Geographical Review of Japan vol. 76, No. 5, 333-348, 2003

Changing Characteristics of Public Housing Dwellers in Hiroshima City

YUI Yoshiichi School of Education, Hiroshima University, Higashi-hiroshima, Hiroshima 739-8524 , Japan

Abstract: Housing supply systems have a close relationship to the characteristics of residents , especially in the sub-market of public housing. Because there are strict regulations for applicants for public housing, local governments mainly select tenants in regard to their income conditions. This study aims to examine the change in characteristics of residents in public housing and to clarify the cause of this transformation process. In the built-up area, rapid aging and decrease in household sizes in public houses may cause serious social problems . In the suburban area, aging and decreasing household members in public housing did not become prominent in any of the public housing types. Most young families in public houses in suburban area moved out when they aged, and elders without their own transportation tend to avoid inconvenient suburban public housing. Thus the Public Housing Act transformed the structures of dwellers' characteristics. For welfare purposes, the Public Housing Act gives priority to lower income households, for example elders. The Public Housing Act induced the aging of residents. Consequently, the welfare for economically weaker households will strengthen the housing trap.

Key words: public housing, housing trap, aging, welfare, Hiroshima city

proached the public housing and housing im I ntroduction provement from the view-point of welfare. In other countries, many approaches for pub Housing problems in urban area include both lic housing as a form of welfare facility were quantitative and qualitative problems. The for attempted. In developing countries, public mer is the serious shortage of housing stock housing is supplied for lower income house and the latter the low quality housing condi holds in order to resolve slum problems, for tion. The supply of public housing is one of the redevelopment in built-up areas or as a supply effective resolutions for both problems, because for migrants. In developed countries, there are many public houses are supplied in urban areas many migrants from developing countries and where housing stock is not enough to meet the lower income households in public housing. need, and the condition of housing is more than Thus, the most important role of public housing the national minimum. It is important for the is a form of welfare in which the local govern economically weaker section to live in urban ment supplies houses directly for lower income areas. Because public housing is supplied to people by the support of the national govern such people especially for social welfare, local ment (Dwyer 1975; white 1984; Johnston 1984; governments have strict selection by income. Sakiyama 1985; Knox 1987; Smith 1989; Tomi Housing is one of the most serious problems oka 1992). in Japanese urban areas, but few geographical Housing supply policy in Japan is divided by studies have dealt with the problem. Geographi income groups. For middle and upper income cal studies in Japan have tended to analyze the classes, Japanese government promotes the pri pattern of urban residential characteristics and vate house ownership market by financial pol urbanization, and there are very few research icy, and supplies public housing for the lower papers that clarify the location and develop income class. However, the residential space of ment process of public housing (Bito 1985; public housing is small because it is considered Kitabatake 1992). Only Mizuuchi (1984) ap to be temporary.

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The supply of public housing in Japan was such immigration is continued. As a result, the started in 1945, with the necessity of recon concentration of economically weaker groups is structing urban houses after the war: in 1946, strengthened to form the so-called the "housing 40 thousand houses were constructed by public trap." Furthermore, Takenaka (1992) pointed investment in the form of emergency urban out the mechanism of housing class in public housing. The supply of public housing started housing as one in which the institutional re essentially with the Public Housing Act in strictions together with the income limitation, 1951, by which construction was subsidized by induce disparity. Sumida (1982) presented the the national government in order to resolve the theory of "residential place class," which was serious lack of housing and to perform welfare termed "the housing class" by Nishiyama service. However, the constructions and main (1968). However, this theory is not geographi tenances of public housing has been governed cal, because he did not consider regional dis by the Ministry of Construction, not by the tinctions. Ministry of Health and Welfare (Ogita and Lim Hirayama and Tanimoto (1985) and Hi 1989). rayama et al. (1986) clarified the concentration Ogita and Lim (1989) pointed out that public of recipients of public assistance in public hous housing policy in Japan lacks the welfare per ing, and Rokuhara (1992) clarified that the spective, because it was more important for the population of economically weaker households, government to supply public housing in order handicapped people, single parents, and elderly to resolve the shortage of urban housing which concentrated in public housing. As mentioned meant that construction and management of above, the Public Housing Act is the cause of housing are more important in Japan than wel this disparity in housing classes. fare as such. Much public housing is located in built-up However, the public housing has a great role areas, but newly constructed public housing is to play in welfare. Tamaki (1976a, b, c) ana located in suburban areas, and locations are lyzed the occupation and income of residents in isolated from built-up areas. A serious problem public houses and clarified that there were has thus occurred in public housing: the aging many specific households, who needed cheaper of buildings and of residents. Kaneshiro (1983) rent houses because of aging or large families, and Yui (1991b) clarified that aging of residents in public housing in Nagoya and some local is different in each housing type in suburban cities. areas, while Yui (1991 a) pointed out that there Rex and Moore (1967) introduced the concept are many elder residents in public housing and of housing class, which means disparity in ac that aging patterns had regional differentiation. cess to a house. And Gray (1976), Pinch (1977), Thus it is clear that housing supply systems Kirby (1981), and Dieleman (1983) analyzed the have a close relationship to the characteristics relationship between access to houses and of residents, especially in the sub-market of housing policy. Public houses are supplied for public housing. Because there are strict regula economically weaker households, which can tions for applicants for public housing, local not obtain housing in the private housing mar governments mainly select tenants in regard to ket. So the upper limitation of income induces their income conditions. In Japan, public hous the formation of a homogeneous community. ing owned by municipal and prefectural gov Takenaka (1990) defined housing class as the ernments is generally supplied for households aggregation of household which are divided by who cannot afford to buy or rent their houses in ownership and housing sets. He pointed out the private housing market. Japanese public that disparity and class struggle are likely to housing consists of three types: Type I house occur in new towns, because community is clas for lower income households, Type II for the sified by income levels. In public houses, eco lowest income households, and Type III for nomically weaker groups are concentrated by households who have been displaced from rede such social filtering. Thus low income house velopment areas located in poor quality resi holds usually migrate to public housing, and dential areas.

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This study aims to examine the change in fires. Therefore the municipal office started to characteristics of residents in public housing redevelop and reconstruct this Motomachi area and to clarify the cause of this transformation in the late 1960s and 1970s with the support of process. For the former aim, the author used the national government (Hiroshima-shi 1983a, the age data from the Census from 1970 to b). Consequently the complex of high-rise apart 1990, and for the latter aim, the author at ment houses was built near the CBD. These tempted to outline mechanisms responsible for high-rise apartment houses were well designed the changing characteristics of residents. The and got the first prize in an architectural com study area is Hiroshima city, because it is easy petition in Japan. Most of "slum people" and the to compare residents in public housing between victims of the war were transferred to these built-up areas and suburban areas. apartment houses and the municipal govern ment received applicants from city residents for The Study Area and the Method the rest of houses. Before this project, many low and middle rise Hiroshima city is in the center of Chugoku public houses were constructed in Motomachi district in western Japan. In World War II, the by the municipal and the prefectural govern city was destroyed completely by the atomic ment. Thus Motomachi has the biggest com bomb. Many victims lived in the slum located plex of public housing in the city. Other com adjacent to the CBD, and the local government plexes of public housing are located in several had to supply a large number of houses for areas in Hiroshima city, for example, Fuku them. In order to resolve these problems, the shima-cho. local government constructed high-rise public In the built-up areas, newly constructed pub housing near the city center. This project was lic housing in the form of large apartments assisted by the national government. were located in reclaimed lands: Yoshijima, After 1960, Hiroshima city experienced rapid Funairi-Eba, Ujina, and Kannon. On the other economic growth and considerable in-migra hand, in suburban areas small size public hous tion from the local region and the shortage of ing was built before the 1960s. Most of old houses became a serious problem. The local public housing in suburban areas are owned by government constructed much public housing the municipal government, but newly con in suburban areas because the suburban land structed public housing was owned by the pre prices were cheap. fectural government from the 1970s. Recently In Hiroshima city, there are about 24,000 the municipal government is tending to stop publicly owned houses distributed in all areas the supply of newly constructed public housing of the city. The number of public houses is but to reconstruct old public housing in built ranked 10th in Japanese cities and the ratio of up areas. public housing per total households is about Firstly the list and map of public housing are 5%. The housing stock in Hiroshima is less necessary to identify the type of public housing than other metropolitan areas in Japan, and the and their locations. And in order to compare number of housing stock supplied by the the publicly owned house and public corpora Housing and Urban Development Corporation tions' house, every type of public housing was (HUDC) is extremely small. investigated. After World War II the supply of public hous Secondly, it was necessary to select public ing in Hiroshima was begun in order to recon housing which could be analyzed in each hous struct built-up areas destroyed by the atomic ing units and compared over the long term. I bomb. The construction of public housing was used the micro scale census data of 1970, 1975, necessary and urgent because so many of the 1980, 1985, and 1990, but it was difficult to get victims of war lost their houses and illegally longitudinal micro data because the boundaries occupied the riverside area and the open space of census units are changed in each Census. near Hiroshima castle. This was called "Atomic Consequently, the research subjects are 59 pub bomb slum," and the area often suffered from lic house units, whose locations are shown in

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Figure 1.•@ Distribution of researched public housing in. Hiroshima city. Type I: 6 (Motomachi), 7 (Chojuen-kita), 12, 17, 19, 38, 39 (Suzugamine), 43, 49, 50 (Katie-nakajima), 51 Type II: 1 (Nishi-hakushima), 3 (Motomachi 18th high-rise), 4 (Motomachi 19th high-rise), 8 (Chojuen-minami), 13, 16 (Eda), 25 (Ushita), 29 (Ujina-akatuki), 35 (Shinjo), 41 (Suzugamine-minami), Type III: 20, 42 (Fukushima-cho) Mixed types: 2 (Motomachi), 5 (Motomachi-koso 20th), 14, 15 (Funairi), 18, 21, 22, 23, 24, 27 (Minami-heiwa), 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 46, 37, 40 (Suzugamine apartment), 46, 47, 48 (Asa), 52, 57, 58, 59 Other type: 26 (Kyobashi) Housing Corporation: 9 (Nishi-hakushima), 10 (Hakushima), 11 (Hakushima-kitamachi), 44 (Nakahiro), 45 (Tenmacyo-shigaiati), 53, 54, 55, 56

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Figure 2. Changing patterns of dwellers' age in public housing. Source: census.

Figure 1. The ratio for all public housing is ture. 69% in the city. In built-up areas, the data is Thirdly, the author analyzed the characteris available in most of the public housing, but I tics of urban residents by using Census data on could not obtain data on many small-scale pub age, number of household members, occupa lic housing in suburban areas, because most of tion, and the educational career. them have very small units which are tenement style and owned by the municipal government. It was possible to analyze only the middle or high rise public houses owned by the prefec

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eas due to the increasingly small-size family. The Changes in Public Housing There has been such rapid aging in public hous Dwellers' Characteristics ing because the long staying dwellers became aged. Furthermore, by the revision of the selec tion system of public housing, preferential Age structure treatment for single elderly was introduced in According to the census data in 1970, the 1980, inducing elderly to migrate into public ratio of elderly (over 65) in public housing is housing. Consequently, the ratio of the elderly lower, except for four old public houses in the in public housing in built-up areas has risen built-up area. In 1970, the ratio of elderly in rapidly. The second type is "the long stayers' type by public housing in the built-up area was under 5%, while it was under 3% in the suburban younger households." In this type, the composi area. So the aging of residents in the built-up tion of residents has been aging gradually. In area is almost the same as in the suburban area. 1970, the majority of residents were younger In 1980 the number of older residents in public families: parents aged 25-39 and infants or houses increased in the built-up area. Although lower elementary school age children. In 1990, the average of ratio of elderly was 7.3% in the they had reached 45-59 years old because most city, it was over 10% in many public houses, of them had remained, while the ratio of the and surprisingly over 20% in two public elderly was still under 15%. That was why a houses. But the ratio of elderly in public houses few elders migrated in their public houses. was not changed in suburban areas in 1980, and The third type is "the changing type with was still low in all public housing. younger households." This type shows almost In 1990, the ratio of elderly increased in all the same pattern as the second, but in this type, the age group of over 45 years old is less than in public housing. The average ratio in Hiroshima city was up to 9.8%, as against a ratio in public the second type. In this type, the ratio of over houses of over 15% in the built-up area. In 45 was under 10% and most residents were still some public houses, one third of the residents young because younger households did not were elderly. On the other hand, there was no stay long and young households migrated in dramatic increase of elderly in public house in after young families' moving out. It can be the suburban areas. The ratio of elderly was named "continuous younger type." over 10% in only two public houses in the The distribution of these three types is shown suburbs. in Figure 3. In built-up areas, the first type was Considering the composition of the young dominant. Specially, the rate of elderly was generation (25-39 age), middle (40-59 age), and very high in some old public houses. On the elderly (over 65), the author recognizes three other hand, the second and third types are dis types of transformation pattern in public hous tributed in suburban areas. For example, in the ing. The typical patterns are shown in Figure 2. relatively new constructed public housing in The first type is "specialized aging type" in Asa-minami and Asa-kita wards, all public which the elderly had increased and younger housing units except one are the second or the generations decreased in built-up areas. The third type. ratio of elderly was over 15% in this type, In Motomachi, there is a variety of high-rise which was formed in built-up areas where public houses near CBD. It is surprising that many householders stayed long in the same the ratios of elderly are very high in many public house and their children migrated out. public housing units, over 20% in most public Although family living was cramped in a small houses, and an extremely high rate of 36.8% of the elderly in Type II public housing in Nishi public house, it was adequate space for a couple of parents or lone parent to continue to live. hakushima. One of the reasons for this phe Then, in spite of the continuation of the number nomenon is the supply system of public hous of households in public housing, the population ing. Elderly people have priority to migrate has decreased in public housing in built-up ar into public housing because of the welfare ser

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Figure 3. Distribution of changing patterns of age in public housing .

vice. because it is owner-occupied housing, and It is clear that the change of residents in the many households did not move out. But in built-up area is different for each housing type. 1990, the rate of elderly showed no clear dif This change was caused by the selection sys ference between public houses and Housing tem in each public housing. It is possible for Corporation houses. relatively rich households to move out accord In suburban areas, most public houses are the ing to their income in Type I. But dwellers in third type, except for old tenement houses. Be Type II can not move out because it is difficult cause many of the third type were constructed for them to find a house on the private housing after the 1970s, the age structure of dwellers in market, and lower income households consist this type was not changed in 1990. Middle aged ing of younger families, have priority to live in householders are very few and young house public housing. holds with infants or elementary school chil Comparing public houses with the Housing dren are dominant in this type. I suppose that Corporation's houses, the rate of elderly was middle age households moved out and young extremely low in both types in 1970 and 1975. households migrated into the vacant public The rate in Chojuen apartment house, supplied houses. by the housing association, was slightly higher,

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Figure 4. Changing patterns of family size in public housing. Source: census.

holders were long stayers. The change of household members After the alteration of the Public Housing Act In 1970 and 1975, most families in public in 1980, lone elderly, handicapped and needy houses were 3 or 4 household member families. people came to be able to apply for public hous In the suburbs, the rates of large families (4 or ing. The rates of small families in public houses more members) were over 50% in public increased rapidly in built-up areas. One or two houses. These rates were higher than the aver member families occupied over 50% of resi age for the city region, under 40%. On the dents in many public houses. These rates were other hand, the rate was slightly low in built-up extremely high (over 60%) in old public houses. areas. It was a specific phenomenon in public For example, 85% of residents in Heiwa apart houses in 1970 that the rate of single house ment house, which is owned by the municipal holds was very low, under 10%. In suburban government, were single or two member house areas, the rates of single family were under 3%, holds. Many old public houses supplied before due to the selection system. Lone householders 1970 were small in size (2 rooms or 43m2) and were not permitted to apply to move into public not adequate for large families with children. housing, which was why the only lone house But the supplies for lone residents were 60 pub

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Figure 5. Distribution of changing patterns of household status in public housing . lic houses annually, only 5% of all supplies by urban area, but the distinction between Type I the municipal and the prefectural government. and Type II is not so obvious. In suburban areas, the composition of house The first type is "the specialized few member hold members was not changed from 1970 to families" which shows increase of lone families 1990. Over half the families consisted of 4 or 5 and two member families, and decrease of large members, which was why their residents did families (over 4 members). This type is charac not stay longer and young households with terized by a high rate of few member families. their children moved in and out. This was already high (over 30%) in 1970 and The changing patterns of household mem reached over 60% in 1990. Every public house bers in public houses from 1970 to 1990 are in this type is distributed in built-up areas. This classified into three types. These three types is caused by the many long stayers in built-up differ from each other, according to the compo areas because of its convenient location and sition of lone families or 4 member families. because the rent of public house is cheaper than The changing patterns of each type are shown private rents in the surrounding area. Further in Figure 4 and their distributions are shown in more, many lone elderly, who strongly wished Figure 5. Clearly regional differentiation is to live in a convenient area, tended to move into recognized between the built-up area and sub these public houses. The decrease of family

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members in Type II public housing is severer occupied old houses, the elderly and small size than in Type I. families increased, because they stayed long The second type is "mixed families size." The and their children moved out. number of household members decreased Tamaki (1976c) clarified that household members in public housing in metropolitan ar gradually in this type, but over the half the households consisted of normal and large fami eas are larger than in local areas. But this study lies (over 3 household members). In other shows that there is a clear distinction between words, the second type includes a variety of built-up areas and suburban areas, which seems household sizes. For example, Chojuen-kita to be caused by housing preferences according apartment house, which is Type I public house to life stages. owned by Hiroshima prefecture, contained Suzuki (1973) pointed out in his analysis of many large families continuously, whereas income classes that the monotonous housing small families increased gradually. Its chang type can not correspond to the various needs ing pattern was different from Chojuen-minami for public houses. In this study, it is clarified apartment house, which is Type II and located that the supplies of public houses are not in the same block. That was caused by the adapted to each family size and age, and that selection system of public housing. Type II the residents in public houses show a clear dis public houses were supplied for lone elderly parity between built-up areas and suburban ar and small families needing welfare by setting eas. the restriction of upper income. That is why Compositions of employment lone elderly and small families migrated into Type II early and similar families subsequently There is clearly a distinction in employment moved in for the welfare purpose. This ten in public housing, particularly construction, dency demonstrates the ways in which the se manufacturing, retail and wholesale, and serv lection system for public housing creates dis ice labor. In this section, the change of employ tinctions among residents of public houses. ment in public houses from 1970 to 1990 is The third type is "specialized large families." analyzed. In this type, over half of households are large In 1970, the rates of construction labor in families (over 4 members) continuously, such as Type II public houses and improved public Koyo apartment house owned by the prefecture houses were extremely high (over 30%) in built in Asa-kita ward. Many public houses of this up area, compared with the average (9.3%) in type are distributed in suburban areas. In 1970 the city. But these rates were low in Type I in and 1975, most public housing in all city re built-up area and in suburban areas except for Shimo-omachi apartment house. The rates fell gions contained a lot of large families like this type. But in built-up areas, large families de in some public houses in 1990 in spite of the creased in public houses. As mentioned above, little change in the average of the city. Next, the rates of manufacturing employees young families with children moved in and out in public houses in suburban areas. Their fam in most public houses in suburban areas and ily sizes were not reduced because their chil some public houses in built-up areas were dren were too young to be independent, and higher than the city average (25.0%) in 1970. lone elderly never migrated to these inconve These rates had not change much in 1990, nient places. whereas the city average fell to 17.9%. In built Compared with the Corporation houses, fam up areas, the rates of manufacturing employees ily size in Nishi-hakushima apartment house, in public houses were almost the same as the owned by the Housing and Urban Development city average. And both rates of manufacture Corporation (HUDC became UDC), became and construction in public houses were lower smaller, like the first type in public houses. than the third sector. With the change of indus Thus, in every kind of house small size families trial structure from 1970 to 1990, the rate of the increased in built-up areas, due to aging and second sector decreased from 34.4% to 28.7%, independence of the children. In owner and that of the third sector increased from

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Figure 6. Distribution of transformation type in public housing dwellers.

60.2% to 68.7% in Hiroshima city. In 1990, areas. rates of retail/wholesale and service employ The distinction of employment structure be ment were over 30% in public houses in built tween public houses and Corporation houses up areas. The rate of the third sector was was remarkable. The rates of third sector in the higher than the city average. On the other Corporation houses were over 70%, but em hand, in suburban areas, the rate of manufac ployees of construction and manufacturing turing employees was high and the rate of the were very few. This was a clear discrimination third sector was lower than in built-up areas. in the housing market. Consequently, by the classification of the transformation patterns of employment struc The Transformation Pattern and ture and the present employment structure, all Mechanism of Change among public houses were divided into two types. Public Housing Dwellers Firstly, type of public house is characterized by predominance of the third sector in built-up Model of transformation pattern of dwellers areas. Secondary type is characterized by dominance of the second sector in suburban By the classification of public houses from

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Figure 7. Transformation mechanism of dwellers' characteristics in public housing.

viewpoints of aging and family composition, families in both Type I and Type II in 1970. In three types were clarified. Their distributions Type I public houses, families which consisted are shown in Figure 6. The mechanism of of 3 or 4 members and their householders were transformation in public housing are already employees of the third sector. But in Type II clarified in Hirayama et al. (1986). They clari and the improved houses, the generations of fied that elder households and handicapped residents were mixed and most employees were in the second sector; construction and manufac people were predominant in public houses from their case study in Ikuno ward in Osaka city. ture. In 1990, young families with 3 or 4 mem They pointed out that the accumulation of such bers decreased and lone families increased, and the elderly increased rapidly. The number of people was caused by the Public Housing Act, which gave priority to the elderly, handicapped elders and employees in second sector in Type II are larger than Type I. people, and economically weaker households. But they did not clarify regional distinction. In the suburbs, there were many young Therefore this study tries to clarify the regional households, of which householders were under distinction of transformation patterns of dwell 45 years and their families nuclear. It was a ers in public houses in Hiroshima. The typical different point that the rates of construction transformation patterns are shown in Figure 7. and manufacturing laborers in suburban areas In built-up areas, there were many young were higher than in built-up areas. But the rates 344 Changing Characteristics of Public Housing Dwellers 97

Table 1. Moving in and out in prefectural government-owned housing (The number of houses)

Source: Housing section of Hiroshima Prefecture.

Table 2. Recruitment of residents for prefectural government-owned housing (The number of households)

Source: Housing section of Hiroshima Prefecture. *: Special welfare (for handicapped people , victims of atomic bomb, and etc.). **: A few application . ***: Usual application . of service and retail/wholesale employees were houses was caused by migration, so this re low, because it is necessary for them to live near search tries to clarify movement in and out of their work place. In 1990, employees in second public houses owned by the prefecture. Table 1 sector increased in Type II, and the rates of shows that the numbers of immigrants and out employees in third sector increased in Type I. migrants in public houses in built-up areas are The causes of regional distinction in public less than in suburban areas. In spite of large housing housing stock in built-up areas, there are few migrants. On the other hand, there are many The transformation of residents in public migrants in suburban areas. For example, the

345 98 YUI Y. rates of out-migration from Koyo apartment curred in some public housing. Thus the Public houses in the suburbs were 10% of total stock Housing Act induced the aging of residents. annually. But, residents in built-up area tended This mechanism is called "the housing trap." to stay longer than in suburban areas. The government supplied housing for lower Furthermore, the alternation of residents is income households and so induced the concen different in each housing type. The numbers of tration of lower income people. The aging of public housing has caused the migrants in Type II are less than Type I, be accumulation of a specific social class, which cause there are many economically weaker households in Type II, who can not move out. need welfare services. It is important to point Table 2 shows that the numbers of house out such serious aging in public housing and holds to be accepted are very few in the built-up clarify its mechanism in order to resolve this social problem. areas. This means that there are very few In the suburban areas, aging of residents and vacant houses and out-migrants in built-up ar eas, because residents are satisfied with conven decrease in household members did not become ient locations. Furthermore its numbers in prominent in any type of public housing. In the Type II are extremely few, because housing suburbs, most young families in public housing tend to move out when they grow older, and the stock of Type II is very small, and because most elderly without their own transportation avoid of the residents in Type II have stayed long. In the inconvenience of suburban public housing. suburban areas, the numbers of households to As in the prefectural owned public houses, be accepted are usually more than enough and the numbers of out-migrants in Type II public there are many vacant public houses in subur houses, which are occupied by the municipality, ban areas. As mentioned above, young resi are less than Type I in built-up areas. The dents in public houses in the suburbs tend to registration of Type II is six times larger than move out when their family members increase that of Type I. Thus, the supplies of public and their children grow, or their income in housing are not enough for the need. Further creases. The causes of aging in public housing may be more, the housing stock is short usually, be cause many residents stay long. Because the summarized as follows. Firstly, many residents elderly tend to avoid the upper floors in public in public housing were long stayers. When houses, the municipality opens registration for their children grew up and took employment, elderly to lower floors. many of them moved out of their parents' The Public Housing Act induced the aging of homes because the houses were too small to live residents. For welfare purposes, the Public together in. Therefore, the size of household Housing Act gives priority to lower income decreased, with only the aged parents left be households, including the elderly. In accor hind, since public housing is large enough for a dance with the alteration of the Act in 1980, couple or individual to live in, and is cheap to rent. The ratio of elders increased as the result public housing started to be supplied to lone elderly. Most of them stay long and the ratio of of the increase in aged parents and the decrease aging became serious in public houses. in younger people. Secondly, for welfare purposes, the Public Conclusion Housing Act gives priority to lower income households. In accordance with the Act, the In 1970, the mean of children's age was under public housing department offers accommoda tion to lower income households, which contain 4 years old, and that of adults was 30-34 years many younger households, elderly and handi old, suggesting that the residents in public capped people. Most of them stay for long housing consisted of younger households in 1970. In 1990, the composition of residents' age periods except for younger people and some of the older people who were allowed to move into and family size were completely different. vacant public housing for welfare purposes. Three types of transformation patterns can be Consequently, serious and rapid aging oc recognized during these period.

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Firstly, the rates of elderly families and single result of this situation, the urban mosaic is or 2 person (mostly elderly couple) households clearly structured. increased in Type I and Type II public housing in the inner built-up area. This was caused by Editor's Note: This article was first published in stay of residents for long periods. They hardly Japanese in the Geographical Review of Japan 66A , ever moved out because accessibility to the city 663-682, 1993. center in the built-up area is regarded as impor tant among elderly people, and this also con References tributed to elderly in-migration too . This is Bito A. 1985. The location of rented houses owned by because the Public Housing Act is favorable to governments at various cities in eastern Kana the elderly and low income households in order gawa. Tsukuba Studies in Human Geography 9: to provide welfare service. 207-218. (JE) Secondly, some public houses located in built Dieleman, F. M. 1983. Tenure and allocation policy in up areas are composed of Type I only and have the Tilburg housing market. Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 74 (3): 162-174 few older or small sized families. Less favorable . Dwyer, D. J. 1975. People and housing in Third World provisions for lowest income householders and cities: Perspectives on the problem of spontaneous the elderly prevents them from moving into settlements. London: Longman. this type of housing. Gray, F. 1976. Selection and allocation in council Thirdly, in the suburban area, aging and de housing. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers NS. 1 (1): 34-46. crease in household members in public houses Hirayama Y., and Tanimoto M. 1985. A study on did not become prominent in any of the public concentration of recipients of public assistance in housing types. Most young families in public public housing. Nihon toshi keikaku gakkaki gaku houses in suburban areas moved out when they jyutsu kenkyu ronbun shu 20: 403-408. (JE) aged, and the elderly without their own trans Hirayama Y., Masuda M., and Tanimoto M. 1986. A study on the change of composition of residents portation tended to avoid inconvenient subur and the increase of welfare recipients in public ban public housing. Thus the Public Housing housing. Nihon toshi keikaku gakkai gakujutsu Act transformed the structures of dwellers' kenkyu ronbun shu, 21: 373-378. (JE) characteristics. In the built-up areas, rapid Hiroshima-shi. 1983a. Shinshu hiroshimashinshi chiri aging and decrease in household size in public hen. Hiroshima-shi. (J) houses may cause serious social problems. Hiroshima-shi. 1983b. Shinshu hiroshimashinshi toshi bunka hen. Hiroshima-shi. (J) Fourthly, transformation of the labor force Johnston, R. J. 1984a. City and society: An outline for status of residents in public housing form 1970 urban geography. London: Hutchinson. to 1990 has evidently not changed. Regardless Kaneshiro M. 1983. Changes and factors of age com of the public housing types, the dwellers' rates position in new town districts: with special refer of employment in primary, secondary and ter ence to Senri and Senpoku, Osaka prefecture . tiary industries remained unchanged during Human Geography 35: 75-85. (JE) Kirby, A. 1981. The housing corporation the period in both the built-up and suburban , 1974-1979: An example of state housing policy in Britain . areas. However, the rate for tertiary industries Environment and Planning A 13: 1295-1303. is higher in the built-up area than the suburban Kitabatake J. 1992. The disribution of public housing areas, because tertiary industry employees con in Osaka with regard to location and the number sider accessibility to their work place as one of of rooms. Geographical Review of Japan 65A: 419 - 432. (JE) the most important factors in selecting their Knox, P. 1987. Urban social geography. 2nd ed. New housing. The rate for secondary industries is York: Longman Scientific & Technical. higher among the dwellers in all types of subur Mizuuchi T. 1984. Densely inhabited districts of ban public housing. poorer people and renewal projects in 6 big cities Finally, "housing trap" is a phenomenon by in pre-war Japan: through an analysis of the "re which specific people are gathered together un newal of poor housing districts act" of 1927 . Hu man Geography 36: 289-311. (JE) consciously by the housing supply system. The Nishiyama U. 1968. Nishiyama Uzo chosakushu 2. Juta welfare for economically weaker households kuron. Tokyo: Keiso-shobo. (J) will only strengthen the housing trap. As a Ogita T., and Lim, B. 1989. Koei jutaku kyojyusha undo

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