THE ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE OF SOUTHERN SOUTH

PHILIPA. CLARKE

CLARKE, P. A. 1997. The Aboriginal Cosmic Landscape of Southem . Records a/the 29(2): 125-145.

This paper provides an overview of recorded accounts of Aboriginal beliefs from southern South Australia concerning the cosmos. This study is restricted to discussing a pre-European system of beliefs. It further develops concepts about Aboriginal relationships to space as discussed by Clarke (1991 a). Star maps are provided for the and Lower Murray areas.

P. A. Clarke, Division of Anthropology, South Australian Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia 5000. Manuscript received 19 February, 1996.

INTRODUCTION publications,which were published between 1840 and 1846, were essentially studies of Aboriginal In the mythologies recorded by the ethnographic language and religion (Teichelmann & sources for southern South Australia, there is Schurmann 1840; Teichelmann 1841; Meyer trequent mention of Aboriginal beliefs concerning 1843; 1846; Schurmann 1844; 1846). The the origin of various cosmic bodies and their ethnographic dominance of these recorders was relationships to ancestral beings, both in the such that other sources for southern South heavens and on earth. Many of the ancestral spirits Australia, such as Gell (1842), Wilhelmi (1860), that were considered to have been involved in the and Taplin (Journals; 1874; 1879) acknowledged creation of the world, ended up in the sky. The them as major sources of primary data. The main present paper assembles information on the account provided by Wyatt (1879) stemmed in heavens and discusses how it was organised in part trom material he gathered while preparing a the pre-European systems of belief. Although report in 1838 concerning whether Aboriginal atmospheric properties, such as clouds, wind, rain, religion provided for beliefs in 'God' and an etc., are also clearly related to Aboriginal beliefs afterlife, upon which an oath in a court of law about the regions above them, this paper focuses could be based. I The ethnography of Moorhouse chiefly on astronomical traditions. (1843; 1846) was compiled by him in his official The data presented in this paper is historical, capacity of Aboriginal Protector. Although all recorded from Aboriginal people who had lived in ethnographic accounts were written by men, in the the southern districts prior to and during the early case of the missionary, Taplin, there is evidence phases of European colonisation in South showing that he incorporated the observations and Australia. The sources provide a fragmentary views of his wife.2 These observers had a practical record from observers who were generally not interest in Aboriginal religion and traditions, in privy to insider views of the indigenous cultures. spite of the fact that their records were compiled Much of the material available consists of the before the development of anthropological theory. observations from Europeans chiefly concerned During the twentieth century, much with the setting up of colonial social structures, ethnographic data from southern South Australia such as the legal system and Aboriginal welfare. was collected and published by Tindale (1935; Teichelmann, Schurmann, and Meyer were 1936; 1937; 1938; 1939; 1940; 1941; 1974; 1987; German missionaries who actively recorded the Tindale & Mountford 1936; Tindale & Pretty culture of their intended Aboriginal converts. 1980), the Curator of Anthropology at the South Their reliability as sources comes through Australian Museum.' His data chiefly came trom personal knowledge of the languages involved. elderly Aboriginal informants he interviewed trom Nevertheless, some caution is necessary because the late 1920s onwards. His Aboriginal sources the missionaries were looking for religious ideas included John Wilson ('Sustie'), Reuben Walker, to assist in translating Christian terms. Their. . Amelia Savage (''), Henry Mason ~ 126 P. A. CLARKE

('Mengoan'), Robert ('Joe') Mason, Mary Aboriginal stories was primarily gathered by his ('Grannie') Unaipon('Ngunaiponi'), and Clarence informant, .~ As a ('Clarrie') Long ('Milerum'). The Aboriginal body of literature these twentieth century people who worked with the social ethnographic sources are essentially attempts to anthropologists, Ronald and Catherine Bemdt record a pre-European culture as it would have (Bemdt 1940; Bemdt & Bemdt 1993), included been experiencedto the generationsprecedingthat Barney Warrior ('Waria'), Albert Karloan of their informants. In contrast to studies that ('Karlonie'), Mark Wilson ('Thralrum'), and described a living situation, these are studies of Margaret ('Pinkie') Mack. The mythology upon 'memory culture' (Berndt 1974: 22, 25; which the folklorist, Smith (1930), based his Tonkinsonin Bemdt & Bemdt 1993:xix).A more

I SOUTH AUSTRALIA / I I ( r / r I / I WESTERN DESERT I CULTURAL BLOC I I I / CENTRAL LAKES I / CULTURAL BLOC I / // / ,I; / t1JNUERS J / RANUES .wEST COAST I i , GAWLER RANUF.S 1.. 1 I~ MID NORTIJ 11 :z:~ f~' I ,g/;:) " ~ '", ' //z;- --... /'1(- - tIPPF.RMI1RRAY MOU'UNClE"'"~ f""I AY, I I I I IS , Cl: 112 I !:I r> N I I smr11J F.o\S'rI ,I SOUTH EAST 1 CULTURAL BLOC I

MOUNT: (jAMDIERI. I I

o 100 200 .. . . KMS

FIGURE1.Aboriginal cultural blocsin southernSouthAustralia. ~...... ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 127

detailed analysis of the chief historical sources In the Adelaide area, the 'sky' was recorded as used in this paper is given elsewhere (Clarke 'Ngaiera' (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, pt 2: 1994: 63-81,417-425; Clarke 1995: 145,146). 29).10 In the Parnkalla language of eastern Eyre The present article is part of a larger study of Peninsula, it was similarly termed 'Naieri' Aboriginal relationships with the landscape of (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 37).11 southern South Australia (Clarke 1990; 1991a; Accounts that illustrate the connectedness 1991b; 1994; 1995), which combine historical and between the Skyworld and the terrestrial ethnographic sources with data gathered from landscape exist for other parts of southern South contemporary fieldwork. The language and Australia. In the Mid Murray area, Eyre noted: cultural groups identified in the literature are mapped by Schmidt (1919) and Tindale (1940; One old native informed me, that all blacks, when dead, go up to the clouds, wherethey have plenty to 1974). The geographical and broad cultural eat anddrink; fish,birds, andgame of all kinds, with regions used in this paper are identified in weaponsand implementsto take them. He then told Figure 1. me, that occasionallyindividualshad been up to the European accounts of Aboriginal relationships clouds, and had come back, but that such instances to space have tended to describe territoriality over were very rare; his own mother, he said, had been two-dimensional space, rendered as 'tribes' on one of the favoured few. Someone from above had maps (for example Tindale 1940, 1974). let down a rope, and hauled her up by it; she Nevertheless, from ethnographies across remained one night, and on her return, gave a Australia, it is clear that Aboriginal people description of what she had seen in a chant, or song, considered that there were other realms within the which she sung for me, but of the meaning of which I couldmake outnothing(Eyre 1845,vol.2: 367). perceived cultural landscape in addition to their own terrestrial regions, to which they could travel It is possible that beliefs such as these reflect in spirit form.s Such regions are the Skyworld and some influence from Christianity, perhaps gained the Underworld. The latter is also sometimes -from missionaries whom people met recorded as the 'Land to the West'.6 It appears when receiving rations at the Native in that with the fragmentation of the spirit after Adelaide or through the education of their children death, both regions could be the abode of the spirit at the Native School.12 In the Lower Murray area, to the same Aboriginal group.' These landscape Taplin recorded 'Talkothere says that a little while perceptions are also common concepts throughout ago he dreamed that he was sick and a line came the Oceanic region (Luquet 1968: 451,452). Such down from heaven and fastened on his foot to pull places are defined as psychic landscapes in this him up there and he took out his knife and cut it paper because they are not tangible according to a and so escaped (Journals 22 April 1863)'. The contemporary Westem definition of landscape, connection between the spirit and the Skyworld is which is concerned with topographical features. broad, involving both ends of an individual's life They are nevertheless important inclusions to the cycle. For instance, Pinkie Mack, a Yaraldi mapping of the total cultural landscape of the woman of the Lower Murray, claimed that before Aboriginal people. birth 'children are said to be little, flying about in The perceived existence of the Heavens as an the air, dropped out of a bag and they could be analogue of the terrestrial landscape is common caught' (Harvey 1939). Presumably, the sky was across Australia. This Skyworld was considered perceived as being spatially very close to people to be a region which, to some extent, obeyed the living in the terrestrial region. The body of same laws as those of terrestrial regions.8 knowledge about the cosmos was not divorced Teichelmann stated that the Adelaide Aboriginal from everyday living. people: The Skyworld was perceived as a place where consider the firmament[Heavens]with its bodies as greater knowledge could be attained (Elkin 1977: a land similar to what they are living upon... It is 53,75,76,81,87,90). For example, in the Adelaide their opinion that all the celestial bodies were area, initiates were ritually taken to the celestial formerlylivingupon earth. partly as animals. partly region in order to gain sacred knowledge as men, and that they left this lower region to exchangefor the higherone.Thereforeall the names (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2: 13,22). which apply to the beingson earth they applyto the In the above quotation from Eyre, an Aboriginal celestial bodies, and believe themselves to be woman reportedly learned a new song during a obnoxious to their influence, and ascribe to them visit to the Skyworld. Similarly, in the Lower mal-formation of the body, and other accidents South East of South Australia, a healer reportedly (Teichelmann 1841:8).9 gained knowledge through crossing into the . F"' 128 P. A. CLARKE

Heavens by climbing a tree (Smith 1880: 30). In Monana was considered to be a mortal who had south-western Victoria, Aboriginal 'doctors' and accomplished immortality. In the southern Eyre 'sorcerers' frequently claimed to have visited the Peninsula district, Aboriginal people believed that Skyworld (Oawson 1881: 57,58). The perceived thunder was caused by the spirit creator, existence of this psychic landscape therefore had a Pulyallana, having fits of rage and storming about significant role in the cultural organisation of the clouds (Schurmann 1846 [1987: 243]; people and space. Wilhelmi 1860).17 Lightning was reportedly The Heavens were known to Lower Murray produced when he jerked open his legs. The people as Waiirri.13 The Lower Murray people Skyworld was perceived by Aboriginal people of believed that they would all go to Waiirri after southern South Australia as a part of the death (Taplin 1874 [1879: 18,19]). The landscape that was not beyond their physical people had a term, reach. 'NgranggerakkauwuIl-urmi', which reportedly The amount of cosmological knowledge meant the 'arch of the heavens' (Meyer 1843: 88). possessed by the Aboriginal people of southern The Booandik people from the Lower South East South Australia must have been considerable. possessed the phrase 'kan-murn-a-moorn-o- Teichelmann recorded that with 'the exaltation of noong', which apparently translated as 'up in the almost every consteIlation they give the history of clouds' (Smith 1880: 134). They also caIled the the attending circumstances, which the reasons of clouds, 'moorn', which was apparently the same their present movements explain' (Teichelmann term for skin (Smith 1880: 129). In Gundidjmara 1841: 9). The cosmos is important in the region of south-western Victoria, the 'smaIler mythology associated with the ancestral creative stars' together formed' star earth' (Oawson 1881: period, called in Aboriginal English the 99). In Central Australia, 'tribal' or linguistic 'Oreamtime'.'1 However, there appears to have boundaries are reflected in the cosmic landscape been many layers to this body of knowledge. (Maegraith 1932: 20,26). The Aboriginal Teichelmann wrote: ethnography of southern South Australia The opinions which the Aborigines of South demonstrates the widespread perception that the Australia entertain about the visible world are sky was a landscape, similar to that of the limitedlyknown,asthey carefullyconcealthem from terrestrial plane. Europeans,and even their own males are only at a It appears that the sky was considered to begin certain age initiated into the knowledge of them at the height of a tree or at most a hill. One (Teichelmann 184]; 8). ethnographer claimed that the 'Lower Murray Indeed, the informants of Schurmann guarded tribe do not climb trees'.14 This may possibly have their secrets so much that he was only told about been through a general fear of entering the the cosmology under the condition that he would Skyworld. If so, then presumably this only applied not teIl another Aboriginal person.19~ cosmic to upper sections of the tree, as Aboriginal people bodies were rich with meaning. This is illustrated in better wooded areas still climbed trees to catch in an account by Giles, recorded from an possums, collect honey, and cut bark for canoes. Aboriginal man named Billy Poole from the Lake In the Lower Murray region, particular large trees Albert area of the Lower Murray. and big sand dunes that were considered to reach When aroundthe campfire at night he [BillyPoole] the clouds and which attracted lightning strikes, told me the names of stars, and, moreover, of were regarded as malevolent (J. C. Harwood, cited constellations.He pointed out one group as an old Tindale 1930-52: 193,194).JS In the Waiyungari man kangaroo with his arm broken; another group myth of the Low~r Murray, the Skyworld was was a turkey sittingon her eggs, the eggs being our reached by the throw of a spear (Tindale 1935). In constellationPleiades,another a Toolicher, a small the Adelaide area, a Monana spirit used a similar and very prettily marked kangaroo peculiar to the district;anotheran and so on.20 method to attain access to the Skyworld. Another record for the Lower Murray lists [He] was one day throwing large spears in various celestial bodies such as Nunganari (stingray), directions, east, west, north, south; when, having Pindjali (emu), and Prolggi (brolga) (Berndt & thrown one upwards, it did not return to earth. He Berndt 1993: 164, Fig.25).21 The cosmic threw another, and another, and so continued throwing; each spear sticking fast to the former one landscape was therefore, to these Aboriginal until they reached the ground, and he climbed up by people, populated with animal species that also them to the sky, where he has ever since remained occurred in their terrestrial landscape of the (Wyatt 1879: 166).16 Murray River. . ~. ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 129

Aboriginal kinship patterns were also reflected greatly exceeds that of most white people. Of such in the sky (Fig.2,3). For instance, Lower Murray importance is a knowledge of the stars to the people formerly believed that some of the stars aborigines in their night journeys, and of their were deceased ancestors, such as Ngurunderi, positionsdenotingthe particularseasonsof theyear, that astronomy is considered one of their principal Waiyungari, Nepeli, Manchingga, and their branchesof education.Amongthe tribesbetweenthe families, who were now living in WaiirriY This is riversLeighand Glenelg,it is taughtby men selected consistent with the relatively short lineages fortheir intelligenceand information. recalled by them, with their totemic ancestors ending up as stars. Meyer (1846 [1879: 201]) With the identification of 'Dreaming' ancestors recorded the Ramindjeri belief that 'The stars in the Skyworld, it is clear that the cosmic bodies were formerly men, and leave their huts in the were referable as markers of 'Dreamtime' events evening, to go through the same employments in the same manner as terrestrial topographic which they did while on earth'. In the Adelaide features of the landscape. It follows that like the region, Monaincherloo (= Munaintyerlo or accounts of the 'Dreaming', we should expect the Monaincherloo) was described as the 'highest associated mythology to vary in detail even within creature'.23 He created all things in the visible a cultural area, although the basic structure world. No one made or created him. According to remained the same. one account he had always been in the Heavens Across Australia, many Aboriginal groups above, although others state that he did live on the considered the Heavens or Skyworld to be where lower landscape once.24 Another ancestral being their spirit, or a part of it, travelled to after death significant to Adelaide people was Teendo Yerle, (Elkin 1977; Berndt & Berndt 1993 [1981]). The literally 'Sun-father' (= Tindoyerli & accounts trom the Lower Murray of the Son and Tindojerlimejo [lit. 'Sun-father man']).25 The the Moon, mention that after setting they passed name of Teendo Yerle suggests a father through the 'dwelling-places of the dead'. Taplin relationship with the Sun. Teendo Yerle had (Journals 12 April 1862) records that Aboriginal several wives, probably planets, who were people in the Lower Murray had a belief that the perceived as very good. However, he also had a spirits of the dead descended into the ocean at a pair of sisters who were said to be 'long', place beyond . Nevertheless, the probably comets, and evil. He had power over life Skyworld was also a destination for the souls of and death. The Skyworld landscape was therefore dead people. It is therefore likely that the early humanised, to a similar extent to the lower Lower Murray people believed in the landscape. tragmentation of the soul in the afterlife, which The influence of the stars was not always conforms to the beliefs of other southern considered benign. For example, Eyre (1845, Aboriginal groups.26 The movements of the vol.2: 361) stated that Aboriginal people in ancestors in the Lower Murray also Mid Murray area considered 'Malformations of shows this division. For instance, Ngurunderi was the body are attributed to the influence of the stars perceived as going to live in the west after ... in consequence of forbidden food being eaten.' creating the Lower Murray (Clarke 1995). The Teichelmann (1841; 9) recorded a similar belief west here was equated with the Underworld, from the Adelaide people. Similarly, the Lower where the Sun passed through after setting in the Murray people believed that a being named western horizon. However, Ngurunderi was also Karungpe, who lived in Waiirri, would come thought to be present in the Skyworld. From here down to the campfires at night, scattering the he directed the of souls, termed embers and causing death (Taplin Journals 27 'pangari' by Lower Murray people (Meyer 1843: June 186I). Southern Aboriginal people generally 90; Taplin 1879: 138). Angas (1847: 97) records considered that the beings who had become stars that 'after death the spirit wanders in the dark for still had some influence over earthly events. some time, until it finds a string when ... Knowledge of the cosmos appears to have Oorundoo [Ngurunderi] pulls it up trom the earth.'~ existed in the same varied manner of other bodies It is possible that the introduction of Christianity of mythological-based beliefs (see Clarke 1991a; influenced south-eastern Australian Aboriginal Clarke 1995). In south-western Victoria, Dawson beliefs about spirit ancestors who went up into the (1881: 98,99) stated; Sky.27Other Dreaming ancestors became divided Although the knowledge of the heavenly bodies in a different way. For instance, in the southern possessed by the natives may not entitle it to be area, the body of the Tjirbruki dignified by the name of astronomical science, it ancestral creator became a stone, and his spirit --'"...... KUMOMARI MATTINYI . MONANA ...... NJENGARI WOLTA 0" (WILD TURKEY) ~ . . ~ . SIs"iERS TINDOYERLI . WIVES . . (COMETS) (PLANETS) WIL TO (EAGLEHA WK) , 0" . KAKIRRA "- TINDO a .:!: :..,... (MOON)JJ (SUN) + ~ L- NGAKALLAMURRO DOGS OF THE ~ (MAGELLANIC MOON' . CLOUDS -ASHES OF LORIKEETS) !l .0" MADLETALTARNI PARNAKKOYERLI ..'i'J :-0 <.l ?> (I3ETELGEUSE ?) (AlITUMIINSTAR?) T .. (") MANKAMANKARANA r- (PLEIADES -YOtING WOMEN) :> ., Vtj I j ~ TINNINYARRA 0" ORPHANS (METEORS) (ORlON -YOIING MEN) ~'1f ., if ...... ~ \~ ISLANDS SEA MOI.INT LOFTY RANGES ~ WEST EAST

~ ~ TINDO KAKIRRA (SUN) (MOON) .. NGURUNDERI YUKI COMET / . (NGURUNDERI'S CANOE- (IS EVIL) TOO LAC HE MILKY WAY) WALLABY . .. MARANGANI (AUTUMN STAR- CROW)

I))!l . .. . MARKERI NUNGANARJ WARTE (STINGRAY) (VENUS - > FIRE-STICK) ...... tI1 ...... NGALWARA PINDJAU TURKEY (6 YOUNG MEN) § (EMU) a" zC) .:.:::::: .",',: ",' .:.,:...~ . F: ~'::':':::":"'.:'.:,: .. ~ . WYUNGARE &:THE () 0 PROLGGI . . . 2 WIVES OFNEPELE (I) 3:: (MAGELLANIC .. . (ORlON'S BELT) CLOUDS -CRANE) TURKEY EGGS n c:I' ~ l' (PELAIDES - 6 SISTERS &:I BOY) .. 1:1 a" . . (I) OLDMAN () > NANGGE KANGAROO WIT1I "Cl ~ tT1 BROKEN ARM I ~ (SUN) ~ ;;j KANGAROO ISLAND LAKES O (")-1",,,, WEST EAST tT1

/' -I :cO NANGGE tT1 tT1 MARKER! O::<:l (SUN) (MOON) tT1-1 "'00 j c:; 0 132 P. A. CLARKE was transformed into a blue crane (Smith 1930: to leave the lower landscape was the Moon. Here, 340,341).28WithAboriginalbeliefsin the spirit, it the Moon, known as Kakirra, was considered to is clearthat the totallandscapedefinedboth the be male.31 He persuaded all the rest to follow so livingand the dead. that he might have companions. The Moon kept a Although the original traditions were rich, the great number of dogs tor hunting, who were seen cultural information garnered from the historical as stars. They had two heads but no tail. He was literature is fragmentary and sometimes generally benevolent and had no particular contradictory. At least some of the variations in influence on human life. Here, the Moon was beliefs about the cosmos may have resulted from called Kakirramunto when in full phase. In the differences between insider and outsider mythology from the southern Flinders knowledge. In other cases, the differences may Ranges, there was a related account of how the reflect regional and socio-political influences. A Moon entered the Skyworld: few of the records also indicate an error by the The Moon [pira] was greedy with meat and would recorder.In some cases, the combinationsof stars not share it with others, crowd decided to get rid of which form a constellationfor Europeans, differ him, coaxed him to climb a tree and get grubs, fromthose that other culturalgroupshave chosen. coaxed him up higher and higher until they could Therefore, the translator may not be accurately hardly see him. They cut the tree down, and the recordingthe identityof someof the constellations Moon hung up in the sky. Moon said 'I'll give the as perceived by Aboriginal people. Elsewhere in light forpeople who walk at night. I'll die then come Aboriginal Australia, colour was important in to life again(Mountford,citedRercus 1992:16,17). determiningthe identityof variouscelestialbodies In the Mid Murray region, Aboriginal people (Maegraith 1932: 25). With these restraints in used the term, 'Kakere', or variations of it for the mind, an outline will now be provided of the Moon.32 One group of people was known to Aboriginal cosmology of southern South Murray River as the 'Moon men' (Tindale 1953: Australia. 17,31,32). Their territory, north of Morgan, was the 'country of the Moon'. A 'tribe' to the east of the Adelaide region apparently called the Moon, STARS (GENERALLY) Piki, although this term also appeared in an In the Adelaide area, stars as a class were called example of a sentence spoken by an Adelaide 'purli'.29 Similar terms for other areas include person (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2: 38; Teichelmann, 1857). Near the confluence of 'purdli' or 'purli' in the Pamkalla language of eastern (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: the Darling and Murray Rivers, the 61), 'buli' in Narangga from called the Moon, 'Patjira' (Tindale 1930-52: 251). (Black 1920: 86), 'purtli' or 'purlali' in Nukunu In the Eyre Peninsula and West Coast districts the Moon was considered to be the spirit being, Piira, of the southern (Hercus 1992: who was once a man who chased the Seven 27), 'budli' in of the of South Australia, 'buudli' in Wail pi of the central Sisters (Pleiades) across the landscape (Tindale 1928: 21).33 Flinders Ranges (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 9), To the Lower Murray people, the Moon was and 'pedli' in the language of the Mid called Markeri, or variations of it.34In contrast to Murray area (Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 34]).30 In the Adelaide area, here the Moon was female. the Lower Murray area, stars were collectively called 'tulde' by Ramindjeri people at Encounter Meyer stated that the Ramindjeri people believed Bay (Meyer 1843: 101), 'tuldar' in the that, like the Sun, the Moon spends its time away from the sight of the terrestrial landscape with of the Lower Lakes area (Taplin 1879: 138), and 'thildi' in the southern men of the 'dwelling-places of the dead' (= Underworld). He recorded: Coorong district (Wells 1852-1855: 112). In the South East, the star terms are 'troot' in the Tatiara The Moonis ... a woman,and not particularlychaste. She stays a long time with the men, and from the language (Haynes & Curr, in Curr 1886, voU: effects of her intercourse with them. she becomes 457,459), and 'boongil' in Booandik from Mount very thin, and wastesaway to a mere skeleton.When Gambier (Stewart, in Curr 1886, vol.3: 465). in this state, Nurrunduri [Ngurunderi]orders her to be driven away. She flies, and is secreted for sometime, but is employed all the time in seeking MOON roots whichare so nourishingthat in a short time she appears again, and fills out and becomes fat rapidly In Adelaide mythology, the first celestial body (Meyer 1846[1879:200,201]). . .<". ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 133

This belief explains how the Moon's In the Lower South East, the Booandik term for appearance is not timed to the Sun, and also the Moon,Toongoom,was reportedlyalso used to accounts for the phases of the lunar month.3>The indicatea periodofa month(Smith1880:131). Yaraldi people of Lake Alexandrina had similar traditions to the Ramindjericoncerning the Moon (Berndt & Berndt 1993: 131,232,233,445).They SUN also believed that the lunar cycle had an effect upon femalemenstruation(Berndt & Berndt 1993: In the Adelaide area, the Sun, known as Tindu, 156). Further up the Murray River, into northern was said to be femaleand, with her severalsisters, Victoria, the Moon was considered to be female, had a negative influence over humans.4oOne of as it was in the LowerMurray(Smyth 1878,vol.l : the afflictionsperceivedas caused by the Sun was 431). a very painful and often fatal cough. The Moon The Potaruwutj people of Keilira in the South taught the Adelaide people that should a very ill East called the Moon, Mitjan, and considered it to person offer a hand of coughed up phlegm to the be a male of the native cat (DasYllrlls)totem.36It Sun as a form of appeasement,that person might was believedthat he attemptedto steal the wife of recover (Wyatt 1879: 166,167). However, if not another being before being driven away. He properly appeased,the Sun said 'Noornte oornte, wandered about, sometimes well fed, at other wirrilIa pallone ningko' which means 'Go away, times starving. This observation explains the quickly dead you'. The Sun also had a negative phases of the Moon. According to Tindale, the effecton the Moonwho was old and sufferedfrom name, Mitjan, or a variation of it, was used by a strong cough. She was able to easily beat him groups ranging to the north-east, as far away as every month so that he died. But in dying he the Wati Wati people of Swan Hill in Victoria.37 revived again. Of the Sun and the Moon it was The term, Jern (pronounced Yern?) for Moon said 'Tikkan teendo, wandeen olte, karkara occurred in groups to the east of the Potaruwutj. tatteen, boorapallon' .41 This reportedly meant that Similarly,Tu:ngumwas used in the Lower South the Sun rested or slept at night while the Moon East of South Australia and in the adjacent parts climbed and eventually died. By another account ofVictoria.38Here,the Moon was also considered the Sun sat in her house at night and ate fish.42 It to be masculine(Dawson 1881:99). is likely that the observable difference in the In southern South Australia, the appearanceof the Moon was used as a measure of time. In the relative strength of illumination between the Sun and the Moon is a factor in this perceived southern Coorong district, the number of full Aboriginal dichotomy of strength versus Moons was sometimes used to record the age of weakness. The term, 'Tindu', or variations of it, children,if less than a year old (Wells 1852-1855: appears in several languages to the north and west 102). Similarly, in the Hahndorf area of the of the Adelaide area.43In Ngadjuri mythology of , the local Aboriginal people were the Mid North of South Australia, the Sun went to observed making notches in their digging-sticks the Underworld (= Land of the West) for the first upon the appearanceof each new Moon to mark time as the result of the killing of an old woman their own age (Hahn 1838-1839 [1964: and her two dogs (Tindale 1937). Tindale's 130,131]).However,it is doubtful that this served explanation for this myth is that it is an Aboriginal as a long term counting device. Some activities record of a complete lunar eclipse that occurred in were governed by the phases of the Moon. For 1793. instance,a colonistnoted that 'at every new Moon they [Aboriginal people] also light fires in the The Ramindjeri people of hills. From this fact, people conclude that they believed that the Sun was female. Meyer recorded: adore and worship the Moon' (Hahn 1838-1839 The Sun they consider to be female,who, when she [1964: 133]). Moonlight was regarded as a sets, passes the dwelling-placesof the dead. As she deterrent for harmful spirits, who were chiefly approaches, the men assemble, and divide into two active during the darkness of night.39 The bodies. leavinga road for her to pass between them; Ramindjeri called a half Moon, 'Marger-ald- they inviteher to stay with them, whichshe can only do for a short time, as she must be ready for her narte', meaning 'Moon of piece', whereas a full journey forthe next day. Forfavoursgrantedto some Moonwas 'Marger-aldrakkuni', that is 'Moon of one among them she receives a present of a red round' (Meyer 1843:78). Inthe southernCoorong kangarooskin: and. therefore, in the morning,when area, 'Mercuri' (= Markeri)reportedly meant both she rises, appears in a red dress (Meyer 1846[I 879: the Moon and the night (Wells 1852-1855: 112). 200]). « 011'" 134 P. A. CLARKE

Their name for Sun was 'Thulderni'.44 For the Booandik term for both the Sun and a day was Yaraldi of the Lower Lakes, there was a similar reportedly'Karo', the risingSun, 'Yoong-in-karo', tradition recorded (Berndt & Berndt 1993: and the Sun having set was 'Kap-an-a-karo' 232,233,444). The Sun's heat, 'watalti', was the (Smith 1880: 129,132,134).50In the South East of nga:tji (spirit familiar) ofthe Wutaltinyeri descent South Australia, and the adjacent area of south- group north of Meningie on the shore of Lake western Victoria, the Sun appears generally to Albert in the Lower Murray, whereas the Sun's have been considered a female entity (Dawson disc, 'nangge', was that of another unnamed 188I: 99). group (Berndt & Berndt 1993: 215). In the Lower Murray area, Aboriginal people generally called the Sun, 'Nangge' (Meyer 1843: 84; Taplin 1874 [1879: 131]; Taplin 1879: 139,142).45 In the Mid MILKY WAY Murray area, the term for sun was 'Nanka', or variations of it.46Here, a local landowning group The Aboriginal cosmic landscape was was known as the 'Sun people' (Tindale 1953: dominated by the Milky Way. It was considered 7).41 by the Adelaide people to be a large river, along the banks of which reeds were growing There was a belief amongst the Tangani of the (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2: Coorong that the Sun was in earlier times much 11,35,38,57,62; Teichelmann 1841: 8). The Milky brighter. Tindale records: Way was given the name 'Wodliparri', which Wange [sic.?= Nangge?]was a Sun woman,a being literally means 'hut-river'. The Ngadjuri people of who, in ancient times, climbed into the heavens the Mid North of South Australia had a similar where she carried firesticks;but these firesticksdid term for the Milky Way, 'Walibari' (Berndt & little for people on earth in keeping them from being Vogelsang 1941: 7), as did the Nukunu people in cold. The light from her firesticks was too bright. the southern Flinders Ranges, who called it Another being still on earth, named Nure:le, 'Waarli Pari' (Hercus 1992: 29). Similarly, the magically forced her to be less vigorous in waving her firesticks, instead of affording much bright light Gundidjmara in south-western Victoria reportedly there was a greater amount of red glow. Thus people considered this large cosmic feature to be a 'big could remain warm (Tindale 1983: 7). river' (Dawson 1881: 99). The habitations of the deceased as a group were an important element of This belief relates to the observation by the Milky Way. A nineteenth century observer Aboriginal people that for maximum heat their claimed that: own campfires needed more red coals, and less In parts of Queensland and South Australia the bright flame. In their society it was the older natives believed the "Milky Way" to be a sort of women who had responsibility for maintaining the celestial place for disembodiedspirits. They said it fires. During the initiations in the South East of was the smokeproceedingfromcelestialgrass which South Australia, the female gender of the Sun had been set on fire by their departed women, the Being was reportedly an embarrassment to the signal being intended to guide the ghosts of the Aboriginal people (Tindale 1983: 9). Her role in deceasedto the eternalcamp firesof thetribe.51 the ceremony was represented temporarily by 'her Similarly, to the Ngaiawang of the Mid Murray, brother', who carried paired firesticks which were the Milky Way was symbolic of the Murray River, symbolic of those that lit up the earth from above. with the stars being men hunting game in the However, it is unclear whether this was a pre- mallee on either side.52For the Nukunu, another European practice, or one resulting from more important association with the Milky Way was contact between Aboriginal groups after European that it represented a huge tree, like a ceremonial colonisation. pole (Hercus 1992: 13-16). In this context, it was The Tangani people of the Coorong called the part of the Urumbula song-line which runs from day, 'nangi', and the Sun itself was 'Tulduruwi' the vicinity of all the way to the or 'Taldarawei'. 48 In the southern Coorong region, Gulf of Carpentaria.53 The Milky Way was the recorded name for Sun was 'Thildiroor', with therefore widely considered an important a related term, 'thildirooi', which was said to topographical feature of the cosmic landscape. mean a 'day' (Wells 1852-1855: 112). A nearby The Adelaide people considered that the dark inland group, the Potaruwutj people, apparently spots in the Milky Way were water lagoons in called a day, 'kado', and the Sun, 'Kardu', and which a 'magnificent animal' or 'monster' called Sunrise,'Tarkinj'.49 In the LowerSouthEast,the Yura lived. One record actually describes Yura as . .t'" ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 135 a group of monsters, although other accounts MAGELLANIC CLOUDS mention Yura as a single being (Schurmann Diaries 5 June 1839; Teichelmann 1841: 8). These The Adelaide people called the Magellanic dark spots were known as Yurakauwe, which clouds, 'Ngakallamurro', said to literally mean translates as 'monster-water'. Adelaide people 'paroquet-ashes' (Teichelmann & Schurmann claimed that the monster Yura was vicious and 1840, vol.2: 25,30; Teichelmann 1841: 8). Being would swallow people who did not hide from him. white, they represent the ashes of a species of When he appeared, an abundance of water was 'paroquet' known as the Blue Mountain lorikeet created. Yura was the 'author' of circumcision and (TrichoglosslIs haematodus). These birds were first taught the practice to the ancestors of the assembled there by one of the constellations and Adelaide people. He punished those who were later treacherously roasted. neglected it. Yura lived in the sky with Paitya, The Magellanic Clouds were known in the another dangerous monster. Schurmann recorded Lower Murray as Prolggi, which was translated as that women and children were not allowed to 'cranes' (Taplin 1879: 133). In know of these things. we know them as brolgas or native companions.54 Yura is analogous to the Akurra, the huge The Yaraldi considered that there were two mythical water snake of the Flinders Ranges Prolggi in the sky, having got there after fighting (Tunbridge 1988: 5-11), and to Akaru, the with the emu spirit, Pindjali, who also became a Ngadjuri equivalent (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: heavenly body (Tindale 1931-34: 207-209; 1938- 9). The Akurra was sometimes considered to be a 56: 33-61; Berndt & Berndt 1993:15,164,456- single being, although able to be in many places 458).55 Tindale recorded the following account at once. This characteristic may help to explain from Mark Wilson, a Yaraldi man: how in the Adelaide area beings like the Yura and the Monana can be conceived as existing both in The brolgas,knowingthat the emuswouldhunt them and kill them, flew up into the air, circling around, the singular and plural forms. Similarities ofYura higher and higher, until they reached the sky. They with the Australian-wide Rainbow Serpent found it to be a good country to live in, so they mythology are also significant (see Radcliffe stopped there. You can see them in the heavens at Brown 1930). night, "in the form of two patches of clouds, like According to Meyer (1846 [1879: 202]), the wisps of smoke,at the end of the Milky Way." The Milky Way was considered by the Ramindjeri aborigines' belief is that when anyone of them is people of the extended Lower Murray area to be a knocked down and left bruised and unconscious on row of huts, among which were heaps of ashes the ground by a person from another tribe, the and ascending smoke. Another account of the brolgas comedown, lifthim up and guidehim home (TindaIe 1931-34:207-9). Milky Way, given by George Taplin, concerns the Ngurunderi myth (1874 [1879: 57]). Taplin To the Lower Murray people then, the brolgas related that when Ngurunderi caused the in the Skyworld exerted a benign influence. A drowning of his fleeing wives, a flood occurred at similar account was provided to Tindale (1934- Point McLeay (Rauwoke). Nepeli, who was living 37: 60) from a Meintangk informant who claimed there, was forced to pull up his canoe to the top of that the emu concerned was to be seen in the sky the cliff (now called 'Big Hill'). From here, the just under the Southern Cross. The fight in the canoe was transported to Waiirri, and thereafter myth was apparently due to the jealousy of the the dense part of the Milky Way was said to be emu over the brolga's children. This mythology the canoe of Nepeli floating in the Heavens. appears to be related to Gundidjmara beliefs, According to Berndt's informant, Karloan, which held that the larger cloud was the 'male Ngurunderi made the Milky Way while at Mount native companion' or 'gigantic crane', the smaller Misery by placing his canoe in the sky (Berndt cloud being the female equivalent (Dawson 1881: 1940: 173; Berndt & Berndt 1993: 224). He 99). A similar version has also been recorded in explained that the Milky Way was called the Kamilaroi language of northern central New 'Ngurunderi yuki', said to mean 'Ngurunderi's South Wales (Austin & Tindale 1985). As with canoe'. Both Nepeli and Waiyungari were their terrestrial counterparts, these celestial spirit considered to live in the Milky Way (Smith 1930: beings migrated according to the season. In the 183). A version recorded by Harvey (1939) from winter sky, the brolgas are seen lying to the south- Aboriginal informants, Jacob Harris and east and then south of the Milky Way (Tindale Creighton Unaipon, suggests that Nepeli threw his 1938-56: 57). In summer they shift towards the spear into the sky and this became the Milky Way. western side. . r' 136 P. A. CLARKE

PLEIADES consteIlation that Yaraldi people believed comprised six girls and one boy (Berndt & Berndt The Adelaide people considered the higher 1993: 163,164). This may relate to the Tangani landscape to be similarly organised to the lower, belief that the Pleiades, caIled by them to the extent that the celestial bodies were believed Mantjingga, were seve.\ or eight girls and a single to obey the same laws as men and animals upon boy.59 He went with ',hem because his fire had earth. For example, the Pleiades, which were gone out. Munaijeri was one of the Mantjingga called 'Mankamankarranna' (also Mankankarrana who went away (Tindale 1930-52: 290). The and Mangkamangkarranna), were considered to Pleiades are known in many cultures of the world be girls who gathered roots and other vegetables as the Seven Sisters.60 around them in the sky.56The Narangga people of Yorke Peninsula had a similar mythology. They called the Pleiades the 'Mangga Manggaridi', ORlON who were said to be 'maids' (Black 1920: 87). In the Pamkalla language of eastern Eyre Peninsula, In the Adelaide region, the stars of the Orion the Pleiades were recorded as women, called constelIation were calIed Tinniinyarra (also 'Pallarri' (Schurrnann 1844, vol.2: 51). Similarly, Tinniinyaranna and Kurkukurkurra). They were in Nukunu mythology, the seven sisters or considered to be youths who hunted kangaroos, 'Purlara', were reportedly chased into the sky by and other game on the great celestial plain, three brothers (Hercus 1992: 7,16,27). One sister calIed the Womma.61 The mother of the became sick and stayed on the terrestrial Tinniinyarra was a red star called Madletaltarni landscape. These are clearly related accounts to (Teichelmann & Schurmann 1840, vol.2: the Seven Sisters Dreaming of the Western Desert, 17,37,42). This is probably the star astronomers where the young women, called Kungkarungkara, call Betelguese. The father of the Tinniinyarra was are chased by Orion (Tindale 1959). Here they a star caIled Parnakkoyerli. To the Parnkalla appear in the dawn sky during April/May, being people of eastern Eyre Peninsula, the Orion the start of a ceremonial cycle.57 The southern constellation could be termed either Minye or myths also bear resemblance to the Mankarawora Mirrarri, considered to be men or boys (Pleiades) of the in the north-east of South (Schurrnann 1884, vol.2: 33). In the (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 8). In the Desert mythology, Orion, called Njiru, chased the cosmology of the people of the Pleiades across the terrestrial landscape, as he still Flinders Ranges, the Pleiades were known as the does in the Skyworld (Tindale 1959). Makara or Artunyi, meaning a group of women A version of the Waiyungari story recorded in (Mountford 1939: 103,104; 1976: 33-35; the Lower Murray region iTom an early Narrung Mountford & Roberts 1970: 56; Tunbridge 1988: resident has Waiyungari and the two escaping 16). They believed that the Akurra serpent wives of Nepeli, who are sisters, becoming the ancestor ate the Artunyi women at Yandara in three great stars of Orion's belt.62 As reported , and that these women were below, Tindale's version has Waiyungari later released into the sky when he drowned. Most becoming the planet Mars. In relation to Orion's beliefs concerning the Pleiades simply record a belt, there is a close parallel in the beliefs of the number of sisters, because Aboriginal counting Gundidjmara people of south-western Victoria systems before European contact had little use for where three stars were the sisters of Sirius who figures greater than three. always followed him (Dawson 1881: 100). There In the account of cosmology recorded iTomBilly also, a red star in the constellation of Orion was Poole of the Lake Albert area, the Pleiades called 'fire', and was masculine. The Ngalwara represented the eggs that another constellation, a constellation recorded in Yaraldi cosmology, Turkey, was sitting upon.58 For the southern which was perceived as six young men (Berndt & Coorong district, 'the Seven Stars are black men Berndt 1993: 164), is possibly Orion. The Tangani sitting round a fire, of course they are smoking called the seven boys the Ngawiri.63 (We lIs 1852-1855: 99)'. In south-western V:ctoria there are various accounts of the Pleiades, representing a flock of female cockatoos, or six THE SOUTHERN CROSS AND THE COAL SACK women whose 'Queen' had been taken by the crow, signified by Canopus (Da\'{son 1881: 100). In the Ngadjuri language of the Mid North of The Pleiades are probably the Yatuka South Australia, the Southern Cross was called r . ~. ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 137

'Wildu', the eagle (Berndt & Vogelsang 1941: 9). LYRA To the Parnkalla people of eastern Eyre Peninsula, the Southern Cross and adjacent stars were termed The 'doctor men' of the Tangani interpretedthe 'Kadnakadna purdli' (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 9). appearance of Vega, called by them Lawarikark, The Tangani people of the Coorong had a death in the constellation of Lyra as indicating the fear song concerning the arrival of a smallpox nesting time ofmallee fowls(Tindale 1983:26).66 epidemic (Tindale 1937: 111,112; Tindale 1941: These birds, called lawari or lowan, make a harsh 233,234).6~ As part of the story of this song, a scolding noise when racking the leaves for their 'dream man', Kulda, came down to the lower nests. For this reason, Aboriginal people landscape ITomthe Southern Cross, called Yu:ki.65 considered this constellationto have quarrelsome He foretold the coming of death, with his 'pointing properties. bone' taking the spirits of the dead with him to

Kangaroo Island. Tindale recorded that: SEASONAL BODIES

The natives saw a man (meteor) come out ofYuuki, To the Adelaide people, the arrival of Parna in the Southern Cross; they heard a noise and looked early autumn indicated the change of season and up (meinyanga nampi). They saw him move his was a sign that large and waterproof huts needed hands and said 'Ha! peika bakki' ('Ah! death to be built in the Adelaide foothills (Gell 1842 coming'; 'peik' = 'die'). The natives could not stand [reprint 1988: 7,9]). The Aboriginal place name the murki [smallpox] and a great many died. The for a hilltop campsite at Morphett Vale, south of meteor was a ma1dawuli man whose name was Adelaide, was Parnangga.67 This reportedly meant Kuldalai, he travelled westward through the sky and beckoned to indicate that all the people should follow 'autumn rains', and referred to the appearance of him. Then the smallpox came and many people Parna.68 Similarly the Ngarrindjeri called autumn, followed him (literally went west) across to Kangaroo Marangani, which is a time when stars of this Island and beyond (Tindale 1931-34: 232). name appear (Taplin 1879: 126). The Yaraldi term recorded for autumn, Marangalkadi, was said to mean 'pertaining to the crow' (Herndt & Berndt Furthermore, Tindale (1931-34: 25 I ,252) 1993: 21,76,240). Marangani was a crow (more recorded that Ku1da appeared 'like a bright flash, properly called a raven) in the creative period of too bright to look.' The method he used to attract the Yaraldi 'Dreamtime' (Meyer 1843: 78; Berndt people was first by smoke signals, then by waving & Berndt 1993: 163,240-242). According to hands. Tindale's Aboriginal infonnants believed Yaraldi tradition, the autumn stars are low in the that many of the bones in the sandhills of the south-eastern sky because it was to the south-east Lower Murray belonged to people whom Kulda had beckoned to follow him. This account is of the Lower Murray that the crow spirit entered the Skyworld. When Marangani was at its zenith, further illustration of the perceived connections both animals and humans were thought to enter between the Skyworld, Land to the West, and the terrestrial landscape. the 'rutting season' (Tindale 1930-52: 266). Women in particular were considered to be easily A Meintangk informant told Tindale (1934-37: affected by Marangani, making some individuals 60) that 'The black patch (Coal Sack) in the promiscuous. Southern Cross is the emu ... The Southern Cross In the Adelaide area, spring was termed stars are men.' The emu in this instance was Willutti or Wiltutti (Teichelmann & Schunnann probably the spirit who fought with the brolgas, 1840, vol.2: 55; Teichelmann 1857). It was under as already noted above. According to the the influence of the constellation of the eagle, Europeanised mythology of Smith, the Wilto. It is likely that Wilto was the Southern 'Grandmother Spirit', known as Puckowe, was Cross, through the apparent relationship between considered by Lower Murray people to inhabit the Wiltu in the Adelaide language and Wildu of the dark spot in the Milky Way, known as the Coal Ngadjuri mentioned above. Similarly, in the Sack (Smith 1930: 184,185,199). Aboriginal Adelaide area summer was governed by the wild healers in the Lower Murray could reportedly turkey constellation, Wo Ita (Teichelmann & appeal to her for help. The Gundidjmara people in Schurmann 1840, vol.2: 57,58; Teichelmann south-western Victoria apparently believed that a 1857). Summer was therefore called Woltatti. The '', a mythical water spirit, lived linking of seasons with the movements of celestial simultaneously both in the Coal ~ack and in parts bodies is common across Australia (Clarke 1990: of the terrestrial landscape (Dawson 1881: 99). 6; Clarke 19C)1a: 59). . ~. 138 P. A. CLARKE

UNIDENTIFIED STARS Ramindjeri people considered that Waiyungari became a 'star' (Meyer 1843: 105). Waiyungari In the ethnographies of southern South was said to actually mean 'he who returns to the Australia, there are several names for stars where stars' (Smith 1930: 250). However, there is no identification is difficult due to lack of description. ethnographic record of the celestial identity of the One example is Njengari, who reportedly was two women of who accompanied him. A past once a mortal on earth (Tindale 1941: 235; Government Astronomer, G. F. Dodwell, Tindale 1987: 12). He had a happy nature and suggested that they might have been perceived as was often observed dancing. He created a smooth Jupiter and Venus,as both of these planets move dancing spot along the coast at a place called over the Heavens, coming into conjunction with Watbardok in the Normanville area south of Mars (cited in Tindale 1931-34: 189; Tindale Adelaide. This later became an excellent fishing 1935: 270-274). However, another record of the spot as nets could be drawn here without Waiyungari myth stated that his home was in the snagging. Njengari was a clansman of Tjirbruki, Milky Way (Smith 1930: 183,251). According to who was also a landscape-creating ancestor. this version, Aboriginal people pointed out three Njengari was eventually transformed into a star. stars in the eastern sky which represented There are also recorded names from the Adelaide Waiyungari and his two wives. Other accounts of language for constellations such as 'Mattinyi' and Mars, perhaps associated with the Waiyungari 'Kumomari', for which there is no European mythology, state that when the 'red star' is shining equivalent given (Teichelmann & Schurrnann at its 'hottest' and 'brightest', it is blamed for 1840, vol.2: 13,22). Similarly, 'Yurdlakka' was increasing sexual desire (Berndt & Berndt 1951: said to be 'a star or constellation' in the Pamkalla 223; Berndt & Berndt 1993: 164). To the language (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 87). The Gundidjmara people of south-western Victoria, identity of these was not known to the recorder. In Mars was a feminine entity (Dawson 1881: 99). the Gundidjmara region of south-western Victoria, According to George Taplin (1879: 135,140), larger stars (and probably planets) were feminine Venus was termed Warte by the Ngarrindjeri. This and considered to be 'sisters of the Sun' (Dawson term has also been recorded to mean 'firestick' 1881: 99). (Meyer 1843: 106). Presumably the relative strong In the Lower Murray region, there was a brightness of Venus adds to its association with celestial body that appeared every few years as a fire. The Gundidjmara apparently considered good omen. Tindale reports: Venus to be the 'mother of the sun' (Dawson Nalkari- a specialstaror planetwhichappearsevery 1881: 99). This tradition is possibly linked to the four or five years. It causes the fish to die in notion that Venus sometimes accompanied the thousands and to float along the river banks. The Sun across the Skyworld, as it is visible during people are glad when they see Nalkari for it means the day. In the recorded Pamkalla language of that much food can be obtained (Tindale 1934-37: eastern Eyre Peninsula, the 'evening star' (Venus) 147). was 'Kabminye' (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 9). At The identity of this cosmic body is unknown, the confluence of the Murray and Darling Rivers, although it seems unlikely to be a comet, as these the 'evening star' (Venus) was reportedly called were universally held in great fear. 'Pudli' or 'Pudali' (Tindale 1930-52: 255), although this may have simply meant 'a star'.

PLANETS METEORS In the Adelaide region, the Sun-father, Teendo Yerle, had several wives which Schurmann Although many of the celestial bodies were thought were probably planets.69 In contrast to the linked to each other through kinship, in the sisters of Teendo Yerle who were bad, the wives Adelaide region meteoric lights (or shooting stars) were considered to be very good. In the case of the were said to be 'orphans'.7o Their ephemeral and Lower Murray traditions, a version of the unregulated nature may have contributed to this Waiyungari myth provided a Yaraldi account of classification. Generally, meteors were considered the origin of the planet Mars (Tin dale 1935). to be bad omens, especially in times of great Tindale had several Aboriginal sources who social disruption. The account of Kulda, perceived confirmed that Waiyungari bec~me Mars after he as a meteor who came out of the Southern Cross, and the two wives ofNepeli fled into the sky. The is a good illustration of this. Furthermore, when a . ",,' ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 139 falling star was seen, the Tangani people of the OTHER CELESTIAL EVENTS Coorong reportedly said 'peika bak:i', that is 'death coming'.71Tindale (1938) linked the myth There were also other celestial events that were of Prupi, a cannibalistic woman living along the perceived to be bad signs. In the Adelaide area, southern Coorong who was killed by fire, with a the Southern Lights foretold disease.75 meteorite fall in the area. Furthermore, to the Furthermore, an eclipse was considered to cause Gundidjmara people of south-western Victoria, a death and destruction. Aboriginal people at Point meteor represented 'deformity' (Dawson 1881: McLeay in the Lower Murray area were very 101). In north-western Victoria, a meteor fearful of the Aurora Australis and the eclipse of 'portends evil to those that have lost a front tooth, the Moon (Taplin Journals 4-7 June 1859, 2 to avert which they stir the fire and cast about September 1859). Both events were said to have firebrands(Stanbridge 1857: 140)'. been created by 'wild blackfellows', an early Aboriginal English term for 'uncivilised' groups living beyond the European colonial frontier. Such COMETS people were often feared as sorcerers. In the case of the Aurora Australis, it foretold the arrival of The Adelaide people believed that Teendo Yerle these dangerous human/spirit beings. or Sun-father, had a pair of evil sisters who were

'long' and probably comets.72 Aboriginal people DISCUSSION here considered most of the unusual cosmic phenomenon they observed to be a 'sure harbinger This paper illustrates that the connections of death [which filled] them with awe and terror' between Skyworld, terrestrial land and the (Schurmann 1846 [1879: 242]). In March 1843, a Underworld were crucial parts of Aboriginal comet visible to Aboriginal people from along the cosmology.Perceived events and influencesfrom Murray River was taken as a: the cosmic landscapehad a significantrole in the harbinger of all kinds of calamities, and more ordering of human life. The observable seasonal especiallyto the whitepeople.It was consideredthat changes in the cosmos, due to the movement of the comet wouldoverthrowAdelaide,destroying all planets and constellations, mimicked the Europeans and their houses, and then to take a terrestrial movements of people and animals. course up the Murray and past the Rufus River These observances would have strengthenedthe causing havoc in its path' (Eyre 1845, voI.2: perceptionthat the cosmoswas a landscape.These 358,359).73 psychic regions were considered by Aboriginal It was believed to have been created by northern peopleto be part ofthe landthat they 'used'. With Aboriginal people who were powerful sorcerers. a social kinship system linking many of the On this occasion, the Resident Magistrate at celestial bodies, it can be seen that the cosmos Moorunde, Eyre, was told by river Aboriginal and earthly landscapeswere in at least one sense people to go to Adelaide and procure the release reflections of each other. The total cultural of an Aboriginal man from the north gaoled for landscape was humanised by the people living assaulting a shepherd. If this was done, he was within it. told that disaster would be averted. The disquiet caused by unusual cosmic phenomena appears to ACKNOWlEDGMENTS have been widespread. In the area, the 1843 comet caused Aboriginal people to hide This paper is based on material in the author's Ph.D in caves (Schurmann 1846 [1987: 242]).74 The thesis, which was supervised by Chris Anderson, Peter Smailes and Kingsley Garbett. Drafts of this paper were Gundidjmara people of south-western Victoria commented upon by Jane Simpson, Rob Amery, Adele considered a comet to be a great spirit (Dawson Pring, Richard Kimber and Philip Jones. 1881: 101).

REFERENCES

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~ ~. ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 141

Aborigines Department for the Year Ending 30th SMYTH, R. B. 1878. 'The Aborigines of Victoria.' 2 September 1843. Printed in Journal of the vols. Govt. Printer: Melbourne. Anthropological Society of South Australia 1990, STANBRIDGE, W. E. 1857. On the astronomy and 28( I): 54-

TINDALE, N. B. 1939. Eagle and crow myths of the ENDNOTES Maraura tribe, Lower , N.S.W. Records of the South Australian Museum 6(3): 243-261. Quarterly Report (I October to 31 December 1837) from TINDALE, N. B. 1940. Distribution of Australian Wyatt to the Colonial Secretary, dated I January 1838 Aboriginal tribes: a field survey. Transactions of the (Colonial Secretary Reports, 1838/3 & 1838/69, Public Royal Society of South Australia 64(1): 140-231. Records Office, Adelaide).

TINDALE, N. B. 1941. Native songs of the South East Forevidence oITaplin 's incorporation ofhis wife's thoughts of South Australia. Part 11.Transactions of the Royal and observances see Taplin Journals, 12 September 1860. Society of South Australia 65(2): 233-243. Tindale's journals, field notebooks, and the 'Milerum' TINDALE, N. B. 1953. 'Murray River Notes.' manuscript are also important ethnographic sources. This Anthropology Archives: South Australian Museum. material is housed in the Anthropology Archives, South TINDALE, N. B. 1959. Totemic beliefs in the Western Australian Museum. Desert of Australia - part I: women who became the Tindale records that Robert Mason remembered David Pleiades. Records of the South Australian Museum Unaipon turning up at Swan Reach many years ago, offering 13(3): 305-332. 5 shillings for each Aboriginal story he was told (Tindale TINDALE, N. B. 1964. 'Murray River Notes.' 1953: 39). Apparently, Ramsay Smith in turn paid him 10 Anthropology Archives: South Australian Museum. shillings per story he collected. Unaipon collected mythology TINDALE, N. B. 1974. 'Aboriginal Tribes of Australia: from Aboriginal contacts he had with communities across Their Terrain, Environmental Controls, Distribution, South Austral ia. Limits, and Proper Names.' Australian National For southern South Australia, see Clarke (1990; 1991 a: University Press: Canberra. 63-66). Mountford (1958: 144-146,170-177), & Sims TINDALE, N. B. 1983. Celestial lore of some Aboriginal (1978) describe the cultural landscape for the Tiwi of tribes.' Read at 'The First International Conference on Melville & Bathurst Islands in the Northern Territory. Ethnoastronomy: Indigenous Astronomical & In the Adelaide region, the Underworld or Land to the West Cosmological Traditions of the World', 5-9 was known byvariationsof'Pindi' (Clarke 1991a: 64,65). September 1983, Smithsonian Institute: Washington, In the southern Flinders Ranges it was termed 'Kintyura' D.e. Abstract printed on p.20 of the report. {Hercus 1992: 17,20,30).1tis interestingtonotethatsouthern TINDALE, N. B. 1987. The wanderings of Tjirbruki: a groups believed thatthe Sun entered the Underworld through tale of the people of Adelaide. Records of the diving into the sea, whereas groups near in South Australian Museum 20: 5-13. Central Australia believed that it disappeared into the ground TINDALE, N. B. & MOUNTFORD, C. P. 1936. Results at a place called 'Dityi-minka', reportedly meaning 'Hole of of the excavation of Kongarati Cave near Second the Sun' (Howitt 1904: 427,428). Valley, South Australia. Records of the South This is consistent with the individual losing its corporeal Australian Museum 5(4): 487-502. identity after death, as noted for the Walbiri in Central TINDALE, N. B. & PRETIY, G. L. 1980. The surviving Australia (Meggitt 1962: 317). record. In R. Edwards & J. Stewart (eds) 'Preserving For instance, see the cosmologies described by Stanbridge Indigenous Cultures: a New Role for Museums.' Aust. (1857), Smyth (1878, voU: 430-434), & MacPherson Govt: Canberra. (I 882) for northern Victoria, Roth (1903: 7,8) for northern TUNBRIDGE, D. 1988. 'Flinders Ranges Dreaming.' Queensland, Howitt (1904: 426-434) for south eastern Aboriginal Studies Press: Canberra. Australia, & Maegraith (1932) for Central Australia. WELLS, W. 1852-1855 'Journals.' Edited by R.K.G. This is quoted by Cawthorne (1844 [reprint 1926: 24,25]) Foster. 1995. South Australian Museum: Adelaide. without acknowledgment to Teichelmann. WILHELMI, e. 1861. Manners and customs of the 10 Anotherword in the Adelaide language that referred to sky, Australian natives, in particular of the Pt. Lincoln heaven, & height is 'karra' (Teichelmann & Schurmann district. Transactions of the Royal Society of Victoria 1840, pt 2: 10). 5: 164-203. " Other Pamkallaterms associated with the SJ...yworld include WILLIAMS, W. 1839. A vocabulary of the language of 'Wangkurtu kurtu' - 'heaven; 'Pandarri' - 'sky, heaven'; the Aborigines of the Adelaide district... MacDougall, & 'Walkurri'-'heaven'(Schurmann 1844, voL2: 52,67,68). Adelaide. Reprinted in the South Australian Colonist The 'sky' or 'ether' was 'ilkari' (Schurmann 1884. voL2: newspaper, 7 July 1840. Pp.57-70 reprinted in 6). Parkhouse, TA (Ed.) 1926. 'Reprints and Papers Relating to the The Autochthones of Australia.' I: Foster (1990) discusses the role ofthe Native Location & Parkhouse: Woodville. Native School. WYATT, W. 1879. Some account of... the Adelaide and ,; Othervariations include Waieruwar(=Wyirrewarre), Wyirri Encounter Bay tribes. Pp.157-181. In J.D. Woods (= Waiyirri) & WairalL depending on linguistic context, (ed) 'The Native Tribes of South Australia.' E. S. respectively meaning 'Heaven', .to Heaven', 'in Heaven'. Wiggs & Sons: Adelaide. . . These variations are illustrated by Taplin (1874 [I879: r ~ ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 143

131]; 1879: 38,132,142).See also Tanganekald vocabulary 29 Teichelmann & Schurmann (1840, vol.2: 41). Also see L. cards, Tindale collection, Anthropology Archives, South Piesse in a newspaper article titled 'The language of the Australian Museum. natives of South Australia' in 171eSouthAustralianColonist, " Penney (as 'Cuique'), South Australian Magazine, 14 July 1840. A variation inthe recording of'purli' is 'pou- lee'. September 1842, I (xii): 467-472.

30 Other recorded variations in the Ngaiawang language are 1; Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #6. Anthropology Archives, South Austral ian Museum. 'pidli' (Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 34]), & 'pille' (Tindale 1964: 7). 16 Schurmann's account issimilarto Wyatt' s but differs in that Monana represents a group of beings, not one individual 31 Schurmann Diaries (22 July 1839), Teichelmann & spirit (Schurmann Diaries 5 June 1839; Wyatt Schurmann (1840, vol.2: 7,38,46), Teichelmann (1841: 9), 1879:166,181). Wyatt(1879: 166,167),&Stephens(1889: 500).Alsosee 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society - Report on the 17 There are aspects of the Pulyallanamythology that appear Aborigines of South Australia', The Southern Australian, to be closely related to the mythology ofNgurunderi in the II January 1842. Variations recorded for Kakirra include Lower Murray (Clarke 1995). Both ancestors were chasing Karkara & Cackera. Teichelmann (1857) also uses the their wives across the landscape while creating many of the term, Marrero. Tindale (1974: 48,49) notes that in many landforms, eventually drowning the women. parts of Austral ia, 'Kakara', as the word for Moon or Sun is

18 The 'Dreamtime' represents an Aboriginal English gloss of also used to mean 'the east'. He speculates that this a range of meanings. The 'Dreaming' can loosely be defined relationship is based on the perception of the east being as the whole body of mythology in Aboriginal Austral ia that where these celestial bodies enter the s"-"y. provides some insight into significant cultural events. 32 The Erawirung people in the Mid Murray region used the

19 Schurmann in a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of term, 'Kakere' ,for the Moon (Tindale 1930-52: 251). ).In South Australia' in The South Australian Colonist, 10 a coagnatic language, Ngaiawang, the Moon was called March 1840. 'Kokarar' (Tin dale 1964: 5), 'Kakur' or 'Kagurre' 20 Adelaide Register, 5 October 1887. (Moorhouse 1843 [1935: 18]).AnotherwordforMoonthat Tindale (1953: 7) records for the Mid Murray region is 21 According to Tindale (no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #1, 'Kagura'. It was recorded in the Moorundie area as 'Kok- Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum) the erer' (Scott 1840-1907). Tangani considered that there were seven stars shaped like astingray. J) In the area of Eyre Peninsula, Bira was perceived as an 'old man from the moon' who killed one of the seven 22 For a destination of the spirit of these warriors see Taplin sisters, while chasing the other ones across the landscape (1874 [1879: 18],&Meyer(1846 [1879:201]).A variation (Advertiser, 14 April 1990). Schurmann (1884: 3,57) inthe spellingofNepeli in the literature isNepele. Variations records the Moon in the Pamkalla language of eastern Eyre of Waiyungari include Wyungare, Wyangaure & Peninsula as 'Pirra' .Similarterms recorded elsewhere in the Waijungari. Meyer (1843, vol.2: 105) lists 'Waiyungari' Central Lakes cultural bloc, such as 'Bira' in the Narangga simply as the 'name of a star'. Elsewhere, such as south language ofYorke Peninsula (Black 1920: 86), 'Pira' in western Victoria, major spirit ancestors were also perceived Nukunu of the southern Flinders Ranges (Hercus 1992: as living in the Skyworld (Dawson 1881: 49). 2,8,27), 'Bera' in Ngadjuri of the Mid North of South 2) Schurmann Diaries (5-6 June 1839), & Wyatt (1879: Australia, 'Vera' in of the Flinders Ranges, & 'Pira' 166,181). Also see Schurmann in a newspaper article titled in Dieri of the North East of South Australia (Bemdt & 'The Aborigines of South Australia' in The South Australian Vogelsang 1941: 7). Colonist, 10 March 1840. Monaincherloo also refers to 'a 3. To the Ramindjeri, 'Markeri' was alsothe name ofa large very remote time; ancient' (Teichelmann & Schurmann shell which resembled a full Moon (Meyer 1843: 78). By 1840, vol.2: 25). another account, the Encounter Bay people called the Moon, 2. Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann in 'Mukkeri'. & pronounced it very much like the English anewspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Australia' rendering of'Mercury , (Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851). in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840. Taplin also listed the Moon as 'Markeri' in his Ngarrindjeri vocabularies (1874 [1879: 131]; 1879: 134,142). The 2; Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann in Tangane called the Moon, 'Marakari' (Tanganekald a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Australia' vocabulary cards, Tindale collection). In the southern in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840. Coorong district. Wells (1852-1855: 112) recorded the 26 Clarke (1990; 1991a: 65.66) outlines early Adelaide Moon as .Mercuri' . Aboriginal beliefs in the afierlife. J; A similar account exists in the mythology of northern 27 ForChristianinfluencesuponAboriginalcultureinsouthern Victoria. where the main male creative ancestor. Nooralie South Australia, see Berndt & Berndt (1993: 215), & (= Nureli, Nure:le). commands the Moon to die and the Sun Clarke (1995: 150-152). to disappear (Smyth 1878: 431). 28 There is much variation in the spellingofthis ancestral spirit 36 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs needing in the literature (see Clarke 1991: 66-68). This paper further attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives, follows the standard spellingset byTindale (1987). South Austral ian Museum. . 111'"' 144 P. A. CLARKE

J7 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in .Milerum',.Jobsneeding .9 Potaruwutj vocabulary cards, Tindale collection, further attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives, Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. South Australian Museum. 50 It is possible that 'kado', 'karo' & 'kardu' are the same )8 Smith(1880: 131) lists the Moon as 'Toongoom'. linguistic form.

J9 Quarterly Report (I October to 31 December 1837)from 51 CharlesWhite inthe Adelaide Observer, 14January 1905. Wyatt to the Colonial Secretary, dated I January 1838 52 Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #3. Anthropology (Colonial Secretary Reports, 1838/3, Public Records Office, Archives, South Australian Museum. Adelaide). S) This trail may have been moditiedorextendedasaresultof .0 Schurmann Diaries (5 June&22July 1839), Wyatt(1879: the building ofthe Overland Telegraph Line (1. Simpson, 166), Stephens (1889: 501), Williams (1839 [1926: 59]). pers.com.) Also see Schurmann in a newspaper article titled 'The s. The term 'prolggi', appears to be related to the Australian Aborigines of South Australia.' in The South Australian English term, brolga. This is a borrowing by Europeans Colonist, 10 March 1840. In the Adelaide area, variations from the Kamilaroi language in eastern New South Wales, in the recording oITindu include Teendo, Tindo, & Tindoo. where it was 'burralga' (Dixon eta/1992: 31 ,87,88,218). ., Wyatt (1879: 166,167). Also see letter by Wyatt dated I However, other Aboriginal languages from eastern Australia April 1838, from him to the Colonial Secretary. 69/1838. to the Lake Eyre region have similar terms for this bird. The Public Records Office, Adelaide. Tangane people of the Coorong called this bird 'porolgi' (Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection). The .2 Schurmann Diaries, 5 June&22July 1839. 'native companion' is an early European term forthe brolga. .) Similarnamesforthe Sun existed across South Australia. It ss By another account, the Granites near Kingston represented is 'Tjindu' inthe Pitjandjara language of Central Australia the emus of this myth {Tindale 1931-34: I92).In the South (Goddard 1992: 151), & in the Wirrangu language of the East of South Australia, this myth was sometimes used to West Coast (Black 1917: 7; Tindale 1928: 21). It was identify Aboriginal groups (Tindale letterto Dixon, 6 March recorded as 'Tjindo' in Kukatha from the West Coast 1976, correspondence files, Anthropology Archives, South (Black 1920: 91). In Wongaidya from Baroota in the AustralianMuseum). The coastal people called themselves southern Flinders Ranges itwas recorded as 'Dindo' (Black Porolgi, while inland groups were Pindjali (= Peindjali). 1917: 12). The Sun was 'Yumo' in the Parnkalla language of eastern Eyre Peninsula (Schurmann 1844, vol.2: 88), 56 SchurmannDiaries (12 July 1839),Teichelmann& 'Thirntu' in Nukunu from the southern Flinders Ranges Schurmann (1840: 19,47), & Teichelmann{l841: 9). Also (Hercus 1992: 28), & 'Tindo' in Narangga of Yorke see 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society - Report on Peninsula (Black 1920: 89). Similarly, in a coagnatic the Aborigines of South Australia ',The SouthernAustralian, language, Ngadjuri, it was 'Jandu' or 'Djendu' (Berndt& 11 January 1842. Vogelsang 1941: 9). In the Flinders Ranges, it was termed 57 Tindale, no date,loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs needing 'Yuundu' (Berndt& Vogelsang 1941: 9). further attention before typing.' Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. .. Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851. However, 'thulderni' may be a version of the term, 'tulde', recorded by Meyer ss Adelaide Register, 5 October 1887. (1843: 101)to mean a star. S9 Tindale, no date, 'Milerum', Stage A, #1. Anthropology .5 A variation in the recording ofNangge is 'Nungge'. At Archives, South Australian Museum. This term may relate Currency Creek, an early colonist records that a local to the 'Manchinnga', the 'warrior who became a star' European woman, with the name 'Mrs Sunman', was (Taplin 1874 [1879: 18]). invariably called 'Mrs Nange' by the local Aboriginal 60 For generalisedAustralianaccounts,see Smith(1930: people (Adelaide Observer, 10 May 1851). 70,345-50), & Parker (1953: 105-109). Western Desert

-16 Inthe Mid Murray area, the Erawirung people used a related accounts are given by Robinson (1966: 91-93), & Isaacs term, 'Nanka', for the Sun (Tindale 1930--52: 251). (l980: 152,153). The 'Seven Sisters inma' isoften performed Similarly, the Ngaiawang people used 'Nunka' (Tindale by Western Desertwomen visiting capital cities for public 1964: 7). At Moorundie, it was recorded as 'Nunka' (Scot! ceremonies. such as those held at the Tandanya National 1840--1907). Furthernorth at theconfluence of the Murray Aboriginal Cultural Institute in Adelaide.

& Darling Rivers. the Maraura people called the Sun, 61 Schurmann Diaries (12 July 1839), Teichelmann & 'Yukku', & dawn 'ngata yukui' (Tindale 1930--52: Schurmann (1840. vol.2: 15,17,47), Teichelmann (1841: 251,253). 9). Also see 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society- .7 For the Mid Murray area. Eyre (1845. vol.2: 365) suggests Report on the Aborigines of South Australia', The Sol/fhern that an Aboriginal practice of placing stones in trees was to Australian. 1I January 1842. measure time. However. the most likely explanation was (,2 Theoriginal version appears to be c.c. Hackett in Narrung thatthis was to indicate the proximity ofwater{J. Simpson. Alpha. August 1915: 10--12. A later version is Hackett pers.com.). (cited in Laurie 1917: 660--662). See Clarke (1995, endnote .. Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection. 14: 157). Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. 6; Tindale. no date. 'Milerum', Stage A. #1.Anthropology ABORIGINAL COSMIC LANDSCAPE 145

Archives, South Australian Museum. Ngawiri appears to be 69 Schurmann Diaries (5 June 1839). Also see Schurmann in related to 'ngauwir', meaning boy in the Ramindjeri dialect a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Austral ia' of Encounter Bay (Meyer 1843: 86). in The SOlllh Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840.

... Alsosee Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection. 70 'The Transactions of the Statistical Society- Report on the As well as Tindale, no date, loose sheet in 'Milerum', 'Jobs Aborigines of South Australia', The Southern Australian, needing further attention before typing'. Anthropology 11January 1842. Another reference is Moorhouse in 'Report Archives, South Austral ian Museum. on the Aborigines of South Australia' 14 October 1843, Document no. 1234, GRG 24/6, Public Record Office. In 6; It ispossible that there were several constellations termed the Narangga langauge ofY orke Peninsula, ashooting star Yuki by the Lower MUITaypeople, as this term is applied to was 'wajaga' (Black 1920: 89). canoes(cf. Mi I"-1'Way). In the Yaraldi dialect, the Southern Cross constellation was termed Tjirilengi (McDonald 1977). 71 Tanganekald vocabulary cards, Tindale collection, Anthropology Archives, South Austral ian Museum. 66 Tindale, no date, loose sheet in'Milerum', 'Jobs needing n Schurmann Diaries (5June 1839). Also see Schurmann in further attention before typing'. Anthropology Archives, a newspaper article titled 'The Aborigines of South Austral ia' South Australian Museum. Stanbridge (1857) provides a in The South Australian Colonist, 10 March 1840. similar myth concerning Lyra, which represents a lowan flying. 7) The inclusion of the Rufus River in this explanation was possibly dueto it being the site of a mass acre of Aboriginal 67 Tindale, Aboriginal Place Name File, Anthropology people by overlanders in 1842 (see Moorhouse Archives, SouthAustralianMuseum. correspondence to Colonial Secretary, reproduced by Taplin 1879: 115-123). 68 Tindale, Aboriginal Place Name File, Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. A creek near Yankalilla 74 Schurmann (1844, vol.2: 79) suggested that in the Pamkalla in the southern Fleurieu Peninsula area is known as language of eastern Eyre Peninsula the term for comet was Parananacooka. According to Tindale, this was a rendition 'yandarri' . of the Aboriginal forms, Paranankuka and Paranankuna Its 7; 'The Transactions ofthe Statistical Society - Report on the translation was said to refer to the excreta and urine of the Aborigines of South Austral ia', The Southern Australian, ALltumn Star, which explained why this creek becomes very II January 1842. Another reference by Moorhouse is in brackish at the end of summer. However, given his word 'Report on the Aborigines of South Australia', 14 October derivation, this appears to be unlikely on linguistic grounds 1843, Document no. 1234, GRG 24/6, Public Record (1. Simpson, pers.com.). Office.