early ries of Central and Eastern Europe. But

99 books Discovering Central Europe

some writers who had been able to save their face in socialism didn't really master the period of Mečiarism

literature can often surprise us in unex- Daniela Kapitáňová and many others are to find their generational critic in Jaroslav pected places, especially when it deviates accurately labeled as the products of this Šrank who, by his research into the works from standards. In this context, the writer tendency. The stories by Pavol Rankov or of these authors, was able to reevaluate the Ján Rozner’s book Seven days till the bur- Tomáš Horváth could easily take place outcomes of that time's criticism. Peter ial, published posthumously nearly twenty elsewhere or nowhere for that matter. The Macsovsky preferred to leave the country. years after November ‘89, appeared rather authors who asserted themselves in the With his new novel Shaking the Skeletons, unexpectedly. In this book – describing the nineties manifest a distance from real life his return attracted a great deal of attention seven days between the death and burial of facts, which would otherwise force them and is symptomatic of the tendencies of the Rozner's wife, the translator Zora Jesenská to define the movements within their so- new millennium. – Slovak literature partially expressed its ciety. The young generation wasn't moti- reaction to the régime, a reaction that had vated enough to face these challenges and Return of Lost Sons and been brewing for several years. lacked self-confidence in this respect. Its Daughters? creative approach displayed shock and re- The return home was somewhat gradual, Young Authors are Leaving sistance. The reviewers, expecting the ar- and it didn't take a direct course: Peter Bílý The literary interpretation of the nineties rival of something that was coming rather by way of Spain, Michal Hvorecký through belonged to Peter Pišťanek. His trilogy Riv- slowly, were cold in their reaction. Essays Iceland, Germany and beyond, Svetlana ers of Babylon succeeded in parodying, or titles such as Commentaries on the prosaic Žuchová in Austria, through France and simplifying in a suitable way, the core of (de)generation or P(r)oses after 1989 are Slovenia in the short stories and the novel the decade. The work was a takeoff that indicative of the atmosphere. Critics of po- of Ivana Dobrakovová, and finally through was, within the frame of its genre, based on etry and prose refused to play the younger Africa in Marek Vadas’s short stories. The the milieu we inhabited. With his tone and generation's games. In prose, the short sto- prose of the new millennium has begun to story-telling skills, Pišťanek was able to ry was dominant. Secondhand Bookshop, explore the real world and certain risk tak- loosen the tensions, fears and frustrations a collection of short stories by Tomáš Hor- ers have even dared to venture back to their of those times. After the success of the tril- váth, epitomized this tendency in its self- home country. At present, novels overshad- ogy's first volume, most exponents of the indulgent play with the works of the world ow short stories. Márius Kopcsay, Monika upcoming generation of writers had re- literary canon. The direction taken by po- Kompaníková, Jaroslav Rumpli, Víťo Stavi- course to the strategy of avoiding anything etry was captured in the project Generator arsky, Veronika Šikulová, Jana Beňová (and, that might concern the hardly understand- X, undertaken by a group of authors who of course, Balla, Peter Macsovsky, Pavol able present. In fact, the young genera- debuted in the nineties with the publish- Rankov, Marek Vadas, Ivana Dobrakovová, tion actually used their work to leave the ing house Drewo a srd. This initiative was Svetlana Žuchová) are the most prominent country – if only on paper. Perhaps it was a generational rejection of authorship and figures in the younger generations of con- simply a manifestation of shock, or it was the lyric subject, through work which was temporary Slovak literature. Their stories the only possible way to write under the both collective and anonymous. In their are overtly situated in places such as Nové pressures of the time. The newly-discov- respective collections, Peter Macsovsky, Zámky, Levice, Petržalka, Prešov, Košice, ered postmodern discourse and the abo- Peter Šulej, Michal Habaj, Nora Ružičková and even a workers colony in Bratislava lition of standard oppositions, the delight and Martin Solotruk attacked traditional in Monika Kompaníková's The Fifth Ship. in creating text, the death of the author, interpretation, proceeding in a way that With these new developments at hand, we deconstruction, desemantization, inter- had previously been seen only once in Slo- can begin to read the literature of the nine- textuality, intratextuality, mystification and vak literature in connection with the debut ties in new ways. inauthenticity all proved to be convenient of the generation of lone runners of the Translated from Slovak by Marek Sečkař instruments for the upcoming generation. sixties, authors who were almost imme- Václav Pankovčín, Vladimír Balla, Tomáš diately banned. In contrast with the prose The author is a Slovak poet, writer and critic. Or- Horváth, Pavol Rankov, Marek Vadas, writers, the poets of the nineties were able ganizer of the Anasoft Litera book prize

100 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

Homogeneous Diversity: The Mirror of writing in Hungary is never independent Social Change from social-political circumstances – Hungarian Literature After 1989

Orsolya Karafiáth

lichéd as it das’s Book of Memories were published. for some added direct public or political may sound, As the literary historian József Takáts content in it. Now a collection of poems the literature claimed, the two books “summarized may interest 1000 readers, but is printed of the post- and put a closure on a prose era in Hun- in 500 copies. You can draw the conclu- communist gary which had begun in the mid sev- sion that the value of literature has de- countries enties… The post-1986 prose cannot be flated, but on the other hand you can cannot be characterized either as self-reflecting, consider it as being in its proper place, understood or as reality-depicting, or as seeking more or less, and those who read it are in depth some sort of final truth; rather than actually really interested in literature.” without that, it was creating adjacently existing scrutinizing worlds.” After the regime change, as it Desk Drawers, their history lost its social and public significance, Short Stories, prior to the regime change. As such an literature was increasingly marginal- and Post-modernism analysis would go beyond the limited aims ized. To borrow from the critic Szabolcs – The Nineties ofC this essay, I would like to briefly intro- Szekeres: “In the shade of post-modern After 1989, everyone (readers and crit- duce the topic by way of two essential literary theories, the traditionally rep- ics alike) expected that some secret terms: dependency and independence. resentative missionary-task of centered masterpieces would appear. But as For centuries, Hungary was oppressed by Hungarian literature was pulled into the László Márton aptly remarked: “Follow- different great powers (the Turks, Hab- background. Writers no longer take on ing the regime change it turned out that sburgs and Soviets), and literature was public roles; nation-related concerns there had been no hidden masterpieces the only bearer of the ideal of freedom. and issues are no longer brought up in the previous regime. As of 1990, no This was no different during the decades as prominent topics. The texts do not such masterpiece has been published of the Socialist regime. Free speech faced speak for us and on our behalf, but sim- that the previous system had not wished censorship and therefore literature natu- ply to us. Since writers do not perform to publish. There may have been sup- rally engaged in politics and raised taboo any public roles any longer, or if so, just pressed writers, but there were no sup- topics. Indeed, the entire address of the in very limited ways, socio-graphic writ- pressed writings. And the same goes for literary work was a concealed, often cryp- ing about for example social injustice, literature of exile. Győző Határ’s work tic, artistic expression – forcing readers becomes weightless and insignificant.” was introduced, Márai was rediscov- to read between the lines. In this period, What’s more, interest in traditional lit- ered, but no extremely great thing has writers and works demonstrated against erary genres declined radically (a trend been brought from there.” Obviously, the system, which explains the fact that which continues). Whereas the previ- the desk drawers were not empty. The a great number of people participating ous regime could boast about (often regime change brought some officially in the regime change emerged from the artificially inflated) immense print runs, unacknowledged life-works to light. For world of literature. literary works published now cannot example the writings of Katalin Kemény, In point of fact, it would be cor- achieve even a fraction of previous sales the wife of Béla Hamvas, as well as the rect to say that the regime change in volumes. As the critic Csaba Károlyi books by cross-border authors or the literature preceded 1989. In Hungarian pointed out at a round table discus- complete works of underground culture prose, the great turning point could be sion on “Regime change and literature” representatives and the Neo-Avant- detected in the second half of the eight- in 2002: “The fact that poetry volumes Garde – the latter manifested not only ies, and some literary critics go so far as were printed in 2-3 hundred thousand in textual forms but also in performanc- to date the shift to a single year - 1986. copies did not mean that people loved es and happenings, for example those This was the year when Péter Esterházy’s it and wanted poetry for breakfast. It by Miklós Erdélyi or Tibor Hajas. “As if Introduction to Literature and Péter Ná- merely meant that they were seeking the new Hungarian literature came for-

101 books Discovering Central Europe

Nothing Happened – But it Will! Waiting for a Breakthrough in Polish Literature

Konrad C. Kęder ward from Péter Esterházy’s cloak.” Al- doesn't feature on this list is that Fate- aying that though Sándor Mészáros’s observation less was originally published in 1975. nothing has is arguable, it is indeed an important Finally, without accounting for happened in pre-figuration. In the mid-nineties, long everything, I have to mention other au- Polish litera- narratives were superseded by shorter thors and works of indisputable signifi- ture for the stories. Taken from a post-modern cance. Here I am thinking of Lajos Parti last twenty point of view, homogeneous narration Nagy, Krisztina Tóth Zsuzsa Rakovszky, years would became fragmented. This also brought László Krasznahorkai, Ádám Nádasdy, obviously be about the prominence of language-con- János Térey, János Háy, Sándor Tar, Ottó an exaggera- structed subjects. In a rather simplified Orbán and Imre Oravecz. I really could tion. Never- way, the character and nature of the text go on, but I suppose this draws a pretty theless, I am assumed the role of the story itself. The clear picture of how diverse and far- inclined to greatly influential prose-writers of this reaching Hungarian literature has been propose this risky thesis. Nothing has era, among many others, include: László since the regime change. And of course, occurred in Polish literature since 1990 Garaczi, István Kemény, László Már- if it had not been for the regime change, S– at least, in some sense. Obviously, the ton, Ottó Tolnai, Endre Kukorelly, Gá- the great “regime changing books” significance and number of “events” in bor Németh and Ferenc Szijj. Needless would not have been born, like Revised question is dependent on what we place to say, there is an ongoing important Edition by Péter Esterházy or the so- under the heading of “literature”. As the critical debate regarding the writings called father-books (including Captivity field of literature may be defined in sev- published in the nineties, and it can be by Spiró or the relevant books by Pé- eral ways, it is impossible to speak from easily ascertained that their basic charter Lengyel, Géza Bereményi and Péter one privileged perspective (unless we acteristic is fragmentation. “As I see it,” Nádas), whose central motive is facing merely intend to give voice to individual said László Márton, “the post-modern is the past. Literary historians more or whims). We may, for instance, evaluate some kind of current state of the world; less agree that the regime change (and Polish literature as represented in mass the depressive synthesis of apocalypse, the previous political system) provides media criticism (publications concern- catastrophe and deviant averageness. ample material for literature. This is also ing books and writers) or the opinions Not too appealing a concept, but still, a social question, as has been suggested passed by literary critics in academic this is the only one I find credible.” at the beginning of this article. Writing circles. Then again, we may try to define in Hungary is never actually independ- its significance against the backdrop of Back to the Story ent from topical social-political circum- global trends in the literary industry or At the end of the nineties, another pow- stances. seek out signs and references suggest- erful tendency set in motion, namely Translated by Metta Karafiáth ing continuity with the Polish literary a return to the “traditional” prose writ- tradition. And although literature can be ing. Storylines with the traditional nar- The author is a Hungarian writer, poet and pub- placed in the warehouse of popular cul- ration are once again the main focus, licist. ture, we also have before us the choice and there is a noticeable aspiration for to treat literature as art – an activity some kind of greater form, a grandiose that presupposes the capacity of litera- or epic structure. The authors in ques- ture to transcend its own limits – which tion have been translated into many lan- is, frankly speaking, the definition I am guages, achieving worldwide success: most inclined to support. So as to avoid László Darvasi, György Spiró, Attila being misunderstood, my exaggerated Bartis, Pál Závada and György Drago- claim - that nothing has happened - is mán. The only reason why Imre Kertész an attempt to foreclose attempts at dis-

102 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

we are late moderns – late on arrival

cussing what has happened over the past are used as pretexts for telling the public Instead of the young and competent twenty years in Polish literature. If we that something is “brand new”. In which hands, which were supposed to emerge treat this literature as art, then we may case, a writer can attract undue attention out of nowhere as was postulated at the say that there has not been any event that by merely flirting with new ephemera. beginning of the 90s, individuals who hasn’t been seen before, and yet there has But this kind of publicity is short-lived, had already terminally existed on the lit- been, all the same, a flood of seemingly and it was precisely these minor events erary scene gradually entered the stage. original and insistently advertised novel- that dominated Polish literature after This generally refers to the writers of the ties. After all, we are late moderns – late 1990. 50s and 60s. Jerzy Pilch definitely turned on arrival. But already by the mid-90s, the out to be the most famous of this group, theory suggesting that the geopolitical but if we treat literature as art, then poets Celebrities changes of the late-80s would give rise such as Marek K. E. Baczewski, Miłosz of a Slightly Lower Rank to an equally momentous artistic break- Biedrzycki, Cezary Domarus, Darek Literature is no longer an activity that through, as certain outlets of the Polish Foks, Andrzej Sosnowski and Grzegorz shows the way by opening horizons to media and circles of literary criticism Wróblewski, poet and a novelist Adam a wider public, not even in Poland where were propagating, was no longer defensi- Wiedemann, novelists Izabela Filipiak, writers have traditionally been consid- ble. As it turned out, an event of signifi- Janusz Rudnicki, Piotr Siemion and ered spiritual leaders. Setting aside the cance was also political in its implications Adam Ubertowski made their marks. writers of older generations (such as – the emergence of second circulation Czesław Miłosz, Wisława Szymborska literature in Poland in the second half of Cultural Privatization and Jarosław Marek Rymkiewicz), no the 70s. By contrast, the emergence of Ten years later, at the beginning of the Polish writer of the last 20 years has been third circulation literature in the 80s and 21st century, the attack on the World perceived in this role, nor any of them the artzine circulation that reached its Trade Center and its global consequenc- could aspire to such a position. The pro- peak in the 90s were related to politics to es, including Poland’s involvement in the motion of new artistic trends was even a far lesser extent. This later development war in Afghanistan, failed to provoke the more non-existent. Writers gradually got was the product of a broad movement imagination of Polish writers. In a repeti- used to playing the role of celebrities of of cultural privatization, an anti-system tion of formulas from previous decades, a slightly lower rank than musicians or movement that concerned every system, the engagement of writers appears to be actors, and they have, for the most part, as such, not exclusively the “wrongful the effect of political opportunism and mastered this inferior role. Indeed, both system” of the People’s Republic of Po- a servant-like treatment of literature, writers exhibiting conservative tenden- land (PRL), as some saw it. By “cultural rather than the product of autonomous cies and those who were moving with the privatization” I mean to underline the intellectual choices. When it comes to times were all willing to unceremonious- unprecedented scale of passive and active artists, the initiative belongs to the visual ly imitate whatever pop culture promot- participation in culture, largely thanks to arts, with writers trying to creatively co- ed. They were attempting to balance the new communication technologies and ef- operate with them – noteworthy in this appearances of independence with an fective marketing strategies. The institu- regard is the project by Zbigniew Lib- illusion of “novelty” in their works. This tional result of this movement was a flood era and Darek Foks, Co robi łączniczka was possible because the cult of novelty of cultural magazines in the 90s that were (What Is a Messenger Girl Doing, 2005). is enshrined in the logic of advertising published by different associations and In Polish literature, the noughts (2000s) (new is always better) and social changes supported by local governments, replac- were marked by a continuing privatiza- (novelty is always on its way, even if it is ing the centralized state circulation of tion of culture already known from the just a newer version of the old). In point weekly and monthly magazines, which 90s. This trend was supported by the of fact, novelty is relative appellation. At largely disappeared with the dawn of the growth of the Internet, which led to the present, even minor changes in products Third Republic of Poland. emergence of many fairly popular web-

103 books Discovering Central Europe

the engagement of writers appears to be the effect of political opportunism and a servant-like treatment of literature, rather than the product of autonomous intellectual choices

sites interested in capturing the popular- PS. Predicting which of the current- Adam Kaczanowski (1967) is ity of social-networking portals and to fa- ly active writers might achieve a literary a poet, novelist, and author of five vol- cilitating publication of these works. An breakthrough, or at least become the umes of poems with recently published evident sign of the progressing privatiza- symbol of such a breakthrough, would Szkielet małpy/Szept (The Skeleton of tion of culture is the notable fragmenta- be too risky. While I lack the appropri- a Monkey/Whisper, 2010) and two nov- tion of the publishing market. Currently, ate tools to measure the degree to which els Bez końca (Without End, 2005) and there are several thousand Publishing the literature surpasses itself, I would Awersja (Aversion, 2006). Kaczanowski is Houses in Poland, and although many of venture to say that it would be unreliable a careful, if not ruthless, observer of the them attempt to publish literature, only to make such judgments or predictions world of pop. He has an excellent eye for a few do so on a significant scale. When it based on the popularity of the names detail and rather successfully constructs comes to writers born in the 70s and 80s, present on the market. Rather than cre- literary realities. This kind of combina- the following names are worth noting ating a ranking of talented friends, I will tion is therefore highly promising. for artistic reasons: novelists – Ignacy mention the names of several authors Piotr Kofta (1973) is a novelist, and Karpowicz, Dorota Masłowska, Michał who are perhaps not overrepresented in the author of two selections of short sto- Witkowski, and poets – Julia Fiedorczuk, the media, but whose next books I would ries Piękne wieczory (Beautiful evenings) Adam Kaczanowski and Jakobe Mansz- like to read. and Bura małpa (Dark-grey monkey), tajn. M.K.E. Baczewski (1964) is a poet, both published in 2004. His short story Certainly, the era that began four novelist and author of radio plays. He Rytm (Rhythm) formed part of an album decades ago will not last forever. Some- published nine volumes of poems, a wide “Affliction XXIX II MXMVI” by Blindead thing must happen in Polish literature, selection of which was published in band (2010). If he wrote a novel, it might eventually. I assume this will be a certain Fortepian i jego cień (The Piano and its provide an interesting version of a rather breakthrough. With this number of writ- Shadow, 2010). Being an accomplished familiar plot with the atmosphere smell- ers we could easily experience a final ca- poet, M.K.E. Baczewski has a promising ing of cigarettes and alcohol. Nonethe- tastrophe. future in prose writing, as proven by his less, it would likely be more melancholic short stories published in literary maga- and non-sarcastically auto-ironic. The author is a Polish writer and literary critic. zines. What I appreciate in this author is Miłka Malzahn (1971) is a novel- He is the editor-in-chief of the FA-art literary his sense of humor, fondness for paradox ist, singer, lyrics writer, and radio an- magazine and the head of the FA-art Publishing and pun, all accompanied by subtle eru- nouncer. She published two novels Baro- House. dition. nowa Późna Jesień (The Baroness of Late Cezary Domarus (1965) is a poet, Autumn) and Królowa Rabarbaru (The novelist and musician. Several years ago Rhubarb Queen), and two selections of (2007) a selection called Stany własne. short stories Nie ma mono (There is No Wiersze z lat 1992 – 2007 (Personal Mono) and Fronasz. Each of her books states. Poems form 1992-2007) was pub- adds a slightly different meaning to the lished. However, the author published category of women’s writing, although two novels back in the 90s. If he were to one would think that it is impossible to publish another, I would certainly be in- offer any new tricks in the game of allu- terested in reading it. Who knows, may- sions and world dramatization. be the oneiric realities created by him in Caligari Express and Istoty (Beings) that only partly resembled the world that we know from the media will develop in unexpected directions?

104 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Discovering Central Europe books

Marek Sečkař

uch has been said about Václav Havel since his death on December 18th, 2011. So much that it would be nearly impossible to avoid repeating the words of others. But still, he was and remains my hero – and for this reason I can’t manage to keep silent in the face of his passing. Therefore, I’d like to begin by sharing a personal memory. It was 1998, and I was travelling around Central Asia. The train was slowly making its way through the endless Kazakh- steppe, hours upon hours. The car stunk and was overcrowded, and I felt that I was going to faint. A local man was sitting in front of me. It was obvious that he was able to bear the hard- ships of travel more stoically. As we began to talk he asked me about my country and our way of life. In the end, he wanted to know about the Czech president. I told him – with certain pride, I admit – that it was Václav Havel. It didn't impress him as much as I expected or hoped. "Is he tall?", he asked. This question sounded odd, even absurd. But I could read its fatal importance from his face when I answered, "No, he's quite short." The man looked sorry, but didn't write me off completely. He tried again: Roman F "Is he healthy?" I had to disappoint him once more: "No, he's ill,

ranc very ill, to be honest." He looked even more sorry, but still made one last attempt: "How many children does he have?" When I revealed that Václav Havel was childless, he looked at me with compassion and even made a clumsy gesture, as if wanting to stroke my head. Who Even though I completely understood this man's logic, I couldn't help but feel that my scale of values was slightly superior. Which is not to say that I’m interested in insulting Nur- sultan Nazarbayev, the Kazakh president who prides himself on Václav his bull-like physique and fathering of many children. It only reminds me of why Václav Havel has always been dear to my heart. For me, he came from "elsewhere". His presence embodied "other" principles and challenged the rules of natural selec- Havel tion. He was weak and powerless, but he won. And although he had no children, his heirs are scattered around the world. I am probably a typical kid of the Velvet Revolution. I was sixteen at the time of the change, which meant that I was wak- Was ing up and starting to look around just as the whole country was doing likewise. Václav Havel was the face and the voice of this awakening. The reality into which we woke was often hard to bear, but it was also becoming more and more normal – and and normalcy is always bearable, by definition. But Havel's presence gave hope that things can be different and that it is worthwhile to continually strive for more. As he once said, “Hope is not the belief that something is achievable, but the conviction that Who something makes sense regardless of whether it is achievable or not”. In this respect, Václav Havel is the symbol of my youth, and of the things I would never renounce – even though I'm not He sure whether they are still here. With his departure, the world has become a different place, and I’ll have to get used to it once again. Who knows, maybe I'll finally grow up. Wasn't The author is a Czech translator, literary critic and editor of Host magazine. 105 LOOKING BACK/ARTS New Wave Cinema

New Waves in the Visegrad Zlín a.s Bonton Ateliéry Ješátko, archive: Karel

Jan Němec, film: V žáru královské lásky (In the Four: Light of the King´s Love) The History of an Adventure 106 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 New Wave Cinema LOOKING BACK/ARTS

The 1960s were decidedly the most successful years of European cinema. French New Wave (La Nouvelle Vague) was born in this period, and its aesthetics and topics – along with the critical acclaim that followed – prepared a path for a variety of new waves, not only in Europe (thinking for example of the Brazilian Cinema Novo)

Ewa Ciszewska

s cinema eventually fact, Hungary was nicknamed “the mer- This new Hungarian cinema did not took its place among riest barrack in the Soviet camp”. When overlook the problems of youth, teenage other fields of art, it public discourse was moderately freed, angst – an emblematic topic both for La became an emanci- there was finally a place for films that Nouvelle Vague and Czechoslovak New patory tool for mov- more or less directly addressed previous- Wave. Among many titles working in this iemakers from The ly taboo topics. Indeed, it was political direction, it is worthwhile to mention Ist- Other Europe, as Dina engagement that distinguished Hungari- vána Gaál’s The Drift (Sodrásban, 1964), Iordanova puts it. This an cinema from 1963 to 1971. The theme owing much to Michelangelo Antonioni’s period also gave rise to important cur- of this work might be described as “man The Adventure (1960), and The Girl (El- rentsA that included the Hungarian New and history”. During this time, Miklós távozott nap, 1960) by Márta Mészáros. Cinema, the Czechoslovak New Wave Jancsó explored relations of power and Given the perspective of time, the and the Yugoslavian Black Wave. Re- the role of individuals in his visually re- most astonishing characteristic of the spective new waves occurred at differ- fined cinematic parabolas. His films can Hungarian New Wave – as well as Czech- ent times in different countries or simply be interpreted as objections to the fatal- oslovak and Polish productions – is the did not arrive, as some researchers claim istic concept of national destiny. In turn, willingness and capacity filmmakers dis- about Polish cinema. National new waves Sándor Sára and Károly Makk made an played in citing the national cinemas of used varying aesthetics, and it is impos- attempt to settle the Stalinist period. neighboring countries. An illustration sible to reduce them to a single phenom- Sára’s The Thrown Up Stone (Feldobott of this tendency is Istvan Szabó’s short enon. However, the term “new wave“ has kő, 1968) addressed the subject of forced film The Concert (Koncert, 1963), con- generally been attributed to the most collectivization. The inhuman diagnosis ceptually an answer to Roman Polański’s original, prolific and creative periods of of the film was strengthened through its Two Men and a Wardrobe (Dwaj ludzie a given national cinema. portrayal of Romani people (so-called z szafą, 1958). In the latter film, a se- “Gypsies”), unaccustomed to settled ries of unpleasant experiences eventu- life. Meanwhile, Makk’s Love (Szerelem, ally induces the two characters wander- Hungary: 1971) was a portrayal of two women: ing with a wardrobe to return to the sea. The Socialist New Wave a daughter-in-law and a mother-in-law. Szabó adapted the fairy-tale language of Upon the arrest of her husband for po- Polański, but disagreed with the pessimis- The beginning of the 60s brought consid- litical reasons, the younger woman hides tic outlook of the alumni of the National erable freedom in Hungarian social life. the truth to protect the feelings of the Film School in Łódź. Even if the two boys The revolutionary leaders of 1956 were older woman. Thanks to an agreement carrying a piano in the Hungarian film largely released from prison. The term with the postman, she maintains the illu- decided to leave their burden as well, oth- “Goulash Communism“ was coined to sion of her husbands escape to the West ers show up to take care of the instrument describe the years under János Kádár. In and his recognition overseas as an artist. and tenderly protect it from the rain.

107 LOOKING BACK/ARTS New Wave Cinema

Another example of such a creative dialogue is the direct influence of Miloš Forman’s aesthetics and topics on the oeuvre of Gyula Gazdag, a distinguished director of feature films and documen- taries. Gazdag admired Forman’s fear- lessness and ability to represent socialist gloominess, backwardness and narrow- mindedness, particularly in Black Peter (Černý Petr, 1963). After watching it, he never missed a screening of a Czecho- slovak film in Budapest. He paid tribute to his idol in the documentary Selection (A válogatás, 1970), which, in the style of A Forman’s The Audition (Konkurs, 1964), tells the story of a musical audition. The archive: N F 1 crucial difference was that the Hungarian audition was real – the Union of Com- munist Youth had organized an audition for rock bands. streak of Czechoslovak cinema was the Today, the Czech New Wave is still Lívia Gyarmathy also admitted to suppression of the Prague Spring with considered to be an inexhaustible source substantial influence from Czech film- the period of so-called “normalization”, of inspiration – and not exclusively for makers, especially Forman, Věra Chyti- which excluded directors that failed to Czech or Slovak cinema. It is also the lova and Jaromil Jireš. Certainly, Do You uphold or undermined classical princi- most distinguished and thoroughly Know Sunday Morning? (Ismeri a szandi ples of cinema. analyzed among Central European new mandit?, 1968) could easily be mistaken The strength and originality of the waves. for a film by Forman or Menzel, given Czech New Wave lied in its poetic diver- its bittersweet take on the dilemmas of sity and bravery in setting new directions a teenage girl working in a factory during for cinema. It was a stylistic and thematic Slovak Fights the summer. In interviews, she equally rupture with the past. The dogma of the over the New Wave underscored another source of inspira- Czech New Wave was a quest for the tion, Kazimierz Karabasz’s The Music truth. This uppermost aim justified the For Slovaks, controversy about the ex- Players (Muzykanci, 1960): “The film presence of an extreme variety of means istence of the Slovak New Wave has which tells nothing and yet everything”. of expression: from those inspired by emerged from more general questions cinéma vérité and cinema d’auteur, to about the cultural tradition of the coun- surrealism and the avant-garde. Undeni- try. Thus, writing a history of the cin- Czechoslovakia: ably, the films of the Czech New Wave ema after 1993 is simultaneously impli- The Golden 60s were following in a direction previously cated in writing the independent history opened by Jaroslav Hašek and Bohumil of Slovakia. Only today are the films In Czechoslovakia, the 60s was nick- Hrabal. However, they were also testimo- created in the 60s receiving a cultural named “The Golden 60s” (Zlatá nies to the relinquishing of Czech heroes, and contextual home. Cited in publica- šedesátá). It was a period of political in a way which excused his smallness and tions and re-released on DVD, they are freedom, which resulted in an extraor- conservatism. becoming a central component of cul- dinary boom in cultural life. The films The unique quality of the Czech tural heritage of this relatively young of this period earned Czechoslovak New Wave was an outcome of distinc- country. Obviously, it cannot be denied cinema its perennial reputation among tive bonds and mutual inspirations be- that Czech and Slovak cinema were very cinephiles. The ultimate confirmation of tween literature and cinema. It was the closely connected on organizational, this were the Academy Awards awarded product of direct cooperation between technical and personal levels in the 60s. to two Czechoslovak filmmakers – Ján authors and filmmakers. The latter not Censorship restrictions and the policy Kadár for The Shop on Main Street (Ob- only adapted literary works of their col- of film release were likewise shared. chod na korze, 1965) and Jiri Menzel for leagues, but also engaged them as writ- However, there are strong reasons for Closely Watched Trains (Ostře sledované ers, consultants, dramatists and pro- analyzing the Slovak New Wave as an vlaky, 1966). A string of trophies went to duction managers. An example of such independent artistic phenomenon. The Miloš Forman, Věra Chytilová, Vojtěch literary-cinematic teamwork was that works of Juraj Jakubisko, Elo Havetta, Jasný and Jan Němec at various inter- of Bohumil Hrabal and Jiří Menzel, who Dušan Hanák and Štefan Uher all stand national festivals. The end of the lucky started to work together in the 60s. out, with their strong carnivalesque in-

108 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 New Wave Cinema LOOKING BACK/ARTS archive NFAarchive

1 Jan Němec 2 Ján Kadár

3 Miloš Forman, film: Cerny Petr (Black Peter) archive NFA

clinations making use of the grotesque part, has received much deserved recog- and exaggeration. What is more, the nition. The films of Peter Solan, Stanislav dominant thematic framework of Slo- Barabáš, Otakar Křivánek, Martin Hollý, vak directors was the problem of na- Ján Kadár, Eduard Grečner and young tional identification. Therefore, it is not alumni of FAMU: Juraj Jakubisko, Elo surprising that the films of Slovak direc- Havetta, Dušan Hanák were the back- tors made in the 60s are regarded as the bone of the Slovak cinema. The thematic foundations for Slovak artistic cinema. and stylistic individuality of Slovak films Critics regard 1962 as a start of has become increasingly visible, although the Slovak New Wave. It was the year this was already noticed in the mid-60s when films by the so-called “big three” by critic Antonín J. Liehm and director premiered: Peter Solan’s The Boxer Stanislav Barabáš. (Boxer a smrt, 1963), Štefan Uher’s The It is beyond doubt that the Czech Sun in the Net (Slnk v sieti, 1962) and and Slovak New Waves were answers to Martin Hollý’s The Gawk Road (Havra- the specific conditions of a socialist so- nia cesta, 1962). ciety. However, their liveliness was also Finally, Slovak cinema, often per- fuelled by an expansion of global youth ceived as inferior to its Czech counter- movements of the time. In particular,

109 LOOKING BACK/ARTS New Wave Cinema

archív Ateliéry Bonton Zlín a.s.

1 2

the films of Slovak directors, such as (Iluminacja, 1972), the early works of Regardless of whether or not a Polish Juraj Jakubisko or Elo Havetta, indicate Jerzy Skolimowski – who, upon direct- New Wave existed, it is worth examining the strong influences of counter-cultural ing Identification Marks: None (Rysopis, the films from the 60s and 70s, for some ideas and practices. The adaptation of 1964) and Walkover (Walkower, 1965), of them were important testimonies to foreign vocabularies of resistance was was anointed a leading representative the absorption of impulses coming from supported by similar tendencies in local of the new cinema in Central and East- other new waves. A meaningful example Czech and Slovak cultures, surrealist tra- ern Europe, along with Miloš Forman would be the work of Krzysztof Zanussi, ditions included. – and Andrzej Żuławski’s On the Silver who, besotted with the cinema of young Globe (Na srebrnym globie, 1976-1988). Frenchmen, started his public activity in- In the face of a small number of Pol- terviewing debutants of the La Nouvelle Poland: ish films that could be branded as the Vague and reporting from film locations. Quest for the New Wave “Polish New Wave”, the strategy of ap- This partially explains the Godard-esque plying this frame to Polish cinema con- film editing of The Illumination as well While a description of new waves in sists in treating the Polish New Wave as the plot of The Structure of Crystals Czech, Slovak or Hungarian national as an ahistorical phenomenon. Thanks (Struktura kryształu, 1969), which ech- cinemas does not give rise to major to this approach, authors of the arti- oes the structure of Claude Chabrol’s The problems, the situation is complicated cles published in The Polish New Wave. Handsome Serge (Le Beau Serge, 1958). In when it comes to Poland. In Polish cine- A History of a Nonexisting Phenomenon the meantime, another important source ma, the new wave, as it is understood by (Polska Nowa Fala. Historia fenom- of inspiration for Zanussi’s debut was In- film historians, did not become a sharp- enu, którego nie było) can place a vari- timate Lightning (Intimní osvětlení, 1965) ly defined current. Therefore, in the case ety of works under this heading: from by Ivan Passer. The director claimed that of Polish cinema we can, at most, speak Grzegorz Królikiewicz’s films from the his film was an answer to Passer’s work. of “new-wavish” tendencies, impulses 70s and Andrzej Kostenka and Witold A comparative perspective applied to or attempts. Works applying aesthetics Leszczyński’s Rewizja osobista (1972), both films shows numerous similarities, of the new wave includes the following: alongside Piotr Uklański’s Summer Love but also differences that are products of Krzysztof Zanussi’s The Illumination (2009). attempts to voice local contexts.

110 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 New Wave Cinema LOOKING BACK/ARTS archive N F archive A

1 Věra Chytilová 2 Jiří Menzel 3 Miloš Forman, film: Až přijde kocour Summary erences and inspirations – as was the (The Cassandra Cat) case with the “dialogue“ of Szabó and archive N F archive New wave films contributed to the re- Polański, Zanussi and Passer, Gazdag newal of film language. Loosening tradi- and Forman. Czech, Slovak, Polish and

A tional narrative, introducing mental pic- Hungarian filmmakers talked or dis- tures, original film editing, and utilizing puted with one another via their films. documentary inspiration all lead to the The second level, on which we discover acknowledgment of national cinemas of the proximity of the region’s cinema, is the countries from Central and Eastern an indication of the original role played Europe by foreign critics. What is of fore- by new wave movies – they were indi- most importance is that local new waves cators of social attitudes and impulses were precisely the starting point for to discuss topics that went beyond film. identifying national cinemas and their Watching films was not simply the pe- appearance still marks the most prolific culiar whim of cinephiles, but also a and original periods in the history of giv- demonstration of an active involvement en national cinemas. in public life. New wave films delivered Fifty years on, a comparative look at material for thinking about history and national new waves from Czechoslovakia the problems specific to countries deal- and Hungary showcases thematic and ing with communist oppression. aesthetic differences. But it also exposes Translated by Anna Wójcik the uncanny affinity of national cinemas of the Visegrad Four. This similarity is The author is Polish and an Associate Professor revealed on two primary levels. The first at the Institute of Contemporary Culture, Univer- one is a sphere of direct influences, ref- sity of Łódź.

REFERENCES – Filmy pod specjalnym nadzorem. Kino czeskie i słowackie lat 60., ed. K. J. Zarębski, J. Słodowski, Warszawa 2004. – Polska Nowa Fala. Historia fenomenu, którego nie było, ed. B. Piwowarska, Ł. Ronduda, Instytut Adama Mickiewicza, Warszawa 2008. – The Cinema of the Other Europe, ed. D. Iordanova, Wallflower Press, London 2003. – Visegrad Cinema. Point sof Contact from the New Waves to the Present, ed. P. Hanáková, K.B. Johnson, Casablanca Publ., Praha 2010. – Złota era kina węgierskiego, red. R. Kardzis, J. Topolski, Korporacja Ha!art i Stowarzyszenie Nowe Horyzonty, Kraków-Warszawa 2009.

111 LOOKING BACK/ARTS New Wave Cinema

new wave in central europe

In Central Europe, the New Wave of the 1960s was an answer to stabilization, which let independent artists express their attitude toward the communist Main Directors establishment and real- and Films ity. Films made by New Wave directors were experi- mental (rejecting traditional narration), politically anti-establishment, and considered the human condition and psychological issues in relation to everyday life in communist countries. Hungary The main inspirations for these artists were ISTVÁN Szabó The Concert 1963 the simplicity of ordinary life, French New István Gaál The Drift 1964 Wave, and Italian Neutralism. Miklós Jancsó The Round-Up 1965 Sándor Sára The Thrown Up Stone 1968 Lívia Gyarmathy 1968 France – La Nouvelle Vague Do you know Sunday-Morning? Gyula Gazdag Selection 1970 The New Wave phenomenon was born in Károly Makk Love 1971 France in the 50s and 60s, largely among Márta Mészáros The Girl 1960 young filmmakers involved with the cinema magazine Cahiers du Cinema who were look- Czech Ján Kadár 1965 ing for a way to express post-war anxiety and The Shop on Main Street JIŘÍ Menzel 1966 to artistically show the reality of the human Closely Watched Trains Miloš Forman Black Peter 1963, Loves of a Blonde 1967 condition. Above all, it was influenced by Věra Chytilová Daisies 1966 Italian Neorealism and classical Hollywood Vojtěch Jasný The Cassandra Cat 1963 cinema. At the center of their interests were Jan Němec A Report on the Party and the Guests 1966 human characters, and behavior on display in social, moral and political contexts. Slovakia Peter Solan The Boxer 1963 Štefan Uher 1962 Czech Republic – FAMU The Sun in the Net Martin Hollý The Gawk Road 1962 Founded in 1946, the Film and TV School of Juraj Jakubisko Crucial Years or Christ's Years 1967 the Academy of Performing Arts in Prague Elo Havetta Slávnost v botanickej záhrade 1969 educated the main Czech and Slovak direc- Dušan Hanák Pictures of the Old World 1972 tors of New Wave in Czechoslovakia, alongside many others from Central Europe. As Poland Krzysztof Zanussi 1972 one of the oldest film schools in Europe, it The Illumination Jerzy Skolimowski Identification Marks: None 1964 managed to sustain itself even during the Andrzej Żuławski, Miloš Forman On the Silver Globe 1976-1988 darkest moments of communism. After grad- Andrzej Kostenka and Witold Leszczyński Rewizja osobista 1972 uating, many students emigrated to America Piotr Uklański Summer Love 2009 and contributed significantly to American Grzegorz Królikiewicz Through and Through 1972 film industry, including Miloš Forman. Kazimierz Karabasz The Music Players 1960

112 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 new wave in central europe

Hungary ISTVÁN Szabó The Concert 1963 István Gaál The Drift 1964 Miklós Jancsó The Round-Up 1965 Sándor Sára The Thrown Up Stone 1968 Lívia Gyarmathy Do you know Sunday-Morning? 1968 Gyula Gazdag Selection 1970 Károly Makk Love 1971 Márta Mészáros The Girl 1960 Czech Ján Kadár The Shop on Main Street 1965 JIŘÍ Menzel 1966 Closely Watched Trains Jindřich Štreit Miloš Forman Black Peter 1963, Loves of a Blonde 1967 from the collection Chlévská lyrika Věra Chytilová Daisies 1966 Vojtěch Jasný The Cassandra Cat 1963 Jan Němec A Report on the Party and the Guests 1966 Slovakia Peter Solan The Boxer 1963 Štefan Uher The Sun in the Net 1962 Martin Hollý The Gawk Road 1962 Juraj Jakubisko Crucial Years or Christ's Years 1967 Elo Havetta Slávnost v botanickej záhrade 1969 Dušan Hanák Pictures of the Old World 1972 Poland Krzysztof Zanussi The Illumination 1972 Jerzy Skolimowski Identification Marks: None 1964 Andrzej Żuławski, Miloš Forman On the Silver Globe 1976-1988 Andrzej Kostenka and Witold Leszczyński Rewizja osobista 1972 Piotr Uklański Summer Love 2009 Grzegorz Królikiewicz Through and Through 1972 Kazimierz Karabasz The Music Players 1960 OPPORTUNITIES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS AIR in New York g u i d e l i n e s

Artist-in-residence program for artists, curators and researchers from Central and Eastern Europe in New York

Aleksandra Grzonkowska

What is an Artist-in- residence (AIR) Program? Europe is the Visegrad Artist Residency Artist-in-residence programs are pri- Who can apply? Program (VARP). Founded in 2006, it fo- marily intended to help artists and others cuses on the mobility of artists. Thanks to involved in cultural activities (e.g. cura- Every AIR program has its own profile growing interest, the program was divided tors, event organizers, mediators, etc.) in and criteria for selection. Most artist- into three specific categories: general resi- the areas of visual arts, music, literature, in-residence programs hold an open call dency, performing arts residency, and res- theatre or dance in the development of for applications. In most cases, an appli- idency in New York. This program is for projects. Such programs have become cation form, portfolio, curriculum vitae citizens of the V4 countries. One artist per increasingly popular, with the cultural (résumé) and planned project descrip- year is selected from each V4 country for activists joining in the promotion of such tion must be submitted. Occasionally, residency in New York, several individual efforts. In short, these programs are in- a budget plan will be required. In the ap- artists and groups of artists are selected tended to provide creators with new cul- plication form, it’s important to empha- within the other two VARP programs tural environments and inspiration, to size what will be accomplished during annually: International Visegrad Fund help them establish networks and forms the residency period. (www.visegradfund.org/residencies/) of cooperation, contemplate new pro- In every V4 country, there is a cul- jects and to prepare exchange programs. tural institution that leads an artists-in- The three most popular types of Where to apply? residence program, both for foreign art- residency: Studio residency (3 to 12 ists domestically and for national artists months), Research residency (short- One of the best-known artist-in-residence abroad. term), and Exchange residency (negotia- programs for artists and others involved In Poland, one of the leading AIR ble term of stay). in the visual arts in Central and Eastern programs is the artists-in-residence lab-

114 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 OPPORTUNITIES AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

STUDYING in one of the Visegrad countries? Get to know related costs and pack your bags. Warsaw > Accommodation: €80 dormitory, €450 double room flat, €380 single room flat,€135 single room > Public Transportation: €25 3-month ticket > Food: €135 > Cinema Ticket : €4.8 > Insurance: €11 Prague > Accommodation: €130 double room, dormitory, €470 single room flat, €550 double room flat,€275 single room > Public Transportation: €28 3-month ticket > Food: €150 > Cinema Ticket: €5.1 > Insurance: €8 These phots are from two VARP projects by István Csákány, a Hungarian artist. István Bratislava Csákány: Monument for Monument (VARP 2007 at Truc Sphérique/Stanica, Žilina) and István > Accommodation: €40 dormitory, €300 single room flat,€400 double room flat, Csákány: It Was an Experience to Be Here (VARP > Public Transportation: €70 3-month ticket 2009 at Meet Factory, Prague), photo by Dušan > Food: Dobiaš. €150 > Cinema Ticket: €6 > Insurance: €10 Budapest > Accommodation: €100 dormitory, €130 single room, €195 single room flat, €295 double room flat > Public Transportation: €35 3-month ticket > Food: €130 > Cinema Ticket: €3.55 > Insurance: €7

oratory at the Center for Contemporary The main AIR program in Slovakia Art, Ujazdowski Castle in Warsaw. Be- is sponsored by the SPACE gallery, with What does an sides hosting foreign artists in Warsaw, its SPACE residential program. Resi- the CCA, Ujazdowski Castle seeks to dency lab is the first residency program AIR program promote Polish artists internationally by for artists encouraging international facilitating their participation in creative exchange in Bratislava. Just as other in- provide? residencies led by the laboratory’s part- stitutions leading artists-in-residence ner programs all over the world. Partners programs, SPACE has a studio for for- In most cases, the institution that in New York include the Art in General eign artists and supports Slovak artists in leads the AIR program supplies the and Location One. residency programs abroad. participant with a studio, an exhibition Polish artists may apply to Adam ACAX Agency For Contemporary space, a coordinator and promotion. Mickiewicz Institute (www.iam.pl) for Art Exchange leads the most successful There are various programs focused on the travel costs reimbursement. artist-in-residence program in Hungary. specific fields of art, and various possibil- The FUTURA Center for Con- ACAX arranges the professional and ities for financial support. The support of temporary Art is the leading artist-in- practical co-ordination of public grants travel, accommodation and living costs residence program in Prague, in the and awards, and financially supports the are flexible, depending on the grant. Czech Republic. Futura collaborates participation of successful applicants, or with Residency Unlimited in New York. helps the applicants to raise the neces- The author is Polish artistic producer of Alterna- This program is intended for Czech na- sary funds for participation in a residen- tiva Festival. tionals working in the field of contem- cy program. porary art.

115 ESSAY Jindřich Štreit Photos

Bride-Mannequin and Twist-Pullover

In each of Jindřich Štreit's photographs, his whole life’s oeuvre, so to speak, is present

Lajos Parti Nagy

t is difficult to say what arouses my interest, what it tenant, not the tax-paying and voting citizen, nor the ethnic is that draws me into his world, which is so very fa- face – simply the person. If a documentary photographer can miliar: devoid of gadgets, sensationalism, or indeed be apolitical, then this is Streit. Or maybe he is pre or post- anything unusual, aside from his seldom-appearing political and this is precisely what is insufferable, what an capacity to speak about reality with such intimacy authoritarian regime cannot swallow: that he moves in a dif- and simplicity. ferent time, a different set of coordinates, but he photographs Streit has always photographed the country- the same – the same reality of the eternally marginal, resistant side: his native northern Moravia, as it is called. The to change by directive or campaign assembly. Resistant to de- countryside is where he began work as a teacher and photog- velopment and being developed. To put it another way, people rapherI at the end of the sixties, and where he was arrested in change less than systems – happiness, fragility and sorrow are 1982 and given a ten-month suspended sentence for insult- no more regime-dependent than conceit, greed and the ending the republic and political dignitaries. You know, for taking less appetite for power. pictures of things as they were, rather than of socialism as it Only this afternoon, I myself discovered which twenty- ought to be. five photos taken in the Kiskúnság region, of the fifty on -ex He was barred from practising his vocation in his hibit in Budapest for two years, were selected for this show hometown of Sovinec. But now, even as he gains worldwide in Pécs. I thought of asking for the precise list when I started renown, Streit’s subject remains, as it was in that town, “man” writing up this brief introduction, but then I thought, what’s – that vaguely destitute vessel of sanctity and grace. Not the the point?

116 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit Photos ESSAY

Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika

Because twenty-five or fifty or a hundred of Streit’s pic- and love—which Miklós Mészöly calls “merciless understand- tures in any arrangement, anywhere, will still produce a coming”, a highly appropriate definition in our case. And serenity, plete, round and lovable world. And no matter what they yes, serenity, which is not cheerfulness, nor even the absence speak about, or what their theme is, they will always say the of sadness, but only some kind of delicate insight that it is bet- same thing. And if I were able to call this “same thing” by its ter to live than not, and although this is close to indifference, name, or to give it a name, I could finish this introductory talk the insight that we do what we do. Without comment, but right now. But I can’t. Maybe this “same thing” does not have doing it all the same, whether it’s chopping trees, burying the one name, and maybe even Streit wouldn’t be able to define it. dead, spaying horses or plucking chickens. Maybe he himself is trying to circumscribe it again and again The pictures here were taken between 1996 and 1999. through his pictures. To circum-view it? To circum…see it? They show an infant and an artificial bride, a thoroughly un- I admit this seems easier to me than talking about it, and per- likely sight behind the iron grill of a shop window cut into the haps that is the advantage photography has over writing. side of an adobe house. And a cart, a horse, a shadow, well- This certainly has something to do with “man”, with boots, a sheep, a goat, a grain truck, printed house-coats in all fragility and dignity, with hope and hopelessness, with the sizes and patterns, a beret, a petrol-lamp, a trenchcoat, a torn sublime and the vulgar, and with the fact that harmony does plastic bag, a pan, a slice of bread, welfare-state glasses, frozen not consist of a peaceful procession of disparate elements, but cobblestones, a denim suit, a Sokol radio, a tin plate, a Coke a balance of – sometimes glaring, sometimes bloody, some- advertisement and a Junoszty television, Vietnamese slippers times hopeless – contradictions. His work also concerns irony and a piece of wax cloth, a Mickey-mouse T-shirt and a rail-

117 ESSAY Jindřich Štreit Photos

way employee’s cap, the wreck of a Wartburg and a “twist” pletely incongruous objects. I’m fascinated when the animal, pullover for pig slaughter day, to list only the accessories, the the natural and the instinctive coincide to create something objects without which “man” is lost, and which are, let’s face very beautiful, gentle and love-worthy” – is how he put it ten it, fairly uniform in this backyard called Central and Eastern years ago in the film portrait Between Light and Darkness. Europe. No matter where he works, he cannot focus with an- Although I am aware that this is the Kiskúnság, here in other lens, on a different scale, than that of his own village. In Hungary, I keep feeling that we’d see something quite similar various regions of the world, he tracks down the figures and if this was Streit’s Moravian, Austria, or even a French coun- types of the small community in which he lives: to cite the tryside collection. We would still see, somewhat differently title of an earlier collection – "The Village is a Whole World", dressed and obviously living quite differently, the same little which it already was, even when the world was not yet one man, never victorious but invincible all the same. Streit shares big satellite-linked village. All the same, suburbs, resorts and the artistic mother tongue with Hasek, Hrabal and Menzel. towns are also rounded, perfect worlds just as a face or a hand Through his own special Czech windows, those special and is not incomplete—when viewed as an entirety. Streit shows durable glasses, he is able to see and make us see the world universality on a very different level, in the human face. In as a mixture of the ridiculous and tragic, vulgar and sublime, that, we are all similarly different. And for that matter, differ- with – let’s not resist the pleasure of catachresis – the sure ently alike. touch of the blind. “I always start out from surrealism, a kind All these equivalencies make me think of Iván Mándy, of absurd view of life, from the relationship between two com- whom I consider to be a great writer of the people (since the

118 VIsegrad insight 1|2012 Jindřich Štreit Photos ESSAY

people are neither the country-folk nor the bourgeoisie), just margin of existence – of course, it's not “the culture of smiles”. as I consider Streit to be a photographer of the people. With But there it is, in the corner of their mouths, or maybe not Mándy too, whether you line up five, ten or fifty short stories even there, but rather in the depths of the picture, the tones, they always end up radiating the same passionate indifference, the lighting, somewhere between light and darkness, a confi- or indifferent ardour, that is Mándy’s. In the way his heroes dence both malicious and shy. look out of the picture with his own eyes and he, Mándy, Still, with or without reason, the sun is shining, the pet- through the eyes of his heroes. It’s this kind of look I see in the rol-lamp is burning, and so is the light bulb. Grass grows, and eyes of Streit and his heroes. Humanity devoid of illusions, later it will dry out. We live out the life of “man”, and “man I would say, if it were not more advisable to circumscribe such is not made for defeat. A man can be destroyed but not de- a pompous and worn-out notion. feated.” Maybe this is what these pictures are good for: look- It is impossible to know how I would react to these pic- ing at them we are ready to believe in Hemingway’s forgotten tures if I did not know they were taken by a Czech. Aware old man. that they are not the work of a Hungarian artist, would I still Translated by Kinga Dornacher and Stephen Humphreys think they are more serene, more airy, not as dark, or not in the same way, as those of our socio-photographers? Maybe The author is a Hungarian poet, writer and playwright the difference would appear, maybe not. But knowing what I know, I cannot refrain from rounding it off, from noticing how these people smile in their poverty, in their life in the

119 Jindřich Štreit from the collection Chlévská lyrika

1|2012 1|2012

Nobody QuestioNs the Geopolitical ideNtity of the ReGioN Rudolf chmel

V4: oNly iN the fRamewoRK of the eu aleksander smolar

the cRisis aNd ReactioNs: fouR RespoNses Jacques Rupnik www.visegradinsight.eu www.visegradrevue.eu euRope of fosteR bRotheRs csaba G. Kiss

Nice One, Václav Havel! György Konrád

THE FUTURE OF THE V4 – TWENTY YEARS ON

essay: Lajos Parti Nagy on Jindřich Štreit