Children and Armed Conflict

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Children and Armed Conflict Cross-Cutting Report Children and Armed Conflict An internally displaced child plays outside a war-ravaged Security Council Report’s fifth Cross-Cutting 1998, expanding the criteria for inclusion in the building in Mogadishu, Somalia. Report on Children and Armed Conflict analyses Secretary-General’s annexes to include attacks statistical information on children and armed on schools and hospitals, the repercussions of the conflict in country-specific decisions of the Secu- differences that emerged during the negotiations rity Council and trends in 2011 and early 2012. are still being felt in 2012. While resolution 1973 2012, No. 3 27 August 2012 It also suggests options for improving Security on Libya set off a series of reactions that signifi- Council and Working Group decision making on cantly affected Council dynamics in most areas This report is available online and can be viewed together with this issue. After several years of largely positive of its work, our findings indicate that this did not research studies and Update Reports developments and progress, in 2011 the protec- affect the children and armed conflict agenda at securitycouncilreport.org. tion of children in armed conflict agenda faced substantively although it may have led to a more For daily insights by SCR on evolv- ing Security Council actions please a number of challenges. Although it was pos- cautious approach to the issue in order not to subscribe to our “What’s In Blue” sible for the Council in 2011 to adopt resolution roll-back progress made in the past. • series at whatsinblue.org or follow @SCRtweets on Twitter. Security Council Report Cross-Cutting Report August 2012 securitycouncilreport.org 1 Summary and Conclusions 2 Summary and Conclusions After several years of largely positive develop- • There are some signs that political will 4 Background and Normative ments and progress, in 2011 the protection within the Council on this issue is weaken- Framework of children in armed conflict agenda faced a ing. With the Working Group on Children number of challenges. Although it was possi- and Armed Conflict now being the main 4 Key Developments at the Thematic Level ble for the Security Council in 2011 to adopt driver the Council is becoming increasingly resolution 1998, expanding the criteria for divorced from the issue. 4 Security Council Activity on inclusion in the Secretary-General’s annexes • The greater interaction and transmission Children and Armed Conflict to include attacks on schools and hospitals, of information between the Office of the Spe- 7 Office of the Special questions related to the definition of “situ- cial Representative of the Secretary-General Representative of the ations of concern” and the process of list- for Children and Armed Conflict, the Work- Secretary-General for Children ing and delisting of parties from the annexes ing Group and relevant Security Council and Armed Conflict to the reports of the Secretary-General were sanctions committees appear to have pro- 9 Application of International raised. Some members also appeared keen to duced some results. Four sanctions commit- Norms/Laws in International revisit issues related to why situations not on tees (Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic Courts and Trials the agenda of the Council were being con- of the Congo [DRC], Somalia and Sudan) 10 Analysis of Council Action in sidered at all by the Working Group of the now have designation criteria on grave viola- Specific Cases Security Council. tions against children. The decision to add 10 Working Group on Children and Resolution 1973 on Libya set off a series recruitment and use of children to the Soma- Armed Conflict of reactions that significantly affected Coun- lia sanctions regime came about after a brief- 13 Cross-Cutting Analysis cil dynamics in most areas of its work. While ing by the Special Representative. our recent Cross-Cutting Report on Protection of • Addressing the issue of persistent perpetra- 13 Resolutions Adopted by the Civilians in Armed Conflict (published 31 May tors and finding better ways of reaching out to Security Council 2012) came to the conclusion that the level of non-state actors has grown in urgency. There 17 Presidential Statements mistrust in the Council following resolution has been a significant increase in the number Adopted by the Security Council 1973 did not negatively affect its approach of persistent perpetrators (parties that have 19 Secretary-General's Report to protection of civilians in terms of measur- been listed by the Secretary-General for more 20 Peace Agreements and able outcomes, our findings for children in than five years). The 2012 report on children Protection of Children and armed conflict indicate that the more diffi- and armed conflict (S/2012/261) lists 32 par- Armed Conflict cult dynamic in the Council, while not affect- ties that come under the category of persis- 21 Reports of Security Council ing this issue substantively, may have led to tent perpetrators. Of these, 13 were similarly Visiting Missions a more cautious approach in order not to designated in previous years, while 19 were roll-back progress made in the past. In addi- newly added to the 2012 annual report. 21 Progress on Dialogue, Action Plans, DDR, Convictions and tion, the apparent reduced attention to the- • While there has been little movement with National Legislation matic issues among several Council members, getting non-state actors to agree to action either due to other priorities or the belief that plans to stop recruitment of children, there 23 Issues Involving Peacekeeping these issues are best addressed in the Gen- has been some progress made with govern- 23 Developments in the Area of eral Assembly, may have led to a lessening ment armed forces to move towards ending Sanctions of political will to advance this issue. As a recruitment and use of children. Four action 24 Case Study: Somalia result the picture in 2011 and early 2012 is a plans on recruitment and use of children were 30 Council Dynamics mixed one for the children and armed con- signed in 2011 and another two in the first 31 Looking Ahead: Possible Future flict agenda. half of 2012. Options Among the findings of this Cross-Cutting • Although the monitoring and reporting Report are: triggers have been expanded to include sexual 32 Annex I: UN Documents and • While the Council continued to address violence and killing and maiming, the main Useful Additional Sources child protection issues in relevant country- signs of progress appear to be in the area 36 Annex II: Methods of Research specific decisions, there was a decrease in of the original trigger, recruitment of chil- 37 Annex III: Background the overall percentage of resolutions and dren. There has been only one action plan Information presidential statements addressing the issue signed on killing and maiming and none on of protection of children in armed conflict. sexual violence. (Both were added as triggers However, when there was child protection for the listing of parties in the annexes fol- language it was not only updated but often lowing the adoption of resolution 1882 on strengthened compared to previous years. 4 August 2009.) There were no action plans The number of presidential statements with signed for the most recent trigger, attacks on child protection references also increased schools and hospitals, but it is probably too slightly. early to assess its impact as it was only added 2 securitycouncilreport.org Security Council Report Cross-Cutting Report August 2012 Summary and Conclusions (con't) following the adoption of resolution 1998 on of work. Regarding Libya, it seems there was trips as a way of pressuring parties named in 12 July 2011. insufficient concrete evidence of violations the annexes: in June 2011 it visited Afghani- • Child protection was usually addressed in against children to warrant adding Libya to stan. However, the self-funding requirement the reports of the Secretary-General as part the annex. has resulted in very few Working Group mem- of a broader section (e.g. peace consolidation, • There was some interest from within the bers participating in the trips. mandate implementation, human rights or UN to find ways of creating coherence within Observations from the Somalia Case humanitarian assistance). Only the reports the Secretariat on some thematic issues. This Study: on the UN Integrated Peacebuilding Office in led to senior level UN discussions on coordi- • In a situation where there is little appetite the Central African Republic (BINUCA) had nation and coherence of overlapping thematic for significant UN involvement, it is unlikely child protection as a stand-alone section. This issues such as: children and armed conflict; that any attention will be paid to an issue like may suggest that in many UN missions child women, peace and security; and sexual vio- children and armed conflict, even when there protection has been subsumed under a larger lence in conflict. is a clear protection of civilians aspect. In human rights agenda. At the same time there • The convictions by international courts of such cases, a subsidiary body like the Working were more direct references to child protec- Thomas Lubanga Dyilo and Charles Taylor Group on Children and Armed Conflict can tion and to progress made with action plans have helped raise awareness of the criminal play a pivotal role in highlighting a significant in the “observations” sections of the reports nature of the recruitment and use of chil- protection issue. indicating higher
Recommended publications
  • PEACE by COMMITTEE Command and Control Issues in Multinational Peace Enforcement Operations
    PEACE BY COMMITTEE Command and Control Issues in Multinational Peace Enforcement Operations HAROLD E. BULLOCK, Major, USAF School of Advanced Airpower Studies THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED AIRPOWER STUDIES, MAXWELL AIR FORCE BASE, ALABAMA, FOR COMPLETION OF GRADUATION REQUIREMENTS, ACADEMIC YEAR 93–94 Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama February 1995 Disclaimer This publication was produced in the Department of Defense school environment in the interest of academic freedom and the advancement of national defense-related concepts. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the United States government. This publication has been reviewed by security and policy review authorities and is cleared for public release. ii Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii ABSTRACT . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . vii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . ix 1 INTRODUCTION . 1 Notes . 2 2 COMMAND AND FORCE STRUCTURE . 3 Dominican Republic . 3 Somalia . 9 Summary . 19 Notes . 21 3 POLITICAL IMPACTS ON OPERATIONS . 27 Dominican Republic . 27 Somalia . 35 Summary . 45 Notes . 47 4 INTEROPERABILITY ISSUES . 53 Dominican Republic . 53 Somalia . 59 Intelligence . 63 Summary . 68 Notes . 70 5 CONCLUSION . 75 Notes . 79 Illustrations Figure 1 Map Showing Humanitarian Relief Sectors (Deployment Zones) . 12 2 Weapon Authorization ID Card . 18 3 ROE Pocket Card Issued for Operation Restore Hope . 36 iii Abstract The United States has been involved in peace enforcement operations for many years. In that time we have learned some lessons. Unfortunately, we continue to repeat many of the same mistakes.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa's Role in Nation-Building: an Examination of African-Led Peace
    AFRICA’S ROLE IN NATION-BUILDING An Examination of African-Led Peace Operations James Dobbins, James Pumzile Machakaire, Andrew Radin, Stephanie Pezard, Jonathan S. Blake, Laura Bosco, Nathan Chandler, Wandile Langa, Charles Nyuykonge, Kitenge Fabrice Tunda C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2978 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0264-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: U.S. Air Force photo/ Staff Sgt. Ryan Crane; Feisal Omar/REUTERS. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Since the turn of the century, the African Union (AU) and subregional organizations in Africa have taken on increasing responsibilities for peace operations throughout that continent.
    [Show full text]
  • Somalia: the Quest for Peacemaking and Peacekeeping
    Somalia: Th e quest for peacemaking and peacekeeping ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court, Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria Research seminar report Tel: (27-12) 346 9500 Fax: (27-12) 346 9570 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce First Floor, Ki-Ab Building, Alexander Pushkin Street, Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa Tel: (251-11) 372-1154/5/6 Fax: (251-11) 372 5954 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Cape Town Offi ce 67 Roeland Square, Drury Lane Gardens Cape Town 8001 South Africa Tel: (27-21) 461 7211 Fax: (27-21) 461 7213 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Nairobi Offi ce 5th Floor, Landmark Plaza Argwings Kodhek Road, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: (254 -20) 300 5726/8 Fax: (254-20) 271 2902 E-mail: [email protected] ISS Pretoria Offi ce ISS Conference Report Block C, Brooklyn Court, Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria Tel: (27-12) 346 9500 Fax: (27-12) 460 0998 ISBN 978-1-920114-81-7 E-mail: [email protected] www.issafrica.org 9 781920 114817 The publication of this report has been made possible by the generous support of the UK Department for International Compiled by Solomon A Dersso Development (DFID), and the Federal Foreign Offi ce of the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, general Institute funding is provided by the Governments of Denmark, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. Hilton Hotel, Nairobi, Kenya, 10 and 11 December 2008 Somalia: Th e quest for peacemaking and peacekeeping Research seminar report Compiled by Solomon A Dersso Hilton Hotel, Nairobi, Kenya, 10 and 11 December 2008 Contents Acknowledgements .
    [Show full text]
  • African Union Addressed • S/2002/979 (29 August 2002) Was Peace and Security in Africa
    SECURITY COUNCIL REPORT 2011 No. 2 10 May 2011 SPECIAL RESEARCH REPORT This report and links to all of the relevant documents are available on our website at www.securitycouncilreport.org Working TogeTher for Peace and SecuriTy in africa: The Security council and the AU Peace and Security council TABLE OF CONTENTS 9. The AU PSC-UN Security This Special Research Report 1. Introduction .................................1 Council Relationship ................23 responds to a growing interest in 2. Historical Context .......................3 10. Trying to Put Things in how to improve the joint efforts of 2.1 UN Chapter VIII Relationships ......3 Perspective .................................26 both the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council 2.2 The AU Comes into Being ............4 11. Council and Wider Dynamics ...28 to prevent and end violent conflicts 3. The AU Structural Design ..........5 11.1 Political Perspectives from in Africa. For almost six years SCR 4. The AU’s Peace and Security the Past ........................................28 has been analysing these efforts in System ..........................................6 11.2 Current Political Dynamics .........30 country-specific situations and at 4.1 The PSC’s Structure and 12. The Way Ahead ......................... 32 the thematic level. But with the tenth Working Methods..........................6 13. UN Documents ......................... 33 anniversary of the AU inauguration 4.2 The Continental Early 14. AU Documents.......................... 37 just over a year away it seemed Warning System ............................7 Appendix ................................... 38 clear that the relationship still had 4.3 The Panel of the Wise ...................7 many problems and was very far 4.4 The African Standby Force away from realising its potential for being an effective partnership.
    [Show full text]
  • UN Peacekeeping & Humanitarian Intervention As Tools For
    J U R I D I C U M UN Peacekeeping & Humanitarian Intervention as Tools for Enforcement of Human Rights Miguel Montero VT 2019 RV600G Rättsvetenskaplig kandidatkurs med examensarbete (C-uppsats), 15 högskolepoäng Examinator: Katalin Capannini Handledare: Mais Qandeel Acknowledgments I am grateful to my teachers and supervisor who have guided me with great patience and knowledge through my academic studies. And I am eternally grateful towards my family who have supported me every step of the way to be where I am today. i Abstract This thesis conducts and evaluative research as to whether or not UN peacekeeping forces and UN humanitarian interventions are effective and viable as tools for human rights enforcement. This thesis analyses three important UN operations that have had an impact into the creation of the UN peacekeeping system in place today. It finds that while UN peacekeeping may be effective in enforcing human rights depending on the conflict, it lacks in viability due to the application system and legal framework surrounding the use of enforcement action. ii Glossary AMISOM = African Union Mission in Somalia AU = African Union CDR = Coalition for the Defence of the Republic DMZ = De- Militarised Zone ICESCR = International Covenant on Economic,Social and Cultural Rights Inter alia = Among other things MINUSMA = United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali NMOG = Neutral Military Observer Group RPF = Rwandan Patriotic Front UK = United Kingdom UN = United Nations UNAMIR = United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda UNEF = United Nations Emergency Force UNITAF = Unified Task Force UNMIH = United Nations Mission in Haiti UNOMUR = United Nations Observer Mission in Uganda Rwanada UNOSOM = United Nations Operations in Somalia UNSOM = United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia UNSOS = United Nations Support Office in Somalia US = United States iii Table of Contents Acknowledgments .........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Making the Case for Conflict Bifurcation in Afghanistan
    VIII Making the Case for Conflict Bifurcation in Mghanistan: Transnational Armed Conflict, al Qaida and the Limits of the Associated Militia Concept Geoffrey S. Corn* n response to a Committee for Human Rights inquiry related to the targeted I killing of an alleged al Qaida operative in Yemen, the United States asserted: The Government of the United States respectfully submits that inquiries related to allegations stemming from any military operations conducted during the course of an armed conflict with AI Qaidado not fall within the mandate of the Special Rapporteur. AI Qaida and related terrorist networks are at war with the United States . Despite coalition success in Afghanistan and around the world, the war is far from over. The AI Qaida network today is a multinational enterprise with operations in more than 60 countries.l • Associate Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law. Making the Case for Conflict Bifurcation in Afghanistan This assertion of the existence of an armed conflict between al Qaida and the United States was both dear and emphatic, specifically rejecting the proposition that the killing was governed by human rights norms. It also represents what many believe is a radical theory of law: that an armed conflict can exist between a State and a transnational non-State entity.2 In no location has this latter proposition been more contested than in Afghan­ istan. Although al Qaida may very well operate in over sixty countries around the world, the reality is that almost all the US military effort directed against that en­ emy has occurred in Afghanistan, where much of that effort has been intertwined with the effort to defeat the Taliban armed forces.
    [Show full text]
  • Tahir, Abdifatah I.Pdf
    A University of Sussex PhD thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details URBAN GOVERNANCE, LAND CONFLICTS AND SEGREGATION IN HARGEISA, SOMALILAND: HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES AND CONTEMPORARY DYNAMICS ABDIFATAH I TAHIR This thesis is submitted to the Department of Geography, School of Global Studies, University of Sussex, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) OCTOBER 1, 2016 DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY SCHOOL OF GLOBAL STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX 1 | Page ORIGINALITY STATEMENT I hereby declare that this thesis has not been and will not be submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree. Signature 2 | Page I. ABSTRACT This thesis offers an explanation for why urban settlement in Somaliland’s capital city of Hargeisa is segregated along clan lines. The topic of urban segregation has been neglected in both classic Somali studies, and recent studies of post-war state-building and governance in Somaliland. Such negligence of urban governance in debates over state-making stems from a predominant focus on national and regional levels, which overlooks the institutions governing cities.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey's Somalia Adventure: the Quest for Soft Power and Regional Recognition by Matthew T
    Turkey's Somalia Adventure: the Quest for Soft Power and Regional Recognition by Matthew T. Gullo About the author: Matthew T. Gullo has received an MA Degree in Political Science from Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. His Master’s thesis is entitled: "Turkish Foreign Policy: Neo-Ottomanism 2.0 and the Future of Turkey’s Relations with the West." © 2012 ResearchTurkey. All rights reserved. This publication cannot be printed, reproduced, or copied without referencing the original source. Please cite this publication as follows: Gullo, Matthew T. (June, 2012), “Turkey's Somalia Adventure: the Quest for Soft Power and Regional Recognition”, Centre for Policy Analysis and Research on Turkey (ResearchTurkey), London: ResearchTurkey (http://researchturkey.org/?p=1226) URL: http://researchturkey.org/?p=1226 © 2012 ResearchTurkey Turkey's Somalia Adventure: the Quest for Soft Power and Regional Recognition Matthew T. Gullo Abstract: This paper examines a unique dimension in contemporary Turkish foreign policy: “Turkish exceptionalism” in the Middle East. “Turkish exceptionalism” is the coupling of political altruism, embedded in Prime Minister Erdoğan’s personal international agenda, with Turkish “soft power” in the Muslim world to assist failed states. With Such policies simultaneously advance Turkey’s national interests and objectives that further its international power and prestige. By demonstrating this relationship in statecraft vis-à-vis Turkey’s involvement in rebuilding and stabilising Somalia, this “new” aspect of its foreign policy can be decrypted. This paper also argues that while Turkey’s intention to be a responsible power in Somalia is genuine, the wider geo-politics of Turkey advancing its raison d'etat is coupled within this paradigm.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa Command: U.S
    Order Code RL34003 Africa Command: U.S. Strategic Interests and the Role of the U.S. Military in Africa Updated July 6, 2007 Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Africa Command: U.S. Strategic Interests and the Role of the U.S. Military in Africa Summary On February 6, 2007, the Bush Administration announced its intention to create a new unified combatant command, U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, to promote U.S. national security objectives in Africa and its surrounding waters. U.S. military involvement on the continent is currently divided among three commands: U.S. European Command (EUCOM), U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), and U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM). As envisioned by the Administration, the command’s area of responsibility (AOR) would include all African countries except Egypt. In recent years, analysts and U.S. policymakers have noted Africa’s growing strategic importance to U.S. interests. Among those interests are Africa’s role in the Global War on Terror and the potential threats posed by ungoverned spaces; the growing importance of Africa’s natural resources, particularly energy resources; and ongoing concern for the continent’s many humanitarian crises, armed conflicts, and more general challenges, such as the devastating effect of HIV/AIDS. In 2006, Congress authorized a feasibility study on the creation of a new command for Africa. As defined by the Department of Defense (DOD), AFRICOM’s mission will be to promote U.S. strategic objectives by working with African states and regional organizations to help strengthen stability and security in the region through improved security capability, military professionalization, and accountable governance.
    [Show full text]
  • 6. the Situation in Somalia
    Chapter VIII. Consideration of questions under the responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security 6. The situation in Somalia Decision of 26 March 1993 (3188th meeting): promote efforts towards such reconciliation in resolution 814 (1993) cooperation with the regional organizations. However, his efforts had been hindered by the circumstances On 3, 11 and 22 March 1993, pursuant to prevailing in Somalia, including the non-existence of a resolution 794 (1992) of 3 December 1992, the government, the multiplicity of parties, factions and Secretary-General submitted a further report on leaders, and the absence of law and order in all parts of Somalia.1 In his report, the Secretary-General the country. The major political development since his described his efforts to implement resolution 794 and last report had been the convening in Mogadishu, after introduced his plan for the transition from the United significant delays, of the Ad Hoc Committee to resolve Task Force (UNITAF) to the United Nations Operation the criteria for participation at, and the agenda of, the in Somalia (UNOSOM II). The Secretary-General National Reconciliation Conference. The Committee reported that the situation in many parts of the country had met on 23 and 27 February and adopted a report on remained complex and tense, especially in rural areas participation, the draft agenda and decision-making and along Somalia’s borders with Ethiopia and Kenya. procedures. The Somali National Alliance had The recent murders of relief workers had highlighted submitted reservations regarding the criteria for the extreme fragility of the security situation, in spite participation.
    [Show full text]
  • Somaliland: the Strains of Success
    Somaliland: The Strains of Success Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°113 Nairobi/Brussels, 5 October 2015 I. Overview Somaliland’s hybrid system of tri-party democracy and traditional clan-based gov- ernance has enabled the consolidation of state-like authority, social and economic recovery and, above all, relative peace and security but now needs reform. Success has brought greater resources, including a special funding status with donors – especially the UK, Denmark and the European Union (EU) – as well as investment from and diplomatic ties with Turkey and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), though not inter- national recognition. It is increasingly part of the regional system; ties are especially strong with Ethiopia and Djibouti. Given the continued fragility of the Somalia Federal Government (SFG), which still rejects its former northern region’s independence claims, and civil war across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, Somaliland’s continued stabil- ity is vital. This in turn requires political reforms aimed at greater inclusion, respect for mediating institutions (especially the professional judiciary and parliament) and a regional and wider internationally backed framework for external cooperation and engagement. Successful state building has, nevertheless, raised the stakes of holding – and los- ing – power. While Somaliland has remained largely committed to democratic gov- ernment, elections are increasingly fraught. Fear of a return to bitter internal conflict is pushing more conservative politics: repression of the media and opposition, as well as resistance to reforming the increasingly unsustainable status quo. Recurrent po- litical crises and delayed elections (now set for March 2017) risk postponing much needed internal debate. The political elites have a limited window to decide on steps necessary to rebuild the decaying consensus, reduce social tensions and set an agenda for political and institutional reform.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of the United Nations in Peacekeeping and Truce-Monitoring : What Are the Applicable Norms
    REVUE BELGE DE DROIT INTERNATIONAL 1994/2 — Éditions BRUYLANT, Bruxelles THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IN PEACEKEEPING AND TRUCE-MONITORING : WHAT ARE THE APPLICABLE NORMS PAU Davis BROWN (*) « Who killed collective security ? » As late as 1989, when the Cold War was winding down but still dominating foreign affairs, the Cold War policymakers would not have answered this question uniformly, for it was the Cold War itself that made realization of collective security, as envisaged by the drafters of the U.N. Charter, impossible. When the Char- ter’s original vision of collective security failed because of superpower deadlock in the Security Council (1), the U.N. had no mechanism for res- ponding to threats to international peace and security. The Security Coun­ cil was able to create the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) and other opérations consisting of strictly truce-monitoring observers (2), but was not able to agree on deploying armed troops in foreign territories, whether directly or by authorization of unilatéral action. Under these conditions the General Assembly created the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) in the Sinai, in response to the Security Coun- cil’s inability to take action on its own (3). The prineiples behind UNEF were a major departure from the past practice of sending only a few unar- med observers, whose effectiveness depended entirely on the goodwill of the (*) J.D. 1994, New York University School of Law ; Junior Fellow 1993-94, Center for Inter­ national Studies, NYU School of Law ; Légal Extern 1992-93, Multinational Force and Observers. The author would like to thank Akiho Shibata, Richard Glick, Kening Zhang and Professor Jean Salmon for their insights, and especially Professors Thomas Franck and Greg Fox of NYU Law School, without whose tutelage this article would not have been possible.
    [Show full text]