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Cultural Patterns and Chronology in the Northern Sacramento River Drainage

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Cultural Patterns and Chronology in the Northern Sacramento River Drainage CULTURAL PATTERNS AND CHRONOLOGY IN THE NORTHERN SACRAMENTO RIVER DRAINAGE Elaine Sundahl Shasta College Archaeology Lab Redding, CA 96049 ABSTRACT Prior to the late 1960s almost all prehistoric cultural remains known in the northern end of the Sacramento Valley and surrounding mountains were assigned to a single cultural complex and dated within the past 1,000 years. A considerable accumulation of archaeological data within the past 25 years has led to an extensive elaboration of regional prehistory which is divided into 5 temporally and/or spatially discrete patterns spanning the past 8,000 years. This paper, one of a group of regional summaries presented on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Society for California Archaeology, reviews archaeological investigations and describes the cultural patterns and chronology as they are presently interpreted. INTRODUCTION A considerable amount of data has been collected on the prehistoric hunters and gatherers of the northern Sacramento Valley and surrounding mountainous areas in the 50 years since systematic archaeological investigation began in this area. The greatest strides have been toward the primary goal of archaeology, that of establishing local chronologies, with some success in the second goal, the reconstruction of the "ethnographies of extinct cultures" (Sanders and Marino 1970:3). A few attempts have been made toward the third goal, the investigation of the "conditions and forces influencing cultures, and the dynamic relationships between cultures and their natural environments" (Moratto 1984:xxxiv). The complex pattern of Native American ethnolinguistic groups within the study area reflects in part the complex geologic and environmental patterns and, in part, the differing cultural histories which are coming to light through the pursuit of archaeological and linguistic stUdies. Allor portions of 3 ethnolinguistic groups resided in the study area which extends from Mt. Shasta southward to Red Bluff and from the crest of the North Coast Ranges eastward to the crest of the Southern Cascades. The wintu occupied the southwestern and largest portion, including the Sacramento Valley, the foothills and mountains to the west, and the foothills to the north (DuBois 89 1935). The upper Sacramento River and McCloud River drainages in the rugged Klamath Mountains are assigned to the Okwanuchu, a small group linguistically affiliated with the Shasta (Silver 1978). And the southeastern part of the study area, the Southern Cascades, belonged to the Yana (Sapir and Spier 1943). Two of these groups were further divided into dialectic or geographic subgroups, totaling 11 such groups (Figure 1). Surrounding the study area were the Chimariko on the west, the Shasta on the north, the Achumawi and Atsugewi on the east, and the Nomlaki or Central wintun on the south. This welter of ethnographic groups becomes somewhat simpler and more understandable when linguistic studies are considered. The Wintu, northernmost of the 3 wintun groups who occupied much of the Sacramento Valley, spoke a language assigned to the Penutian linguistic stock, while the languages of the Chimariko, the Okwanuchu, the Achumawi and Atsugewi, and the Yana are all classed within the Hokan linguistic stock (Shipley 1978). Hokan is believed to be much the older in northern California with a time depth of possibly 8,000 years (Moratto 1984:544-547). The wintun are believed to have arrived in the northern Sacramento Valley no more than 1,200 or 1,300 years ago (Whistler 1977). The life styles for these groups and their neighbors as reported in the ethnographic record are similar in many ways. Most shared a pattern of constructing permanent or semipermanent villages on river and stream terraces and emphasized a sUbsistence based on the exploitation of riverine resources, particularly salmon, freshwater mussels, acorns and other plant foods, with occasional forays for the hunting of deer and other large mammals. The Yana may have been an exception in that they practiced a more transhumant pattern, changing residence with the season to pursue game and seasonally available plants. Although they inhabited a land of brushy volcanic mesas and steep stream canyons somewhat drier than that found in the other areas, a study of their lifestyle indicates that they had a wealth of resources at their disposal (Wiant 1981). The distribution of ethnic groups coupled with linguistic studies suggests that the Wintu were a dynamic population, rapidly increasing in numbers, establishing new villages, and expanding their territory. A study of the organization of Wintu villages suggests a recent expansion eastward by the wintu into former Yana territory (Dotta 1980:123-125), resulting in a shifting of boundaries. Yana populations were small, and they disappeared rapidly after the beginning of the historic era. Jerald Johnson (1978:362-363; personal communication 1988) has suggested that the Yana were dwindling as the result of eastward expansions by the Wintu and Nomlaki and probably would have disappeared completely even if the pressure from the Anglo­ Americans had not hastened this event. There is also evidence that the Okwanuchu were being absorbed by the Wintu (Guilford­ Kardell and Dotta 1980). This cultural group disappeared prior to the 20th century. 90 ;I~ J' \ ~ " " I; --;; t, # \;f,." ~ .;~ ~ '~~.,' ':r;!i, , ,.:;:; "-"" ,,""-, s_ '- rttIrmrttlnt StreQ'ft Contour "'IO",al 500 Fee. o.,......... 0 20 = 30 t<ilornt,.r. Figure 1. Distribution of ethnic groups within the study area; (map from Johnson and Theodoratus 1984b). 91 ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS Redding Area The archaeological record provides many parallels to ethnographic and linguistic studies. The earliest systematic archaeological investigations within the study area were performed by archaeologists from the University of California at Berkeley and California State University at San Francisco in preparation for proposed dams and were concentrated along the major river and creek terraces. Large numbers of sites were recorded in what later became Shasta Lake (Smith and Weymouth 1952) and the Whiskeytown Reservoir (Treganza and Heicksen 1960) and in the proposed Redbanks Reservoir near Red Bluff (Treganza 1952, 1954). sites were usually ashy middens located on the river and stream terraces and often contained housepits, large quantities of fire-cracked rock, mussel shells, and obsidian and other lithic debitage. A few sites in these areas were tested, and the results along with surface collections produced a homogenous assemblage containing: small projectile points later termed the Gunther Series and Desert Side-Notched types, both assumed to have been used as arrow points; drills of several styles: large chert blades associated with burials; arrowshaft smoothers: hopper mortars: pestles: spire-lopped Olivella beads; clamshell disk beads: Haliotis pendants: and pine-nut beads. This assemblage was termed the Shasta Complex (Meighan 1955:32­ 33), dated within the past 1,000 years, and in many cases was explicitly associated with the ethnographic Wintu (e.g., Smith and Weymouth 1952:29-30: Treganza and Heicksen 1960:42). Additional reconnaissance work on the terraces of the Sacramento River and Cottonwood Creek has been extensive, and numerous excavations have been performed on similar midden sites (Clewett and Sundahl 1981: Dotta 1964: Dotta and Hullinger 1964: Farber and Neuenschwander 1984; Jensen 1980; Johnson and Skjelstad 1974; Johnson and Theodoratus 1984a, 1984b; Sundahl 1982: Woolfenden 1970). These more recent excavations have revealed many features, most notably semi-subterranean house floors generally about 3 m in diameter and 1 m-diameter baking ovens. A large complement of bone tools, particularly tips for composite harpoon points, has been added to the assemblage. Recent analysis of the mussel shells from Sha-47, a Shasta Complex site on the Sacramento River in Redding, demonstrated that mussels were being collected in the late summer and early autumn (data on file at the Shasta College Archaeology Laboratory), and an analysis of faunal materials recovered from Sha-266 indicates that villages were occupied year-round (George 1981; cf. Figure 2). Obsidian studies document that Tuscan was by far the predominant source used in these sites, usually constituting over 90% of the obsidian. Grasshopper Flat/Lost Iron Wells obsidian is the only other major source represented. Obsidian hydration values are <3.0 microns on Grasshopper Flat/Lost Iron Wells obsidian and <2.0 microns on Tuscan obsidian for Shasta Complex sites. 92 ) north 20 miles CA-Sha-288 • CA-Sha-192 ­ ~---~---,-----t~ • CA-Teh-1490 RED BLUFF Sites Figure 2. Selected archaeological sites within the northern Sacramento Valley and surrounding mountains. 93 The first evidence of a non-Shasta Complex habitation on the Sacramento River within the study area came with the Shasta college excavation at Sha-992 in Redding. Although Gunther Series points, hopper mortars, and pestles were recovered, large proportions of small side-notched and corner-notched points, manos, millingstones, and notched-pebble net weights were also part of the assemblage. Projectile points were relatively less important than grinding stones compared to Shasta Complex sites, and obsidian less important than metavolcanic materials. The midden was much lighter in color than in a typical Shasta Complex site, and faunal and shell remains, virtually absent. A lower component was also found at the site which consisted of large corner-notched
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