The Pennsylvania State University

The Graduate School

College of the Liberal Arts

MULTIMODAL METAPHOR IN AMERICAN, RUSSIAN, AND UKRAINIAN

PROMOTIONAL DISCOURSES

A Dissertation in

Applied Linguistics

by

Larysa Bobrova

 2013 Larysa Bobrova

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

August 2013

The dissertation of Larysa Bobrova was reviewed and approved* by the following:

James P. Lantolf Greer Professor in Language Acquisition and Applied Linguistics Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee

Athelstan Suresh Canagarajah Edwin Erle Sparks Professor in Applied Linguistics

Michael M. Naydan Woskob Family Professor in Ukrainian Studies Professor of Slavic Languages and Literatures

Robert W. Schrauf Professor of Applied Linguistics Head of the Department of Department

*Signatures are on file in the Graduate School

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ABSTRACT

This dissertation reports on the intra-linguistic/cultural and a cross- linguistic/cultural study of multimodal metaphor in American, Russian, and Ukrainian promotional discourses actualized in television commercials for and .

Although a number of studies have explored multimodal metaphor, such research typically focuses on metaphor as a conceptual phenomenon decontextualized from the nexus of socio-cultural practices constructed by the promotional context. Being mostly case studies of relatively small number of commercials, i.e., 2 to 10 commercials at most, this research has been typically limited to the detection of the source and target domains of a particular conceptual metaphor and the analysis of modalities through which they are elaborated in thematically diverse commercials. In the present study, an alternative approach – a systematic bottom-up comparative analysis of multimodal metaphors viewed as both cognitive phenomena and a meditational means – is proposed in order to identify metaphoric complexes, their structural, discoursal, and socio-cultural aspects as well as the differences and similarities in the respective aspects across four promotional discourses: American beer and vodka commercials, Ukrainian vodka, and Russian beer commercials. The analysis relies on a transparent and systematic procedure for metaphor identification designed specifically for this study, although the procedure is expected to be functional for research in other multimodal domains as well. By approaching multimodal metaphor as both a conceptual and socio-cultural meditational means, this study uncovers the interaction between the conceptual structure of metaphor and social practices involved in the consumption of alcoholic products in the respective cultures.

Specifically, the analysis of the metaphors contextualized in socio-cultural practices has

iv revealed socio-cultural values indicative of the respective cultures as they are manifested in the analyzed commercials. In addition, through the detailed exploration of metaphoric entailments, the analysis has provided important insights into the conceptual construal of these values and has pinpointed distinctions and similarities in their construal.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures ...... ix

List of Tables...... xi

Acknowledgements ...... xii

Chapter 1 Introduction ...... 1

1.1 Metaphor ...... 1 1.2 Aim and Scope ...... 2 1.3 Research Questions and Organization of the Dissertation ...... 6 1.4 Material and Methods ...... 7 1.5 Analytical Procedure ...... 9 1.6 Typographic Conventions ...... 11

Chapter 2 The Social and Cultural Roles of Alcoholic Beverages in American Culture ...... 13

2.1 Introduction ...... 13 2.2 A Drinking Occasion Specifier ...... 16 2.3 Social Status, Affiliation, and Gender Differentiator ...... 18 2.4 Social Roles of Drinking Places ...... 24 2.5 The Symbolic Meaning of Alcohol in American Social Celebratory Rituals ...... 33 2.5.1 Habitual Cycle Transformations ...... 34 2.5.2 Life Cycle Transformations ...... 37 2.5.3 Historical Cycles within a Culture ...... 40 2.6 Conclusion ...... 42

Chapter 3 The Social and Cultural Roles of Alcoholic Beverages in Russian and Ukrainian Cultures ...... 44

3.1 Introduction ...... 44 3.2 Indicator of Ethnic Group and Generation Affiliation ...... 46 3.3 Social Status and Gender Differentiator ...... 50 3.4 A Drinking Occasion Specifier ...... 53 3.5 Money Substitute ...... 56 3.6 Medication Substitute ...... 58 3.7 Social Roles of Drinking Places ...... 60 3.8 The Symbolic Meaning of Alcohol in Russian and Ukrainian Social Celebratory Rituals ...... 68 3.8.1 Habitual Cycle Transformations ...... 71 3.8.2 Life Cycle Transformations ...... 73 3.8.3 Historical Cycles within a Culture ...... 78 3.9 Conclusion ...... 80

Chapter 4 Theoretical Framework ...... 82

4.1 Introduction ...... 82

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4.2 Four Cognitive Approaches to Metaphor ...... 83 4.2.1 Attributive Categorization Theory ...... 84 4.2.2 Blending Theory ...... 85 4.2.3 The Career of Metaphor Approach ...... 87 4.2.4 Conceptual Metaphor Theory ...... 88 4.3 Multimodal Metaphor Theory ...... 95 4.4 Mediated Discourse Theory ...... 100 4.4.1 Mediated Action ...... 101 4.4.2 Mediational Means ...... 102 4.4.3 Site of Engagement ...... 105 4.4.4 Social Practice ...... 107 4.5 Conclusion ...... 107

Chapter 5 Multimodal Metaphor in Promotional Discourse ...... 109

5.1 Introduction ...... 109 5.2 A Review of the Studies of Multimodal Metaphor in TV Commercials ...... 111 5.2.1 The Conceptual Structure and the Nuances of Multimodal Manifestation of Metaphor...... 111 5.2.2 The Affordances of Modalities for Multimodal Manifestations of Metaphor ...... 117 5.2.3 The Interaction of Multimodal Metaphor and Metonymy ...... 121 5.2.4 The Cross-cultural Aspect of the Conceptual Construal of Multimodal Metaphor ...... 123 5.3 Metaphor in Print Ads and TV Commercials for Alcoholic Beverages: Vodka and Beer ...... 125 5.3.1 Metaphor in Vodka Ads and TV Commercials ...... 126 5.3.2 Metaphor in Beer Ads and TV Commercials...... 130 5.4 Conclusion ...... 135

Chapter 6 A Procedure for Identifying Potential Multimodal Metaphors in TV Commercials ...... 138

6.1 Introduction ...... 138 6.2 The Three Theoretical Premises ...... 141 6.2.1 The Image of an Object, Scene, and Event is the Unit of Analysis ...... 141 6.2.2 The Meaning of an Image of an Object, Scene, and Event ...... 143 6.2.3 The Cognitive Schema of the Image of an Object, Event, and Scene as the Source of Expectancy ...... 147 6.2.4 The Juxtaposition of Images ...... 152 6.3 The Basic Procedure ...... 154 6.3.1 Step 1: The Identification of Potential Metaphors in TV Commercials ...... 154 6.3.2 Step 2: Identification of Cognitively Prominent Projected Features ...... 163 6.3.3 Step 3: Identification of Source and Target Domains and the Verbal Formulation of Cross-domain Mapping ...... 173 6.4. Conclusion ...... 177

Chapter 7 Multimodal Metaphor in American Vodka TV Commercials ...... 178

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7.1 Introduction ...... 178 7.2 AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD ...... 179 7.2.1 The Population of an Absolut World...... 179 7.2.2 Social Relationships in an Absolut World ...... 181 7.2.3 Art in an Absolut World ...... 188 7.2.4 An Absolut Moon in an Absolut World ...... 195 7.3 Metaphors of Vodka of Various Brands in American TV Commercials ...... 197 7.3.1 VODKA IS A PERSON ...... 198 7.3.2 VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY ...... 207 7.3.3. VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT ...... 211 7.3.4 VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY ...... 218 7.4 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains ...... 221 7.5 Modality Distribution ...... 222 7.6 Conclusion ...... 224

Chapter 8 Multimodal Metaphor in American TV Beer Commercials ...... 227

8.1 Introduction ...... 227 8.2 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER...... 228 8.3 DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY...... 240 8.4 BEER IS A PERSON ...... 248 8.5 Other Metaphors Manifested in American Beer Commercials ...... 255 8.5.1 Personification of Animals ...... 256 8.5.2 MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG ...... 260 8.5.3 BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE ...... 261 8.5.4 BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT...... 262 8.5.5 BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE ...... 263 8.5.6 MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER ...... 264 8.6 Comparative Analysis of American Beer and Vodka Commercials...... 265 8.6.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains ...... 265 8.6.2 Modality Distribution ...... 265 8.6.3 The Structural, Discoursal, and Cultural Aspects of Metaphors ...... 268

Chapter 9 Multimodal Metaphor in Ukrainian TV Vodka Commercials ...... 274

9.1 Introduction ...... 274 9.2 VODKA IS A PERSON ...... 275 9.2.1 VODKA IS A MAN ...... 275 9.2.2 VODKA IS A WOMAN ...... 278 9.2.3 VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE PEOPLE ...... 283 9.2.4 VODKA IS A FAMILY ...... 286 9.2.5 VODKA IS A GOD/GODDESS ...... 287 9.3 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA...... 288 9.4 Other Metaphors Manifested in Ukrainian Vodka Commercials ...... 294 9.4.1 VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT ...... 295 9.4.2 VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT ...... 296 9.4.3 VODKA IS A SYMBOLIC OBJECT ...... 298 9.4.4 VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT ...... 299 9.4.5 DRINKING VODKA IS A FAVORITE ACTIVITY ...... 300

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9.4.6 VODKA IS A FISH STORY ...... 301 9.4.7 VODKA IS AN ANIMAL ...... 304 9.4.8 VODKA IS A SUITABLE OBJECT ...... 305 9.5 Comparative Analysis of Ukrainian and American Vodka Commercials ...... 305 9.5.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains ...... 305 9.5.2 Modality Distribution ...... 306 9.5.3 The Structural, Discoursal, and Cultural Aspects of Metaphors ...... 309

Chapter 10 Multimodal Metaphor in Russian TV Beer Commercials ...... 315

10.1 Introduction ...... 315 10.2 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER ...... 316 10.3 BEER IS A PERSON ...... 330 10.4 Other Metaphors Manifested in Russian Beer Commercials ...... 337 10.4.1 BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION ...... 337 10.4.2 BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID ...... 341 10.4.3 The Metaphoric Chain PERMISSION IS GREEN and BEER IS PERMISSION ...... 342 10.4.4. BEER IS A CONCERT ...... 343 10.4.5 BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT ...... 344 10.4.6 BEER IS A NEW ...... 346 10.5 Comparative Analysis of Russian and American Beer Commercials ...... 347 10.5.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains ...... 347 10.5.2 Modality Distribution ...... 347

Chapter 11 Conclusion ...... 356

11.1 Discussion of Findings ...... 356 11.1.2 Structural Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors and their Modality Preference ...... 358 11.1.3 Discoursal Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors ...... 363 11.1.4 Socio-cultural Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors ...... 366 11.2 Implications for Research and Future Directions ...... 369

Appendix A American Vodka Commercials ...... 374

Appendix B American Beer Commercials ...... 421

Appendix C Ukrainian Vodka Commercials ...... 470

Appendix D Russian Beer Commercials ...... 508

Appendix E Conceptual Metaphors ...... 556

References ...... 562

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 6.1. America ...... 153 Figure 6.2. Miller Genuine Draft Beer: Dancer ...... 157 Figure 6.3. Vodka Olimp Poseidon ...... 162 Figure 6.4. : Meteor ...... 164 Figure 7.1. Absolut: Hugs ...... 184 Figure 7.2. : Absolut world – protest...... 187 Figure 7.3. Vodka: Vodka ...... 189 Figure 7.4. Absolut: Dissection ...... 190 Figure 7.5. Vodka: Maya Hayuk ...... 192 Figure 7.6. Absolut: Anthem ...... 194 Figure 7.7. Absolut: Moon ...... 196 Figure 7.8. : Cupid ...... 201 Figure 7.9. : Acrobats ...... 205 Figure 7.10. ’s Vodka: Rivalries bear. Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries eagle .... 208 Figure 7.11. Vodka: Oysters ...... 210 Figure 7.12. Vodka: Blueberi ...... 212 Figure 7.13. Stolichnaya Vodka: Frozen neighbors ...... 213 Figure 7.14. Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya – born in the heart of Russia ...... 217 Figure 7.15. North Vodka: Sword ...... 219 Figure 7.16. Smirnoff: Stampede ...... 220 Figure 8.1. Bud Light: Hack job ...... 230 Figure 8.2. Budweiser: Stranded ...... 232 Figure 8.3. Bud: Wheel ...... 233 Figure 8.4. Bud Light: Dog sitter ...... 236 Figure 8.5. Bud Light Lime: Sphere of summer ...... 237 Figure 8.6. Budweiser FIFA World Cup: Kick ...... 244 Figure 8.7. Bud: Hidden Bud Lights ...... 245 Figure 8.8. Bud Light: Severance package ...... 246 Figure 8.9. Bud: Beer tree ...... 247 Figure 8.10. Budwiser Beer: Jay vs. Shula ...... 251 Figure 8.11. Bud Light: Product placement ...... 252 Figure 8.12. Bud Light: Fishing ...... 256 Figure 8.13. Miller Lite Beer: Lite across America ...... 260 Figure 8.14. Budweiser: Mini mouth ...... 263 Figure 9.1. Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka ...... 279 Figure 9.2. Vodka Bilen’ka: Magician ...... 281 Figure 9.3. Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet ...... 282 Figure 9.4. Vodka Bilen’ka: Parade ...... 284 Figure 9.5. Vodka Bilen’ka: Pickle ...... 286 Figure 9.6. Horilochka: Picnic ...... 289 Figure 9.7. Nemiroff Delikat: A hotel suite ...... 293 Figure 9.8. Vodka Bilen’ka: Outerspace...... 296 Figure 9.9. Vodka Blahov: Gold diggers gold rush ...... 300

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Figure 9.10. Vodka Uliublena: plumber ...... 301 Figure 9.11. Vodka Baika: Cossacks non-Christians ...... 302 Figure 10.1. Golden Barrel Draft: Life acquires taste ...... 318 Figure 10.2. Klinskoye: Strength in communion ...... 320 Figure 10.3. Carlsberg: SOS ...... 322 Figure 10.4. Beer: – add some sun ...... 324 Figure 10.5. Beer: Zolotistoe...... 326 Figure 10.6. Don: The South is There, where “Don” is...... 326 Figure 10.7. Bochkariov: No one can overtake us ...... 333 Figure 10.8. Bely Medved’: Tsunami ...... 334 Figure 10.9. Stary Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft: “Soft” is already in the city! .... 335 Figure 10.10. Bockarev Beer: Can't stand up ...... 336 Figure 10.11. Beer: Understanding...... 338 Figure 10.12. Beer: A chain ...... 340 Figure 10.13. Ovip Lokos: In the name of goodness ...... 340 Figure 10.14. Green Beer: Green for you ...... 342 Figure 10.15. Beer: Sibirskaia Korona Lime ...... 345

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LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 The corpus of the thesis ...... 9 Table 6.1. Quale structure: Hangar One Vodka and Ballad ...... 166 Table 6.2. The event schema of designing new-quality Olimp Vodka and its production and designing and constructing a unique soccer stadium ...... 168 Table 6.3. The quale structure of the images of Belvedere Vodka and a mystifying woman ...... 173 Table 7.1. The frequency of modalities in American commercials for vodka ...... 222 Table 7.2. The combinability of modalities ...... 223 Table 7.3. Summary of the metaphor analysis ...... 224 Table 8.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER ...... 229 Table 8.2. Double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS Up...... 234 Table 8.3. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY ...... 242 Table 8.4. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON ...... 250 Table 8.5. The frequency of modalities in American commercials for beer and vodka ...... 266 Table 8.6. Combination of modalities ...... 266 Table 8.6(a). Combination of modalities ...... 267 Table 8.7. Summary of the comparative analysis of beer and vodka metaphors ...... 270 Table 9.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN ...... 276 Table 9.2. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA ...... 289 Table 9.3. The frequency of modalities in Ukrainian and American vodka commercials ...... 306 Table 9.4. The combinability of modalities ...... 308 Table 9.4(a). Combination of modalities ...... 308 Table 9.5. Summary of the comparative analysis of Ukrainian and American vodka metaphors ...... 310 Table 10.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER ...... 318 Table 10.2. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON ...... 330 Table 10.3. The frequency of modalities in Russian and American commercials for beer ...... 348 Table 10.4. Combination of modalities ...... 348 Table 10.4(a). Combination of modalities ...... 349 Table 10.5. Summary of the comparative analysis of Russian and American beer metaphors ...... 351 Table 11.1. The sequence of metaphorical domains ...... 360

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to acknowledge many people who provided the support, advice, and encouragement, academic and otherwise, that allowed me to elaborate and produce this dissertation. First and foremost, I would like to show my appreciation to my adviser

James P. Lantolf for his guidance through all the stages of my dissertation. I am grateful for the detailed and constructive feedback he has given me on my work, encouraging comments as he went through my chapters, corrections and thoughts as well as for pushing me towards a more nuanced account of metaphorical structures. I appreciate his accessibility, support, and all the advice he has given me. I learned much from him.

I would also like to thank to the members of my doctoral committee: Suresh

Canagarajah, Robert W. Schrauf, and Michael M. Naydan. Their questions, critical comments, and suggestions given at the comprehensive examination and following through on my dissertation proposal, and the drafting of this thesis have helped me design an interdisciplinary intra-linguistic/cultural, and cross-linguistic/cultural study, justify the methods of analysis, and present the findings with clarity. I am especially thankful to

Michael M. Naydan for his valuable assistance in the translation of the Russian and

Ukrainian commercials into English.

Many thanks go to the members of the dissertation group: Sungwoo Kim, Jiyun

Kim, Kimberly Buescher, Mei-Hsing Tsai, Tania Smotrova, and Xian Zhang. Without their questioning the analysis of some metaphorical instances, my analysis would not have been as polished and justified as it is now. I am especially thankful to Sungwoo Kim for his help with Flow Chart 1 in Chapter 6.3.1.

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I am heartily grateful to the Director of Graduate Studies Karen E. Johnson who made possible my attendance at the VU Metaphor Lab Winter School at The Vrije

University (The , Amsterdam, January 2012) and the 12th International

Cognitive Linguistics Conference (ICLC) at the University of Alberta in Edmonton

(Alberta, Canada, June 2013). These two scholarly events provided me with the opportunity to discuss my dissertation with the leading scholars in the area of metaphor scholarship, including George Lakoff, Charles Forceville, and Gerard Steen, who made me think more critically about my work.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge the late Mr. Gilbert Watz for his generous support of foreign language study and applied linguistics at Penn State. This dissertation was funded in part through a Gil Watz dissertation fellow awarded by the Center for

Language Acquisition and the College of the Liberal Arts at the Pennsylvania State

University.

Copyright Acknowledgement

I would like to thank the Coloribus.Com Support Team (represented by Anastacia

Arkhipova) for allowing me to reproduce the screenshots from the commercials retrieved from the on-line Global Advertising Archive Coloribus.

...

Chapter 1

Introduction

1.1 Metaphor

For the past few decades, metaphor has been the focus of much academic scholarship that has clearly demonstrated the ubiquity of metaphor in everyday language as well as its prominence in abstract thought and human emotional experiences. The major finding of metaphor research to date is that metaphor is not simply a decorative rhetorical device, but also a fundamental system that structures people’s perception of the world, governs their functioning in the world, and construes their social relationships

(Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). To give an example of what it might mean for metaphor to structure the comprehension of the world, everyday functioning and social relationships, consider the consequences of different views of love construed by such metaphors as

LOVE IS A COLLABORATIVE WORK OF ART as opposed to LOVE IS A

JOURNEY, LOVE IS HEALTH, and LOVE IS MADNESS. As Lakoff and Johnson

(1980) state, if LOVE is perceived as A COLLABORATIVE WORK OF ART, the active control aspect of work is projected onto love through the understanding of work as an active collaborative process that involves dedication, compromise, discipline, patience, sharing responsibilities in order to reach shared aesthetic goals. A lesser extent of active control is exercised if lovers perceive LOVE as A JOURNEY. When the relationship is structured as a vehicle that might “be off track,” “be on the rocks,” or “not going

2 anywhere,” it is not always under the couple’s active control. Even less active control is exercised when lovers structure their relationship in terms of HEALTH. Though, as a patient, “a sick relationship” might be treated, it cannot always be kept under control. The relationship might become either “healthy” or “dead” and, therefore, “it can’t be revived.” In the case of MADNESS, there is not any possible control on the lovers’ part:

“I’m crazy about her,” “She’s driving me wild” (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, pp. 140-141).

The conceptual properties of metaphor have been extensively exploited in promotional discourse. Similar to the way it structures people’s daily functioning, metaphor presumably has the potential to structure a customer’s perception of a promoted product as an attractive and desired object and to persuade customers to purchase it, if metaphor is chosen correctly; i.e., a metaphorical conceptual structure should be relevant and shared among the members of a society. The exploration of such “shared cognitions”

(Ross, 2004, p. 8) realized through social interactions of social actors within social and cultural practices featured in advertising provides valuable insight into socio-cultural values and principles that are exercised in the society. By exploring the metaphors manifested in American, Ukrainian, and Russian television commercials for alcoholic beverages, this dissertation attempts to provide a glimpse into their respective values as elaborated in their promotional discourses.

1.2 Aim and Scope

Though the body of cognitive linguistic, cultural, psycholinguistic, and anthropologic research suggests that metaphor as “a mode of thought” (Lakoff, 1993, p.

3 210) is a multifaceted phenomenon that combines not only linguistic properties, but also conceptual, neural, bodily, and social-cultural properties (Kövecses, 2005, p. 8), most metaphor studies focus on specific aspects of metaphor, i.e., either linguistic, conceptual, neural, or cultural. Undoubtedly, their contribution to the study of metaphor is significant.

However, in order to have a holistic perspective on metaphor and to increase the explanatory power of metaphor as a cultural tool for studying cultural and social practices, it is crucial to approach the topic as realized not only via the linguistic semiotic system of communication, but also through other semiotic systems available in modern culture (Forceville, 2008, 2009; Kövecses, 2005). Very few studies have attempted to explore multimodal manifestations of metaphor (Forceville & Urious-Aparisi, 2009, p.

34). In most cases, in promotional discourse the analysis of multimodal metaphor has comprised case studies of relatively small number of commercials, i.e., 2 to 10 commercials at most (Urious-Aparisi, 2009; Yu, 2009; Forceville, 2008; Forceville,

2009a), except for a study on metaphors in beer commercials that considers 32 TV commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012). An empirically robust systematic analysis is required that would approach multimodal conceptual metaphor as a meditational social means (Scollon, 2001) indicative of socio-cultural practices represented in promotional discourse. Although traditionally studies on metaphor focus on its decontextualized linguistic realizations (Schmitt, 2005, p. 359), I take the perspective that metaphor as a conceptual phenomenon should be explored as embedded in contextualized social practices – these are social practices employed in the promotional discourse of alcoholic products (TV commercials for beer and vodka in this case), and as realized through any

4 of the modalities or multiple modalities simultaneously, i.e., verbal, imagistic, auditory, and sonic.

Though metaphor is cultural phenomenon, few cross-linguistic and cross-cultural studies of it have been undertaken (Caballero, 2009; Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012). For the examination of such a socio-cultural and conceptual phenomenon as multimodal metaphor, a cross-cultural comparative perspective is likely more effective than a mono- cultural one for three reasons. First, the comparative and contrastive juxtaposition of cultures is indispensable for examining the interaction between cognitive and social systems where the former should be viewed as those that mediate the relationship between social actors and the social environment (Ross, 2004, p. 32; Levinson, 2009, p.

54). In the study that follows, this interaction is investigated in terms of the interrelationship of the conceptual structures of metaphors and social practices displayed in American TV commercials for beer and vodka, Russian TV commercials for beer, and

Ukrainian TV commercials for vodka. Second, a cross-cultural analysis increases our awareness of practices in our own culture. Representing “common and mundane aspects of our everyday lives,” these practices are usually taken for granted and “unnoticed”

(Strauss, 2005, p. 1432). The cross-cultural comparison makes them visible for a researcher. Third, the cross-cultural comparison increases the transparency and validity of conclusions about socio-cultural practices, “reducing the risk of formulating blanket generalizations that lead to skewed perceptions of other societies and unwarranted stereotyping” (Strauss, 2005, p. 1432), against which Ross warns in his critical remarks

5 relating to the study of cultural differences in “Western” and “Asian” ways of thinking

(Ross, 2004, p. 33).

Therefore, in order to uncover conceptual differences and similarities in

American, Russian and Ukrainian cultures in general and the culture of alcohol consumption in particular as they are featured in the respective promotional discourses and to avoid biased stereotyping of the respective cultures, in this project, I take a cross- cultural perspective for examining relevant multimodal metaphors. The comparison is made between conceptual structures of multimodal metaphors employed in the TV commercials from the three cultures, their multimodal realizations, and social practices displayed in the commercial corpora considered.

Finally, in contrast to the case studies on multimodal metaphor mentioned above, this project examines metaphors used for the promotion for two alcoholic products, vodka and beer, across a range of commercials. By situating the study within the general framework of in America, Russia, and , I demonstrate how metaphors align with the socio-cultural meanings of drinking, its socio-cultural and symbolic functions, the social functions of drinking-places in the respective cultures, as well as the roles of alcohol in cultural rituals reported in ethnographic and anthropological research literature on drinking practices in the respective cultures.

6 1.3 Research Questions and Organization of the Dissertation

This study aims to address five questions related to multimodal metaphor in

American promotional discourse for beer and vodka, in Ukrainian promotional discourse for vodka, and in Russian promotional discourse for beer:

1. What are the dominant multimodal conceptual metaphors in American

promotional discourse for beer and vodka, Russian promotional discourse for

beer, and Ukrainian promotional discourse for vodka?

2. What source and target domains promote the products in the commercials

considered? What are the sequences of source and target domains displayed in

American, Russian, and Ukrainian commercials?

3. What metaphorical mappings are activated and in what semiotic modalities are

they cued in the respective commercials?

4. What metaphorical entailments can be inferred from the mappings identified in

the commercials?

5. Are there similarities and differences in the metaphors, their mappings, and

entailments in the four commercial practices in terms of their structural,

discoursal, and socio-cultural aspects?

Including the introduction, this dissertation comprises eleven chapters. Chapters 2 and 3 provide a review of the ethnographic and anthropologic studies that inform the social and symbolic meanings of alcohol consumption, drinking patterns, and drinking practices inherent in American, Russian, and Ukrainian cultures. Chapters 4 and 5 delve into a detailed discussion of the theoretical framework of the dissertation as well as a

7 critical survey of studies on multimodal metaphor in promotional discourse. Chapter 6 presents an analytical procedure for identifying potential multimodal metaphors in TV commercials. Chapters 7, 8, 9, and 10 together form the analytical component of the dissertation. In these four chapters, I present an analysis of metaphors employed in the relevant commercials from the three cultures under analysis. I discuss dimensions such as conceptual mappings, the sequence of domains, the preferred modalities construing source and target domains, social practices in which both conceptual domains are embedded, and entailments. These chapters, also, present an intra-lingual/cultural analysis of American beer metaphors and a cross-linguistic/cultural analysis of American and Ukrainian vodka metaphors as well as American and Russian beer metaphors.

Chapter 11 concludes the dissertation by discussing the findings of the study relating to the research questions posed, their significance for metaphor study in general and for multimodal metaphor study in particular, and several suggestions for future research.

1.4 Material and Methods

The material employed in the dissertation consists of beer and vodka television commercials produced by American, Ukrainian, and Russian advertising agencies from the respective countries. The combination of the types of commercials selected for the study is determined by objective reason, i.e., the availability and absence of vodka commercials. Commercials for vodka do not appear on Russian TV because they have been prohibited since January 1, 1997 according to the Federal Law of the Russian

Federation “About Advertising” adopted by the Government of the Russian Federation

8 on July 18, 1995 (“Federal’ny Zakon RF “O Reklame,”” 1995). The inclusion of

Ukrainian TV commercials for vodka can be justified by two reasons. First, the culture of drinking presumably has many similarities in both countries. Both Russian and Ukrainian cultures share a mutual ethnic origin, i.e., Kievan Rus, and belong to the Eastern Slavic grouping of Slavs. Moreover, Ukraine officially became part of Russia in 1654 when the

Ukrainian government signed a political and military treaty between Russia and Ukraine

(Subtelny, 2000). Then from 1921 to 1991 Ukraine was part of the

(Subtelny, 2000) in which Russia played the leading political role. Second, the involvement of Ukrainian commercials for vodka allowed me to conduct the cross- cultural comparison of the conceptual metaphors manifested in vodka commercials in addition to the conceptual metaphors elaborated in beer commercials. This increased insight into the American, Russian, and Ukrainian culture of drinking.

The commercials were retrieved from the on-line Global Advertising Archive

Coloribus between May 1 and May 10, 2011. To search for the commercials, I used the key words “vodka” and “beer” combined with the name of a country, i.e., “in the U.S.,”

“in Russia,” and “in Ukraine” in the advanced search function of the archive. This search revealed the number of the commercials presented in Table 1 as downloaded.

As the first step in the selection procedure, I eliminated those commercials that were identical1, those that aimed to promote vodka drinks, e.g., a malt beverage Smirnoff

Ice, and trailers about vodka production.

1 The search revealed some commercials identical in their content under different titles.

9 Table 1.1 The corpus of the thesis.

TV Vodka Beer

Commercials Downloaded Selected Downloaded Selected

American 53 32 100 40

Ukrainian 66 31

Russian 97 31

The second step in the selection procedure aimed to identify the commercials that display metaphorical content. To do this, I followed the guidelines of the first step “The identification of potential metaphors in TV commercials” of the identification procedure explained in Chapter 6.3.1. Applying the guidelines of step 2 “Identification of cognitively prominent projected features” outlined in Chapter 6.3.2 and step 3

“Identification of source and target domains and the verbal formulation of cross-domain mapping” presented in Chapter 6.3.3, I eliminated those metaphorical commercials that manifested similar conceptual mappings. This resulted in the number of the commercials presented in the column “selected” in Table 1. They constitute the corpus, consisting of four sub-corpora: American vodka, American beer, Ukrainian vodka, and Russian beer commercials, that I analyzed in detail to answer the research questions.

1.5 Analytical Procedure

Each sub-corpus, American vodka, American beer, Ukrainian vodka, and Russian beer commercials, was examined separately to identify the types of multimodal

10 metaphors dominant in American, Russian, and Ukrainian commercials and to consider their conceptual structure with the help of the identification procedure presented in

Chapter 6.

The modality manifestation of the identified metaphors and their mappings was examined in terms of four modalities: imagistic, verbal (written and spoken language), auditory (lyrics of songs), and sonic (non-linguistic sounds: human cough, laughter, crying, etc., and non-human: music, sounds of crashing, waves, etc.). This decision stemmed from the following theoretical speculations. In most cases, television commercials deploy more than one mode of communication. As Kress and Van Leeuwen

(1996) note, various modalities, e.g., visual, verbal, or non-verbal, have their own possibilities and limitations in revealing meaning (p. 17). Overcoming limitations of a single modality, multimodal metaphor integrates the possibilities of several modalities in order to increase its efficiency in creating meaning in commercials. In order to theorize how modalities promote a created meaning, it is important to understand what “modality” relates to multimodal metaphor. Given the fact that various factors come into play,

Forceville (2009) notes that it is a complex task. He suggests two approaches to defining

“modality.” According to the first approach, “a mode2 is a sign system interpretable” in accordance with the specificity of perception process that is grounded in the five senses of perception (Forceville, 2009, p. 22). However, Forceville (2009) points out that equating modes of communication to the five senses is problematic as a result of the overlap between various modes. For example, the sonic mode would overlap with music,

2 The terms “mode” and “modality” are currently used in research literature on multimodal metaphor. I opt to use the term modality throughout the dissertation.

11 sounds, and spoken language in the sense of a song; or a visual mode would include both written language and gestures if it is employed to convey the sense of smell, taste, or touch (p. 22).

The second approach is grounded in a set of video techniques employed for designing commercials. For the analysis of multimodal metaphors in television commercials, Forceville (2008) suggests the following modalities: visuals, written language, spoken language, nonverbal sounds, and music (p. 183). In this view, only two senses out of five seem to be accessed, i.e., sight and sound. These two senses provide access to the three other senses, namely smell, touch, and taste. Following Forceville’s

(2008) suggestion, my classification of modalities is grounded in the set of video techniques employed in commercials. However, diverging from Forceville’s approach, I distinguish auditory modality from music. In my classification, music is included in the sonic modality together with non-linguistic human and non-human sounds. The auditory modality includes songs. This distinction is imposed by the analysis of multimodal metaphors presented in Chapters 7 through 10.

1.6 Typographic Conventions

The analysis presented in this dissertation includes Russian and Ukrainian cultural concepts that do not have one-to-one correspondence in American culture. In order to preserve their cultural originality, these concepts are transliterated and written in italics.

Conceptual mappings are given in italics. Both conceptual metaphors and conceptual domains are given in caps throughout the text of the dissertation.

12 List of Typographic Conventions

Cultural concept Italics: zadushevnyi

Conceptual mapping Italics: a healthy male → a healthy beverage

Conceptual metaphor Caps: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER

Conceptual domain Caps: DESIRING BEER

Chapter 2

The Social and Cultural Roles of Alcoholic Beverages in American Culture

2.1 Introduction

The noteworthy prolonged use of alcohol3 in most societies has resulted in its penetrating almost all aspects of social activity (Heath, 1998, p. 106). As such, alcohol consumption has become “a social act” loaded with socio-cultural and symbolic meanings (Heath, 1998, p. 46) constructed by social actors, social occasions, social practices, and social places designated for alcohol consumption. This chapter outlines the plausible generalizations drawn from available ethnographical and anthropological research on the social and cultural uses of alcoholic beverages, the social functions of drinking places, and concomitant social practices, as well as the symbolic meaning of alcohol in social celebratory rituals inherent for American cultures.

The ethnographical and anthropological literature on alcohol reviewed here shows that in all cultures, where many alcoholic beverages are available, any one of them is viewed as a symbolic transmitter of a message about culture, values, attitudes, cultural norms, and interpersonal relationships (Heath, 1998, p. 106). American culture is no

3 The earliest archeological evidence for and beer consumption is dated from late 4000 B.C. Pottery jars with residue of wine and beer were identified at a site located in the territory of Iran near Greater Mesopotamia, which later became known as the Silk Route (Heath, 2000, p. 145). The evidence for the of rice beer is dated as early as 800 B.C. in China (“The New Encyclopedia Britannica,” 1977, p. 901). Europe was introduced to pot stills after the year 1000 by Arab alchemists. The word “alcohol” originates from the Arab word “Al-Kuhl,” which, first referred to the “essence” of ground powders used as cosmetics, and later as the essence of fermented drinks (“The New Encyclopedia Britannica,” 1977, p. 451).

14 exception. In Northern America, alcohol consumers imbibe beer, distilled , and . However, it should be noted that in the U.S., according to the statistics for ethanol consumption per capita provided by the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and

Alcoholism, one of the most popular drinks is beer. Beer constituted 1.21 gallons of ethanol consumption per capita while spirits comprised 0.73 gallons, and wine 0.38 gallons in 2007 (LaVallee, Williams, & Surveillance, 2009). Among the spirit-based drinks, “white goods,” such as , vodka, and , have likely become more preferable than “brown goods,” such as whiskey and in the U.S. since 1980.

Heath (2000) explains this shift in preference as the influence of advertising (p. 148). By impregnating alcoholic brands with symbolic meanings, advertisers enable customers to define their social identity via their choice of one brand over another or one over another (Dickie, 1982).

Before entering into a deeper discussion of the symbolic uses of alcoholic beverages in the U.S., two things should be noted. First, it is essential to emphasize that drinking patterns and practices are not consistent even in homogeneous cultures (Heath,

1998, p. 111), not to mention a heterogeneous culture such as that of the U.S. It would be simplistic to expect “typical” or “uniform” drinking patterns and/or practices in American culture because the U.S. is constituted by the representatives of a broad range of ethnic groups, not to mention generations of the first, second, etc. waves of immigration within a single ethnic group. American drinking culture is as diverse as American society itself

(Heath, 1985 p. 472). Therefore, in order to avoid overgeneralization, I follow the approach that ethnographers and anthropologists take in this respect. When a drinking pattern under discussion is identified as inherent to the specific ethnic group, e.g.,

15 Mexican-Americans, Afro-Americans4, etc. this pattern is defined as Afro-American or

Mexican-American. When a drinking practice is confirmed to be common to the majority of the U.S. population due to, for example, the particular physical properties of a beverage, then the practice is defined as North American. For example, Heath (2000) defines the pattern as North American, acknowledging its similarity to the European pattern if fortified is offered after an evening meal where wine and beer are also served. In this case, liqueur is viewed as an aid for digestion (p. 17). Second, I admit that our review of ethnographical and anthropological research on alcoholic beverages does not comprise an exhaustive account of social and symbolic meanings of alcoholic drinks inherent to American culture, because though this aspect of alcohol studies is important, it does not constitute the main objective of this dissertation project.

Similar to many cultures, the choice of alcoholic beverages is not a matter of personal preference in American culture. The choice of drink performs five symbolic roles, namely: it specifies the nature of a drinking occasion, indicates the social status of consumers (Garine, 2001), symbolizes the affiliation to a particular class, group, or generation, and functions as a gender differentiator (Heath, 1998).

4 For example, in his ethnographical study, Gilbert (1985) focuses on the alcohol-related beliefs and behaviors of Mexican-Americans in California. The practices of drinking beer for lunch or only with male friends are defined as Mexican-American (pp. 266-268). The ambivalent attitude towards alcoholic beverages is investigated within Black Americans (Herd, 1985). Herd (1985) reports on the change of the ideological and symbolic function of , i. e., liquor is transformed from a symbol of social oppression to the symbol of urbanity and sophistication among Afro-Americans (p. 161).

16 2.2 A Drinking Occasion Specifier

In the U.S., similar to Europe, specific social situations require the traditional use of a particular alcoholic beverage and the exclusion of others. In his detailed account of calendrical drinking occasions common for different drinking cultures including

American, Heath (2000) emphasizes the correspondence between those occasions and drinks. For example, in the southwest of the U.S., the rural Papago annually hold a midsummer rain ceremony, which is the only occasion for drinking cactus wine. This beverage is not meant for any other festivity or for everyday consumption (Heath, 2000, p. 20). Only on St. Patrick’s Day, widely celebrated throughout the U.S. in March, do people, many of whom are not of Irish heritage, traditionally consume green-colored draft beer that would not be imbibed on any other day or for any other drinking occasion

(Heath, 2000, p. 20).

Throughout the U.S., beer is associated with informal social settings oriented toward relaxation. For example, according to a U.S. survey aimed at investigating the perception of the situational appropriateness of different types of alcoholic beverages, beer, not spirits or wine, is considered appropriate at a ballgame or drinking in a after work or class (Klein, 1991, p. 119). Heath (2000) notes that beer was “an integral part” of picnic lunches and amateur baseball games before it was banned (p. 56). Beer seems appropriate even for a broader range of public informal settings for Mexican-Americans, namely: “public fiestas, tardeadas (afternoon dances), swap meets, beach picnics, backyard barbeques, and soccer games” (Gilbert, 1985, p. 259).

17 In distinction from informal occasions, semiformal and formal ones usually call for more elegant drinks than beer. For example, a nice dinner or celebratory occasions, e.g., a birthday party, a wedding, or graduation from college are commonly associated with wine (Klein, 1991, p. 119; Heath, 2000, p. 24). It is a common practice in cultures with more or less established drinking traditions to use champagne in addition to wine for the latter two occasions. Champagne functions as a marker of the significance of a celebrated event.

For some formal settings, champagne is the only appropriate choice. For example, in American culture and, as Heath (2000) notes, in “cosmopolitan capitalistic culture” throughout the world, in the social situations that signal a victory either in the context of sports or in the context of socioeconomic achievement, champagne is poured over a winner, or a bottle of champagne is opened with theatrical pathos and the drink is simply poured in a public place, or a bottle of champagne5 is broken against the bow of a new ship to christen it. Heath (2000) underscores the symbolism of the beverage itself in such social situations, where it is not even consumed (p. 30). Similar symbolism empowers not only champagne but also water when it is substituted for vodka in Russian festive settings when vodka was not available in times of privation such as WWII. This symbolism will be discussed in section 2.2.3.

5 It should be mentioned that before champagne became a “christening fluid’ in the 19th century, different liquids were used for the launching ceremony in the U.S. For example, the American warship Constitution was christened with old fine Madeira in 1797, the Princeton and Raritan were launched with whiskey in 1843, the steam frigate Sun Jacinto was christened with brandy, and the Civil War flagship Hartford was baptized with Connecticut River and Hartford spring water (Reily, 2001).

18 2.3 Social Status, Affiliation, and Gender Differentiator

Drinking in general and alcohol consumption in particular function as “status- conferring and status-displaying” activities, realized by giving preference to prestigious beverages (usually sophisticated, expensive beverages or foreign, imported ones) [Garine,

2001]. Heath (2000) notes that this “diacritical” symbolic function of alcohol to define status originates from its “irregular availability and scarcity of value” employed by elites to differentiate themselves (p. 185). In general terms, the rich and elite might give preference to an expensive alcoholic beverage to display their high social status, while consumers with lower wages, less education, and lower social status might opt either for inexpensive and local beverages, thereby enacting their actual social position, or they may sometimes choose high status beverages. Preference for the latter can be explained as the attempt to mimic the upper status behavior (Garine, 2001, p. 6). In doing so, the lower social stratum consumers rather aspire to demonstrate a desired social status than to reflect their actual position in the social hierarchy (Heath, 2000, p. 83). Such aspiration might aim to “construct an ideal world,6” which is common to drinking practices

(Douglas, 1987) or to lure a client, or to enhance one’s prestige (Garine, 2001, p. 6).

In his ethno-historical interpretation of the ambiguity of black drinking norms,

Herd (1985) states that for black culture in the U.S., the use of high-priced brands of liquor functions as the display of wealth and enhancement of personal prestige. By

6 According to a psychosocial theory on the universality of alcohol, an individual performs an illusive- compensatory activity aimed to achieve a desirable emotional state, i.e, the illusion of the satisfaction of an actual requirement (Sidorov, 1995, p. 251). In our case, by following a particular social pattern of consuming alcohol, e.g., the consumption of prestigious alcoholic beverages, the individual is able to create an ‘ideal’ world where his desire for a higher social status is realized.

19 purchasing expensive liquors, as Herd (1985) explains, Afro-Americans convey their view of sophistication and “class,” which matches a culture where enhanced self- presentation via elegant hair styles, conspicuous luxurious goods is greatly emphasized

(p. 166).

For Dominicans in the U.S., prestigious liquors, e.g., , Johnnie

Walker, Black Label, and Haig Pinch, are a way to express their “upward mobility” and to confirm “their newfound position” in a new social environment in the country of immigration (Gordon, 1985, p. 301). Even if Dominicans purchase beer, they tend to opt for foreign and expensive brands, e.g., Lowenbrau or Heineken. Gordon notes that

Dominicans realized their sensibility toward the conspicuous choice of alcohol by their boasting: “We Dominicans drink only good liquor” (Gordon, 1985, p. 301). In fact, the tendency to consume expensive beverages as a display of prestige is as common to Afro-

Americans and Dominicans as Anglo-Americans.

In his ethnographical account of cultural patterned drinking practices in different cultures, including the patterns practiced in the U.S., and focusing on demographic variables, Heath (1998) outlines the general tendency of two subgroups, namely: the lower socioeconomic class and upper socioeconomic class. The first subgroup consumes mostly beer, while the second subgroup prefers wine. Besides, Heath notes, if the lower- class drinkers attempt to climb the social hierarchy by adopting a beverage of the upper- class drinkers, their “a champagne appetite but a beer pocketbook” circumstance might result in frustration. Another frustration might occur if the lower-class drinkers have access to an upper-class beverage but they are not aware of the complete drinking

20 etiquette of the upper-class drinkers, i.e. where, when, and how to consume the particular beverage (Heath, 1998, p. 113).

The review of ethnographical and anthropological studies on the social meaning of alcohol suggests that in addition to status indication, the choice of alcoholic beverages also signals the affiliation of an individual to a particular group with respect to ethnicity, age, and gender. In the studies reviewed here there is no mention of “an American national drink” that would symbolize national identity in the way that Guinness stout serves as a symbol of the Irish, wine of the Italians and French, or vodka of the Russians.

American drinking culture is as heterogeneous as American society itself.

In the U.S., various ethnic groups and even subgroups of the same ethnicity adopt a particular drink for their self-presentation and for communicating their values. To exemplify this, the ethnographic examination of alcohol use in three Hispanic groups of the northeastern U.S. seems relevant. These include the Dominicans, Guatemalans, and

Puerto Ricans. Gordon (1985) reports that despite the social and cultural similarities among Hispanic immigrants, e.g., low social status, low income, a separate language,

Catholicism, and a colonial past; Dominicans, Guatemalans, and Puerto Ricans are characterized by significant variability in alcohol use (pp. 297-298). As mentioned earlier, Dominicans tend to drink only expensive liquors; which reflects their socio- economic advancement within U.S. society. In contrast, Guatemalans almost exclusively drink inexpensive beer, because cash is almost always spent primarily on alcohol, and no money is saved for any economic advancement (Gordon, 1985, p. 305). With regard to

Puerto Ricans, Gordon (1985) states that they adopt American working class patterns of drinking without specifying a preferred beverage (p. 308). According to Heath (1998),

21 beer is the beverage of the majority of workers (p. 113) and similar to American workers,

Puerto Ricans opt for beer.

As Klein’s (1991) survey suggests, the affiliation with the young generation of

Americans is marked by the association of teenage and underage drinking with a single alcoholic beverage – beer – as the preferred libation (p. 121). Additionally, beer is imbibed by younger men more than by older men and more by men in general than by women (Klein, 1991, p. 129). The overall attitude of Americans toward beer, as Klein

(1991) notes, is illustrative of an ambivalent culture of drinking (p. 129). , for example, are more popular among older and wealthier men than among young men or women (Heath, 2000, p. 87).

While the preference for a particular type of alcoholic beverage indexes the affiliation to social class, social status, and age group, alcohol itself functions as a gender differentiator. Almost all cultures, including American, classify alcoholic beverages into

“masculine” and “feminine.” There is a general view that in the U.S., males give preference to beer, brandies, single-malt scotches, and spirits, while females favor sweet and colorful mixed drinks (Heath, 2000, p. 87; Hunson, 1995, p. 306). The gender difference in the types of alcohol beverages likely correlates with the difference in the symbolic meanings of alcohol consumption for both genders.

Drinking is commonly interpreted as a “heroically manly act” (Heath, 2000, p.

74) because intoxication, as Heath explains, evokes the subjective feeling of power grounded in the interaction of three factors, namely: physiological (a feeling of warmth), psychological (an elusive “sense of strength and superiority”), and a sociological (the respectful attitude of co-drinkers) [Heath, 2000, p. 183]. Making reference to Gutman

22 (1996), Heath (2000) uses the concept of machismo (the explicit display of exaggerated masculinity through heavy drinking resulting in boisterous, daring behavior) stereotypical of Latin America as an example for his explanation (Gutman, 1996). In the U.S., macho behaviors are practiced, though not frequently, among Dominicans, Guatemalans, and

Puerto Ricans (Gordon, 1985, p. 310). Among Mexican-Americans machismo is explicitly revealed through fighting, boisterous behavior, or sexual overtures when men are around women unescorted by husbands or dates, or they are unescorted by their own wives (Gilbert, 1985, p. 267). A similar display of masculinity is also typical of Anglo-

Americans, young men in particular. Their typical beverage, as mentioned, is beer, since it is less expensive than other beverages and easily accessible. Wenner and Jackson

(2009) summarize what constitutes masculinity for young Americans: to act like a “real man” by being able to “hold liquor,” by showing generosity in purchasing rounds for drinking companions, by acting “tough,” and by being “rowdy” (p. 5). Another interpretation of the reason for drinking for men is the sense of camaraderie. In the U.S., factory workers, construction crews, or others tend to go to a nearby bar after work, spend a few hours there, drinking (usually beer), and buying rounds (Gilbert, 1985, p.

261; Heath, 2000, p. 15).

Contrary to men, for women the concept of machismo is foreign in its socio- cultural sense. Women tend to express neither their power nor physical superiority in the company of other women through heavy drinking and fighting, since these two practices do not belong to traditional female engagements in many cultures, including American, where women have been conventionally excluded from taking strong alcohol for medical and social reasons (Douglas, 1987, p. 7). The exception is college-aged women who, as

23 participants in student parties, might imbibe strong alcoholic drinks similar to male students. Moreover, as it is often stated, though not confirmed in any research, women are, first and foremost, “at more risk or have more to lose than men, when honor, shame, parenting, and other values are involved” and, second, women do not have as many opportunities for “time out”7 as men (Heath, 2000, p. 74). It could be for these reasons, women, for example, as Gilbert (1985) notes, tend to limit their drinking to private settings, such as parties at home with family and relatives where strict social conventions control drinking behavior. However, it is not always a case. Gilbert (1985) points out, that Mexican-American women also consume alcoholic beverages in nightclubs where dancing and interaction with men are the central activities, but where socializing with other women or a sense of camaraderie generally do not occur (p. 267). The phenomenon of “girls’ night out” is typical of North American women when unmarried or married women go out together for a night on the town to a bar, a restaurant, a movie, shopping, etc. The bachelorette party before a girl marries is also one where “the girls” gather together to drink and sometimes to do wild things like inviting a male stripper. The men have their own version of the bachelor party that is wilder with strippers and a superabundance of alcohol.

7 The term is coined by the anthropologists McAndrew and Edgerton to conceptualize drinking as cultural remission in American culture. Cultural remission is understood to be “the conventionalized relaxation of social controls over behavior” (Gusfield, 1987, p. 78).

24 2.4 Social Roles of Drinking Places

The use of alcohol, as discussed in the previous section, is a social act regulated by social norms and conventions that stipulate specific, designated places for communal alcohol consumption in addition to defining who might drink particular alcoholic beverages. The review of ethnographical and anthropological studies suggests that drinking does not occur just anywhere. All cultures designate settings for communal alcohol consumption depending on the social meaning of drinking itself, its social function, and social practices associated with it. Drinking environments, public and private, might be viewed as the physical materialization of the social and symbolic meanings of drinking, their actual embodiment. This contributes to the complexity of the question of where people drink, about which Heath (2000) warns:

A hint of this complexity is seen, for example, in the U.S., where drinking with meals is often done in the dining room, while sitting on a lightweight chair at a high table, whereas drinking as an adjunct to television watching may take place in another room where a large overstuffed chair or couch may not even be near a table. When visitors arrive it is customary that they be offered a drink soon after they are welcomed and seated in a slightly more formal room with chairs and small low tables ranged in groups or in the kitchen while food is being prepared. If men choose to drink and women not, the backyard or a garage may be a favored drinking spot, unless the house is equipped with a bar specifically for serving drinks, or a den favored as an informal retreat. In pleasant weather, meals may be served even prepared on a fireplace or grill-outside, and drinks often accompany such a cookout. (p. 47)

By this enumeration of variations on the drinking patterns at home, Heath shows not only the difficulty in listing drinking environments common in a particular culture, but also the important role of sociocultural factors (e.g., the function of drinking, corresponding social practices) involved in the designation of culturally proper drinking settings in a

25 society. However, despite this complexity, at the general level, Heath (2000) differentiates places for alcohol use between “drinking in the open or within […] shelter”

(p. 46), and between “private space and public space” (p. 48). In addition to these two classifications, drinking sites should also be differentiated by acceptance of the conventional norms of a society, i.e., socially appropriate and socially inappropriate drinking sites.

In the U.S., the use of alcohol occurs both indoors and outside, and in private and public places. Some social drinking places are more common than others. Even though the United States consists of a diverse population differences in drinking patterns occur across geographic regions (Hilton, 1991), a certain common tendency in the preference for drinking settings can be found. According to the National Survey on Drug Use and

Health, 20098, the most frequent drinking places in respondents’ answers to the question

“Where did you drink alcoholic beverages the last time you drank?” there were five environments: at someone else’s home (6.23%), at home (3.23%), in public places (bars, restaurants, clubs) [0.86%], in a car (0.53%), and outside (park, beach, parking lot)

[0.50%]. Other places mentioned include concerts, sports events, schools, hunting, and fishing. The tendency of being engaged in alcohol consumption more at parties at someone’s place and in public places such as bars and taverns has not changed during the last 40 years, judging by the results of national surveys of 1979 and 1988. Commenting on the data of the national survey of 1979 and 1988, Clark (1991) summarizes that going

8 The sample of the survey consists of two samples that represent the population of 50 states plus the District of Columbia. The first sample comprises 3,600 respondents per state from eight states. The second sample includes 900 respondents per state from the remaining 43 states (“The National Survey on Drug Use and Health,” 2009).

26 to parties (75% of men and 78 % of women) and visits to taverns (54 % of men and 42 % of women) are the settings where alcohol use is more common than anywhere else (p.

252).

As a social act, the use of alcoholic beverages in different social gathering places, i.e., in open or sheltered spaces and in private or public settings, and in socially appropriate or inappropriate environments, leads to the activation of certain social functions of alcohol and the restriction of other functions. The main purpose of alcohol consumption itself, as can be generalized from ethnographic and anthropological studies, is grounded in the perception of alcohol as a relaxant that reduces fatigue, relieves stress, and promotes sociability through facilitating social interaction and enhancing social unity and camaraderie (Heath, 1998, p. 180; Heath, 1987; Heath, 2000, p. 173; Hunson, 1995, p. 300). By maintaining social interaction and sustaining solidarity among individuals, alcohol relaxes inhibitions. The consequences of this disinhibition, as Gusfield (1987) states, can be disorder and unpredictability when “the social organization may come unglued” (p. 83). This suggests that the meaning of alcohol as a relaxant and stimulant for sociability coexists in a symbiosis with another meaning, i.e., the development of “the frame of anti-structure; of passage from [sic] serious to the playful; from predictable order to risky role-release” (Gusfield, 1987, p. 83). In other words, alcohol marks the boundary between labor and leisure, the public and private worlds, as well as the workplace and home (Gusfield, 1987, p. 87).

The use of alcohol in a particular social setting loads alcoholic beverages with different meanings and connotations, evoking a change in social behavior and the engagement in social practices dependant on setting (Heath, 2000, p. 44). Drinking

27 settings may function as the promoter of relaxation, the facilitator of social interaction, the creator of social bonding, a transition marker from work to leisure, a center of social life (Heath, 1987; 2000), and the ideological symbol of protest (Herd, 1985). All these functions with the exception of the last one can be attributed to one of the most popular institutions for public drinking in the U.S., namely – a bar, regardless of whether it is an inexpensive lower class bar or expensive high class one. In his account of these two types of bars, Heath (2000) defines one common feature, which is the type of drink available, and two differentiating features, i.e., the availability of food and social practices (p. 51).

Both lower-class and high-class bars are likely to serve beer and some spirits but not wine (if it is not a wine bar or martini bar). In a lower class bar, though food is available, it is more likely to comprise snacks, such as pretzels, peanuts, or chips. In addition to snacks, higher class bar may also serve cheese and hors d’oeuvres. Talking, horseplay, playing pinball machines, pool, cards, checkers, dice, or dominoes, and watching professional teams on TV, are pastime practices typical of lower class bars. Soft music, a relaxing atmosphere, at which clientele, mostly regulars, talk and joke, is typical of upper class bars (Heath, 2000, pp. 15, 51). These social practices contribute to sociability engendered through alcohol consumption in bars by facilitating social interaction among patrons.

Drinking in a lower class bar creates social bonding among patrons from various working communities, e.g., American, Mexican-American, Guatemalan, and Mexican migrants, through reciprocal drinking (Heath, 2000, p. 15; Gilbert, 1985, p. 261; Gordon,

1985, p. 305). The reciprocal buying of beer for each other and drinking together, in addition to the above mentioned socializing activities, contributes to sociability in the

28 sense of developing bonding among drinkers, enhancing camaraderie, and stressing a shared masculinity (Gilbert, 1985, p. 267).

Being indicative of the industrialized world, the pattern of drinking in bars after work functions as a psychological transition marker for workers between work and leisure, between the serious and the playful, (Gusfield, 1987, p. 83). For male American factory workers, painting or construction crews, Mexican migrant workers, Mexican-

Americans, and Guatemalans to go to a nearby bar after work for a few hours is a typical behavior (Heath, 2000, p.15; Gilbert, 1987, p. 261; Gordon, 1985, p. 305). This drinking pattern is generalized by the Mexican term, “respite” by which, as Gilbert (1987) notes,

Mexicans and Mexican-Americans mean “drinking-drinking as an earned ‘time-out’ after a day’s work” (p. 261).

Bars might also function as the center of community life where patrons integrate a relaxing “time out,” the enjoyment of socializing, and a place to discuss their private life problems. The bar in Newtown9, Tanglio’s, exemplifies this function fully. Tanglio’s serves as a gathering place for the Guatemalans throughout the Northeast of the U.S. where they “develop friendship, […] find temporary assistance in a loan or lodging or obtain information about jobs” (Gordon, 1985, p. 305). In a similar way, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, American taverns and saloons functioned as the center of social life.

Hunson (1995) states that integrating the functions of drinking establishments and formal social institutions, American taverns “served as the church building, town hall, or courtroom” (p. 301). The functionality of saloons reminds one of Tanglio’s in Newtown.

9 Gordon (1985) does not specify the state where the medium-sized city is located. He uses the pseudonym, Newtown, for the city where the observation occurred.

29 Comparing American saloons with British alehouses, Heath (2000) points out that saloons offered immigrant workers with “banking services, a daily newspaper, fire on the hearth in bad weather, an introduction to politics, and opportunities to talk” (p. 50).

Unlike taverns or saloons in the 18 and 19th century, contemporary bars frequented by

Anglo-Americans are not reported as the setting for such comprehensive social poly- functionality.

Drinking establishments such as bars located in industrial areas are primarily a male-oriented homogeneous drinking environment. They are notorious for heavy drinking and the display of machismo. In contrast to bars in large cities, drinking institutions in small towns in agricultural areas are heterogeneous with differing drinking behavior and social practices exhibited by patrons. To provide an example, consider cantinas in rural Fresno. Gilbert (1985) characterizes them as places frequented by male migrant workers from Texas, who are single or travel without their families, undocumented workers from Mexico, and also native-born Californians. Single women, either migrant workers or residents of Fresno, and some couples also visit cantinas.

Similar to the bars in large cities, beer is served primarily in cantinas. However, in contradistinction, cantinas offer nortefio (northern Mexican) music played on jukeboxes that foster sociable interaction for both genders. Women come to cantinas to join men in drinking and dancing. Just as in working class urban bars, in cantinas, heavy drinking is also sanctioned, however, unlike in city bars, in cantinas overt sexual overtures toward women employees are not discouraged and even welcomed (Gilbert, 1985, p. 260).

Drinking institutions, such as lounges and night clubs most typical of urban areas, diverge from drinking establishments such as bars by the type of alcoholic

30 beverages served, the demographic features of the clientele, and, consequently, by the drinking-related social practices. Gilbert (1985) characterizes cocktail lounges in San

Jose and Los Angeles as class-related drinking settings, because drinking patterns and drinking behavior are typical of commercial establishments that serve a middle-class clientele throughout the U.S. and Mexico (p. 264). Cocktail lounges usually serve mixed drinks or wine; additionally, as Gilbert (1985) points out, the beverages are more expensive than in any other drinking setting. Cocktail lounges are frequented by mixed groups according to gender and ethnicity, i.e., same-sex groups or mixed-sex groups of

U.S.-born Mexican-American and Anglo white-collar workers or professionals. They usually come after work or late in the evening to drink while listening to music and conversing. Gilbert (1985) underscores the nonexistence of the interaction between groups and patrons seated at different tables and the instrumental character of interaction between customers and employees of lounges. Loud and boisterous behavior or verbal sexual overtures to female patrons are strictly discouraged (Gilbert, 1985, p. 262).

Unlike drinking in cocktail lounges, drinking at night clubs may perform the function of social leveling and social integration, in addition to the function of promoting relaxation and facilitating social interaction by mingling patrons from different social classes and different ethnic backgrounds. Night clubs in Los Angeles and San Jose exemplify the integrating and leveling function by engaging Anglo-American, U.S.-born

Mexican American, and black students, young white-collar workers, and working-class men and women in dancing and meeting people of the opposite sex and drinking (Gilbert,

1985, p. 263). Since the primary activity of such clubs is dancing, weak, heavily iced drinks and fruit drinks are appreciated by the dancers after exerting themselves on hot

31 crowded dance floors. In the informal contexts created at clubs, alcoholic beverages are considered “the symbol of sociability and pleasure” (Herd, 1985, p. 166). The engagement of young people in dancing and alcohol consumption facilitates their interaction that sanctions sexual overtures realized in requests to dance or to purchase a drink. In his examination of the drinking patterns and behavioral norms of Mexican-

Americans, Gilbert (1985) concludes that drinking contexts and social practices related to them cannot be regarded as indicative of specifically Mexican-American drinking culture. The class restricted nature for the type of alcoholic beverages, sanctioned behavior, the related social activities of cocktail lounges, and both the class and ethnic integration and sexual permissiveness established in a form of social practice oriented toward meeting eligible partners of the opposite sex in night clubs can be observed throughout the U.S. and Mexico (Gilbert, 1985, p. 264).

In the drinking contexts discussed above – bars, cocktail lounges, and nightclubs

– the use of alcohol enhances socialization and conversation, contributing to relaxation and enjoyment after work. However, drinking is not restricted just to leisure. In certain drinking establishments at a certain time drinking may be an integral part of work, e.g., a working lunch or dinner at a restaurant. White-collar workers of both sexes in finance, journalism, publishing, theater, and in some other occupations tend to have a working lunch and dinner at a restaurant where “considerable constructive talking and dealing” with “cosmopolitan colleagues” often occurs (Heath, 2000, p. 13). Heath (2000) characterizes this pattern as “diffusing with cosmopolitan capitalistic economy” (p. 57).

As such, this drinking pattern becomes an integral part of global drinking culture.

32 Another drinking setting indicative of the integration of alcohol drinking and work consists of cocktail parties that usually accompany press-conferences and business meetings. As the name of the occasion indicates, the major drink at such business cocktail parties is alcoholic . In fact, alcoholic cocktails and their popularity among business women introduced Russian vodka10 to the United States in the 1970s and made it a popular alcoholic beverage in the country, first as an ingredient of cocktails and then as a separate drink. Shumeiko (2009) underscores the role of American middle class business women in introducing Russian vodka to the U.S. Being health conscious business women were influenced by the magic word “light” in the vodka ads, in which it was promoted as “light whiskey.” Thus “light whiskey” for which Stolichnaya vodka stands is used in many popular alcoholic cocktails (e.g., ) and even elite cocktails (e.g., New York Cosmopolitan) in the U.S. (Shumeiko, 2009, pp. 131-132).

As it has been shown in our review, the places that American consumers choose for alcohol consumption have strong associations with other aspects of drinking, i.e., the preference of a particular alcoholic beverage, an affiliation with a particular group (social

10 It is important to differentiate the alcoholic product under the name of “Russian vodka” produced in Russia and produced by European and American immigrant companies, e.g., Pierre Smirnoff (now owned by Diego PLC, the UK), (now owned by the Bacardi group, the USA), etc., that claim to be Russian vodkas as well. This difference is addressed in great detail by Pokhlyobkin (2009) in his historical research on the origin of Russian vodka. His primary objective was to prove the priority of vodka production in Russia compared to Poland at the World Trade Court in 1977 and to assert the exclusive right to use the term “vodka”, which American spirit companies disputed. Pokhlyobkin (2009) argues that accumulating the historical, alimental, and technological fantasy of the Russian people, Russian vodka is a complex national product that differs from the European and American alcoholic beverages named “vodka” along five parameters, namely: the technology of production, its recipe and composition, input materials, special methods of refinement, and equipment (p. 186). Water exemplifies one of the differences in input materials used by Russia and by European and American distillers. Russian distillers use raw water from particular rivers (the Ruza River and Vazuza River) and springs (Mytishchensky Spring), which is purified with river and quartz sand. Unlike European and American distillers, Russian distillers neither distil nor boil water in order to retain its naturalness that Pokhlyobkin (2009) defines as alive vs. the soulless nature of distilled water. This allegedly gives Russian vodka softness, drinkability, a shine of crystal transparency, and taste in contrast to faded transparency and the tastelessness of other vodkas despite the absence of any odor or aftertaste (Pokhlyobkin, 2009, p. 188).

33 class, ethnic group), the engagement in corresponding social practices, functional meanings of drinking, and behavioral patterns. The intersection of these aspects imbues any place of drinking with a unique socio-cultural meaning, whether it is socially appropriate or inappropriate. Even though, as Heath notes, laws and regulations that outline the places socially and legally appropriate for drinking is inconsistent (Heath,

2000, p. 53) due to variations of law in different states, certain public places are defined as forbidden for drinking, for example, museums, public parks, recreation areas, stadiums, public squares, sidewalks, etc. The use of alcohol in socially and legally inappropriate locations generates the ideological function of drinking. Drinking might function as a form of social protest against, for example, inequitable access to drink and other types of social inequalities (Heath, 2000, p. 63). Borrowing an example from

Spradley (1970), Heath (2000) shows the unconscious and unintentional protest of “bottle gangs” comprised mostly of homeless people when they join in a small group to share the cost of a bottle of alcoholic beverage and consume alcohol on sidewalks or on the lawns of a public building. They are arrested for their illegal drinking in public places, while other drinkers, more prosperous ones, might be enjoying their alcohol beverages in bars or cafes located on the sidewalk not far from that place (p. 56).

2.5 The Symbolic Meaning of Alcohol in American Social Celebratory Rituals

In American culture, as the review of anthropological and ethnographic studies suggests, the use of alcohol is institutionalized not only in regard to places for drinking but also in regard to conventionalized time frames (Gusfield, 1987; Heath, 2000; Gilbert,

34 1985; Gordon, 1985). The symbolic meaning of alcohol as a transformation marker of a new frame of social behavior underlies the conceptualization of time through the use of alcohol. Heath (2000) outlines three time frames for conventional drinking occasions, namely: habitual cycle transformations, life cycle transformations, and historical cycles within a culture (p. 11). Within the first two time frames, the major drinking occasions relate to positive mood setting and therefore can be defined as celebratory drinking.

Those that are linked to negative mood setting are viewed as compensatory drinking

(Heath, 2000, p. 30). The third time frame, historical cycles within a culture, is associated with the ideological function of drinking.

2.5.1 Habitual Cycle Transformations

Gusfield (1987) states that American culture is distinguished by a strong association of alcohol with leisure:

There is a time for work and a time for play; a time for drunkenness and a time for sobriety. Day and night, weekday and week-end, work-time and leisure time; these mark the boundaries of ordinary separation of abstinence-time from drinking-time in a wide range of American groups and sub-cultures. (p. 78)

The rituals of drinking indexes daily, weekly, monthly, seasonal, etc. transformations of the individual from work-oriented to leisure-oriented behavior.

Gusfield (1987) defines these transformations as rites of passage underscoring movement from one status to another, from one behavioral pattern to another, and from one set of social practices to another. Within the American context, drinking en route to home is a common event through which Americans celebrate the transition from work to the leisure

35 period (Gusfield, 1987, p. 80; Heath, 2000, p. 15; Douglas, 1987, p. 8). Some Americans go home directly from work and have a drink immediately upon arrival, overtly marking the change in agenda of behavior (Gusfield, 1987, p. 80). Other Americans frequent bars, cocktail lounges, night clubs, etc., signaling the end of work and the beginning of leisure time as well as the beginning of a different style of behavior and a different set of social practices, examples of which are given in the section 1.4. However, it should be mentioned that the association of alcohol with leisure and marking the end of work was not always the case for Americans. Automobile assembly plant workers, craftsmen, railroaders, sailors, early factory workers, and journalists were notorious for drinking not only when off work but also at work (Heath, 2000, p. 14). Moreover, in the 19th century, in Rorabaugh’s (1979) words “Americans [both laborers and gentlemen] drank not only any place but also any time” and for every occasion (p. 18).

Another attributable feature of American drinking culture has recently emerged under the auspices of commercial bars. They have introduced the term “Happy Hour” to conventionalize the time of release from work. The term “Happy Hour” symbolizes lower prices on drinks, usually from 4 to 6 P.M., on the one hand, and a higher level of happiness, on the other. Happiness from the remission from work, either at the end a working day or the end of a working week is reinforced by the reduction in prices. A similar expression has recently become frequent in the U.S., namely: “TGIF” which stands for Thank God It’s Friday. This acronym also designates the release from work on the weekend. Both conceptualizations of time, i.e., “Happy Hour” and “TGIF,” underscore the festive nature of celebratory drinking (Gusfield, 1987, p. 81).

36 One more habitual cycle transformation representative of American drinking culture is brunch. Though the use of alcohol in the morning is normally not relevant within the American context, the phenomenon of brunch has recently become conventionalized. Brunch is conceptualized as a short “time out” from work and remission to leisure. Heath (2000) describes brunch as a more substantial meal than breakfast served in buffet style later than breakfast and which often includes alcoholic cocktails, i.e., the mixture of spirits with orange or tomato juice, or, champagne in scrambled eggs. Heath (2000) points out the reluctance of consumers to explicitly refer to ethanol, by coding it as Grasshopper and Bloody Mary in order to conceal the inappropriateness of the time for drinking (p. 13). As Heath (2000) notes, drinking in the morning is strongly unacceptable because the majority of North Americans associate it with problematic drinking and addiction (p. 14). Normally, the use of alcohol begins in the late afternoon after 4 P.M. As an example, Heath (2000) mentions the expression of hospitality by offering a drink to a guest in the evening but not before noon (p. 14). This time frame corresponds, in fact, with the association of alcohol with leisure typical of

American culture and coincides with the common time of transition from work to leisure in American industrialized society.

Shifting our attention to seasonal cycles, in the U.S., the use of alcohol is associated with festivity and celebration of New Year’s Eve, Christmas, Easter,

Thanksgiving, and national holidays. For example, Independence Day is celebrated with picnics, or any important sports event might be an occasion for celebratory alcohol consumption (Heath, 2000, p. 20). A typical example is tailgate drinking. The consumption of alcohol (usually beer) around the open tailgate of vehicles with grilled

37 food functions as a pre- and postgame festivity at mostly football games conceptualized as a celebration in anticipation of victory or a compensatory response to defeat; in addition to the manifestation of masculinity on the part of more experienced male peers and the masculine rite of passage of less experienced young participants (Wenner &

Jackson, 2009, pp. 5-8). It should be emphasized that the intersection of sports and alcohol (typically beer) has been a complex problem resulting in heavy binge drinking of students, underage drinking, and other alcohol-related problems (Heath, 2000, pp. 60-61).

Though celebration of religious events does not seem to constitute a significant part of festival occasions, for some ethnic groups, for example, Mexican-Americans, religious celebrations are no less important than secular celebratory ones. Gilbert (1985) reports that the majority of Californian Mexican-Americans are Catholics. They celebrate religious events by arranging parties to which family and friends are invited, and at which alcoholic beverages play an important role (Gilbert, 1985, p. 257).

2.5.2 Life Cycle Transformations

Similarly to habitual cycle transformations, life cycle transitions i.e., rites of passage from one life stage of the individual or of the domestic group to another, or from one status to another, are also ritualized with the use of alcohol (Garine, 2001, p. 5;

Heath, 2000, pp. 22-23; Gilbert, 1985). The integration of alcohol into life cycle rituals can be justified by its relaxational psychological properties that ease stress and anxiety associated even with positive life changes, e.g., coming of age, marriage, not to mention negative ones, e.g., death. In life-change contexts, ritualized drinking indexes significant

38 transformations in the life of individuals by functioning as “brightly colored material labels of events” (Douglas, 1987, p. 11) that outline the boundaries between various stages of life, their beginning and their end, and “key […] events into a new frame” of social context (Gusfield, 1987, p. 80).

Every society, and the American one is no exception, ritualizes life transitions in a particular form involving alcohol. Since an encyclopedic account of all occasions is not the purpose of this study, a few examples of the role of alcohol in rites of passage representative for the American context will be included.

The cross-cultural examination of life events celebrated by drinking indicates that although any culture incorporates specific rites of passage, few of them can be considered universal or, at least, indicative of the majority of cultures. Birth is among such significant life events (Heath, 2000, p. 24). The beginning of a new life, the change in parental status, and the expansion of a family are frequently commemorated through the use of alcohol. Parents are usually congratulated on the birth of a child and saluted with drinks. In the U.S., to commemorate this event a wealthy couple might purchase fine wine and store it until it is served at a daughter’s or son’s wedding or graduation from college (Heath, 2000, p. 24). In becoming mature, fine wine seems symbolically to represent the transformation of a newborn child into a mature person, while serving as a delineation mark of several significant life events.

Another life rite of passage calling for celebration is baptism. For Mexican-

Americans and immigrants from Mexico, as a Santa Barbara informant stated, “a bautismo [baptism] is just an excuse for a borrachera” (drinking spree). In his account of this celebration, Gilbert stresses the responsibility of the padrino (godfather) to ensure

39 the post-ceremonial party or dinner with liquor in order to commemorate a baby’s new status, godchild. In this particular ceremonially marked event, Gilbert (1985) defines the function of liquor as “cementing the compadrazgo (fictive kin) relationship between the padrino and the parents of the newborn” (p. 257). It should be noted that this type of bonding differs in nature from bonding in the bar context discussed in section 2.4. It represents long-term family bonding with specific responsibilities with regard to the godchild and the parents as opposed to short-term bonding in a bar with the only responsibility to pay for rounds.

However, for the celebration of less significant life events second- and later- generation Mexican-Americans in California adopt a less formal format that is similar to

Anglo-Americans. Like Anglo-Americans they mark such secular occasions as launching a new boat, purchasing a new house, a job promotion, etc. either by large gatherings in a rented hall with beer and jugs of wine or a bit of tequila for those men who prefer strong alcohol, or at smaller home parties with more elegant alcohol beverages, i.e., Californian wines, champagne, mixed drinks, and blended whiskeys. Gilbert (1985) remarks that the second drinking setting is more attributive of middle-class Mexican-Americans. Gilbert

(1985) also stresses rather the convivial nature of celebrations displayed with “a wide variety and great abundance of food than its drinking nature (p. 258). Besides, celebrations are not homogeneous with respect to age and gender. Men women, children, and youth attend such parties together. Children and mid-teens are not allowed to drink any alcohol. For women one or two light drinks are considered acceptable, while men might practice heavier drinking in a group separate from the women (Gilbert, 1985, p.

258).

40 Typical of American culture, prenuptial parties are ritual observances that signal the significance of life change for a prospective bride and groom. The role of alcohol is central in this observance. Heavy drinking for several nights and much joking occur in a series of bars, publicly indexing the change in status of young people (Heath, 2000, p. 26) in addition to reducing the possible anxiety and tension of a rite of passage such as marriage.

In most of Northern America, a wedding, as Heath (2000) remarks in his cross- cultural examination of life change events, presents a feast of “lavish food and drink” arranged by the bride’s family at which “a ceremonial toast” is offered in honor of the new couple (p. 26). Despite the fact that drinking is a widespread tradition at weddings,

Heath (2000) underscores the fact that it is considered a “less integral part itself” at the wedding ceremony as opposed to other cultures, e.g., the Russian (p. 26). Thus marriage is viewed as conviviality rather than a drinking occasion per se.

Despite the variety of life events of the individual and the diversity of their celebration formats by different domestic communities, two things seem obvious. First, alcohol functions as a transformation maker and, second, alcohol structures special bounding relationships between individuals of a family, and a domestic group invisibly connecting the society.

2.5.3 Historical Cycles within a Culture

In his cross-cultural account of drinking, Heath (2000) argues that long term historical changes in drinking patterns within a particular culture are documented by

41 ethnographers. As illustrative examples among others, Heath (2000) refers to two historical changes that occurred in Alaskan native communities and the Iroquois communities in northeastern North America since these instances demonstrate the most radical changes in the history of these communities. Referring to Klausner, Foulks, and

Moore (1979) and Parker (1995), Heath (2000) defines the change that occurred in

Alaskan society as “extreme” when a community was turned from nondrinking to drinking and the inverse within the brief time span of a few months (p. 32).

Another extreme example of shifting the society from nondrinking to drinking is illustrated by the case of the Iroquois nation. Unlike most of the Native American populations, after being introduced to spirits in the course of trade with the white man for furs, the Iroquois community used alcohol in small amounts for religious purposes. Heath

(2000) points out that brandy and other spirits functioned as a means of transition to a religious trance that was an important rite of passage for young Iroquois men (p. 33). On the one hand, it was the passage from reality to unreality in order to meet the animal- spirit that was believed to become a companion and protector. On the other hand, it marked a transformation of the individual to a new stage of life. Alcoholic beverages substituted for the traditional method of falling into such vision-quests, i. e, exhaustion by hunger and sleep deprivation (Heath, 2000, p. 33).

However, similar to other Native American populations, eventually, at the beginning of the 18th century, the Iroquois adopted both the drinking model of white traders and trappers and its consequences. On the part of the white population, alcohol served as a tool for colonization. By substituting for cash, alcohol could exercise its

42 ideological function of subjugating the indigenous peoples to those who controlled the supply of alcohol (Heath, 2000, p. 92).

2.6 Conclusion

The elaborate constellation of social and symbolic meanings of alcohol in combination with the social functions of drinking settings suggests three notable features of the American culture of drinking: it is (1) ambivalent, (2) more a dry than a wet drinking culture, and (3) rather a beer than a spirits culture. The ambivalent attitude toward alcohol is obvious through the class, age, and gender stratification of alcoholic beverages in the American context. Though the use of alcohol is accepted as an integral part of everyday life because it is conventionalized as the marker for most occasions

(habitual transformations, life changes, and seasonal celebrations), American culture is more dry than wet. Drinking is the focus of attention in respect to permissibility of drinking at a particular age, allowability of particular beverages for a particular gender, the designation of specific places for alcohol consumption, and the specification of appropriate times for drinking. The consequences of age restriction for the use of alcohol turn alcohol into a libation with an aura of mystique for young Americans, which results in heavy drinking problems. This is typical of dry culture because in wet cultures, e.g., the French and Spanish, alcohol garners much less attention than in dry cultures in terms of freedom to drink (Heath, 2000, p. 119). American culture can be viewed as more of a beer culture than a spirits culture. Despite a wide variability among the American population regarding preference for a particular alcoholic beverage, beer seems to be

43 consumed more per capita than any other drink. Additionally, beer is imbibed on an extremely large number of drinking occasions.

As this overview informs, there are three features outside the purview of general

American drinking culture, i. e., solitary drinking, the absence of toasting etiquette, and the use of alcohol as medication. In American society, solitary drinking is unacceptable and is considered one of the diagnostic criteria for alcoholism (Heath, 2000, p. 93). The account of drinking occasions typical of the American context suggests that the use of alcohol is not introduced with toasts except on rare cases, e.g., toasting a newly married couple, or to the parents of a newborn child as it is in Russian and Ukrainian cultures.

Finally, for Americans, alcohol is not associated with medical use as a cure beneficial for health as it is for the Russians and Ukrainians, as will be discussed in the next chapter.

Chapter 3

The Social and Cultural Roles of Alcoholic Beverages in Russian and Ukrainian Cultures

3.1 Introduction

Russian and Ukrainian cultures share many commonalities in the symbolic and social use of alcohol as a result of a long shared history of political, economic, and cultural activity. Both cultures have a common ethnic origin, i.e., Kievan Rus’, and belong to Eastern Slavic culture. As a legacy of the Kievan Rus’, Russia and Ukraine accepted the Orthodox faith11 in the 980s, which constitutes another powerful factor in the cultural affinity of both countries. Moreover, much of Ukraine officially became part of Russia in 1654 when the Ukrainian government signed a political and military treaty with Russia (Subtelny, 2000) called the Treaty of Pereyaslav. Later, from 1921 to 1991,

Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union (Subtelny, 2000) when the and

11 In addition to certain political and economic factors, the choice of religion might also be conditioned by the cultural habits and customs already established in the 10th century in Kievan Rus’. Considering Islam and Orthodoxy, Vladimir, the Prince of Kievan Rus’, opted for Orthodoxy because “Drinking”, said the Prince, “is the joy of the Rus’ people. We cannot exist without that pleasure” (“The Russian Primary Chronicle” [RPC], 1953, p. 96). During this period Slavs consumed a variety of alcoholic beverages, which included wine, , beer with its unhopped and hopped variations (ol, oll, olovina, siker), kvas, and berezovitsa (Smith & Christian, 1984, p. 75; Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 23). Wine imported from the Byzantine Empire and Asia Minor was used for religious purposes and celebrations by the elite. Mead, the alcoholic beverage made of and wild berries, was also restricted to the rich as a result of the expensive cost of production. Beer was consumed by both the nobility and the peasants (Smith and Christian, 1984, p. 75-76; Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 29-34). Smith and Christian state that beer was the most common alcoholic drink among the people of Rus’. The evidence for this is the origin of the term pivo, beer. It comes from the verb pit, to drink (Smith & Christian, 1984, p. 77). Two types of kvas were known, according to Pekhlebkin (2009), in the 11th and 12th centuries. One type was a lightly fermented sour beverage that was almost non- alcoholic and served as refreshment. It has remained popular to this day. The second type of kvas is an alcoholic drink similar to beer (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 31). Berezovitsa was self-fermented birch sap named after the Russian word berioza, meaning ‘birch tree’ (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 35).

45 culture exercised a great deal of influence in Ukrainian life. With regard to the topic of the present study, this multifaceted coexistence contributes to the commonality in patterns of alcoholic use in conjunction with the social and symbolic manifestations of alcoholic beverages in cultural rituals and rites practiced in both Russia and Ukraine.

Russia and Ukraine are classified as traditional spirit-drinking cultures (Popova et al., 2007, p. 466), in which spirits comprise the main alcoholic beverages. According to the Global Status Report on Alcohol and Health 2011, spirits constituted 63% of the total alcohol consumption by the Russian Federation and 61% of total alcohol consumed by

Ukraine in 2005 (“Global Status Report,” 2011, pp. 39, 51). Beer is confirmed to be the second beverage of preference for both the Russian Federation and Ukraine, constituting

33% and 32% respectively of the total alcohol consumption by both countries in 2005

(“Global Status Report,” 2011, pp. 39, 51). As for wine, it is more popular among

Ukrainians, constituting 3% of the entire alcohol consumption, than among Russians, where it comprised 1% of total consumption in 2005 (“Global Status Report,” 2011, pp.

39, 51). One should point out the stability of this preference pattern since the 19th century. This popular preference expressed in the peasant saying: “no vodka, then drink a little beer; no beer, then drink a little kvas; no kvas, then drink a little water from a small spoon,” reflects the interweaving of the historically established drinking habits with economic constraints, in addition to the ranking of strength of the alcoholic beverages

(Smith & Christian, 1984, p. 280).

Similar to American drinking culture drinking and that of many other cultures, both Russian and Ukrainian societies have generated specific social meanings relating to particular alcoholic beverages as a result of their deep penetration into the political,

46 economic, and cultural life of these countries. Ethnographic and anthropological studies of Russia and Ukraine suggest that the choice of an alcoholic beverage performs six symbolic functions: as in American culture, it symbolizes affiliation with a particular nation or generational group (Timofeev, 2003; Morel Morel, 2011; Vinnychuk, 2006); it indicates the social status of consumers (Perlman, 2001; Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010); it functions as a gender differentiator (Levin, 1998; Chepurnaya & Shpakovskaya, 2006;

Wolburg & Wenger, 2009); and it specifies the nature of a drinking occasion

(Chepurnaya & Shpakovskaya, 2006; Fishbein, 1991) in the respective cultures; but unlike in American culture, an alcoholic beverage may function as currency (Hivon,

1994; Herlihy, 1991; Zaigraev, 2010) or medication12 (Smith & Christian, 1984;

Christian, 1990; Sidorov, 1995; Vinnychuk, 2006).

3.2 Indicator of Ethnic Group and Generation Affiliation

Despite some “new” forms of distilled spirits, e. g., gin, whiskey, tequila, and other liquors that have recently become popular among some layers of Ukrainian

(Wolburg & Wenger, 2009, p. 15) and Russian consumers, Russian and Ukrainian cultures are usually associated with the spirits to which Russians refer as vodka and

Ukrainians call , highlighting two different aspects of the same beverage, whereby they express the difference in cultural orientation. The Russian term vodka underscores

12It is important to mention the fact that in the U.S. alcoholic beverages, e.g., wine, beer, malt liquors, brandy, and , were extensively used in popular medicine by physicians late in the 19th century and as a domestic remedy for real and imaginary ailments in families (Whorton, 2002; Warner, 1986; Williams, 1980; Quimby, 1897). However, in contemporary Northern America, even though alcohol might be employed as an alternative or complementary medicine, e.g., hot toddy or hot totty to cure the flu or cold, in some areas of the U.S., e.g., rural, by some social groups, e.g., elderly population, it is not likely so widely used by all layers of population as is the case in Russia and Ukraine.

47 the primary input material of the product in conjunction with the imbedded attitude toward it, since word vodka is derived from the diminutive of the word voda, meaning water (Chernyh, 1999, p. 160). Exhibiting their emotional attitude toward vodka,

Russians often employ another word vodochka that includes an additional diminutive suffix –och positioned before the original diminutive suffix -k resulting in a double diminutive (Andrukhovych, 2006). The Ukrainian term horilka explicates a physical aspect of the product, i.e., its ability to burn, because the word horilka derives from the verb hority, to burn (Melnychuk, 1982, p. 632). Thus for Russians vodka is associated with water, which can be “living” or “dead” according to Russian folklore, while for

Ukrainians horilka relates to fire, which might symbolize hell fire for prospective sinners who indulge in drinking (Semenov & Dacyuk, 2009, p. 54). It should be noted that this assumption is asserted without any direct evidence from either ethnography, or anthropology, or folklore of Ukraine (Semenov & Dacyuk, 2009). Fire, similar to water, is a universal symbol that has developed many other symbolic manifestations in

Ukrainian culture, though ambivalent, in addition to the symbolic meaning of the flames of hell. For example, fire symbolizes the sun, the source of life energy, holiness, purification, passion, as well as many other things relating to heat (Sorochuk, 2004). The fact that both Russian and Ukrainian consumers link the name of their favorite spirits to two universal symbols (fire and water) of existence underscores its significance.

Since the 1540-1570s, vodka has been the primary alcoholic beverage for

Russians (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 107). The long period of production and consumption of vodka in Russia has elevated vodka not only to the status of Russian national drink; it has become the symbol of national identity that powerfully expresses the national character,

48 culture, and way of life. Russians recognize vodka as their prototypical alcoholic beverage that reflects peculiarities of their national character and culture13 (Morel Morel,

2011). Besides, the association of Russians with vodka is so strong for both Russians and foreigners that whenever the attribute Russian occurs in any cultural context, it immediately evokes the notion of vodka (Timofeev, 2003, p. 48). In this regard, Yuri

Andrukhovych aptly points to the total indivisibility of the words in the compound noun

Russian vodka, through which these words almost turn into a tautology (Andrukhovych,

2006).

Horilka became the common alcoholic beverage for Ukrainians presumably at the same time as for Russians, i.e., in the 15th century (Vynnychuk, 2006, p. 42). In fact, since that time horilka has been the national beverage of Ukraine that symbolizes

Ukrainianness. This idea is discussed in Vynnychuk’s account of the inclination of

Ukrainian writers and poets to imbibe alcohol and who condemn those who refuse to drink horilka asking: “How! Are you a Ukrainian who does not drink horilka?! Miracles!

What kind of a Ukrainian are you then?” (Vynnychuk, 2006, p. 103). The exclusion of non-drinkers of horilka rather than abstainers in general implies a powerful nationalistic attitude toward the drink.14 It should also be noted that conclusions drawn from the

13 These two conclusions are drawn on the grounds of the findings reached in the associative experiment undertaken in order to identify the structural-content peculiarities of the concept “beverage” in Russian culture. The associative experiment was conducted with 200 Russian respondents (among whom were several Ukrainian migrants) between the ages of 13 and 40, in the city of Belgorod located on the Russian- Ukrainian frontier. The interview included two questions: (1) what beverage do you think is the most typical of Russia? and (2) what beverage, in your opinion, reflects the peculiarities of the character and culture of our people? Ninety-three (54.76%) respondents named vodka in answer to the first question and 88 (50.29%) respondents also opted for vodka to answer the second question. Only 1.5% of participants abstained from answering either question (Morel Morel, 2011, p. 218-219). 14 As mentioned above, the terms vodka and horilka index the same spirits. For ease of discussion we will employ the Russian term vodka when referring to either Russian or Ukrainian drinking cultures. The Russian term is certainly more familiar in North America and in Western countries.

49 associative experiment (Morel Morel, 2011) mentioned above might be indicative of

Ukrainian, as much as of Russian culture, in terms of the role of vodka as the symbol of national identity, for two reasons: (1) the respondents share many drinking habits and patterns due to their prolonged coexistence in the area of the Russian-Ukrainian frontier, and (2) some of the participants in the study were indeed ethnic Ukrainians.

The consumption of particular alcoholic beverages functions as a generational differentiator. Just as in the U.S., beer in Russia (Chepurnaya & Shpakovskaya, 2006, p.

9), as well as in Ukraine (Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, p. 82) has recently become more popular among the younger generation. In fact, as Timofeev (2006) remarks, beer has modified male drinking preferences by introducing new westernized drinking patterns.

However, despite the emergence of some westernization of drinking habits in both cultures, the preference for domestic brands of beer over foreign brands can be observed across Ukraine. This preference might be driven by patriotic feelings of Ukrainian beer drinkers, 60% of whom, despite the wide availability of foreign brands and the latter’s high quality, are more likely to imbibe domestic brands (Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, pp. 84, 88).

In contrast to Russian and Ukrainian youth, the older (i.e., the Soviet) generation of drinkers has a proclivity to begin with beer and then switch to vodka drinking event.

This drinking pattern is crystallized in a popular folk, which says, “Beer without vodka is a waste of money” or “He who comes with beer shall be sent for vodka” (Timofeev,

2006, p. 5). In fact, the habit of switching from beer to vodka was developed as a result of the tension between two factors, economic and cultural. The economic factor comprises the fact that in Soviet times beer was a scarce commodity. Its scarcity did not match the

50 deeply rooted custom of binge drinking, which constitutes the cultural factor. Due to this tension, in the 1960s and 70s cocktails such as “wire brush” or “rough”15 consisting of vodka and beer seemed popular among men (Timofeev, 2006, p. 5). The peculiar feature of the “wire brush” or the “rough” cocktail is that a small amount of it intoxicates drinkers to a greater degree and faster rate than the use of vodka and beer separately.

3.3 Social Status and Gender Differentiator

The choice of alcoholic beverage, as discussed in Chapter 2.3, is also an important differentiator of social status and gender. Thus in both Russia and Ukraine samogon,16 , is viewed as the beverage for consumers with low income or unemployed in both rural and industrialized areas (Perlman, 2010, p. 10; Popova et al., 2007, p. 467).

This preference is likely necessitated by the low cost of samogon compared with vodka and the economic hardships that restrict consumers of low-paying jobs despite their sometimes higher level of proficiency in professional skills and education (Perlman,

2010, p. 10).

The growing middle and upper classes of Russia (Margolina, 2006, p. 16) and

Ukraine (Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, p. 81) have been adopting the drinking patterns of their Western counterparts. They have sufficient income “to support a thriving

15 The name of the cocktail comes from the name of a freshwater fish (Acerina cerua), related to the perch. As a result of its fins and twelve sharp thorns located near the gills, it might resemble scratching feelings in the throat of the consumer of “ruff” cocktail. 16 The name of the beverage has its origin in the combination two Russian words. The first word is the defining pronoun sam that corresponds to the English by itself in the context of an action produced by itself. The second word following the epenthetic vowel o is the verb gnat that literally means to chase and metaphorically to make moonshine. The illegal production of samogon is reflected in its name that stresses its self production.

51 drinking culture,” affording a more diverse variety of alcoholic beverages and consuming expensive foreign beer, wine, brandy, and vodka, as well as new “luxurious and exotic” distilled spirits, such as gin, , whiskey, tequila, and (Wolburg & Wenger,

2009, p. 17; Levin, 1998, p. 46). Those consumers (such as students and young professionals), whose disposable income can hardly compete with the middle and upper classes, sometimes opt for expensive beer in order “to experience the European life”

(Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, p. 81).

As in the U.S., in both Russia and Ukraine, alcoholic beverages can be classified as male and female, which is frequently expressed through gender-based drinking preferences. Traditionally, in both cultures, strong beverages are viewed as masculine and are consumed undiluted, while sweet, light beverages are considered female. Thus vodka is the drink of choice for Russian and Ukrainian men, whose vodka-drinking ideal has become the way of affirming and constantly reaffirming masculinity and an exclusively male way of socializing (Botchkovar & Hughes, 2010, p. 311; Cockerham et al., 2006, p.

2393). Timofeev (2003) underscores the interrelationship between the strength of vodka and the ability to drink much, a totally male virtue and/or vice, while also pointing out the ability to simultaneously engage in mental activities:

The strength of vodka (the model 40% water and spirit mixture was given a patent in 1894) should stress the endurance of a drinking person. What is particularly esteemed is an ability to drink a great amount of vodka without getting drunk as well as to hold a conversation in such a state and solve existential problems. (p. 51)

This entirely male ability to drink vodka but to stay sober, as Timofeev notes, is reflected in the Russian saying “pian da umen – dva ugodia v nem”

52 (literally: drunk but smart – there are two holdings (properties, lands) in him)

[Timofeev, 2005, p. 183].

In this respect, it is important to note that the ability to drink an excessive amount of vodka and to be capable of undertaking physically life-threatening activities was valued as a knightly male virtue among Ukrainian warriors, the

Cossacks17, and, as Vynnychuk (2006) states, was the major prerequisite for passing the admission test to the Cossack brotherhood. The test consisted of drinking up 250 ml (8.45 fl. oz.) of vodka and crossing the River safely via a log connecting two cliffs without falling into the water. If a prospective member succeeded, he was admitted to the brotherhood. Cossacks believed that only a Ukrainian could pass this test (Vynnychuk, 2006, p. 56). Another way of expressing masculinity popular among Russian and Ukrainian men is a vodka drinking contest that has the goal of drinking a companion under the table. Thus to affirm masculinity, vodka was, and is, unquestionably the male beverage of choice for both Russians and Ukrainians.

Similar to American culture, in Russian and Ukrainian cultures, beer, as

Chepurnaya and Shpakovskaya (2006) state, is another beverage that is conventionally viewed as predominantly a male beverage. However, Russian, and we can assume, women also consume beer, though it is less popular than wine.

Women prefer different from those that men usually drink, i.e., perfumed and sweetened beers (p. 8).

17 Cossacks were Ukrainian warriors of the 17-18th century who were known for their constant struggle for freedom, their loyalty and ardent patriotism, their free way of life, their deep religious convictions, and for their love of their homeland.

53 In addition to sweet beers the appropriate alcoholic beverages for women consist of wine, sparkling wine, champagne, cocktails and liqueurs (Chepurnaya

& Shpakovskaya, 2006, p. 8), which parallels the alcoholic preference of their

American counterparts. However, unlike American women, Russian18 and

Ukrainian women also sanction special “female” vodkas, some of which have less than 40% alcohol (Wolburg & Wenger 2009, p. 17; Timofeev, 2005, p. 176). This female preference is reflected in the semantics of vodka brands, e. g., Russkaya krasavitsa, Russian beauty, Zhenshchinam Rossii, For the Women of Russia,

Laskovaya, Affectionate, Matushka, the diminutive of Mother, etc. (Timofeev,

2005, p. 176).

3.4 A Drinking Occasion Specifier

From the ethnographic materials on Russian and Ukrainian drinking cultures reviewed for the present study, it is clear that just as in American culture, in Russia and

Ukraine, alcoholic beverages function as the specifiers of social occasions. Sparkling wine (champagne) manufactured in the Soviet Union as “a luxury good for the masses”

[was] turn[ed] into an essential feature of celebrations” (Chepurnaya & Shpakovskaya,

2006, p. 8). However, unlike in American culture, after the symbolic tasting of sparkling wine, it is usually replaced by vodka. Chepurnaya and Shpakovskaya (2006) explain that switching from sparkling wine to vodka provides women with a greater opportunity to enjoy more of it since they indulge much less in alcohol drinking than men (p. 8). While

18 According to a public opinion poll conducted in the Russian Federation in 2002, 40% of women prefer wine, 22% vodka, and 26% beer (Timofeev, 2005, p. 175).

54 the proposed explanation seems valid, it is one-sided in terms of viewing the situation from an exclusively male act of chivalry to impress women.

A completely different impression regarding the replacement of champagne with vodka was imparted to the American delegation from the University of Massachusetts

Medical School at a welcoming dinner arranged on their behalf in in 1991:

During our first evening in Moscow, we were treated to both celebratory champagne and vodka at our welcoming dinner. This did not seem unusual at the time; after all, we were all full of hope and in the mood to celebrate with our Soviet colleagues. But we were surprised to find that bottles of Russian vodka are sealed with a paper cap that, once torn off, cannot be replaced. We soon learned that vodka is meant to be enjoyed by the bottle, and once a bottle is open it is a “Russian custom” to drink until it is finished. Shortly there-after we were introduced to the Russian version of “bottoms up” as our hosts filled our glasses and exclaimed do dna, which literally means “to the bottom of a large body of water”—or, in this situation, “to the bottom of your glass.” (Fishbein, 1991, p. 1211)

This account of Russian drinking habits suggests that although the formal celebratory character of the occasion is symbolically marked by champagne, the habit of binge drinking requires spirits. This habit additionally is supported by table traditions manifested in expressions such as “to finish an open bottle” and “bottoms up.” Downing a shot of vodka (by tradition, approximately 3 oz.) in a single gulp to the last drop functions as a demonstration of manliness and a display of good wishes for the host.

Hellberg-Hirn (1998, p. 146) states that liquor left in the glass or food on the plate is viewed as a superstitious sign of ill-will on the guest’s part. This superstition is reflected in two proverbs: Ne vypil do dna, ne pozhelal dobra (literally: if you did not drink to the bottom of your glass, you did not wish well) and Pei do dna, ne zhalei dobra (literally: drink to the bottom, do not spare good) [Hellberg-Hirn, 1998, p. 146]. In the Ukrainian

55 cultural context, leaving several drops of vodka in a glass is considered as leaving them for the tears of a host (Semenov & Dacyuk, 2009, p. 59), not for his good.

The symbolism of champagne itself even if not consumed indexes a formal celebratory situation throughout the world (Heath, 2000). In the Russian context, vodka takes on the role of champagne when vodka is available; however, when vodka is unavailable, water symbolizes the historically established forms and relationship of alcohol to consumers in a particular social environment by symbolically becoming the main source of the alcoholic effects that make a drinking situation attractive (Sidorov,

1995, p. 251). To illustrate this symbolism, Sidorov provides an excerpt from the diary of the Russian writer Fyodor Abramov, who shares his reminiscences of WWII: “How did we live during the war? Worked, ate moss and celebrated holidays. Poured water into the bottle, put it on the table and sang songs” (Sidorov, 1995, p. 251). In this case, water served as a substitute for vodka.

Contrary to Northern American drinking culture, wine is not likely to be associated with formal and semiformal social settings for either Russians or Ukrainians.

This might be explained by the traditional dominance of vodka virtually all social environments, as a consequence of its culturally sanctioned nature as the national alcoholic beverage for expressing Russianness and Ukrainianness and for displaying masculinity and establishing the vodka model of alcohol consumption (Zaigraev, 2010, p. 5). Wine, recognized as a female beverage, cannot be accepted as a beverage of choice to mark special occasions in these cultures.

56 In the Russian and Ukrainian contexts, informal social settings call usually for beer with vodka to follow if men are part of them. These might be picnics, watching soccer matches, or the informal gatherings of friends for beer drinking.

3.5 Money Substitute

In contrast to Northern American drinking culture, both Russian and Ukrainian cultures sanction the use of vodka as a money substitute thanks to its properties of being

“portable, valuable, fungible” (Herlihy, 1991, p, 140) in particular social occasions. In her anthropological research carried out in Russia in 1992-1993, just after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Hivon (1994) examines “vodka as the spirit of exchange,” attempting to investigate the dynamics of exchanges that involve vodka in rural areas of Russia.

Hivon (1994) identifies two forms of the use of vodka as money, namely illegal barter and payment for various services. According to Hivon’s account, people in the village under investigation depended a great deal on their own auxiliary farming since they worked in the dom otdykha,19 a central institution in the village and not a state farm.

People owned plots of land where they cultivated potatoes and other vegetables. Most families kept cows, pigs, and poultry for their own consumption. To sustain their own farming, people turned for help to the nearest state farm. When manure was required to fertilize their land or fodder was needed to feed their cattle, people purchased these commodities from state farm workers. Two bottles of vodka were exchanged for one ton

19 Hivon (1994) provides the literal translation of the dom otdykha as a rest house which means a recreation institution for the veterans and pensioners who are provided with lodging and some medical treatment, and recreational sports activities in addition to cultural ones (p. 4).

57 of manure stolen from the state farm and one bottle of vodka was paid for one bag of carrots (from 40 to 70 kilograms). Hivon (1994) stresses that these transactions were not performed with the knowledge of the administration of the state farms (p. 4). In other words, both items were stolen and exchanged for vodka, although “stolen” was conceptualized as “taken” in people’s thinking because, according to Soviet ideology, the property of the state automatically meant the property of the people (Hivon, 1994, p. 3).

The researcher emphasizes that such barter with vodka existed only between individuals but never between enterprises (Hivon, 1994, p. 5). As examples of the exchange of vodka for services, Hivon (1994) provides accounts of the use of vodka for paying for plowing one’s land before planting (p. 3), slaughtering pigs (p. 6), or any other similar agricultural services.

The interesting observation Hivon (1994) makes points to a way of talking about vodka as money. For example, in the language of the people, vodka was referred to as valuta, currency, in the context of hyper-inflation in 1992-1993, use of the verbs platit,

‘pay,’ stoit’, ‘cost,’ occurs in discussions of barter transactions and services (Hivon,

1994, p. 8). In the people’s mind, vodka is conceptualized as money.

According to Hivon (1994) vodka could function as currency at that time in rural

Russia because money had become insignificant. In the Soviet Union, money was useless

“as a way to obtain desirable goods” because for one thing demand for goods did not correspond to supply; for that reason, even though people were paid well, they had nothing on which to spend their money (p. 10). Moreover, it was a violation of the Soviet law on human rights to hire someone to work for money, since this was seen as exploitation of the individual (pp. 10-11). Vodka prevails over other possible alternatives,

58 as Hivon (1994) states, because vodka is accessible for those who require service and vodka plays a “paramount” role in Russian society – “vodka is THE [sic] drink in

Russia” (p. 18).

While Hivon’s (1994) ethnography of “vodka as the spirit of exchange” focuses on the Russian context, it is valid to project her conclusions to the Ukrainian cultural context for two reasons. First, both countries had been the part of the Soviet Union and have thus experienced a common political and economic legacy. Similarly, illegal barter with vodka did occur in Ukrainian rural areas where rural inhabitants also suffered from the hyperinflation of the 1990s after the dissolution of the USSR. Second, on the basis of

Herlihy’s (1991) and Smith and Christian’s (1984) ethnographical exploration of the village institution of work-parties20 known as pomoch in Russia and toloka in Ukraine, it seems plausible to make an assumption that the transactions with vodka considered in

Hivon’s study comprised a social practice that originated in these community organizations.

3.6 Medication Substitute

Alcohol is widely believed to have medical properties in Eastern Slavic cultures.

The use of alcohol, primarily vodka, as a therapeutic drug is a cultural tradition in Russia

(Smith & Christian, 1984; Christian, 1990; Sidorov, 1995) and Ukraine (Vynnychuk,

20 Herlihy (1991) combines concise and accurate accounts of Russian pomoch or Ukrainian toloka borrowed from the Russian ethnographer Ktorskii, who defines pomoch as “work not for pay but for hospitality (ugoshchenie).” The Soviet historian describes this social practice as follows: “When a peasant had fallen victim to illness, fire, or cattle plague, neighbors and sometimes the entire commune came to help .... They worked without pay the entire day, receiving only food and drink upon the completion of the work” (pp. 137-138).

59 2006; Wolburg & Wenger 2009), which is grounded in the folk belief that herbal tinctures of vodka and solutions that include vodka and other ingredients are cure-alls for people and animals. At the beginning of the 20th century, this folk believe was even formally legalized into a branch of Russian science known as enotherapy which, in

Sidorov’s (1995) words, is practiced nowadays in Russia (p. 244). Recipes for vodka with herbs, fruits, honey, black or/and chili pepper, etc. and instructions for their use are included in pharmaceutical reference books21 available in Russia (Sidorov, 1995, p. 244) and Ukraine (Wolburg & Wenger, 2009, p. 17). Among the indications for alcohol therapy, Sidorov mentions “loss of appetite and depression of the digestive function, shock and faintness (syncope), vascular weakness and cooling, traumas with blood loss and pain, pulmonary edema, and postoperative pains” (Sidorov, 1995, p. 244). However, the primary indication for the consumption of 100 grams of vodka is to cure a hangover, for which the Russian verb opokhmeliatsia is used. The meaning of both this verb and the social practice is defined in the Oxford Dictionary by the idiom to take the hair of the dog that bit you (Hivon, 1994, p. 17).

Another example of the medicinal view of vodka is the strong belief in its medical properties among well-educated individuals, such as cosmonauts. In his interview with

Shumeiko (2009), the Soviet cosmonaut Artsebarsky22 intimates that vodka as a

“powerful antidote” was consumed on a space flight when an enormous ethylene glycol

21 In her account of the use of alcohol as medication in the U.S. late in the 19th century, Williams (1980) mentions the U.S. Pharmocopoeia published in 1830 where the only alcohol mentioned is wine, prescribed as “stimulant, tonic, antispasmodic, nutritive.” However, there was no mention of whiskey, rum or gin in the tome (p. 546). 22 A.P. Artsebarsky was the head of the international space crew, which consisted of the Soviet astronaut Krikalev and the British astronaut Helen Sharman that made a space flight in 1991 (Shumeiko, 2009, p. 321).

60 leak was reported in one of the spaceships. Although Artsebarsky conceals the names of the cosmonauts and the amount of vodka imbibed, he justifies their request for vodka by pointing to the widely known property of vodka for removing nucleotides from an organism. In his second example, Artsebalsky refers to alcohol as a relaxant required after “incredibly hard work in outer space,” while stressing the unacceptability of consuming it at work (Shumeiko, 2009, p. 322).

3.7 Social Roles of Drinking Places

It has been noted in the ethnographic and anthropological studies on the use of alcohol that, as in any culture, in Russian and Ukrainian cultures drinking does not take place anywhere but in the places designated by social norms and sanctioned by state regulations. As in North American culture, in Russia and Ukraine, places for alcohol consumption can be classified as indoors and outdoors, private and public (Heath, 2000, p. 46-48), and socially appropriate and inappropriate. However, the manifestations of these categories in the Russian and Ukrainian cultural contexts in terms of social practices involved and social meanings differ from their counterparts in the North

American cultural context. In Russia and Ukraine, drinking mostly occurs in private settings such as the home, at a friend’s place, in a garage, at a dacha, and a sauna

(Pesmen, 2000, p. 171; Goriacheva, 2004, p. 185; Hivon, 1994, p. 15). Public drinking places are subdivided into socially acceptable and legally appropriate and socially acceptable but inappropriate according to the law. The former includes bars, night clubs, cafes, and restaurants (Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, p. 93; Semenov & Dacyuk, 2009, p.

61 55). The latter consists of picnics23 (Shumeiko, 2009, p. 288), public streets

(Khmel’nyts’ka & Swift, 2010, p. 93), and “anywhere” where work is carried out

(Shumeiko, 2009, p. 322; Fishbein, 1991, p. 1211; Pohklebkin, 2009, pp. 226-227).

Drinking in any location, private or public, indoors or outdoors, is a highly ritualized and scripted phenomenon that both informs and is informed by the dusha, the soul, as the American anthropologist Pesmen (2000) argues throughout her observations of drinking situations in the Russian city of Omsk in 1992. In her words, the ritualized consumption of alcohol and soul are tightly interconnected: “Alcohol and its rituals are privileged in relation to dusha: it is directly on dusha that alcohol and its rituals act”

(Pesmen, 2000, p. 175). The rituals of sidet’, sitting24 together for hours, a particular genre of communication, i.e., a zadushevnyi, a soulful, conversation, and elaborate toasting with clinking glasses, comprise the social practices in which drinking is

23 Picnics are usually held on the bank of a river, in the woods, and at the seashore. Russians and Ukrainians usually refer to picnics as na prirode (literal: in nature). 24 The social phenomenon of sitting might be linked both semantically and conceptually to the primitive technology of distillation, employed in Russia in the 14th century, that eventually was transferred to the modern technology of vodka production. This technology, known as sidenie, originated from the Russian verb sidet’, be sitting. Pokhlebkin (2009) argues that sidenie was employed for the production of beer (mead) and then bread wine. The term bread wine was used for vodka before 1751 (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 167). The technology of sidenie laid in setting the container called korchaga (similar to a pot) with wort covered with another korchaga into a lager container, koryto (similar to a wash tub). In this way wort was kept in the Russian oven for a continuous time at a steady temperature. This process resulted in spontaneous distillation. In this meaning the verb sidet’ was borrowed into German (sieden) to designate the process of slowly reducing liquid to boiling as opposed to the German verb kochen ‘to cook.’ This primitive technology and the attitude toward it of the people of Rus’ are reflected in the proverb “Schastie – koryto korchagoi pokryto” (literally: Happiness is a wash tub covered with a pot). This constituted to the old symbol of happiness for Russians (Pokhlebkin, 2009, pp. 59-60). The old symbol for unhappiness is realized in the pazbitoe koryto, a damaged wash tub. The symbolic meaning of the damaged wash tub is elaborated in the children’s tale “The Tale about the Fisherman and the Fish” by the Russian writer A. Pushkin. The Russian modern symbol of happiness also connects the concepts of a full container and well- being. Signifying prosperity, a full goblet of alcohol is called polnaia chasha. This meaning is crystallized in the drinking habit of pouring vodka to the brim of a glass until it almost overflows. This glass is referred to as polnoie schastie, complete happiness (Hellberg-Hirn, 1998, p. 144). Thus this symbol is elaborated in the conceptual metaphor of happiness, HAPPINESS IS A/AN FULL/OVERFULL CONTAINER, that is also manifested in such metaphorical expression as byt’ polnym schastyem, to be full of happiness, byt’ perepolnenym schastyem, to be overfull with happiness, schastye perepolnyayet, happiness overflows in addition to the mentions drinking etiquette.

62 embedded (Pesmen, 2000; Koester, 2003; Artiukh, 2008). Pesmen notes that other soulful social practices embedded in the social practice of sitting co-occur with alcohol consumption, such as singing, playing music, poetry reciting, and cursing (Pesmen, 2000, p. 171), though the latter might seem paradoxical to foreigners.

The social practices of sitting together at the table facing each other in conjunction with a zadushevnyi conversation, “when you talk from the soul” (Pesmen,

2000, p. 176) regulated by toasting, in Koester’s (2003) words, contribute to the creation of a defined social group, a drinking circle (p. 42). Only within this circle, during the process of sitting at the table, drinking “acts” on fostering the individual’s dushevnost’, soulfulness (Pesmen, 2000, p. 175). In the state of dushevnost’ personal information is shared, the “true” self is revealed, teasing, joking occurs, and individuals become kinder, and more generous. Sitting is a social phenomenon that Pesmen (2000) acutely characterizes as reciprocal, employing the metaphor of a dance: “Sitting was a dance governed partially by the mysterious power that “candid, open” revelations (statements in the style of openness) had of making one’s companion want to reciprocate in kind. Or in some kind” (p. 185) [italics in original]. Commenting on Pesmen’s statement, Koester notes that “free speaking” is grounded in “the reciprocal confidence25” of the members of the drinking circle that shared information will not leave the circle. This reciprocity provides the group with its identity (Koester, 2003, p. 43). To provide an example,

Pesmen (2000) refers to her conversation with a young man, in which he stresses the value of having soulful, dushevnyi, conversation: “You know, we only value conversations we have in the kitchen or smoking area. Only away from any time and

25 The term is borrowed from Simmel (1964) [Koester, 2003, p. 43].

63 place can we talk openly” (p. 172). By creating “a specific type of communion26” at

“sacred moments in and outside of time,” Pesmen (2000) explains, the Soviet people could keep “the world of false consciousness27” apart from their world created by sitting in the kitchen with privileged dushevnyi conversation and bonding relationships (p. 172).

It should be stressed that sitting privileges the kitchen as opposed to a living room as the locus of privacy and safety for displaying Russian and Ukrainian dushevnost’. The preference for the kitchen to the living room for private discussions might also be the case in American culture, at least in American ideology, given that politicians regularly mention that Americans solve problems around the kitchen table rather than in the living room. However, Americans would not be likely to engage in dushevnyi conversations and bonding relationships developed in the kitchen which are the motivation for Russian and

Ukrainian sitting in the kitchen.

The elaborated ritual of toasting metaphorically creates the social order of a drinking circle (Koester, 2003, p. 42). To provide several examples of frequent toasts that target the social order of the drinking circle, there are such toasts as shtrafnaia (literally: a penalty) where an individual is labeled as ‘late for a party’ (Koester, 2003, p. 42),

Mezhdu pervoi i vtoroi /Promezhutok ne Bolshoi (literally: Between the first and the

26 Vezhbytska (2005) stresses the correct choice of Pesmen in regard to preference for the term communion to the term dialogue used in the English speaking world for Bakhtin’s term dialogical obshchenie and linking it to the concept of dusha. By obshchenie Bakhtin means revealing the inner self for yourself and for others in the course of dialogical communication, while encouraging others to reciprocate. In such obshchenie, the dusha emerges, uncovering its depth. This meaning is not elaborated in the English word dialogue (Vezhbytska, 2005, p. 493). 27 It should be pointed out that using the term false consciousness, Pesmen (2000) does not imply the false view of objects as natural rather than social imposed by capitalist society as it is postulated in the Marxist theory. Pesmen (2000) uses the term false consciousness as “misrecognition” or “lying to oneself” implying the duality of consciousness of Homo Sovieticus that reconciles two systems of morality. For example, Soviet people did not recognize theft from the state as real theft while recognize theft from other person as real stealing. Lifting nails, bulbs, etc from enterprises was viewed moral while stealing anything from another Soviet person was considered deeply immoral (p. 134).

64 second the interval is short), and the third toast is usually to the women present. Men stand up to perform it, and drink, lifting their elbows higher than where their epaulet would be. The first toast or two usually consecrates an occasion (e.g., if it is a birthday, then the first toast is to the birthday person). Other toasts depend on the imagination and intellect of the participants of a drinking event (Pesmen, 2000, pp. 172-173). Some toasts are short (e.g., Bud’mo in the translation from Ukrainian means “let us be)” and others ridiculously meaningless (e.g., to the rooster that has been eaten [Pesmen, 2000, p. 173]); while other toasts are long, eloquent, and philosophical. The latter can be illustrated by one of twelve toasts, i.e., a toast to each holy number from the numbers one to twelve, that Stanislav Perfetsky, the main character of the novel Perverzion (Andrukhovych,

2005), articulates while sitting beneath the cypresses drinking wine with Farther Antonio del Campo and having a dushevnyi conversation. In order to honor the number four,

Stanislav Perfetsky raises his goblet and says:

For the four Holy Gospels […]. For there are also four morals virtues – wisdom, righteousness, courage, and abstinence. Besides this, there are the four last things that we all must honor: death, judgment, heaven, and hell. Beyond this there are four sins that call for heavenly retribution, among which there are international killing, sodomy, wronging of the defenseless, and – I don’t know why – delaying payment to someone for work. However, so as not to end on this threatening note, let’s drink for the six- winged beings that everywhere accompany the holy Evangelists – the Angel, the Ox, the Eagle – and certainly – the Lion! (p 115)

At the end of a drinking event, Russians usually have a drink for the road na pososhok (literally: the diminutive of the word for a walking-stick) [Pesmen, 2000, p.

171], while Ukrainians drink na konia (literally: onto the horse). However, as Pesmen

65 (2000) notes in her observation of her friend Andrei sitting in the garage,28 many other jocular toasts follow the na pososhok toast, negating time as such while defining a new category of drinking time (p. 171).

It is important to stress that as no drinking occurs in Russian and Ukrainian cultures without being justified, povod dlia vypivki, no alcohol is gulped without a toast.

To decline an offer for sitting or drinking up for any toast results in reproaches such as:

“Aren’t you a Russian?” or “Aren’t you a Ukrainian?” and viewed as disrespect for both the toaster and the toasted and, as noted earlier, wishing them ill while generating a suspicious attitude toward the rejecter. Pohklebkin (2009) claims that the deep disdain for abstainers is the surviving rudiment of religious intolerance. Contempt was displayed toward the members of the sect who used water for communion instead of wine. For that reason, abstainers were viewed as non-Christians and strangers (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 25), and were circumspect and perhaps even related to with hostility. This religious rudiment moved into the ideological plane first in the Soviet Army in 1945 and then across the entire society. Abstainers exchanged 100 grams of vodka for sugar and chocolate, and were considered disloyal members of the military or society (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 225).

The justification of drinking and the formation of a drinking circle resolve the paradox of drinking (Koester, 2003, p. 43). On the one hand, becoming intoxicated is disrespectful; however, on the other, refusing to drink with guests, to their health or to any other toast is a manifestation of dishonor and disrespect. As Koester observes, by forming a drinking circle with the bonds of friendship within it and by validating the use

28 Garages for common people are small constructions made of metal or bricks. They are located in the outskirts of a city and represent not only the place for a car, but a sort of community of men. In garages, men spend time sitting together, socializing while getting away from their wives and problems at home.

66 of alcohol with a proper occasion, this act raise the status of what would otherwise constitute a disrespectful activity (Koester, 2003, p. 43). In addition to the measures mentioned, the validation of each glass of alcohol by toasting also functions as a way of saving face in Russian and Ukrainian drinking situations.

The articulation of the appropriate purpose for drinking legitimizes alcohol consumption even at work, making it socially acceptable for both workers and the administration, even though it is inappropriate according to legislation. This is illustrated by the welcoming of the American delegation from the University of Massachusetts

Medical School discussed in section 3.4 and the use of alcohol in the spaceship by cosmonauts considered in section 3.6. A similar socially acceptable, however, legally inappropriate, drinking environment constitutes drinking in public on the street in Russia and Ukraine. In contrast to both Western countries and North America where drinking in the streets is penalized, as discussed in section 2.4, or at least frowned upon as

Khmel’nyts’ka and Swift (2010) note, in both Russia and Ukraine alcohol consumption in the streets is a “distinctive” tradition (p. 93) stemming from the ban of selling alcohol in canteens, snack bars, and other inexpensive catering institutions for the general Soviet public in 1958 (Timofeev, 2006, p. 4).

Drinking in the streets, Timofeev (2006) remarks, led to the emergence of another

Soviet drinking habit, soobrazit’ na troikh (literally: to figure out for three), which means that one person looks for two others to contribute ten rubles each toward the cost of one half-liter bottle of vodka in order to drink it in a courtyard (p. 4) or “by a lamppost” without zakuska, snack food consumed after each glass (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 232).

Timofeev (2006) uses a Russian joke to unpack the concept of zakuska: “when you are

67 out of vodka, zakuska becomes mere food” (p. 4). Drinking without zakuska is not restricted to street settings, however. Referring to another aphorism that explains drinking without eating, “The more grub you pick, the less will be the kick,” Timofeev (2006) reports that in the 1990s, New Russians, the nouveau riche, shocked the employees of

Western drinking institutions by gulping down impressive amounts of expensive alcohol without eating (p. 4). However, the inconsistency of this practice across drinking occasions should be pointed out. According to Pesmen (2000), the consumption of food usually co-occurs with alcohol consumption in sitting situations where a dushevnyi conversation plays a crucial role. In their analysis of the concept of zakuska, Levontina and Shmelev (2005) underscore the interconnection of zakuska with the ability to participate in the dushevnyi conversation that becomes possible only when an individual reaches a particular stage of intoxication and becomes impossible after exceeding this stage, resulting in a risk to be excluded from socializing. Zakuska then functions29 as a certain amortization of alcohol necessary for maintaining the required level of inebriation

(Levontina & Shmelev, 2005, p. 267).

The use of spirits without zakuska Russian culture contrasts with its Ukrainian counterpart where substantial zakuska are involved in drinking situations. This cultural divergence is rooted in the 16th century when vodka was restricted to the social establishment called the kabak,30 (tavern or inn) in Russia as an attempt to create a

29 In addition to this primary use of zakuska, Levontina and Shmelev (2005) stress that zakuska might be also used to eliminate a fusel aftertaste or an odor of alcoholic beverages (p. 266). 30 This word might originate in the word kаbаckе, an old house, a shanty, borrowed from Lower German dialect or from the word χubaχ, squash, borrowed from the Chuvash language affinitive to the Turkic- Turkish word kаbаk, a pumpkin, a bottle made of pumpkin (Fasmer, 1986, p. 148). Despite the fact that the etymology of the word kabak is in dispute, both variants are connected to alcohol consumption. The first

68 monopoly. Though Tsar Ivan VI designed these institutions for his Oprichniki, the members of the secret police, who were privileged to be served vodka with food in kabaki, peasants and artisans were also allowed there to drink vodka, but food was prohibited to be served to them (Smith & Christian, 1984, p. 90). In Ukraine, the equivalent establishment was a korchma that appeared in the 11th century, as Vynnychuk notes, where alcohol was served with common food cooked by the wife of the korchmar, the owner of korchma (Vynnychuk, 2006, p. 140).

3.8 The Symbolic Meaning of Alcohol in Russian and Ukrainian Social Celebratory Rituals

Similar to American drinking culture, in Russian and Ukrainian cultures, the use of alcohol occurs during occasions associated with three time frames, such as habitual cycle transformations, life cycle transformations, and historical cycles (Heath, 2000, p.

11). As studies on the drinking cultures in question show, the elaboration of these cycles in Russian and Ukrainian contexts differs from their elaboration in the North American contexts in two interconnected intrinsic aspects, namely: sacredness and the obligation for the use of alcohol (Christian, 1990, p. 80; Pesmen, 2000, p. 186). In North America, alcohol use is associated with leisure (Gusfield, 1987, p. 78), as discussed in section

2.5.1, thus it is neither as ritualized as it is in the Russian and Ukrainian contexts nor is it linked to the obligatory observation of celebratory occasions.

assumption might designate a drinking place while the second assumption might be linked to the container for spirits.

69 In Russia and Ukraine, sacredness and obligation of alcohol consumption, as ethnographers and anthropologists observe, emerge from the close connection between the ceremonialism of drinking occasions at each stage. This occurs from the first stage establishment of a justification for alcohol use to the closing stage of toasting na pososhok, as discussed in section 3.7; the collective nature of drinking; and the mandatory observation of conventional drinking occasions imposed by both religious and secular traditions in Russia and Ukraine.

The view of drinking as sacred,31 in fact, has emerged from the involvement of drinking in the celebration of religious holidays and the penetration of religious rites into secular practices. The close connection of religious holidays and the use of alcohol have been reflected in many studies of Russian and Ukrainian cultures. Ethnographers agree that there has been no religious holiday32 without vodka that the church has legitimized as a national and religious tradition observed by both the clergy and common people

(Herlihy, 1991; Christian, 1990; Smith & Christian, 1984). The consumption of vodka in order to praise God as a righteous act is illustrated in a joke about a village drunkard, who dies and claims admittance to heaven. After St. Peter refuses him admittance, the man defends himself: “I drank and praised God with every swallow, but you denied Christ three times, and you are in heaven!” The man similarly reproaches St. Paul, Kings David and Solomon, St. Nicholas the Wonder-worker, and others, and claims his admittance

31 In his examination of Soviet banquet traditions and their origin, Halenko (2007) forwards the hypothesis of the adoption of the sacred rituals that involved alcohol and sitting rites from steppe nomads, Scyths in Kievan Rus’. He provides the account of three Scythian sacred rituals borrowed from Herodotus and the examination of the complex table etiquette at Scythian banquets in which wine played the main ritualistic role in order to show the commonalities between Scythian drinking rituals and the rituals practiced in Kieval Rus’ and Soviet banquets (Halenko, 2007, p. 167). 32 Referring to Rozhdestvenskii, Herlihy (1991) states that more than one third days of the years were designated as religious holidays (p. 134).

70 into heaven (Herlihy, 1991, p. 134). Citing Ozerov, Herlihy (1991) comments that "in the popular mind," the involvement of alcohol in religious rituals is justified by reference to

God; therefore “one can drink, if only one praises God, and then one can go to heaven”

(p. 134).

Moreover, the sacred aspect of alcohol is realized in the ritual of sitting at table that, as Pesmen (2000) argues, is the only way of sharing communion for Russians.

Considering the salience of the Russian soul, such communion is a priority over all other everyday matters. A person is usually reproached: “It’s like you’re not Russian!” when he/she allows anything, everyday matters or diets, to affect this communion (Pesmen,

2000, p. 181). The sacred view of alcohol use in the course of communion originates in the association of sitting at table with staying in heaven, registered in the popular belief, according to which, as an interviewee from the Russian village of Reka reports, “Do not hurry! For as long as you will be at the table you will be in heaven for just as much time”

(Alekseyevsky, 2002, p. 207). The sacrifice of time to sitting is manifested in contemporary Russian and Ukrainian table etiquette, according to which leaving a table earlier than other participants is a sign of bad manners and disrespect for others.

Pesmen agrees with Christian’s (1990) argument that in 19th century rural Russia, drinking was more about obligation in religious ceremonies than it was about desire of the individual (p. 75). However, Pesmen (2000) disagrees with Christian’s claim about the transformation of collective obligatory drinking culture into a more individualistic urban culture dictated by individual choice in modern Russia (p. 186). Pesmen (2000) cautions against the exaggeration of “the power of ‘individual choice’ by underscoring the fact that though the link between religious festivities and the use of alcohol has

71 decreased, the sacredness of drinking has not diminished in the individuals’ view as a result of two circumstances (p. 186). First, “the soul’s demands for communion were

[…] inelastic,33” the absence of which kills the soul, and, second, religious festivals were substituted for Soviet holidays and economic exchanges that integrated business and soulful communion (Pesmen, 2000, pp. 186-187). Therefore, in modern Russia, drinking does not stem only from “some idealized free choice,” but results, instead, from the pressure of social and economic contexts (Pesmen, 2000, pp. 186-187). Ukraine, as part of the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, has generated similar views on alcohol use, i.e., the sacredness and inherent obligation of drinking.

3.8.1 Habitual Cycle Transformations

In the Russian and Ukrainian cultural contexts, the sacredness and obligation ascribed to alcohol use associate alcohol with the monthly and seasonal transformations of an individual from work-oriented to celebration-oriented behavior rather than with daily and weekly transformations from work-oriented to leisure-oriented behavior patterns typical of the North American cultural context discussed in section 2.5.1. The monthly habitual cycle transformation or the monthly rite of passage (Gusfeild, 1987), although the product of an urban industrialized society, retains the typical features of communal rural drinking patterns, i.e., collective, “convivial,” and excessive binge drinking:

Persistent complaints in the press about the practice of payday drinking bouts by factory workers, which often end in brawls with co-workers and

33 Pesmen italicized the word “inelastic”.

72 family “scandals” when the intoxicated worker returns home minus some of his wages, indicate one of the most frequent occasions for “convivial” drinking. (Connor, 1979, p. 436)

Despite the fact that Connor (1979) approaches this pattern as a negative manifestation of the use of alcohol in Soviet times, given that his account includes the practices of problematic aggressive behavior, he still shows the celebratory orientation of alcohol use, pointing at its essential conviviality. Besides, it should be noted that belonging to the traditional Russian and Ukrainian culture of drinking, this rite of passage might also involve peaceful and soulful communion in conjunction with other typical practices that Pesmen (2000) and Alekseyevsky (2002) report, i.e., joking, singing, playing musical instruments, etc.

Another rite of passage within the Russian and Ukrainian cultural contexts consists of the elaborated constellation of seasonal cycle celebratory occasions. The seasonal transformation cycle presents a combination of the rural traditional drinking pattern of ceremonial drinking with modern drinking habits that emerged in the Soviet era. While the link between church festivities and modern society has become weaker in comparison to the 19th century (Christian, 1990, p. 90), some traditional religious holidays reestablished after the dissolution of the Soviet Union have been added to the holidays introduced by the Soviet regime, contributing a ceremonial excuse for prolonged drinking binges. This is reflected in the list of occasions for celebration in Hivon’s (1994) observations from fieldwork in Russia in 1992-1993:

[…] Russians have again started to mark certain occasions in the church calendar, and notwithstanding the fact that the Soviet Union has collapsed, most Soviet holidays are still celebrated. During my fieldwork, Christmas and Easter were celebrated. People celebrated Saint’s Days which corresponded to their own names or patronymics. For example, if one’s

73 name is Michael Nikolaevich, one celebrates St Michael’s Day and St Nicholas’ Day. Among Soviet holidays, The Day of the Revolution (7 November), Red Army Day (23 February), Women’s Day (8 March), Working Class Day (1 May) and Victory Day (9 May) were celebrated. In addition, each profession was also marked on special days. I recorded Doctors’ Day, Firemen’s Day and Engineers’ Day. (p. 16)

Hivon (1994) notes that these celebrations follow a traditional pattern that involves the use of alcohol, a meal, and communion with friends and relatives (p. 16).

3.8.2 Life Cycle Transformations

In Russian and Ukrainian cultures of drinking, life cycle transformations involve the use of alcohol, as in North American culture, to label the rite of passage from one stage of life to another, from one social status to another, as well as to alleviate stress and anxiety stemming from these life transformations. Despite this generalized commonality, these cultures differ in life cycle events and the role that alcohol plays in celebration of common life events in the respective cultures. Typical of the Russian and Ukrainian cultural context, alcohol, primarily vodka, marks such life events as baptisms, birthdays, weddings, parting and welcoming feasts for military recruits, various family anniversaries, funerals, and commemorations of the departed. For Russia and Ukraine, prenuptial parties are not typical as they are for North America, while farewell and welcoming celebrations for military recruits are not mentioned in the studies on

American culture. In distinction from North America, in Russia and Ukraine, alcohol does not function only as a treat for guests, the facilitator of sociability and a stress alleviator; it also acquires special symbolic meanings by mediating particular social actions sanctioned by cultural rituals. In this respect, three life cycle events, namely

74 baptisms, marriages, and funerals educe the most ethnographic and anthropological interest. All three rites have deep historical links to pagan and, in more recent times, to

Christian religious practices.

In her detailed ethnographic account of customs and rites related to birth in modern Ukraine, Nebesna (2010) stresses that baptism is one of the major events in the life a family because, through this ritual, the baby becomes a member of a Christian family, and therefore becomes eligible to enter heaven after death, and additionally gains protection from evil spirits in this world (p. 43). The celebration of a baptism includes the sitting ritual, the social practice of communion, and the singing of joyful Ukrainian and

Russian songs. In this rite of passage, vodka, along with break, milk, eggs, sweets, serve to show consideration toward the invited guests and to fulfill the symbolic function of a gift offering to the baptized child (Ihnatiuk, 2001). There is also a remuneration provided to the priest in gratitude for performing the ceremony (Nebesna, 2010, p. 43).

Ihnatiuk (2001) provides an account of two traditions registered in Ukrainian villages in Pidliasshshia34 in 1981-1986, although the anthropologist does not explain the symbolic role of vodka in them. According to the first tradition, at the end of the celebration of baptism, the godparents put money intended as a gift to the child into a plate and then proceed to collect additional monetary gifts from the other guests. They then approach the child’s parents with two glasses of vodka. The father drinks all of his vodka, but the mother sips only a small amount and pours the remainder onto her

34 Pidlishshia is in Western Ukrainian territory that borders on Poland.

75 bosom.35 The monetary gifts are then presented to the parents (Ihnatiuk, 2001, para.14).

One surmises that the mother pours the vodka onto her bosom for either medical reasons, the requirement of table etiquette, or folk beliefs. While a nursing mother should not use alcohol, on the other hand, as a member of the drinking circle, she should drink bottoms up if she wishes good to come to her child. Nazarova (2005) point out that according to

Slavic folklore pouring water onto the bosom combined with a certain incantation, promotes conception and easy labor. Since vodka is also called “living water” in folklore, the magic qualities ascribed to water might also be transferred to vodka in this particular rite of baptism. By pouring vodka onto her bosom, the mother expresses her wish for another child.

The second tradition involves the symbolic exchange of vodka for a gift prepared for the child. Near the end of the celebration, a grandmother, or a doula, approaches each guest with a bottle of vodka and a plate of obaranky.36 After drinking a glass of vodka to the health of the child and eating the obaranky, each guest places gifts and money for the child on the table and leaves (Ihnatiuk, 2001).

A wedding is another life cycle event that incorporates symbolic uses of vodka37 prior to, during and after the rite is performed (Makhovska, 2011). To illustrate the

35 Nazarova (2005) suggests a number of possible symbolic meanings associated with the placing of objects onto the bosom that are elaborated in Slavic folklore, beliefs and incantations. The bosom designates a secret and protected place close to the soul. Hiding precious things in the bosom indicates protection from evil for an individual, depending on the thing hidden and the incantation used, or the acquisition of possible features of the thing hidden. 36 The researcher provides another name of obaranky as bublyky, i.e. hard pastry in the shape of little round rings. 37 Andreeva (2004) argues that in the 19th century in Northern Russia beer was the primary alcoholic beverage used for weddings rather than vodka due to the latter’s reduced popularity among the rural population (p. 77). This explanation seems questionable, according to Christian (1990), who points out that by 1800 vodka had acquired immense significance in social and ritual life judging from the growth of the vodka and the profit the government extracted from it (pp. 46-47).

76 symbolism, two roles that vodka plays in the ceremony will be discussed: as an agreement binder and as an exchange-value commodity. In her detailed account of modern wedding rites observed in the Luhansk38 region, Makhovska (2011, p. 101) mentions the rite of svatannia,39 where the acceptance of vodka and bread symbolizes consent between the two families. In some Ukrainian regions, to show her consent, a fiancée drinks a glass of vodka, but if she refuses the offer of marriage, she removes the glass from the table (Makarchuk, 2004). Thus, in this pre-wedding ritual, vodka functions as a means for binding an agreement in addition to being a primary means for a sitting ritual and communion if a marriage agreement is reached.

In the Russian and Ukrainian wedding ritual known as the ransom of a bride, vodka performs the economic function of an exchange-value commodity that a groom together with his guests use for ransoming his bride from her family. It should be noted that money is also symbolically used in this rite in addition to vodka (Makhovska, 2011, p. 103). Accordingly, the groom with the best man and other representatives is supposed to bargain and pay in vodka to the maid-in-honor and other representatives of the bride upon entering the house of the bride’s parents in order to buy her for marriage.

Makhovska (2011, p. 103) notes that in some Russian villages, two types of ransom are practiced: the ransom of the bride and the ransom of her braid with the latter symbolizing the in her status from unmarried to married.

Finally, funerals are also heavily marked by drinking in both cultures under consideration (Hivon, 1994; Alekseyevsky, 2008; Artiukh, 2010). Traditionally, as Hivon

38 The Luhansk region is the Ukrainian frontier bordering Russia and is populated by both Ukrainians and Russians. 39 Svatannia is the initial ritual of a wedding at which a fiancée and her parents agree or disagree over a marriage.

77 (1994) points out in her account of a funeral she attended during her 15 months of fieldwork in Russia, funerals require a large amount of vodka because every person who comes to the cemetery and home of the diseased receives a glass of vodka (Hivon, 1994, p. 15). The family of the deceased also provides attendees with food, the selection of which varies by region, e.g. in Ukraine hot borsht or kapusniak40 is usually served among other dishes (Artiukh, 2010, p. 66). According to folk beliefs, the deceased needs food and drink just as the living; therefore in both cultures the better the quality of a commemorative dinner measured in terms of the abundance of food and alcohol provided and the more people that attend it, the better the afterlife of the deceased.

The funeral attendees, especially strangers, constitute the important element of the commemoration rite because they symbolically represent the deceased (Alekseyevsky,

2008, p. 31). The family of the deceased is required to arrange commemoration receptions also on the third, ninth, and fortieth days after the funeral, at which food and alcohol served to the guests are symbolically meant as food for the soul of the deceased.

The deceased, for whom a glass of vodka and food are set, also participates in these sitting rituals at a table. Alekseyevsky (2008) notes that some of his informants indicated that after the funeral, a glass of vodka covered with a piece of bread is put on the windowsill or cupboard for feeding the soul of the departed individual for forty days (p.

29). In the rituals discussed, alcohol, usually vodka, functions as a bonding link between the family and the deceased. It is the obligation of the family to honor and care for the soul of the dead.

40 Borsht is soup made of broth and a variety of vegetables: beets, cabbage, carrots, beans, and potatoes. Kapusniak is another type of soup, the primary ingredient of which is kapusta, cabbage.

78 3.8.3 Historical Cycles within a Culture

The changes in drinking patterns, documented in anthropological studies on

Russian and Ukrainian drinking cultures, reveal three historical cycles within these cultures: (1) a beer-drinking culture turns into a spirits-drinking culture, (2) an alcohol- drinking culture changes into a non-alcohol-drinking culture, and (3) a reverse change from a non-alcohol-drinking to an alcohol-drinking culture occurs within relatively brief period of history when Russia and Ukraine were Soviet republics.

The first shift, according to Pokhlebkin (2009), refers to approximately the year

1425, when the Orthodox Church initiated a broad-based protest against communal beer production and pagan ritualistic binge drinking. Pokhlebkin (2009) explains the reason for the protest related to the emergence of vodka production ascribed to the Chudovo

Monastery in Moscow (pp. 129-133). Beer did not constitute any commercial interest for the Russian church. In distinction from beer, vodka entailed the economic properties of a bearer of “exchange-value” and of “an object of utility;” therefore it became a commodity with considerable commercial potential owing to simplicity of production, low primary cost, and lengthy storage life (Christian 1990, pp. 23-24). Pokhlebkin (2009) provides historical evidence to testify to the fact that vodka production had been monopolized by the church41 before being abolished in 1652, whereby it became a government monopoly (p. 124).

The second and third historical cycles were initiated by the Soviet government, which employed vodka as a tool of influence on the suppressed proletariat. In 1917 the

41 Smith and Christian (1984) also provide evidence for the church’s vodka monopoly by referring to the document issued in 1600 as a reply to the monastery’s complaints of illegal vodka production and trading junior boyars filed to the local authority (pp. 103-104).

79 Bolshevik government transformed an alcohol-consuming society to a non-consumption society by banning the production and sale of vodka and at the same time proclaiming it a bourgeois tool of exploitation and suppression, and thereby developing a new working- class psychology that had contempt for drunkenness as a phenomenon that would destroy the proletariat. As evidence of the miraculous change in alcohol consumption in the

USSR, the report of the British trade-union delegation to Russia in 1924 acknowledged the absence of “Russian epidemic drinking” in all regions of the country visited

(Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 223).

The development of an ideological function for vodka was triggered by the transformation of vodka from “an object of utility in the ritual and social life […] to an object of commerce and a source of government income” (Christian, 1990, p. 33-34). By becoming a significant “institution of Russian social, economic, and even political life”

(Christian, 1990, p. 33), vodka immediately acquired the power of “the regulator of class influence” (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 222). As an alcoholic beverage popular among all layers of Russian society, first, of the Russian feudal and then bourgeois society, vodka became a tool of social class that empowered its owner, the elite group that controlled its production and trade. The loss of control over vodka, Pohklebkin (2009) argues, lead to the change of its owner, and subsequently to the change of the ruling class and the social order accompanied by revolutionary riots. The delay of the Russian tsarist government with the fourth government monopoly on vodka resulted in the loss of control over vodka and provided the opportunity for the Bolsheviks to use vodka as a powerful ideological tool of influence (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 222).

80 The reverse shift from an non-alcohol consuming to an alcohol-consuming culture was also informed by the ideological function of vodka that the Soviet government took advantage of in 1943 (right after the Battle of Stalingrad) by instituting a so-called “wine ration” for soldiers, i. e, a daily ration of 100 grams of vodka per day (Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 225). As discussed in section 3.7, a rejection of the ration was tantamount to political disloyalty. Under the auspices of the Soviet government, by 1947 the new drinking pattern introduced in WWII grew into the widespread practice of alcohol use, first, in the military, then in civil society, especially among employees in heavy industries

(Pokhlebkin, 2009, p. 226). Pokhlebkin (2009) states that the low cost and availability of vodka, hard labor in conjunction with the unavailability of regular nourishing food, the absence of preventive measures against work-related diseases, and recreational events for the working class elevated vodka to a necessity of life in the 1970s (p. 227). The Soviet government, thus, transferred the phenomenon of drunkenness from the public to the private domain by replacing the psychology of contempt for public drunkenness as a social evil incompatible with the Soviet working class to the psychology of viewing excessive drinking as a private, individualistic matter that lost its status as a social vice incompatible with the Soviet order (Pokhlebkin, 2009, pp. 228-229).

3.9 Conclusion

The review of the studies on Russian and Ukrainian drinking cultures suggests three properties elaborated at the macro cultural level: (1) vodka drinking cultures, and

(2) a richness of symbolic meanings in alcohol use, and (3) highly ritualized drinking

81 patterns; along with one property instantiated at the micro, individual, and personal level: dusha-related drinking cultures.

Both cultures are essentially vodka-drinking cultures rather beer, or wine cultures, although other alcoholic beverages are also consumed in some quantity. Vodka, as the major alcoholic drink, plays a significant role in social, economic, and political life for several reasons: it is a widely recognized national beverage representative of Russianness and Ukrainianness; it is a bearer of “exchange-value”; it is a powerful ideological tool.

These features of vodka are intimately intertwined in the multiple symbolic meanings instantiated in the ceremonial and highly ritualized drinking patterns observable in habitual42 and life cycle transformations as well as the transformations within the entire societies.

On the individual level, embedded in truly Russian and Ukrainian social practices, sitting, drinking together, and soulful communion, vodka is recognized as “a master trope” for the dusha, the soul; as such it acts, as Pesmen (2000) explains, on many aspects of the dusha, consequently on many social values: generosity, hospitality, speaking truth, passion (p. 187), friendship, and happiness. Underscoring the importance of vodka and its ubiquity in soul-related matters, Christian (1990, p. 5) defines vodka as

“the life-blood” of all rituals because “There can be no hospitality without vodka, no wedding, no baptism, no burials, no farewells. Without it, friendship is no longer friendship, happiness is no longer happiness….”

42 The term habitual cycle transformations (Heath, 2000) means the daily, weekly, monthly, seasonal, etc. transformations of an individual marked by the use of alcohol, as it is explained in chapter 2 (p. 20).

Chapter 4

Theoretical Framework

4.1 Introduction

Challenging the traditional view of metaphor as a purely linguistic and rhetorical phenomenon based on the similarity of two entities and used deliberately for special effects, a new view of metaphor, i.e., metaphor as an essentially cognitive phenomenon was developed by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson in their seminal work Metaphors We

Live By (1980) within the framework of cognitive linguistics. As a response to Lakoff and Johnson’s cognitive metaphor theory (CMT, henceforth) [Lakoff & Johnson 1980,

1999], other alternative cognitive models of metaphor have emerged: the attributive categorization theory (Glucksberg, 2003), the blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner,

1996, 1998), and the career of metaphor approach (Bowdle & Gentner 2005). By advocating the idea that human thinking is deeply rooted in metaphor, these theoretical and empirical metaphor models have also provoked research on nonverbal and multimodal manifestations of metaphor (Forceville, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009; Urious-

Aparisi, 2009; Yu, 2009, 2011). This research suggests that multimodal manifestations of metaphor operate as a powerful cultural tool (Kövecses, 2002, p. 59) embedded in contextualized social practices (Scollon, 2001) used in promotional discourse.

Recognized as “an inherent part of culture” (Kövecses, 2005, p. 2), metaphor provides

83 access to culture as “shared cognitions” (Ross, 2004, p. 8) that are realized through social interactions of social actors within social and cultural practices featured in advertising.

In this chapter I will provide an overview of four cognitive approaches to metaphor (attributive categorization theory (Glucksberg, 2003, 2008), and blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner, 1996, 1998), the career of metaphor approach (Bowdle &

Gentner, 2005), and CMT [Lakoff & Johnson 1980, 1999]). The discussion will center on the main theoretical claims of each approach along with their relevance as a tool for guiding and informing empirical research. Next, I will discuss the theoretical aspects of the approach to multimodal metaphor analysis proposed by Forceville (2007, 2008, 2009) and show its connection with the three main theories of metaphor. Finally, I will focus on the main claims of mediated discourse analysis (Scollon, 2001), its central concepts, and its theoretical and analytical importance for the present study. The theoretical discussion included in this chapter does not claim to be exhaustive; however, it intends to provide an overview of theoretical issues important for later analysis.

4.2 Four Cognitive Approaches to Metaphor

The four cognitive approaches to metaphor under discussion, namely: attributive categorization theory (Glucksberg, 2003), blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner, 1996,

1998), the career of metaphor approach (Bowdle & Gentner, 2005), and CMT (Lakoff &

Johnson, 1980, 1999), all focus on metaphor as a matter of thought, while proposing different views of conceptual metaphor. This has consequences for the plausible conceptual structure of metaphor, i.e., the number of conceptual units, the relationship

84 between them, and the relationship to the conventionality range of metaphor, on the one hand, and the type of data under analysis and the type of results we are able to establish, on the other.

4.2.1 Attributive Categorization Theory

Attributive categorization theory holds that metaphor is understood “as a categorical assertion” grounded in the dual reference of the category and the attributive property assigned to an entity involved in a metaphor (Glucksberg, 2003, p. 95).

According to this approach, the conceptual structure consists of three components: vehicle category, target category, and an attributive category, all of which are involved in lass-categorization inclusion relationships. To furnish an example, Glucksberg (2008) analyzes the metaphor ‘my lawyer is a shark.’ The dual reference involves two levels of abstraction of the vehicle category: a basic level of abstraction and a high level of abstraction. For example, the word ‘shark’ means a marine creature at a basic level of abstraction and a predator at a high level of abstraction. The reference of a high level of abstraction of the word ‘shark’ allows for the inclusion of the concept ‘lawyer’ (target category) in the category of predators, i.e. a shark (vehicle category), by imputing to the lawyer the attributive category that is exemplified by a prototypical predator, i.e.,

“vicious, aggressive, and merciless” (Glucksberg, 2008, p. 71).

Understanding metaphor as assertions of category-inclusion carries two implications results for research on metaphor. First, by arguing against a property- matching comparison, Glucksberg (2008), as Steen (2007) points out, excludes

85 conventional metaphors from the metaphorical procession, whereby research is restricted to a focus on novel metaphors (p. 52). Second, as Ibáñez and Hernández (2011) aptly note, such a view of metaphor is invalid for the metaphors grounded in experiential correlation, such as MORE IS UP (p. 1-2). The rejection of both similarity and correlational metaphors by attributive categorization theory makes this theory irrelevant for my project because correlation metaphors or primary metaphors, e.g. EMOTION IS

TEMPERATURE, and the metaphors grounded in perceived structural similarity, e.g.

LIFE IS A GAMBLING GAME, become automatically excluded from the study, thereby diminishing the generalizing power of an analysis. In addition to these limitations, attributive categorization theory does not propose the conceptual tools for a detailed exploration of conceptual mappings, entailments, and their motivation.

4.2.2 Blending Theory

Blending theory or conceptual integration theory (Fauconnier & Turner, 1996,

1998), a sophisticated cognitive approach to metaphorical and non-metaphorical language, holds that meaning, particularly its creative aspects, e.g., novel metaphor, is constructed via conceptual integration structures or blends that constitute a basic cognitive operation central to human thinking and imagination. Fauconnier and Turner

(1996, 1998) suggest that an integration network consists of input spaces (at least two), and two other spaces, namely: a generic space,43 the aim of which is to establish common

43 It should be noted that generic space is excluded in some analysis and graphs suggested by Fauconnier and Turner (2002) and Feyaerts and Brône (2002). As far as I can determine, the researchers do not provide a justification for this.

86 ground between input spaces, as well as a blended space that constitutes an emergent structure derived from the input spaces. As an example, consider the Grim Reaper blend provided by Fauconnier and Turner (2002, p. 291-292). This conventional blend has been known since medieval times and is visualized as a skeleton in a hooded robe holding a scythe in its hands. The Grim Reaper personifies death. This blend consists of three inputs that represent three agents: (1) a reaper who harvests plants with a scythe, (2) a stereotypical killer who murders a victim, and (3) death that puts an individual to death.

The generic ground among these three inputs is establish by two generic spaces: (1) human death as a specific event of dying in a specific manner; and (2) causal tautology as an abstract pattern of certain kinds of events caused by an abstract cause (e.g., Death causes dying.). In the blend space, death is the Grim Reaper, who causes death by killing.

The manner of killing is reaping with the scythe. The Grim Reaper does not belong to either of the input spaces. It emerges from their complex integration (pp. 291-292)44.

Fauconnier and Turner (2000) emphasize that the blend space comprises not mere straightforward projections of the counterparts of the input spaces or their combination, but the selective integration of their structures that gives rise to a new emergent meaning.

Even though blending theory is a powerful theoretical and analytical tool, it is not relevant for my metaphor analysis for three reasons. First, blending theory is designed to explore both non-metaphorical and metaphorical meaning through conceptual spaces that are temporary conceptual structures, which emerge during the on-line process of meaning construction. Therefore, the primary focus of blending theory is an immediate contextual

44 The detailed discussion of the complex blend the Grip Reaper and its figure are provided in Fauconnier and Turner (2002, pp. 291-295).

87 and dynamic meaning constructed on-line, i.e., in the moment of understanding. The purpose of my project is to explore conceptual mappings that are not the product of the on-line process of meaning construction, but rather relatively stable knowledge structures and their novel extensions in contrast to conceptual spaces. The second reason for the irrelevance of blending theory stems from the first reason. Blending theory aims to explore the role of a particular conceptual integration network vs. a system of networks in ongoing meaning construction, while the concern of my investigation consists of a set of conceptual metaphors that constitute a system that underlies reasoning about social practices mediated by alcoholic beverages.

The third reason is the methodological emphasis of blending theory. It places emphasis on the conceptual nature of particular examples in order to cast light on the process of meaning construction while my methodological emphasis is laid upon a broad range of metaphorical representations in order to make generalizations across them.

4.2.3 The Career of Metaphor Approach

The career of metaphor approach is a combination of the three theories, i.e., CMT, blending theory and attributive categorization theory. Steen (2007, p. 54) points out that despite the fact that Gentner and her colleagues ground their approach in CMT (Lakoff &

Johnson 1980, 1999), they involve some aspects of attributive categorization theory

(Glucksberg, 2003, 2008), and some aspects from blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner,

1996, 1998), and they claim that metaphors are represented by comparison or categorization. This entails the fact that conventional metaphors are processed by

88 categorization, and novel metaphors are processed by comparison. This leads to the first contradiction: similes in both cases, conventional and novel, are processed by comparison. The second contradiction relates to the automatic processing of all three concepts: conventional and novel metaphors, and simile. Not all of them are processed automatically by categorization (this contradicts Glucksberg’s view) or by comparison

(this contradicts the CMT approach) [p. 54]. This model of metaphor is theoretically and empirically inappropriate for analysis of multimodal metaphors due to two inherent contradictions.

4.2.4 Conceptual Metaphor Theory

Сonceptual metaphor theory defines metaphor as “understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another” (Lakoff & Johnson 1980, p. 5).

“Experiencing” is understood as “embodied experience.” The central assumption of CMT is that conceptual metaphor is based on experience.45 This means that abstract concepts are made sense of through concrete experiences of the human body in and with the world

(Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). The experiential basis includes correlation in everyday sensory-motor experiences,46 different kinds of non-objective similarity in addition to objective pre-existing similarity, and the biological, cultural roots of target domain

(Kövecses, 2010, p. 79). In other words, embodied experience derived from the

45 This experiential basis is also defined as motivation for metaphor (Kövecses, 2010, p. 79). 46 This claim is confirmed by an accumulative body of evidence from cognitive experiments. For example, Borodidsky (2000) confirmed that time is conceptualized as an object in space. Boot and Pecher (2010) experimentally showed that the concept of category is represented by the container image schema. Boot & Pecher (2010a) provide cognitive nonlinguistic evidence for experiencing concept similarity via the sensory-motor experience of closeness. Zanolie, et al. (2012) experimentally confirmed that the concept of power is perceived through the sensory-motor experience of verticality.

89 interaction with a concrete entity (the source domain) helps our understanding of the abstract concept from the target domain via salient features perceived as correlative or similar. The target domain employs a descriptive means from the source domain via the mapping of particular features (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980).

Habitual sensory-motor experiences allow us to conceive different emotions. For example, the emotional experience of anger is conceptualized as the physical experience of heat (Kövecses, 2000, p. 21), or an emotional desire is experienced as physical hunger

(Kövecses, 2000, p. 45). Moreover, concepts are embodied by their physical nature because they are actual neural structures (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, p. 20) that, as

Kövecses (2005) states in referring to recent neuroscientific studies, interact in the brain when they are activated. This interaction results in conceptual metaphors (p. 23). The experience in perceived structural similarity provides the motivation for the metaphor

IDEAS ARE FOOD. Ideas are stewed similar to cooking food, insults are swallowed as food is swallowed, suggestions are chewed over the way food is, some ideas can or cannot be digested similarly to food (Kövecses, 2010, p. 83). The experiential basis entrenched in the biological root source motivates the metaphors in which the source domain becomes the biological origin or “the root” for the target domain. As an example,

Kövecses (2010) refers to the metaphors for love and affection: LOVE IS A BOND

(There’s a strong bond between them), LOVE IS A UNITY (She is my better half),

AFFECTION IS CLOSENESS (He’s close to his grandmother) [p. 85]. The selection of the source domains (A BOND, A UNITY, and CLOSENESS) by the target domains

LOVE and AFFECTION is motivated, as Kövecses (2010) explains, by such properties of the source domain as “biologically determined states and events,” i.e., mother-child

90 relationship, sexuality, and birth (p. 85). The experiential basis of the cultural root can be exemplified by the metaphors ARGUMENT IS WAR and SPORT IS WAR, in which the verbal practices of argument and sports competition are historically developed from physical fighting and war (Kövecses, 2010, p. 85).

The claim of CMT regarding the experiential basis of metaphors makes it relevant for the present study because the recognition of habitual sensory-motor experiences and the similarity of motivation for metaphor ensures the inclusion of correlation (primary) metaphors and metaphors grounded in both types of similarity, i.e., non-objective similarity and objective pre-existing similarity into the analysis in contrast with attributive categorization theory. This has two advantages for exploration of metaphor.

First, the inclusion of correlation metaphors enhances the explanatory power of analysis because compound metaphors include correlation metaphors. Second, recognition of property-matching comparison allows analysis to include both conventional and novel metaphors, thereby enhancing its generalizing power.

The second important claim of CMT holds that metaphor resides in the conceptual system, which plays a central role in governing our thinking, reasoning, experiencing, and our acting in everyday life (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 3). Metaphors are as much conceptual as concepts are metaphorical. To give an example of the conceptual nature of metaphor and the metaphorization of a concept, and how a concept structures our reasoning, let us consider how mind is perceived and talked about in everyday life. Mind is a purely abstract concept, therefore it cannot be talked about in the same way as, for example, the human brain can, which physically exists and can be characterized by its physical properties. Yet, it is possible to discuss the concept of mind via its metaphorical

91 conceptualization, i.e., ideas are grasped, conclusions are reached, etc. The conceptual metaphor THE MIND IS A BODY and the system of its numerous mappings (systemic correspondences defined below), e.g., THINKING IS PHYSICAL FUNCTIONING,

IDEAS ARE ENTITIES WITH AN INDEPENDENT EXISTENCE, and others enable us to reason about such cognitive experiences as knowing, thinking, acquiring knowledge, etc. (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, pp. 235-241). Therefore, a metaphor system as a system of thought underlies metaphorical language47 and governs the selection of particular source domains for particular target domains. This systematic aspect is engendered in what

Kövecses (2005) defines as the range of target domains (a set of source domains are mapped to a particular target) and the scope of source domains (a set of target domains are viewed in terms of a particular source domain) [p. 70].

Lakoff and Johnson (1980) also state that both the source and target domains comprise distinct roles that constitute systemic correspondences defined as conceptual mappings. For example, the source domain JOURNEY of the conceptual metaphor

LOVE IS A JOURNEY is populated with such roles as TRAVELLER that correspond to

LOVER of the target domain LOVE (We'll just have to go our separate ways.), who travels by particular MEANS OF TRANSPORT, e.g. a train (We've gotten off the track.) along a particular ROUTE impeded by obstacles (It's been a long, bumpy road.) [p. 44].

47 This statement became the object of criticism by CMT opponents, who have accused CMT of circularity. Referring to McGlone (2001), Ibáñez and Hernández (2011) formulate this circularity problem using the metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY as an example: life is discussed in terms of a journey because it is thought of in terms of a journey because it is talked about in terms of a journey. Defending CMT, Ibáñez and Hernández (2011) clarify the claim of cognitive linguists by pointing to its misinterpretation. Life, love, careers, and other phenomena are thought of in terms of journeys because an extensive body of linguistic evidence has been found as confirmation (pp. 5-6). The invalidity of the accusation of circularity is also confirmed by metaphor research in cognitive psychology (see footnotes 4 (p. 15) and 7 (p. 23); metaphorical gesture studies (Cienki & Müller, 2008; Núñez & Sweetser, 2006); and the scholarship on multimodal metaphor in ads (Sol Velasco-Sacristán, 2005; Urious-Aparisi, 2009; Yu, 2009; Forceville, 2008), movies (Rohdin, 2009), and political cartoons (Yus, 2009; Refaie, 2009).

92 Mappings constitute the one-way relationship between both domains, i.e., projecting specific properties of the source domain onto the target domain. This means that conceptual metaphors are unidirectional.48 Therefore, love can be conceptualized in terms of journeys, journeys cannot conventionally be perceived in terms of love.

In addition to the roles mapped from the source to the target domain, extensive knowledge that reflects our everyday understanding of the world is also projected from the source to the target domain. This rich knowledge is defined as metaphorical entailments (Kövecses, 2010, p. 122). The additional knowledge about the source domain

A JOURNEY includes information about its length, which corresponds to the length of a love relationship, the contingency of straying from the path that might correspond to the weakening of the feeling, or the fact that the vehicle might become broken. The desire to repair it corresponds to the desire of lovers to restore their relationship. Lakoff and

Johnson (1980) emphasize that metaphorical entailments characterize the internal systematicity of conceptual metaphor (p. 91).

The claim of CMT that a conceptual metaphor system governs our thinking and reasoning about the world, characterized by the internal systematic structure of mappings and entailments, aligns with my research focus, i.e., to explore the system of relatively stable metaphors as opposed to temporary conceptual structures that emerge during the on-line process of meaning construction and to focus on a broad range of metaphorical representations in order to make generalizations across them rather than focusing on the

48 This claim of CMT has been confirmed by the cognitive experiments aimed to investigate the metaphor SIMILARITY IS CLOSENESS. The findings provide empirical evidence for the asymmetrical relationship between the source and target domains (Boot & Pecher, 2010a).

93 conceptual nature of particular examples for the exploration of the process of meaning construction49.

The third important claim of CMT has been elaborated by the supporters of the theory. They claim that the embodied nature of metaphorical concepts makes cultural understanding grounded on them also embodied. This embodiment enables metaphor to make social and cultural practices meaningful through linguistic and nonlinguistic realizations of metaphor in them (Kövecses, 2005, pp. 163-164). As a result of this ability, metaphor plays “a preeminent role in the study of cultures” (Kövecses, 2005, p.

163) because, as Kövecses (2005) explains, metaphor can be “made real” (i.e., transformed into social-physical reality) in social and cultural practices as an object, institution, activity, relationship, and social action (p. 164). Therefore, metaphor, as a conceptual and socio-cultural phenomenon, can be legitimately viewed as a cultural tool or a mediational means50 (Scollon, 2001) that becomes real in, e.g., myths, symbols, history, movies, cartoons, or advertisements. However, in this regard, it is crucial to point out that conceptual metaphor turns into a real mediational means, i.e., becomes materialized, when social actors are sensitive to it and are able to recognize it.

49 This goal of the present project might evoke the critique that Steen (2011) articulates against the claim of CMT, i.e., a system of conceptual metaphors underlies metaphorical cognition. The overall idea of his critique can be reduced to the following question: “why would people have to repeatedly re-enact the same mappings across conceptual domains, spaces, or categories if they have conventionalized metaphorical senses at their disposal that they can pull directly from their mental dictionary when needed?” (p. 32). This question implies that the use of conventional metaphors does not require conceptual thinking as opposed to novel metaphors, the employment of which necessitates conceptual thinking. Although Steen (2010) mentions the process of extracting conceptual mappings from the mental dictionary of language users, he fails to provide any evidence of the existence either of this process or the mental dictionary. The response to this critique and the confirmation of the discussed claim of CMT are provided in experimental studies on cognitive metaphor in cognitive psychology. In their experiments, Boot and Pecher (2010a) confirm the activation of conceptual metaphor SIMILARITY IS CLOSENESS not only during language processing but also during processing of visual materials. Similar evidence is also reported in the study on the conceptual metaphors POWER IS UP (Zanolie, et al., 2012), CATEGORY IS A CONTAINER (Boot & Pecher, 2010), and TIME IS SPACE (Casasanto & Boroditsky, 2008). 50 The definition of this concept and discussion of it is proposed in section 4.3.

94 Kövecses (2005) argues that being “an inherent part of culture” metaphors are crucial in understanding how such “intangible entities […] as […] inner life, mental processes, emotions, […] moral values, and social and political institutions” are perceived cross-culturally (p. 2). Kövecses (2005) explains that cross-cultural variations in the construal of the source and target domains give rise to cross-cultural variations in conceptual mappings and their entailments. Therefore, a conceptual metaphor that at first glance may seem the same in different cultures may very well project different cultural views of a particular entity51 (p. 118). For example, Kövecses (2005) shows that the metaphor HAPPINESS IS UP conceptualizes happiness in English, Chinese, and

Hungarian in a different way (p. 118). His examples suggest that the metaphor has different mappings in the respective languages. This difference in conceptual structure of the social phenomenon of HAPPINESS shows a tight link between language and culture that Agar (1994) defines as languaculture. Introducing the term languaculture, Agar

(1994) emphasizes that language and culture are closely connected and it is impossible to neatly segregate one from the other without surrendering features of both. In the English verbalization, ‘I’m feeling up’ and the Chinese utterance ‘Ta hen gao-xing.’ (He is very high-spirited/happy), the source domain UP does not specify where is ‘up’ or ‘how up’.

The Hungarian verbalization ‘Majd elszáll a boldogságtól’ (He/she is on cloud nine) specifies the source as the ninth cloud. In Russian and Ukrainian, on the other hand, a happy person is in the seventh sky: ‘On na sed’mom nebe,’‘Vin na siomomu nebi’.

Interestingly, English elaborates the source domain as both the ninth cloud similar to

51 This claim confirmed in an extensive body of research [e.g., Matsuki (1995), Yu (1995), Boers, (2003), Kövecses (2005, 2010)] serves as a response to the groundless critique (Rakova, 2002) of CMT as a theory that ignores the culture-specific features of metaphor.

95 Hungarian and as the seventh sky like Russian and Ukrainian (i.e., cloud nine, seventh heaven). It should be noted that other metaphors for happiness (HAPPINESS IS LIGHT,

HAPPINESS IS A CONTANER) also exist in English, Chinese, and Hungarian

(Kövecses, 2005 p. 118), Ukrainian, and Russian. However, to the best of my knowledge the question has not been investigated as to whether in Ukrainian and Russian, mappings, entailments and construals are the same as in English, Chinese, and Hungarian.

The consequence of the claim about the embodied cultural variations of metaphoric structure (variations and similarities in the construal of both source and target domains, cross-cultural differences, and similarities in mappings and entailments) ensures the exploration of the cultural specificity of metaphor, thereby making CMT relevant for my investigation of multimodal metaphors manifested in TV commercials for alcoholic beverages across three cultures, i.e. American, Russian, and Ukrainian.

Therefore, the comprehensiveness of CMT derived from the fact that this theory offers a well-develop conceptual tool applicable for exploring a wide range of issues connected to metaphor; its generalizing power that allows us to connect conceptual metaphor with its manifestations in different modalities, the human conceptual system, and culture; and the empirical testability of the validity of its claims (Kovesces, 2010, preface, p. xii) make it the most relevant of the current theories for my project.

4.3 Multimodal Metaphor Theory

Though multimodal metaphor is a comparatively new research domain, some theoretical theses and assumptions have been articulated by Forceville, whose initial

96 research explored metaphor in exploring static ads and billboards (Forceville, 1988) and more recently in TV commercials (Forceville, 2008, 2009) and comics (Forceville, 2005).

Forceville (2008a, 2009) recognizes the main tenets of CMT (discussed in section 4.2.3) and adopts its main concepts and terminology in his studies, while at the same time stating that the exploration of multimodal metaphor contributes to the validity of CMT’s claims52. The main idea of multimodal metaphor scholarship is that metaphor is not necessarily expressed through language, but metaphorical source and target domains can be cued by any semiotic modalities or by several simultaneously (Forceville, 2008, p.

463; 2009, p. 21).

Forceville specifies three criteria for identifying53 multimodal metaphors. First, the two phenomena54 that are involved in the construction of similarity must belong to different categories (e.g., a coffee-maker and a servant, i.e., an inanimate object and a human being) [Forceville, 2008, p. 468]. Second, these two phenomena should present target and source domains capturing an A is B format that “forces or invites an addressee

52 It should be pointed out that even though Forceville (2009a) mentions blending theory as a possible analytical tool for the analysis of multimodal metaphor, he does not resort to it in his studies. However, blending theory is employed in some case studies of multimodal metaphor carries out by other scholars, e.g., Lundmark (2005). In regard to attributive categorization theory, to date it has not been employed in the exploration of multimodal metaphor, though, in my opinion, it might be a potential analytical tool for the studies that focus on novel metaphors. 53 Although these criteria are valid in the sense of distinguishing monomodal from multimodal metaphor, they neither allow an analyst to determine whether multimodal metaphor is, in fact, present in multimodal discourse, e.g., a commercial, or to detect which of two phenomena functions as the source domain and the target domain, or provide criteria for identifying relevant features mapped from the source to target domain. I adopt the criteria that Forceville proposes as the general definition of multimodal metaphor vs. monomodal metaphor. However, in Chapter 6, I articulate the detailed procedure for identifying metaphor in multimodal discourse of TV commercials. This procedure includes the criteria for detecting metaphor, its source and target domains, and the cognitively prominent features projected from the source to target domains. 54 Our analysis of multimodal metaphors employed in TV commercials does not necessarily involve two phenomena. The identified metaphoric amalgams (two source domains are mapped onto the target domain) and metaphoric chains (the target domain of one metaphor becomes the source domain of another metaphor) [Ibáñez & Galera-Masegosa, 2011] involve three phenomena (see Chapters 7, 8, 9, and 10).

97 to map one or more features, connotations, or affordances from source to target”

(Forceville, 2008, p. 468). The source and the target domains should be recognizable in one or a combination of several ways, i.e., visual, sonic, musical, spoken words, and written words (Forceville, 2007, p. 20). For example, a commercial for Bud Light beer manifests the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON, inviting viewers to map such human qualities as the pursuit of perfection, a fascinating personality into such properties of beer as improved flavor and excellent taste (see Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012). The personification is created through the images of a bottle of beer featured as a man, and a shock of personified as a woman who are in a love relationship cued visually

(romantic courting) and musically (romantic music). Their love relationship aims to convince consumers of the perfected flavor and taste of a new product Bud Light Wheat

Beer (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 54).

The target and source domains of multimodal metaphor are irreversible

(Forceville, 2008a, p. 179). This means that the mappings are projected unidirectionally from source to target (Forceville, 2002, p.7). Referring to the commercial for Bud Light

Wheat Beer mentioned above, it is hardly possible to imagine the reversed mapping without destroying its promotional effect. This claim aligns with the claim about the unidirectionality of conceptual metaphor postulated in the CMT. However, contrary to

CMT, Forceville and Urios-Aparizi (2009) assert that both the target and source domains in multimodal metaphors can potentially be concrete phenomena. The target domain might be concrete, “depictable” when, for example, it corresponds to a product in ads or an entity employed to satirize a politician in a cartoon (p. 11-12).

98 Third, the similarity of these two phenomena should be cued in more than one semiotic system, e.g., the combination of verbal and visual modes, or a verbal mode and sound, a certain montage of shots together with a camera angle, and any other way

(Forceville, 2008, p. 469). It should be mentioned that this criterion is disputable.

Forceville (2008a) admits that it is difficult to define whether a metaphor should be labeled “mono” or “multimodal” if, for example, the target and source domains are cued through different manifestations of the same mode. In such cases, the decision with regard to the metaphor’s multimodal status is, to some extent, “arbitrary” (p. 183). In the present study, I consider metaphor multimodal if the similarity of the two or more phenomena involved in metaphor is cued in more than one mode, e.g., the combination of verbal and imagistic modes.

An ideal multimodal metaphor, that Forceville (2009b) calls “extreme,” is a metaphor in which the target and source domains are triggered by two different modes simultaneously, i.e., verbal, and sound (p. 24). As a fictive example, Forceville (2009b) uses the metaphor CAT IS ELEPHANT in an animated film. If the cat is pictured with a trunk and huge floppy ears, on whose back there is a canopy that Indian Mahouts use, this metaphor is considered monomodal pictorial because both the source and target domains are cued in one mode, the visual. However, if, in addition to the portrayed elephant features, the cat also produces a trumpeting sound and if another cat screams “elephant,” the metaphor CAT IS ELEPHANT is considered multimodal because the target domain is cued in the visual mode, while the source domain is connoted by verbal and sonic modes

(p. 24).

99 In addition to the three criteria discussed above, Forceville (2009) also brings into focus two issues of multimodal metaphor in advertising research, namely: mode preference for evoking source and target domains and the sequence of the manifestation of domains in commercials. With regard to the preference for a certain mode to convey any of the domains, Forceville (2009) notes that, since the target domain typically coincides with promoted products, it is usually represented in the visual mode because advertisers would want to make sure that customers develop complete comprehension of the product (p. 33). However, he remarks that the issue of the correlation between modes and domains requires more research (Forceville, 2009, p. 34).

With regard to the sequence of metaphorical domains, Forceville (2008a) claims that unlike print ads, in which the source and target domains are displayed simultaneously, television commercials offer three sequential options for conveying target and source domains. Both domains can be conveyed simultaneously or sequentially when the target domain follows the source domain and vice versa (p. 183). Moreover, he notes that as a rule, the target domain follows the source domain (Forceville, 2007, p. 29).

On the other hand, the analysis of American and Ukrainian beer commercials conducted by Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) suggests that the target domain can precede the source domain. Forceville (2007) hypothesizes that introducing an entity, features of which are mapped to a promoted product, helps advertisers maintain consumers’ interest in watching an entire commercial. As Forceville (2007) notes, the sequence of domains is an open question in multimodal metaphor research (p. 29).

100 4.4 Mediated Discourse Theory

At first glance in TV commercials, the multimodal elaboration of metaphor displays an impressive fusion of different discourses, e.g., the discourse of commercial branding, service information, manufacturing information, consumer practices relating to selecting, purchasing, and consuming a promoted product, together with micro-social interaction of participants, e. g., conversations between customers and sellers, between customers themselves, or producers of products, and many others. In order to understand the relationships among these discourses and social interactions, on the one hand, and how these relationships constitute metaphorical source and target domains, on the other, mediated discourse analysis is of theoretical and analytical relevance. Mediated discourse analysis is a research methodology that was developed to explore the implications of mediated discourse theory originally proposed by Ron Scollon (2001) in order to explain the practice of handing an object from one person to another. Mediated discourse analysis is a framework that attempts to link action and discourse in all their complexity without

“giving undue weight either to the action without a reference to the Discourse or to the

Discourse without reference to the actions within which it is appropriated” (Scollon,

2001, p. 3). Scollon and Scollon (2005) argue that there is no such a thing as action without discourse or discourse without action because action is always mediated by discourse; therefore it is crucial to analyze discourse at those moments when it is used to mediate social actions (p. 33). This mediation is not a one-way process. Scollon (2001) underscores that discourse and social practice (social action with history [p. 69]) are

“mutually mediating” with each being accomplished through the other (p. 160).

101 Integrating mediated discourse analysis with conceptual metaphor theory, I attempt to establish a linkage between conceptual metaphorical structures, discourse, and social actions developed into social practices. In other words, I attempt to identify the connection between actions on the conceptual level and large-scale social factors displayed in the discourse of TV commercials for alcoholic beverages.

According Scollon’s (2001) theoretical approach to the analysis of the interaction of discourses and social action, the central concepts include mediated action, site of engagement, mediational means, practice, and nexus of practice55.

4.4.1 Mediated Action

Scollon (2001) views mediated action (the term is originally borrowed from

Wertsch 1999) as “real-time,” “irreversible” moments in social life when the actual acting of social actors is mediated by material means and instantiated via discourses

(Scollon, 2001, pp. 3, 5). Scollon (2001) emphasizes that mediated action is “materially grounded in persons and objects” (p. 3) in a sense that mediated action simultaneously structures the aggregated experience of a person, or in Bourdieu’s terms “habitus,” and is structured by this accumulated experience (pp. 3, 6). For example, to be a full-fledged participant of the world-wide consumer society, a person should accumulate the required experience through actual acting in it and, conversely, actual acting in the consumer society implies applying this experience (Scollon, 2001, p. 3). All actions are defined as mediated and social because they are communicated and realized through cultural tools.

55 The concept of nexus of practice is excluded from the discussion as a concept that is beyond the scope of the current project.

102 This implies an exchange of “a common or shared system of meaning” (Scollon, 2001, p.

7).

4.4.2 Mediational Means

Scollon (2001) uses interchangeably the terms of cultural tools and mediational means (p. 4). Informed by the neo-Vygotskian socio-cultural research paradigm, Scollon

(2001) defines mediational means as material objects (including social actors, their material aspect, language, social institutions) that dialectically interact with structures of the habitus within a mediated action (p. 4). This means that for the social actor to produce a social action applying mediational means, the mediational means must be appropriated within the aggregated social experiences of the social actor, or the habitus, as the constituent of practice and only then can mediational means be used within the habitus

(Scollon, 2001, p. 116). To provide an example, Scollon (2001) refers to money and a cup of coffee as the mediational means called upon by the mediated action of purchasing a cup of coffee in a coffee shop that is embedded in the complex social practice of being a participant in the world-wide consumer society. Scollon’s (2001) detailed explanation illustrates that the aggregated social experiences of social actors (e.g., the customer and the barrista) should include all the required social experiences starting with handing

(coins, cups, etc) and ending with sociopolitical economy of coffee production and financial exchange (pp. 113-115).

Scollon (2001) identifies inherent properties of mediational means, namely: multiple, constrainable, “polyvocal, intertextual, and interdiscursive” (p. 4). The example

103 of buying a cup of coffee mentioned above shows that mediational means are always multiple (coins, cups, tables, chairs, etc. in the coffee shop) in any mediated action. Since each mediational means both constrains and enables the action simultaneously whereby

“exert[ing] pressure upon social practice toward rigidity, objectivization, and standardization” (Scollon, 2001, p. 116) multiples of them are needed to supplement each other. Mediational means are “polyvocal, intertextual, and interdiscursive” (Scollon,

2001, p. 4) because they represent the constellation of different discourses, e.g., a brand name, a trade mark, a logo, a recycling mark, etc on the bottle of beer or vodka.

The concept of mediational means is characterized as dialectical, historical, partial, connective, classificatory, and representational (Scollon, p. 2001, pp. 120-121).

The characteristic of dialectic is reflected in the definition of the mediational means. As an object in the world the mediational means encompasses certain material, physical properties that Scollon (2001) defines as “external” (p. 120). In the course of the mediated action these external (material) aspects of the mediational means interact with

“the internal (psychological) structures of the person,” the holder of the habitus (Scollon,

2001, p. 120). This interaction is dialectical in terms of the change in the status of the mediational means in the habitus, i.e., after being appropriated in the habitus [i.e., embodied] the mediational means changes its status in the habitus from external and objective to internal and psychological (Scollon, 2001, p. 120). In other words, through appropriation mediational means becomes internalized therefore from social it turns into psychological (Lantolf &Thorne, 2006).

Mediational means are historical because they belong to both the history of the world as a cultural entity and to the history of a person as a part of the person’s aggregate

104 experiences. In other words, mediational means embed and are embedded both in society and in the habitus of a person (Scollon, 2001, p. 120). For example, as discussed in chapters 2 and 3, although vodka and whiskey are the alcoholic beverages consumed to a greater or lesser degree in American, Russian and Ukrainian cultures, it is vodka and not whiskey that has become a part of the aggregate experience of Russians and Ukrainians and, conversely, it is whiskey that has become embedded in the habitus of Americans.

The partiality of the mediational means comes from their affordances and limitations in regard to action. Only some specific features of the mediational means, but not all of them, are appropriate for a specific action making it possible while simultaneously limiting it (Scollon, 2001, p. 121). Thus, the limitation of liquors as the mediational means, lies in their inability to quench thirst, while their affordance lies in their ability to function as an intoxicator and relaxant that reduces fatigue, relieves stress, and promotes sociability by facilitating social interaction and enhancing social unity and camaraderie

(Heath, 1998, p. 180; Heath, 1985; Heath, 2000, p. 173; Hunson, 1995, p. 300)

Mediational means are connective in a sense of linking multiple social actors engaged in multiple practices in order to pursue multiple purposes (Scollon, 2001, p.

121). As an example, consider a bottle of vodka in Russian culture. As a mediational means, it connects many people involved in various social practices. It serves as a product for selling, as a product for purchasing, as a treat for guests, as a gift, as a means to forget one’s troubles, as a source of bravery, as payment for one’s assistance, as a means for celebrations and remembering and morning for the dead, as a medical treatment, among others.

105 Finally, the classificatory and representational characteristic of mediational means is linked to dialectical and historical characteristics. Multiple tokens of the same material object are needed for this object to be appropriated and internalized in the habitus of a person as the mediational means. When the object is constituted in the habitus it becomes the classificatory and representational mediational means which represents a class of such objects (Scollon, 2001, p. 121). In this project, bottles of beer and vodka exhibited in TV commercials are viewed as the representations of mediational means that mediate social actors involved in the social practice of alcohol consumption. By social actors I mean the actors featured in TV commercials not the viewers of these commercials. The uptake of commercials by viewers is beyond the scope of the current project.

4.4.3 Site of Engagement

In mediated discourse analysis, an action is viewed as occurring in a social place which Scollon (2001) calls ‘site of engagement’ (p. 2). He clarifies that the notion of a sight of engagement is adopted from practice/activity theory and interactional sociolinguistics (p. 2). The concept of a site of engagement entails both material and abstract aspects dialectically connected. As a material entity, the site of engagement represents “material space” where social practices, e.g., “sitting at a table, writing on paper with a pencil, handing the paper to a waiter” are linked together in real time into the social practice of paying for a meal in a restaurant (Scollon, 2004, p. 12). As an abstract entity, sight of engagement is understood as “the real-time window […] opened through an intersection of social practices and mediational means,” thereby bringing the

106 action into focus of relevant participants of social practices (Scollon, 2001, p. 4). Material space becomes the site of engagement i.e., “the locus of mediated actions,” (Scollon,

2001, p. 16) after it is appropriated into the habitus of a person as a linkage of particular practices. For example, in American beer commercials, a bar is presented as one of the most appropriate places (i.e., sites) for beer consumption, while in Ukrainian commercials the home is a more appropriate site for consumption (Lantolf & Bobrova,

2012). In the American context, a bar can be viewed as the social space appropriated by the habitus of American beer consumers as the locus for the intersection of the social practices typical of an American beer consumer, namely: ordering beer, sitting or standing at the counter, communicating with a bartender or waiter, holding a bottle of beer, socializing with strangers, etc., with beer as the mediational means. It should be mentioned that in American culture beer is also consumed in the home while in Ukrainian culture beer is consumed in bars. Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) report the cultural difference in the social value of friendship interconnected with beer consumption in the bar. As it is shown in the commercials, Americans frequently go to bars to meet people and make friends, while in Ukrainian culture, if people go to bars, they usually do so with individuals who are already their established friends. Thus, a bar is the most likely site of engagement within which all practices mentioned above intersect with beer, as the mediational means, making the actions that occur in this space the focal point of attention of beer consumers.

107 4.4.4 Social Practice

Mediated discourse analysis views social practice as a social action repeated a number of times, or a number of tokens or instances of a single, unique, recognizable action taken in real time (Scollon & Scollon, 2004, pp. 12-13). Scollon (2001) borrows

Bourdieu’s definition of practice according to which “a practice is an action with a history” (p. 69). For example, the practice of purchasing food or drinks is a daily routine for many people that grew from many single, separate actions of purchasing different kinds of food and drinks in different food markets at different times. From our discussion of the mediated action, mediational means, the site of engagement, and social practice, it is possible to point at their complex interrelationship that links the social and the psychological. While interacting in social reality, each of these concepts simultaneously constructs and is being constructed by the other within the habitus of social actors through their internalization by social actors.

4.5 Conclusion

For the present study the relationship between metaphor and the habitus of social actors is quite relevant. As was mentioned earlier, metaphor is viewed as “a mode of thinking” grounded in embodied experience (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) with formal cultural features. For example, the concept of marriage is thought of in terms of the conceptual metaphor of NONPHPHYSICAL (FUNCTIONAL) UNITY IS PHYSICAL

(FUNCTIONAL) UNITY represents a range of experiences, namely: the physical, legal, social, emotional, etc., experiences of two people (Kövecses, 2005, pp. 218-219). The

108 habitus, as a complex set of experiences accumulated by a person, is structured by metaphor. Metaphor monitors the way of thinking and acting of a person, as a social actor, enabling him/her to apply specific mediational means for specific social action in a specific social space for participating in a specific social practice. Thus, the integration of mediated discourse analysis, conceptual metaphor theory, and multimodal metaphor theory bring together culture, “modes of thought” (Ross, 2004, p. 16) and multimodal discourse within a limited, but hopefully informative, stratum of social experience, i.e., the consumption of alcoholic beverages as implied in TV commercials.

Chapter 5

Multimodal Metaphor in Promotional Discourse

5.1 Introduction

Human communication is normally multimodal. Writing, image, sound and color fulfill different semiotic work (Kress, 2010, p. 1). Being an important part of human communication, TV commercials can be viewed as a multimodal communicative act in which the fusion of a verbal message in combination with non-verbal stimuli, e.g., the visual and musical modalities constitute “some form of stylistic unity” (Van Leeuwen,

2002, p. 7), which enhances their comprehension. Television commercials are normally56 constructed ways that advertised products are quickly and easily recognized. For that reason, multimodal metaphors are likely more preferable than purely verbal ones. In its essence, multimodal metaphor is more efficient than, for example, its verbal or pictorial counterpart as a result of the differences in apprehension, the ways of cueing, the extent of ease of recognition, emotional appeal, and its modality (Forceville, 2008, p. 472). The difference in the apprehension of multimodal metaphors and pictorial metaphors contributes to their effectiveness in comparison to verbal metaphors. Multimodal metaphors and pictorial metaphors are comprehended synchronously and immediately. In contrast, verbal metaphors require a perceptual consecutiveness, thereby slowing down their comprehension. Forceville (2008a) notes, though without referring to any empirical

56 It should be noted, however, that some American commercials, including commercials for Absolut vodka, are designed in a way that the product is not easily recognizable before the commercial almost ends.

110 evidence, that the speed and efficiency of apprehension is stipulated by the ways in which the source and the target domains of metaphor are cued. The integration of several ways of cuing, for example, verbal and visual, contributes to the ease of recognition of the meaning that metaphor creates in a limited time and the ability to be retained in memory by being, for instance, intriguing or funny, (p. 178). Considering their actual cost, TV commercials are able to literally realize the conceptual metaphor TIME IS MONEY

(Lakoff & Johnson, 1999, p. 163) through multimodal metaphors (J. Lantolf, personal communication, May 7, 2010). Besides, the extent of an emotional impact is stronger in the case of multimodal metaphor in comparison to verbal metaphor as a result of the concurrent deployment of several channels of apprehension, e.g., the visual and acoustic simultaneously. Finally, because of its modality, multimodal metaphor is dynamic, since it usually unfolds in the course of a commercial, while verbal or pictorial metaphors are static in print ads and billboards. However, unfolding sequentially verbal metaphors included in TV commercials are also non-static (Forceville, 2008, p. 472).

The importance of multimodal metaphor for communication in general and promotional discourse in particular as well as the differences between multimodal and visual or pictorial metaphor (Forceville, 1998) might be plausible reasons for the growing interest of linguists in this phenomenon in promotional discourse. This chapter will provide a review of the studies on multimodal metaphor employed in TV commercials, focusing on four aspects of metaphor research namely: (1) conceptual structure and the nuances of multimodal manifestation of metaphor, (2) the affordances of modalities for cuing source and target domains, (3) the interaction of multimodal metaphor and metonymy, and (4) cross-cultural comparison of multimodal elaborations of metaphors.

111 Then, I will discuss the studies on metaphor instantiated in both TV commercials and print ads for alcoholic beverages.

5.2 A Review of the Studies of Multimodal Metaphor in TV Commercials

A review of the studies of multimodal metaphor in TV commercials suggests that critical attention has been given to: (1) the analysis of multimodal metaphor(s) in regard to its conceptual structure and its creative manifestation in a limited number of TV commercials through various modalities; (2) the affordances of modalities for cuing source and target domains, as well as possible combinations of modalities for increasing the persuasiveness of commercial discourse; (3) and the interaction of multimodal metaphor and metonymy. Very little attention has been given to (4) cross-cultural comparisons in the conceptual construal of multimodal metaphor and the variation in the combination of modes for cuing the similarity and differences that metaphor triggers in commercials. Even less attention has been given to (5) the detection of possible monomodal and multimodal metaphors for the promotion of a particular product across a range of TV commercials, e.g., alcoholic beverages such as beer and vodka.

5.2.1 The Conceptual Structure and the Nuances of Multimodal Manifestation of Metaphor

As the review of cognitive linguistic research on multimodal metaphors shows, the majority of studies constitutes qualitative case studies, in which researchers analyze from one TV commercial (Yu, 2008, 2009, 2011) to (Forceville, 2007) thirty two

112 (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012) at most.57 The issue of the cognitive structure of multimodal metaphor and its multimodal elaborations in commercials has been approached from the perspective of CMT (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, 1999) in combination with Forceville’s

(2007, 2009) framework for analyzing multimodal metaphor. In his detailed cognitive semantic analysis of an educational commercial designed in the course of the preparation for the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games to promote civil behavior and national pride among the Chinese people, Yu (2011) argues that the metaphor HOSTING THE BEIJING

OLIMPICS IS PERFORMING BEIJING OPERA ON AN INTERNATIONAL STAGE is the central metaphor of the commercial (p. 602). The researcher determines the conceptual mappings and entailments that he defines as general (p. 603). Thus according to Yu’s (2011) analysis, sport is viewed as art, a sporting event is construed as a performing event, an international event of competition is associated with an international stage, hosting the event is conceptualized as performing a show, in which people of the host city and nation are construed as performers, while people of the world (the host nation is excluded) are viewed as the audience (p. 603).

Further on, Yu (2011) projects these general mappings and entailments onto the specific context of the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, within which Beijing Olympics are construed as Beijing Opera; Beijing as the Chinese host city is viewed as Beijing Opera

57 In contrast to the studies on multimodal metaphor in TV commercials, the exploration of multimodal metaphor in other types of promotional discourse, e.g., corporate discourse, printed ads, involves more extensive data. For example, Koller (2009) examines corporate branding messages, images of corporate brands, and corporate mission statements of the 100 largest companies in the world in order to argue that these companies are cognitively construed by virtue of metaphors BRANDS ARE LIVING ORGANISMS and especially by the metaphor BRANDS ARE PEOPLE. Drawing on a critical cognitive-pragmatic approach, Velasco Sacristán (2005) analyzes 1142 ads printed in British Cosmopolitan, which, she argues, are construed by means of ideologically-loaded metaphors, i.e., THE COMMODITY IS THE CONSUMER, A MAN/WOMAN IS A PERSON (WITH STEREOTYPICAL FEATURES), A MAN/WOMAN IS AN ANIMAL (WITH STEREOTYPICAL FEATURES), and A MAN/WOMAN IS AN OBJECT (WITH STEREOTYPICAL FEATURES (p. 240).

113 and as Chinese folk art; the people of Beijing and China are construed as Beijing Opera performers, people of the world except are associated with the audience; and hosting the

Beijing 2008 Olympic Games is elaborated as performing Beijing Opera on an international stage (p. 603). The source and target domains, as Yu (2011) shows, are cued by the combination of three modes, i.e., visual, aural, and verbal, though their distribution varies in the three parts into which the commercial is divided for the convenience of analysis (p. 624).

Finally, applying the Decompositional Approach to Metaphorical Compound

Analysis, Yu (2011) decomposes the central metaphor HOSTING THE BEIJING

OLIMPICS IS PERFORMING BEIJING OPERA ON AN INTERNATIONAL STAGE into primary metaphors, complex metaphors, and propositions, thereby showing its hierarchical systemic internal structure and that the central metaphor is culture- and occasion-specific, while being built on a universal cognitive foundation (pp. 611-616).

Yu (2011) also provides a linguistic perspective on the Chinese cultural model of folk operas, in which the central metaphor of the commercial under consideration is embedded.

Yu’s analysis of the educational commercial the “Beijing Opera Episode” (Yu,

2011) presents a thorough explicit justification for his conclusions about the phenomena identified as the source and target domains and their cross-domain mappings58. By drawing on the Chinese cultural model of folk operas as the specific cultural context, the

58 This meets one of the mandatory requirements for the metaphor analysis of data that include non-verbal elements (Low, 2003, p. 251).

114 Yu interprets the uncovered central metaphor59 in detail. Yu (2011) explains how the social actors featured in the commercial employ particular cultural tools, e.g., drums and gongs, in the special social practice, i.e., performing a national opera, where these rapid sounds indicate the start of a performance. Being an important part of the pattern of

Chinese folk performing art, such intensified drumbeats imply that the event is public and significant for people (p. 605). Yu (2011) does not make an explicit link between the central metaphor and its mappings and the social practices involved in the metaphor’s manifestations. Nevertheless, he shows the relationships among different discourses and social interactions featured in the commercials and the metaphor underlying them. This relationship is important because, as discussed in Chapter 4.4, there is no such thing as action without discourse or discourse without action, because action is always mediated by discourse; therefore it is crucial to analyze discourse at those moments when it is used to mediate social actions (Scollon & Scollon, 2005, p. 33).

Yu’s (2011) analysis evokes two questions: (1) what are the criteria for detecting the metaphoricity of the commercial? and (2) what does the researcher mean by the terms of mapping and entailment? First, Yu (2011) does not provide any criterion to indicate that the metaphor HOSTING THE BEIJING OLIMPICS IS PERFORMING BEIJING

OPERA ON AN INTERNATIONAL STAGE is employed in the commercial except for the detailed description of the images that are specified as those belonging to two different domains (p. 598). Though the synopsis of the commercial does indicate the two phenomena featured in the commercial, however, it cannot be taken as justification for

59 Schmitt (2007) emphasizes the importance of interpretation for metaphor analysis, insisting that in systemic metaphor analysis, “a connection can be made between the concepts found and the events, thoughts, and actions that take place in the real world” (p. 374).

115 the conclusion that their relationship is metaphorical. Judging by the synopsis provided, the criterion for detecting metaphor in this commercial is the juxtaposition of scenes60 characterized by specific significance (Whittock, 1990, p. 32), i.e., the Beijing 2008

Olympic Games and the Beijing Opera. Whittock (1990) defines specific significance as the ground for the metaphorical reading of scenes when the tension between the entity filmed and the way it is featured takes place (p.32). In the commercial in question, the images of the Olympic Games are placed in relation to the images of the Beijing Opera precisely in order to evoke particular connotations, e.g., national as international importance of the event, toward which an appropriate attitude should be exhibited (Yu,

2011, p. 606).

Second, in his account of the conceptual structure of the identified metaphor, Yu

(2011) provides a list of correspondences, defining them as “general mappings and entailments” without specifying which of those are mappings and which are entailments

(p. 603). In the same way, he defines the correspondences projected upon the specific context of the Beijing Olympics (p. 603). The examples of both sets of correspondences are mentioned above. Following the definition of mappings (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980) discussed in section 4.2.3, the proposed cross-domain correspondences should be defined as conceptual mappings, and not entailments, since these correspondences constitute distinct roles that populate both domains, SPORT and ART. In distinction from cross- domain systemic mappings, additional correspondences can be projected from the source to target domain that include extensive rich knowledge about the phenomena involved in metaphor (Kövecses, 2010, p. 122) discussed in Chapter 4.2.3. For example, additional

60 This criterion is explained in detail in Chapter 6.

116 knowledge about the source domain ART includes information that the popularity of a performing event might correspond to the popularity of a sporting event, or the successful or unsuccessful performance of a show might correspond to the well-planned and well- arranged or poorly- arranged hosting of an event.

In contrast to Yu (2011), Forceville (2007) focuses on the detection of metaphor in ten TV commercials, however, similarly to Yu (2011) Forceville (2007) explores each as a separate case study. Forceville’s (2007) analysis also results in detecting a metaphor that underlies each commercial. For example, Gazelle bicycles are promoted via the metaphor A GAZELLE BIKE IS A THOROUGHBRED, the commercial for Dove body lotion employs the metaphor DOVE BODY LOTION IS SILK, while Philips Sonicare toothbrushes are advertized through the metaphor TOOTHBRUSH IS A SUBMARINE

(pp. 20-22).61 Providing an explicit explanation of the ways the similarity between two entities filmed in the commercials are cued, Forceville (2007), however, does not specify the exact criterion used for detecting the metaphoricity of commercials or how he determines the features mapped from the source to target domains. Let us consider the description of the commercial for Dove body lotion:

In a fast montage of close ups we see white thread winding itself on a wooden spindle. After a few seconds a female voice-over comments: “Silk reflects each ray of light. Hardly surprising, then, that it is so beautiful on your skin.” The next shot shows the “spindle” standing upright, while the silk quickly unwinds to reveal a bottle of Dove Silkening Body Moisturizing, suggesting the metaphor DOVE BODY LOTION IS SILK. Mapped features are silk’s potential to reflect light as well as, presumably, its softness. In addition one can be reminded of silk’s status as a prestigious and expensive fabric. (Forceville, 2007, p. 21)

61 It should be pointed out that these conceptual metaphors construe concrete phenomena as the target domain connecting them to concrete sources, which is different from traditional CMT.

117 Judging from Forceville’s (2007) description, the criterion for detecting a metaphor in this commercial can be the juxtaposition of two images (silk and a bottle of lotion). In regard to the mapped features, no justification for selecting “softness”, “prestige,” and

“expensiveness” is suggested. In order to justify the selection of the features mapped from the source to the target domain, the schemas of the objects involved in the commercial should be considered (Schilperoord, 2012, p. 8). For example, in addition to the mention of the features of silk, the schema of silk also includes the sensory attribute of smoothness, which is a plausible candidate for the features of skin that women appreciate. It should be also noted that even though the mapped features are discussed in the suggested analysis of the ten commercials, neither cross-domain mappings nor entailments, nor their connection with social actors, the social practices in which they are involved, are specified.

5.2.2 The Affordances of Modalities for Multimodal Manifestations of Metaphor

The affordances of particular modalities for cuing source and target domain, and the possible combinations of modalities for increasing persuasiveness of commercial discourse, have received attention in Forceville’s studies (2007, 2008a, 2008b, 2009a) and in Wiggin and Miller (2003). Forceville (2009a) examines the role of non-verbal sound and music in elaborating multimodal metaphor in five television commercials62 aimed at the promotion of different products that cannot be characterized by any logical connection, e.g., a mobile phone service called Hi, “Tuc” salty cookies, V-Power

62 In addition to the commercials mentioned, Forceville (2009a) also examines five excerpts from movies.

118 gasoline, Iglo instant-meal, and a Phillips coffeemaker. He identifies which modalities cue source and target domains and demonstrates that sound and music primarily cue a source domain and trigger mappable connotations of a source domain signaled in a nonverbal mode (Forceville, 2009a, p. 395). The commercial shows a young attractive woman and a musical instrument that looks like a hybrid of a piano and a mobile phone.

While playing the piano-cell phone, the woman sings: “You are the love/connected forever. You have given me friends and freedom/I can no longer do without I-call and

SMS, with [my] whole heart and soul/I am completely mobile” (Forceville, 2009a, p.

384). The multimodal metaphor Forceville (2009a) identifies is MOBILE PHONE IS A

PIANO, which is cued by sounds (music and a song) and images (p. 384). Forceville

(2009a) notes that even though both source and target domains are cued imagistically, the verbal and musical components should not be viewed as redundant. The non-verbal sounds (music and the song) construe the source domain by contributing to the woman’s emotion and therefore the mobile phone’s appeal to her (p. 384).

The researcher emphasizes the importance of the song in the construal of the metaphor. Forceville (2009a) states that the text of the song that sounds like a romantic ode addressed to a lover who is told about “love,” “intimate relations,” “admiration,” and the “ability of self-transforming” (p. 385) fulfils two functions. First, being sung not spoken, the text contributes considerably to the persuasive effect of the commercial by appealing to one of the strongest human emotions, i.e., love. Second, the song and music enhance the similarity between the two phenomena, namely: calling a phone and playing a musical instrument, which would be impossible if the text of the commercial were spoken. Thus, the musical modality is decisive for cuing the mapping, by means of which

119 mobile phoning, a common, trivial action, is represented as “a playful, artistic act with aesthetic effect” (Forceville, 2009a, p. 385).

Generalizing over the five commercials and five movie excerpts examined,

Forceville (2009a) hypothesizes that the source domain rather than the target domain is typically cued by non-verbal and musical sounds. Though the sound facilitates recognition of the source domain, it is often combined with visual and/or verbal modalities (p. 395). It should be noted that Forceville (2009a) restrains from “making sweeping generalizations” about the issues discussed since his case studies allow him only to articulate observations and hypotheses, but further research is required to assess the empirical validity of his observations (p. 395).

Similarly to Forceville (2009a), Yu (2008) and Wiggin and Miller (2003) also pay special attention to the affordance of particular modalities for cuing the source and target domains. Yu (2008) reports that in an educational advertisement on “Chinese Virtues,” the visual modality plays a significant role in the elaboration of the central metaphor

VIRTUE IS WATER by reinforcing the verbal message of the commercial. The images of moving water: snowy mountains, a dripping icicle, running streams, dashing waterfalls, a running river, and the surging, rolling sea, combined with the sounds and music imitative of the movements of water elaborate the source domain WATER (p. 83).

Thus, VIRTUE originates in drips and drops, flows from “the heart-field” and merges in cross-flowing rivers, and flows forever into eternity (Yu, 2008, pp. 79-80). The visual modality is the most efficient for the explication of this kind of metaphor in this commercial.

120 The distribution of visual and verbal language modalities is the focus of a study on metaphors employed in U.S. Army television commercials aimed at recruiting new soldiers (Wiggin & Miller, 2003). Wiggin and Miller (2003) argue that in the commercials considered, the use of either visual or verbal modality is conditioned by the nature of a phenomenon that constitutes a promoted entity, e.g., skill building, personal growth, and career development. The researchers claim that the more concrete aspects of the Army, e.g., skill building or career development, conceptualized by the metaphor, the more visually they are explicated. The more abstract aspects are the focus of the commercials the more verbally they are manifested (p. 286). For example, the primarily physical, combat skill of boxing is associated with dancing via the metaphor BOXING IS

A DANCE. The target domain, BOXING, is cued only visually, while the source domain,

A DANCE, is rendered verbally by the voice-over’s encouragement: “Learn to dance”

(Wiggin & Miller, 2003, p. 275). To provide another example, the personal growth metaphor SOUL-SEACHING IS A MOTOCYCLE DRIVE, as Wiggin and Miller (2003) state, the target domain SOUL-SEACHING is verbalized in the question “Are you ready to find yourself?” that encourages the viewer to explore his inner self while the source domain, A MOTOCYCLE DRIVE, is rendered visually by featuring a motorcycle rider driving through muddy and rough terrain, filmed so that the viewer sees everything through the rider’s eyes (pp. 278-279). The researchers explain that the capability of motorcycle to drive “off-roads,” which is a complex task when the area is muddy and rugged, is projected to a totally abstract phenomenon, searching one’s true self, thereby the commercial attempts to persuade viewers that the Army is a place where prospective solders can better discover their “self” (Wiggin & Miller, 2003, p. 279).

121 5.2.3 The Interaction of Multimodal Metaphor and Metonymy

The interaction of multimodal metaphor and metonymy63 has not been addressed intensively. It is a developing area of research interest within the field of multimodal metaphor.64 The case studies of Urios-Aparisi (2009) and Yu (2009) suggest that multimodal metaphor interacts with metonymy, creating meaning in TV commercials and contributing to the persuasive aspect of a multimodal genre. Urios-Aparisi (2009) identifies two functions that metonymy performs, i.e., it represents the target of the metaphor in a realistic way, creating additional metaphorical mappings that highlight particular features of the target domain, and facilitates the identification of the similarity between two entities. This similarity promotes the understanding of the message that the commercial communicates.

To illustrate the two functions, Urios-Aparisi (2009) examines a commercial for the new model of a car, the Salto Renault 11, in which shots of a long-jump athlete are juxtaposed with shots of the car. The images of parts of the athlete, e.g., running shoes, legs, lacing the shoe, are cross-cut with the images of the car, a tire, the engine jacket, fastening a belt, and metonymically represent the athlete and the car (PART STANDS

FOR WHOLE) thereby allowing the researcher to identify the source domain, A

PERSON, and the target domain, A CAR, facilitate the identification of the similarity of the athlete and the car, while highlighting particular features of the target domain, namely

63 The interaction of metaphor and metonymy has been primarily examined in language. This issue was first addressed in the work of Goosens (1990) on linguistic expressions of action who was the first to outline the four patterns of metaphor and metonymy interaction and to coin the term metaphtonymy.” Recent studies have explored this interaction in linguistic metaphoric and metonymic expressions (Ruiz de Mendoza & Díez, 2002) and in phrasal verbs (Ruiz de Mendoza & Galera-Masegosa, 2011), suggesting five patterns of conceptual interaction. 64 To date the conceptual interaction of metaphor and metonymy has been addressed in one case study on multimodal metaphor employed in print ads (Hidalgo Downing & Kraljevic Mujic, 2011).

122 CAR: its sporty properties and the power of the car’s engine (p. 101-102). Both domains of the metaphor discussed are cued imagistically. The verbal encouragement provided by a male voice-over statement – “Now more versions…” – clarifies the target domain

(Urios-Aparisi, 2009, p. 102).

Similarly to Urios-Aparisi (2009), Yu (2009) also shows in his analysis of an educational TV commercial shown on China Central Television to promote public welfare that the target domain is represented by the general metonymy PART STANDS

FOR WHOLE. The target domain, LIFE, of the metaphor LIFE IS A STAGE is motivated by the metonymy ACTING ON STAGE STANDS FOR ACTING IN LIFE

(Yu, 2009, p. 130). Yu (2009) explains that acting on the stage constitutes part of the whole, acting life. Yu (2009) discusses at length other metonymies, e.g., STYLE OF

CLOTHING STANDS FOR CULTURE, STYLE OF DANCE STANDS FOR

CULTURE, STYLE OF MUSIC STANDS FOR CULTURE, that are the instantiations of the general metonymy PROTOTYPICAL ITEMS OF A CULTURE STAND FOR THAT

CULTURE or SALIENT FEATURES OF A THING STAND FOR THAT THING (pp.

134-137). Discussing the general contribution of these metonymies in the manifestation of the metaphor LIFE IS A STAGE and their powerful persuasive effect, Yu (2009) does not specify their functions in metaphorical conceptualization of the commercial. These metonymies, in my opinion, motivate the source domain, STAGE, by highlighting national identity elaborated via national clothing, music, and dance. As for the modes that signal metonymy, moving images and music cue metonymy in Chinese educational commercials (Yu, 2009, p. 139).

123 5.2.4 The Cross-cultural Aspect of the Conceptual Construal of Multimodal Metaphor

A cross-cultural comparison of the conceptual construal of multimodal metaphors and variation in the combination of modes for cuing the similarity that metaphor triggers in promotional discourse has been neglected, even though metaphor is recognized as “an inherent part of culture” (Kövecses, 2005, p. 2). Few studies focus on the cross-cultural aspect of the multimodal manifestations of metaphor in TV commercials and ads: they include Caballero’s (2009) study of metaphors used in the promotion of wine sales and the Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) study of metaphors employed in beer commercials.

The examination of multimodal metaphors in American English, Spanish, and

French winespeak and audiovisual promotion suggests that for all three languages the metaphor WINES ARE LIVING ORGANISMS is the most salient metaphorical frame

(Caballero, 2009, p. 77). In Spanish, French and English tasting notes, wine is a mutable entity that undergoes an organic process, i.e., wine breeds, ages, it becomes strong, weak, tired, young, and old (Caballero 2009, p. 77-78). Wine behaves like a person. For example, wine can be aggressive, pretty/handsome, upfront, honest, expressive, and civilized (Caballero, 2009, p. 78). Pointing out commonalities in the manifestation of the metaphor of WINES ARE LIVING ORGANISMS in three languages, Caballero (2009) does not compare mappings and entailments that this metaphor construes in the three cultures. Although smell and taste are two basic human sensory experiences, olfactory and gustatory experiences might be different in different cultures, not to mention the variations in the culture of drinking wine itself and the evaluation of the properties of wine. For example, it is important to know whether the cultural notion “civilized” is the

124 same in American culture as in other Western cultures. Does, for example, “civilized” wine in French have a different meaning from “civilized” wine in the U.S. Caballero

(2009) mentions that the target domain is culturally loaded, referring to the advertisement of the wines of Ironstone Vineyards (California, U.S). This advertisement triggers the similarity between wines and jeans by means of visual and verbal modes (p. 88).

Portraying jeans and wines in the advertisement and using the adjectives “soft,” “easy,” and “comfortable,” the advertisement triggers the following entailments: casual, every day, simple things, far from being elegant, or appropriate for a special occasion. These entailments would undermine the persuasive effect of this advertisement if they were employed in, for example, Spanish or French cultures. However, in American culture, construing wine as something less sophisticated, as it is often made out to be, reinforces the persuasive effect of the advertisement. Hence, the producers of the ad aim for a particular market of “ordinary” people. Indeed, this advertisement illustrates the centrality of a cultural component in multimodal metaphor and the importance of the question of how multimodal metaphors differ in various cultures in terms of conceptual construal, mappings, entailments, and mode manifestations.

The Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) study proposes a cross-cultural account of multimodal metaphors that American and Ukrainian television commercials employ as a tool for creating persuasive discourse about beer. Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) analyze multimodal metaphors and cross-cultural variations of their mappings and entailments elaborated in the two cultures. They report that though both American and Ukrainian commercial designers employ two conceptual metaphors: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER and BEER IS A PERSON, they differ in their conceptual mappings. For example,

125 the American version of the metaphor entails such mappings as MAKING FRIENDS IS

SHARING BEER, ABSENCE OF FRIENDS IS ABSENCE OF BEER that give rise to the entailment that has to do with social relationship of friendship. Beer is conceptualized as a tool for making friends among strangers, plausibly unintentionally representing friendship as superficial (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, pp. 51, 53). Though these exact mappings and entailments are not construed in the Ukrainian version of the metaphor, the metaphor still generates the mappings that shed light on the Ukrainian view of friendship, i. e., ENJOYING FRIENDSHIP IS DRINKING BEER and HELPING FRIENDS IS

SHARING BEER (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 55-56). Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) explain that the Ukrainian commercials feature people who do not make friends by sharing beer, but enjoy beer with the people who are already established as friends and who share close relationships (p. 55-56).

Ukrainian commercials feature a third metaphor LOVE FOR THE

MOTHERLAND IS DRINKING BEER. This metaphor is not explicitly elaborated in

American commercials; however, this metaphorical theme emerges in a subtle way in only one of the American commercials under consideration (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p.

58).

5.3 Metaphor in Print Ads and TV Commercials for Alcoholic Beverages: Vodka and Beer

As mentioned in section 5.2, little attention is given to metaphors, mono- and multimodal, in the promotional discourse on vodka and beer. To my knowledge,

Timofeev (2005, 2008) has been the only one to date to analyze vodka ads focusing on

126 the gender semantics of Russian brand names and the symbol of the bear extensively employed in Russian vodka ads. The only study on multimodal metaphor, in which one commercial for vodka is discussed, is Juzelėnienė and Šarkauskienė’s (2011) study. The review of the studies on beer in ads and TV commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012) suggests that beer has become the focus of interest of several studies on monomodal metaphor in brand names of Belgian beer (Geeraert, 2006), in ads for German beer

(Wagner, 2002, 2003), Dutch beer (Forceville, 1996), and multimodal metaphor in Dutch beer commercials (Forceville, 2007, 2008). The only cross-cultural study on multimodal metaphor in beer commercials to date is the study on American and Ukrainian beer commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012) discussed in section 5.2.4.

5.3.1 Metaphor in Vodka Ads and TV Commercials

While the primary focus of Tomofeev’s (2005) study is male and female images in Russian vodka ads, rather than metaphor itself, it does discuss several metaphorical themes that shed light on the plausible conceptualization of vodka in Russian promotional discourse. The two main themes, that Timofeev (2005) uncovers, associate vodka with masculinity and femininity, within which metaphorical subthemes are identified.

Masculinity is revealed in the brand names of vodka by referring to originally masculine activities, e.g., military service (Streletskaya, Grenadierskaya, Gusarskaya65, Gentlemen

Officers, Admiral) and its thematic derivatives: the history of wars (The Field of

65 The brand names of vodka, Streletskaya, Grenadierskaya, Gusarskaya, are derived from the nouns that designate the representatives of the tsarist regiments: Streletsky (originated from the verb to shoot) regiment, Grenadier regiment, and Hussar regiment.

127 Borodino66, the Afghan Wind), and legendary military personalities (Admiral Kolchak,

General Suvorov, Prince Igor), a weapon (Kalashnikov, the Weapon of Russia, a Gun). A broad variety of brand names represents the theme of the knight: 33 Bogatyria67, The

Cossacks of Russia, The Toast of a Hussar. In addition to heroic masculinity, the theme of the Russian bourgeois is also exploited in the brand names for vodka: Siberian

Merchant, Merchant’s Feast, Banker, New Russian (pp. 177-178). Local patriotism is revealed in the brand names derived from the names of pioneers and famous travelers:

Afanasiy Nikitin, Willem Barents, and Erofey Habarov. The theme of typical male ways of spending free time is also reflected in the brand names: Winter Hunting, Fishing

Stories, Hunting Stories (Timofeev, 2005, p. 179).

The specifics of Russian drinking rituals, discussed in section 3.7, are also generously reflected in the brand names for vodka. For example, the culture of toasting is captured in brand names that constitute popular toasts: Well, To Brotherhood! To Friday,

Well, To Women! (Timofeev, 2005, p. 179-180). The tradition of the symbolic nature of the number three, discussed in section 3.7, is covered in such brand names as Daring

Trinity, which means three daring fellows, Three Times One Hundred Fifty, For Three, derived from the phrase to figure out for three (Timofeev, 2005, p. 180).68 The ability to consume a great amount of vodka while being able to socialize is conceptualized in such brand names as Masculine Talk, Let’s Talk, Carouse, Soul (Timofeev, 2005p. 182-183).

66 The brand name, The Field of Borodino, denotes the actual field of the Battle of Borodino between the Russian and French armies in 1812. 67 The brand name, 33 Bogatyria, means 33 epic heroes, strong and powerful men, who are the central characters of Russian folk legends and tales, e.g., “Ruslan and Lyudmila,” “The Tale about the Tsar Sultan,” both by Pushkin. 68 As explained in section 3.7, ‘to figure out for three’ means that one person looks for two others to contribute some money toward the cost of one half-liter bottle of vodka.

128 Feminine discourse is much less represented in the vodka brand names considered. Vodka is associated with an attractive and charming woman (Desired,

Affectionate, Charmer, Temptation) and a relationship with women (Mummy, My Dear,

Female Friend) [Timofeev, 2005p. 176]. Timofeev (2005) explains the dominance of masculine discourse in vodka brand names through the social meaning of vodka as a gender differentiator, which is discussed in Chapter 3.3. Vodka is primarily a masculine beverage consumed as a way to affirm masculinity and an almost exclusively male way of socializing.

In addition to the masculine and feminine themes, the associations with a bear,

Timofeev (2008) argues, are widely employed to promote vodka as a national beverage.

In his analysis of visual images in manufacturer’s labels in combination with their verbal components, i.e., brand names, Timofeev (2008) suggests that the bear symbolizes

Russianness in defining alcoholic beverages, vodka and beer. The bear as a cultural symbol is deeply entrenched in Russian culture where it symbolizes the mighty and strict master of the forests, which contributes to the theme of masculinity. The manufacture’s label of the brand Shatun (a bear who does not hibernate) features the enraged master of the forests and attaches the salient attribute of the strength of the mighty animal, while the label of the brands Zakadychnaya (literal: bosom, feminine adjective) and Russian

Vodka show an intoxicated bear in a man’s bright shirt and pants singing, playing an accordion and dancing with people, thereby symbolizing “a wide mighty Russian soul”

(Timofeev, 2008, para. 15-16). The label of the brand The Time to Be Russian features a white bear sitting on the North Pole as if thinking about to which country he should go, thereby, as Timofeev (2008) comments, providing the consumer with a sort of hint (para.

129 19). The label of the Bear Corner brand portrays a huge bear sitting on the globe, covering with its body one-sixth of the land in the Northern part of Asia. This visual image, Timofeev (2008) notes, communicates an underlying geopolitical message (para.

20). Another example of the employment of the image of the bear in a political perspective is elaborated in the brand name Tsar Medved’, Medvedevka, which was registered when Vladimir Medvedev was nominated for the presidency of Russia (para.

22). Both brand names use the play on words bear and the last name of the presidential candidate Medvedev, which signifies a bear, thereby attaching such attributes as mightiness, power, and masculinity to vodka.

Although Timofeev (2008) analyzes personification manifested in two modalities, visual and verbal, he does not explicitly recognize that, in fact, he examines the multimodal elaborations of metaphors. The personification of vodka is also identified in the Lithuanian print ad for Lithuanian vodka. The metaphor, VODKA IS A

NATION/PERSON, is visualized via the image of two knights of the Middle Ages located on both sides of a highly oversized bottle of vodka, as if they were standing guard over it. The verbal part of the metaphor designates the nation in the original Lithuanian and is printed on the label (Juzelėnienė & Šarkauskienė, 2011, p. 3).

130 5.3.2 Metaphor in Beer Ads and TV Commercials

5.3.2.1 Monomodal Metaphor

While focusing on the semantic aspects of the Belgian brand names for beer rather than on metaphor itself, Geeraerts (2006) does discuss several metaphorical topics and the salient associative values of beer manifested in its brandings. In his analysis of about 1,454 different Belgian brands, Geeraerts (2006) examines salience marking in metaphorical brands realized via a visualized and/or verbalized feature associated with beer. The researcher identifies five metaphorical topics for beer brand names in his data:

(1) beer as a source of pleasurable and leisurely life: Idler and Gourmet; (2) beer as an aspect of local identity (real and folkloric objects and individuals): Elckerlyc, Pallieter

(Flemish literary figures) and Ketje (mythical beings); (3) beer as a prestigious entity:

Flemish Burgundy (associations with wine), Great Monarch, Knight (significant titles and ranks), Charles V, Rembrandt (historical figures), and Sapphire (valuable objects);

(4) beer as a transgression of social behavior norms: Devil, Pirates; (5) beer as traditional culture of the pre-industrial era: Little Angels Beer (pp. 264-265).

Furthermore, Geeraerts (2006) compares beer brand names from The Netherlands with those from Belgium and shows some differences that are explained by the less prominent role of beer in The Netherlands than in Belgium. Geeraerts (2006) states that the aspect of prestige is relevant for beer branding in both countries, while four other aspects are much less representative of The Netherlands than for Belgium. He explains that the motif of prestige emerges in both cultures as the result of “a universal commercial strategy of appraisal” (Geeraerts, 2006, p. 269). Some of the metaphorical

131 topics discussed include important and historical figures, local objects, and religion that are also relevant for the American and Ukrainian culture of promoting beer (Lantolf &

Bobrova, 2012).

Wagner (2002, 2003) analyzes German beer print ads and posters concentrating on the verbal aspects manifested by adjectives and phraseologic units. The researcher claims that as a result of the central role of beer in German culture, descriptors show a wide range of motifs connected with the history of , the existence of monastery breweries, and regional cultural differences and stereotypes. Among those is a variation on the motif of prestige reflected in such adjectives as elegant, noble (Wagner, 2002, p.

254), the motif of leisure and enjoyable time spent verbalized in the poster for Rhenania-

Brauerei beer by the phraseologic phrase Bier gut, Abend gut! ‘Beer is good, the evening is good’ (Wagner, 2003, p. 136), and the local regional motif that incorporates an idea of local pride and patriotism revealed in such phrases as Das Bier wie Land und Leute!

‘Beer as the country and people’ (Wagner, 2003, p. 139), or Unser Land, Unser Bier,

Und wir ‘Our land, our beer, and us’ in an ad for Schaumberger beer brewed in the town of Stadthagen in the state of Lower Saxony (Wagner, 2003, p. 141). The theme of national and local patriotism is also present in American and Ukrainian beer commercials reported in Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) study discussed in section 5.2.4.

5.3.2.2 Multimodal Metaphor

As similarly happens in Belgian and German print ads for beer, the theme of national pride is also present in Dutch beer ads. Forceville (1998) analyzes a Dutch

132 billboard for Grolsch beer as well as the ad for Dutch Dommelsch beer. The ad for

Dommelsch beer shows a hybrid entity composed of two phenomena -- beer crates arranged in such a way across hilly terrain that manifests a strong similarity to the Great

Wall of China. The verbal part ‘Maar vij hebben Dommelsch’ (But we have Dommelsch) is located below the visual part. The hybridization of these two entities allows Forceville

(1998) to identify the metaphor, i.e., BEER CRATES ARE GREAT WALL OF CHINA

(p. 137). Forceville (1998) argues that for the interpretation of this metaphor, dissimilarity, expressed by the contrastive “but” rather than similarity plays a crucial role.

By the dissimilarity, the researcher means the dissimilarity between two countries in terms of the availability of such a famous architectural construction as the Great Wall of

China in Holland vs. China. The Great Wall of China, as Forceville (1998) explains, metonymically represents the country of China, for which this cultural and historical artifact constitutes “famousness, prestige and/or national pride” (p. 137). By establishing the visual resemblance between Dommelsch and the Great Wall of China, the designers of the ad attempt to project national pride, fame and prestige onto beer (p. 137). The message communicated, Forceville (1996) amplifies, is that even though the Dutch cannot boast of such an architectural wonder, they do have a comparable source of national pride in Dutch Dommelsch beer (p. 137).

Forceville (1998) defines the metaphor BEER CRATES ARE GREAT WALL OF

CHINA as a pictorial simile with two pictorially present terms. However, according to

Forceville’s definition (multimodal metaphor occurs when the similarity of two phenomena are cued in more than one semiotic system) the metaphor under consideration should be defined as multimodal because more than one modality is employed in its

133 manifestation, i.e.. the source domain, GREAT WALL OF CHINA, is cued visually, while the target domain, BEER CRATES, is revealed visually and verbally.

The theme of prestige is also present in Dutch commercials for beer similarly to

Belgian and German ads for beer. The billboard depicts the Grolsch beer bottle as lying in the cooler accompanied by the text ‘Op een dag …’ (One day …) which is the abbreviation of the original slogan: ‘Op een dag drink je geen bier meer, maar drink je

Grolsch’(One day you will no longer drink beer, but you will drink Grolsch). Beer is viewed as a prestigious expansive beverage, as champagne, giving rise to the conceptual metaphor GROLSCH BEER IS CHAMPAGNE/. The cognitively relevant feature projected from the source domain, CHAMPAGNE/WHITE WINE, is a high- quality beverage consumed on special occasions, while the consumption of beer is not normally linked to such occasions (Forceville, 1998, p. 115). Though Forceville (1998) defines this metaphorical manifestation as a pictorial metaphor with one pictorially present term (p. 109), the metaphor under consideration should be defined as multimodal because more than one modality is employed in its manifestation, i.e., the source domain,

CHAMPAGNE/WHITE WINE, is cued visually, while the target domain, GROLSCH

BEER, is revealed visually and verbally.

In two beer commercials for Brand Cuvée beer, beer is also construed as wine

(Forceville, 2007, 2008a). One of the commercials shows a corkscrew that, at closer look, appears to be a common bottle opener. When the opener is picked up, a snapping sound is heard that is usually associated with the removal of a bottle cap rather than the pop associated with removal of a champagne cork. The comments of the male voice-over are reminiscent of winespeak: “A soft and supple taste. A clear but warm color. And a fresh,

134 but light, fruity aftertaste. Now try Brand Cuvée as well. One of the three pilseners from the Brand collection.” Considering these visual and verbal cues, Forceville (2007) suggests that the metaphor BRAND CUVÉE BEER IS QUALITY WINE projects onto beer the positive characteristics of wine, namely: a prestigious, noble drink that can be used for specific occasions, e.g., a romantic date, and it is something for which gourmets pay much more for than for an average drink (p. 23).

In another commercial for Brand Cuvée, a man descends into what appears to be a wine cellar. After careful thinking, the man selects one bottle from other bottles that lie horizontally on what that seems to be a wine rack, which transforms into a beer crate with the name Brand. In addition to this visual cue, the source domain, WINE, is reinforced by the voice-over comments reminiscent of winespeak: “rich and refined. Brightly colored.

Refined and with a full taste. With a fresh, slightly bitter aftertaste” (Forceville, 2008a, p.

185). The target domain, BEER, is visually associated with the source domain, WINE, thereby evoking the positive characteristics of wine as a high-quality beverage that connoisseurs appreciate (Forceville, 2008a, p. 185).

Another commercial features a famous Dutch speed skater seemingly engaged in a across the country race, while holding Hooghe Bavaria beer high in his right hand. Reminiscent of runners carrying the Olympic torch, the skater’s movement and posture are the salient attributes, as Forceville (2008a) comments, that invite the metaphorical construal BAVARIA BEER IS OLYMPIC TORCH (p. 186). Beer is construed as a beverage qualified as “event-launching’ and “being a necessity,” translated from “carrying the Olympic torch” (Forceville, 2008a, p. 186).

135 In the final example, a commercial for Palm beer begins with a set of close-ups of the beer being poured into a glass. The shots of brown beer with white foam overflowing the glass “with a flowing movement” are superimposed with shots of a brown horse with its white mane flowing in the wind. The text (Pa-da-pa-pam) rhythmically sung to the music suggests the brand name of the beer. The brand’s logo, a Belgian horse, imprinted on the beer glasses, appears several times. The juxtaposition of the images of beer and a horse allows the researcher to identify the metaphor PALM BEER IS A BELGIAN

HORSE. The features of a horse, the Belgian horse’s healthy color and strength, are mapped onto beer (Forceville, 2008a, p. 186).

5.4 Conclusion

The consideration of the four aspects of metaphor research, namely: (1) conceptual structure and the nuances of multimodal manifestation of metaphor, (2) the affordances of modalities for cuing source and target domains, (3) the interaction of multimodal metaphor and metonymy, and (4) cross-cultural comparison of multimodal elaborations of metaphors allow us to conclude two things. First, as in any new area of research, multimodal metaphor scholarship might be characterized by uneven distribution of scholarly attention. The issues of the most interest of metaphorists include the exploration of the conceptual structure of metaphor in one or several commercials and the affordances of a particular modality for cuing the target and source domain. Less attention is given to the role of metonymy in construing multimodal metaphor and the cross-cultural aspect of metaphor manifestations in TV commercials. The present study

136 includes an analysis of multimodal metaphor in TV commercials that attempts to contribute to these four research aspects. Second, as a newly established direction in research, multimodal metaphor studies, reveal aspects of metaphor that require serious consideration and specification. As pointed out in section 5.2.1, insufficient attention is given to such analytical issues as (1) the examination of entailments in addition to conceptual mappings that construe multimodal metaphor, (2) the criteria for the justification of metaphoricity of a TV commercial, the identification of both domains, target and source, and the detection of cognitively prominent features mapped from source to target domain, and (3) the exploration of social practices in which identified metaphors are imbedded. The current research attempts to propose at least tentative answers to these issues.

The studies on metaphor in print ads and TV commercials for alcoholic beverages, vodka and beer, are not very numerous. As an overview of these studies indicates, however, in commercials for vodka and beer, personification is extensively employed for persuasive purposes. Personification proves to be a powerful device because, by applying the traits of a perfect person to alcoholic beverages, the designers of commercials likely intend to invoke positive associations. Other metaphorical motifs, such as prestige, national pride and patriotism, seem to be frequently employed in the promotional strategy of advertisers in Belgium, The Netherlands, Germany, the USA,

Russia, and Ukraine. The contribution of the overview of these studies is significant in the exploration of the underlying conceptual structure of such entities as vodka and beer.

However, the analysis of multimodal metaphor in promotional discourse for alcoholic beverages has by and large relied on case-study research of a handful of commercials

137 primarily from a single culture. One notable exception is the cross-cultural study of metaphors in American and Ukrainian beer commercials by Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) in which a total of thirty-two TV commercials were analyzed. Moreover, aside from the

Lantolf and Bobrova’s study, metaphor researchers have not attempted to connect the content of commercials to social practices in which metaphors are imbedded. What is required is an empirically robust systematic analysis that would approach multimodal conceptual metaphor as grounded in socio-cultural practices as represented in promotional discourse (Scollon, 2001). This is a major objective of the present study.

Chapter 6

A Procedure for Identifying Potential69 Multimodal Metaphors in TV Commercials

6.1 Introduction

The issue of an identification procedure for detecting metaphor in both monomodal and multimodal discourse has been a critical topic for metaphor researchers.

The validity and reliability of metaphor research in written and spoken language has been questioned, for example, in the critical articles of Low (2003) and Schmitt (2005, 2007), who define the main problem of metaphor analyses as the failure of metaphorists to outline their metaphor identification procedure while generalizing inductively across linguistic examples. A similar analytical problem relates to the research of metaphor of visual (pictorial) metaphor. Several tools have been proposed for detecting linguistic metaphors in written and spoken language as well as for visual (pictorial) metaphors. The

Pragglejaz Group (2007) developed a four-step procedure for identifying metaphors in linguistic discourse (written and spoken), which they defined as metaphor identification procedure (MIP). MIP was extended into the procedure labeled as the metaphor identification procedure Vrije Universiteit (MIPVU)70 (Steen, et al., 2010). Steen (1997)

69 The proposed procedure for identifying multimodal metaphors does not make any assumption about their cognitive processing by observers. A unit might be identified as metaphorically used in a commercial, while it might or might not be processed metaphorically by a viewer or intentionally or unintentionally constructed as a metaphor by a commercial designer. Therefore, units detected as metaphorically employed are understood as potential metaphors in this project. 70MIPVU, the extended version of MIP, basically includes the same procedural steps as MID. In contrast to MID, MIPVU can also identify directly and implicitly used metaphorical language in addition to indirectly

139 designed a five-step procedure for moving from linguistic to conceptual metaphor.

Several computer programs for the identification of linguistic metaphors have been designed, e.g., Mason’s (2004) CorMet program for detecting metaphors expressed by verbs and Berber Sardinha’s (2012) Metaphor Candidate Identifier (MCI). Maes and

Schilperoord (2009) offer a three-step procedure aimed at analyzing metaphors in print ads. Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript) proffers six rules of transformations that underlie visual metaphorical incongruities in visual advertizing discourse.

As for the identification of metaphor in multimodal discourse, Forceville (2008,

2009) offers an approach that he developed. Though applied in a number of studies on multimodal metaphor, the model is somewhat problematic, given that it is not yet fully elaborated. As discussed in Chapter 5, although he specifies three criteria for multimodal metaphor by contrasting it with monomodal metaphor (see the discussion in section 4.3),

Forceville (2008a, 2009) neither articulates a specific set of sequential procedural steps for detecting metaphor in multimodal discourse, nor does he suggest a means to determine whether a commercial is metaphorical, or how to justify the source and target domains. Forceville (2007) offers genre specificity as the only justification for an advertized product to be cued as the target domain. The analysis of beer commercials indicates that this is not always the case. Beer, the advertized product, is cued as the source domain rather than as the target domain in American and Ukrainian TV commercials for beer, even though it is clearly the focus of the commercial (Lantolf &

used metaphorical language. The direct metaphor is exemplified by the explicit comparison used in Shakespeare’s question ‘Shall I compare thee to a summer’s day?” in which the indirect conceptual metaphorical meaning expressed explicitly by direct language (Steen, et al., 2010, p. 11). The pronoun “it” can serve as an example of implicit metaphor when it replaces a metaphorically used lexical unit (Steen, et al., 2010, p. 39).

140 Bobrova, 2012). Finally, as discussed in Chapter 5.2.1, multimodal metaphor researchers rely on a detailed synopsis of a commercial in order to justify their conclusion about the features detected to be mapped from the source to target domain. However, a detailed synopsis is less helpful for the replication of their findings than is a detailed description of each procedural step. In fact, with the exception of Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) study, the reviewed articles on multimodal metaphor (see Chapter 5) fail to include a discussion devoted to how they extract metaphors from their data set.

The present chapter aims to present an analytical procedure as an autonomous tool that can be deployed for detecting the multimodal manifestations of potential metaphors used in TV commercials. I caution that this represents an initial attempt to generate a systematic procedure for multimodal metaphor identification and while it appears to function well with regard to the data considered in the current project, it will require further testing on a wider array of commercial advertisement. This chapter first will discuss the main premises, in which the proposed procedure is grounded, i.e., a multimodal image as the unit of analysis.

The meaning of multimodal images includes three types of meaning: the denotatum, the connotation of an image, the signification of an image, and the cognitive schema of multimodal images functions as the source of expectancy. I argue that the basic procedure entails three sequential steps that seek to determine whether a commercial can be viewed as potentially metaphorical, to identify cognitively prominent projected features of the phenomena involved in the metaphorical context, to detect a cross-domain mapping, and from this to formulate a conceptual metaphor. The basic procedure also includes the overview of transformations that turn a congruent image into

141 an incongruent one and the explanation of the juxtaposition of types, i.e., the juxtaposition of entities within one image and the juxtaposition of images.

6.2 The Three Theoretical Premises

The present procedure for identifying potential multimodal metaphors is grounded in three theoretical premises. The first holds that the primary unit of commercial meaning is the image of an object, scene, and event as displayed in a commercial. The second states that the image of the object, scene, and event carries three types of meaning: the denotatum, the connotation of an image, and the signification of the image (Whittock,

1990, p. 30). The third holds that encyclopedic knowledge of an object, event, or scene is conceptualized in accordance with cognitive schemas that function as the source of expectancy, i.e., the standard against which the incongruity of an image can be determined. This means that the structure of a schema is used to detect the incongruity of an image and its related features.

6.2.1 The Image of an Object, Scene, and Event is the Unit of Analysis

Whittock (1990) and other film theoreticians consider the primary unit of film meaning to be a film image defined as “any simple object or event, normally perceived and regularly identified as a single entity, that is presented on either the screen or the sound track”71 (p. 21). In his clarification of the definition, Whittock (1990) explains that

71 Whittock (1990) criticizes defining the film image as “a single frame extracted from the strip” pointing out its psychological deficiency. The objects featured in a film are normally identified by applying the

142 by “normally perceived” he means that the psychology of everyday perception is applied to the objects depicted in the film. This means two things. First, if kinesthetic or aural elements accompany an entity, they are comprehended as a single unity. For example, the image of a moving car is perceived as rather one entity than three (a car, sound, and motion) [p. 21]. Second, the same schema for recognizing objects in the real world is applied to the film images of the same objects because they are not arbitrary signifiers of real world objects as words. Film images have “an existential link” with objects they manifest by being their “copies,” “traces,”, “analogies,” “doubles,” or “imprints” (p. 22).

Whittock (1990) amplifies his definition by stressing that the comprehension of film images requires the integration of the schemata for recognizing objects with the cinematic conventions of depicting these objects, e.g., a certain angle of filming, proportions, size, etc. (p. 23).

Adopting Whittock’s (1990) approach to the film image, in the present project the primary unit of commercial meaning is taken to be the image of an object, event, or scene perceived as single entity. These particular three entities constitute the basic units of human experience (Radvansky & Zacks, 2011). The images of objects featured in TV commercials have an existential link with mediational means. The images of events portrayed in commercials form an existential bond with the nexus of the actors who perform social actions in the site of engagement. For example, the American TV commercial for Absolut Vodka entitled “Absolut World – protest” features the image of objects such as pillows that function as the meditational means employed in the depicted

psychology of everyday perception. Watching a movie, an individual perceives action and movement accompanied by sound not static frames (p. 21).

143 event of a pillow fight that the actors, i.e., protesters and policemen perform in the site of engagement, i.e., the streets of a city.

6.2.2 The Meaning of an Image of an Object, Scene, and Event

The denotatum of an image reflects some aspects of objects, events, or scenes to which the image is linked through an existential connection. Perceiving these aspects of an image, a viewer is able to potentially recognize an object, scene, or event by applying his/her encyclopedic knowledge of the world or, in other words, the cognitive schema of a perceived object or scene, or event. For example, the image of a bottle of beer supposes that it is an alcoholic beverage characterized by a specific taste, color, and aftertaste, manufactured by people and for people’s consumption.

In addition to denotatum, the image of an object, scene, or event is endowed with connotations. The connotation of an image is construed by a broad network of associations (e.g., memories, connections, emotional overtones) called upon when the image is viewed. Some of the associations might be personal while others are cultural.

For example, as discussed in Chapters 2 and 3, the consumption of wine and champagne is associated with significant festive occasions in American, Russian, and Ukrainian cultural contexts, while beer is linked to informal male time spent relaxing.

In a film and by extension in a commercial, every image acquires the meaning in addition to above its denotatum and connotation. This component of meaning is defined as the signification of the image (Whittock, 1990, p. 32). Signification is achieved through presence of any of the three factors: context, manner of filming an entity, and

144 the juxtaposition of entities (Whittock, 1990, p. 32-39). The signification of an image is acquired by placing the image of an entity in the context of other images. For example, by situating vodka among such luxurious objects as a fancy yacht and expensive food, i.e., crab claws and oysters that two young men and three young attractive women enjoy in the American commercial for Grey Goose Vodka entitled “Grey Goose Vodka:

Oysters,” the image of Grey Goose Vodka acquires the following signification: vodka is a luxurious beverage and it is consumed for special happy occasions in addition to cultural and personal connotations, i.e., a Russian alcoholic beverage, a male beverage, etc. The signification of an image is also realized through the manner in which an image is filmed, i.e., camera placement, framing, lighting, camera speed, etc. (Whittock, 1990, p. 34). For example, the Ukrainian commercial for Bilen’ka72 vodka entitled “Vodka Bilen’ka:

Mazhorka”73 shows an oversized bottle of vodka with a human face and human limbs speaking to vodka consumers. In addition to the connotations mentioned above, vodka is ascribed human attributes, e.g., the ability to socialize. Finally, the signification of an image is created by the juxtaposition of entities within one image and the sequential juxtaposition of additional images, each of which features various entities (Whittock,

1990, p. 39). The American commercial for Miller Genuine Draft Beer entitled “Miller

Genuine Draft Beer: Dancer” displays the juxtaposition of the image of a break dancer, whose dancing skills improve over the course of the commercial, with the image of a bottle of Miller Genuine Draft Beer. The voice-over commentary reinforces the connection between the two images by explicating the comparison: “Every step you get

72 The brand name Bilen’ka is a Ukrainian adjective in an endearing diminutive form that means white. 73 The name Mazhorka is derived from the masculine noun mazhor that means the son of influential parents. The suffix -k with the ending -a transform this noun into the feminine noun mazhorka that correlates with the feminine noun vodka.

145 better like beer. Cold, filtered four times.” This juxtaposition results in the signification of the image of Miller Genuine Draft Beer, which ascribes to beer such human behaviors as the pursuit of perfection and the ability to participate in a valuable experience.

Moreover, the connotations inherent in American beer culture are also evoked – e.g., a male alcoholic beverage for casual situations (See the detailed account of social meanings of beer in American culture in Chapter 2).

Signification becomes the basis for the metaphorical reading of an image when tension is set up between the entity filmed and the manner it is filmed (Whittock, 1990, p.

35). The manner of filming vodka in the commercial titled “Mazhorka” creates the tension between the entity filmed (the given attributes of vodka) and the way vodka is filmed (vodka is featured as a man). Through this manner of filming, vodka acquires the above-mentioned additional attributes that give rise to a metaphorical reading of the image. Though Whittock (1990) does not specify other factors that stipulate the metaphorical signification of an image, Whittock’s (1990) discussion of the phenomenon of interplicitness asserts that context and juxtaposition also invite metaphorical reading of images as the result of two factors, namely: the dual nature of image meanings and the interaction of original and newly acquired meanings of images achieved by their juxtaposition (p. 27). This interaction is defined as interplicitness74 (Whittock, 1990, p.

27). Going back to the American commercial for Grey Goose Vodka titled “Grey Goose

Vodka: Oysters,” the context compels viewers to ascribe to Grey Goose Vodka a new meaning inherent in luxurious entities, thereby inviting a metaphorical reading.

74 Whittock (1990) borrows the term from Martin (1975).

146 In the case of juxtaposition, following Whittock’s (1990) line of thought, perceptually similar objects that are aligned might or might not invite their metaphorical reading. This depends on whether the process of seeing one object as another object is interplicit, i.e., the alignment of objects evokes a new meaning in addition to the established original meaning of an entity. In the American commercial for Miller

Genuine Draft Beer discussed above, the juxtaposition is interplicit because a new meaning is ascribed to Miller Beer, i.e., as with a break dancer, beer pursues perfection and acquires valuable experience.

Though the alignment of wheelchairs and a toy car in the print ad for Chux and

Starlight invites seeing a toy car as a wheelchair, as Schilperoord et al. (2009) argue their juxtaposition does not establish a metaphorical relationship. By being lined up horizontally at an equal distance, both the toy car and the wheelchairs are featured as perceptually similar (both objects have wheels) and dissimilar (the bright colored car is perceived as being out of place in the line of the gray wheelchairs). Moreover, this idea of dissimilarity or incompatibility of depicted objects, as the researchers note, is reinforced by placing these objects in a hospital setting. This ad would not have any merit if the relationship of perceptual incompatibility were not compensated for by the relationship of conceptual compatibility established between the toy car and the wheelchair, i.e., toys are as important for hospitalized children as medical equipment is for other patients

(Schilperoord et al., 2009, p. 167). Thus, the juxtaposition results in seeing the toy car as the wheelchair in terms of importance; however, it does not invite a metaphorical reading because this “seeing as” is not interplicit, i.e., the depicted objects stand for themselves, and neither the toy car nor the wheelchair acquire a new meaning from each other. In

147 other words, the dual reference or, using Whittock’s (1990) term, the dual nature of the image, is not involved, even though the juxtaposition of the toy car and the wheel chairs is significant.

6.2.3 The Cognitive Schema of the Image of an Object, Event, and Scene as the Source of Expectancy

Our knowledge of an object, event, and scene is grounded in cognitive schemas that serve as a “source of expectancy” for detecting the incongruity of images and the values of imaged objects, events, and scenes that evoke incongruity (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 14). Cognitive schemas also function as the source of the cognitively prominent features projected from one phenomenon/or phenomena to another in the case of the juxtaposition of images. This idea is adopted from the analytical framework for the analysis of print ads developed in Schilperoord et al. (2009) and

Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript). Following Schilperoord, I adopt

Pustejovsky’s theory of nominal concepts (Pustejovsky, 1995) to account for the schema of objects, Biederman’s (1981) approach to the schema of a scene, and Radvansky and

Zacks’s (2011) approach to event schema.

6.2.3.1 The Schema of an Object

According to Pustejovsky’s theory of nominal concepts, common knowledge of an object is structured by four qualia: constitutive, formal, telic, and agentive

(Pustejovsky, 1995, p. 85-86). The constitutive quale refers to information about the

148 partonomic (the hierarchical composition of part of object) structure of an object, the relationships between its constituents or parts, and also specifies such sensory attributes of an object as its weight and the material of which it is made. This quale also defines of what the object is a logical part, if such a relation exists (Pustejovsky, 1995, p. 85). In other words, the constitutive quale informs what an entity is constituted of and what this entity constitutes. For example, a hand comprises fingers, while being the part of a human body (Pustejovsky, 1995, p. 99). The formal quale distinguishes an object from other objects within a larger domain by its orientation, magnitude, shape, dimensionality, color, and position. For example, men and women belong to the type/category of human

(Pustejovsky, 1995, p. 95-96) according to their taxonomic features. The telic quale specifies information about the functions of an object and its purpose. The function quale involves knowledge of an object on which an agent acts directly. For example, the function quale of beer refers to the activity of drinking stipulated by the telic quale. The purpose quale concerns the knowledge of an entity employed to facilitate a certain activity. The purpose quale of a knife is to serve as a cutting tool (Pustejovsky, 1995, p.

99-100). Finally, the agentive quale indicates the origin of an entity, thereby distinguishing created artifacts from naturally emergent entities. Therefore, this quale specifies the information about a creator, an artifact, the natural kind of an entity, and the causal chain in the case of an artificial coming into being (Pustejovsky, 1995, p. 86). For example, such beverages as beer and vodka are manufactured from other entities (e.g., barley, hops, water, wheat, etc.). The creative activity of brewing a particular combination of ingredients brings about beer while the activity of distilling a different combination of ingredients results in vodka. Hops used for brewing beer and grains

149 employed for distilling vodka are the natural kinds that come into existence through their innate natural state. The constitutive, formal, telic, and agentive qualia constitute the repertoire of features that are presumed to function as the existential links between objects and their images featured in commercials.

6.2.3.2 The Schema of a Scene

In the present project, the schema of a scene is understood as “the overall internal representation of the scene that integrates the scene’s entities and relations” between them (Biederman, 1981, p. 213). The schema of a scene indicates both the entities appropriate to a given scene and the physical and semantic relations that should hold between them (Biederman, 1981, p. 215). Biederman (1981) argues that a well-formed scene is characterized by five relations: support, interposition, probability, position, and size (p. 217). First, physical entities should hold the relation of support if they do not fly or float normally. For example, such physical entities as a man or a bottle of beer is not expected to fly, given the general physical constraint of gravitation, while birds and jets are designed to fly and therefore are able to overcome the force of gravity, as shown in the American commercial for Bud Light titled “Ability to fly.” Normally, a man or a bottle of beer is supported by the surface of the entity on which they are located. Second, two or more entities are characterized by the relationship of interposition. This relationship holds for entities that are normally opaque. An opaque entity normally occludes another entity located behind it partially or entirely. For example, as an opaque entity a man occludes the part of a wall against which he stands. Third, the entities of a

150 coherent scene hold the relationship of probability. Particular entities are likely or unlikely to appear in a particular scene. The likelihood of the appearance of some bottles of water on a table at a formal meeting is much higher than bottles of vodka and beer.

Fourth, occurring in a particular scene, an entity is likely to occupy a particular place and position. Bottles of beer are likely to be placed on a table; however, they are unlikely to be arranged in a pyramidal configuration similar to the pyramid of glasses into which champagne is poured as featured in the American commercial for Budweiser entitled

“Bud: Reception.” Finally, the fifth type of relationship is that of size. Entities have a familiar size and proportion relative to other entities in a coherent scene. A bottle of beer or a glass of vodka does not normally exceed the size of consumers of these beverages.

Biederman (1981) classifies the first two relationships, support and interposition, as physical because they reflect physical constraints. The latter three relationships, probability, position, and size, are defined as semantic because they reflect the referential meaning of entities, their semantics (p. 217). The findings of seven experiments on the perception of a scene confirm the comprehension of the given relationships between the entities of a well-formed scene (Biederman, 1981).

6.2.3.3 The Schema of an Event

The representations of individual events are informed by the schema of general classes of events (Radvansky & Zacks, 2011). In the present project, an event schema is understood as “our knowledge about commonalities across a set of events” organized into our knowledge structures (Radvansky & Zacks, 2011, para. 46). Grounding their study on

151 the research of event perception, Zacks and Tversky (2001) and Radvansky and Zacks

(2011) identify five dimensions of event schema. First, the schema of an event indicates an intentional action or a set of actions that constitutes the event or an objective action, i.e., the actions that happen objectively in the world, e.g., the sunrise, wind blowing, etc.

Second, an intentional action involves appropriate actors and entities due to their inherent properties specified by the quale structures. For example, the intentional action of consuming an alcoholic beverage presupposes actors of the appropriate age and a liquid that contains alcohol. Third, an action is characterized by appropriate relations between the actors that perform this action. Ordering beer in a bar specifies customer-waiter relations stipulated by society. Fourth, any action is restricted by appropriate/natural spatial-temporal parameters. This means that the action of alcohol consumption is expected to take place in appropriate socially restricted sites, e.g., in various drinking establishments or private premises rather than in educational institutions or courts of law.

The temporal duration of an action presupposes its beginning, normal or appropriate time duration, and its culmination. For example, a regular beer consumer would know that consuming beer on Fridays in a bar during happy hour would normally last more than a single hour. Finally, the fifth aspect of an event schema specifies the causal relations between the actions that constitute the event. Referring to Miller and Johnson Laird

(1976) and Talmy (1989), Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript) notes that causal relations are often conceptualized in terms of force dynamics (p. 21). For example, in order to open a bottle of beer, some force should be exerted to the cap, and then to consume beer, some force should be exerted to lift the bottle to the lips.

152 As Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript) aptly notes, the structure of an event schema is conceptually linked to the schema of an object and scene. The latter specifies a setting, in which a certain action can take place and appropriate actors and objects can be involved in it. The qualia structure of the schema of an object specifies affordances, functions, etc. of an object that allow the object to be involved in a particular action (p. 20). However, the schema of an event differs from the schema of an object or scene to the extent that it is characterized by such properties as temporality, causality, and intentionality (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 20).

6.2.4 The Juxtaposition of Images

For the present metaphor identification procedure, I adopt the definition of the juxtaposition of objects proposed by Schilperoord, et al. (2009). Grounded in the two main laws of perception, i.e., the law of proximity and the law of similarity,75

Schilperoord, et al. (2009) define juxtaposition76 as “a design pattern that perceptually aligns different types of objects” extracted from their usual environment “in an attempt to facilitate a metaphoric or associative conceptual77 link between them” (Schilperoord, et al., 2009, pp. 155-156). By referring to the analysis of an extended corpus of advertisements, the researchers specify two perceptual factors underlying the juxtaposition of objects. The first involves a group of permanent sensory attributes

75 Schilperoord, et al. (2009) notes that these laws of grouping were discovered and examined by the gestalt psychologists, namely: Arnheim (1970) and Wertheimer (1923). 76 Schilperoord et al. (2009) coin the term symmetric object alignment for their analysis of juxtaposed objects pictured in print ads. 77 The words “perceptually” and “conceptual” are italicized in the original.

153 derived from the schema of an object pertaining to the features defined by the qualia structure. These attributes constitute permanent conceptual knowledge about an object

(see the discussion in section 6.2.3.1). They are defined as object-constitutive attributes.

The second factor relates to a group of volatile sensory attributes that an object acquires through being displayed in a certain way, e.g., number of source tokens, viewing perspective (horizontal, vertical or diagonal), a viewing distance between juxtaposed objects, spatial orientation, inclusion, and context. These attributes constitute volatile perceptual information. They are defined as object-depiction attributes (Schilperoord, et al., 2009, p. 159). For example, the abovementioned juxtaposition of a foreign celebrity and Nemiroff vodka mainly uses object-depiction factors, such as inclusion, projection into a diagonal line, and close distance between the tokens, as Figure 6.1 shows.

Figure 6.1. Nemiroff: America.

It does not, however, employ perceptual object-constitutive factors. Nothing visual is done to make the objects look similar. The similarity is created verbally. Such object-constitutive attributes as popularity and foreignness are explicated verbally in the

154 manager’s instructions for a novice bartender: “У нас тут чимало зірок. Не реагуй на

відомі обличчя. Поважай їхнє приватне життя. Зірки люблять... “(We have quite a few celebrities here. Don’t react to famous faces. Respect their private life. Stars love

…).

6.3 The Basic Procedure

The following set of guidelines can be employed in order to recognize metaphors in multimodal promotional discourse in a systemic fashion. The basic procedure includes three steps: (1) the identification of potential metaphors in TV commercials, (2) the identification of cognitively prominent projected features, and (3) the detection of source and target domains as well as their translation into words.

6.3.1 Step 1: The Identification of Potential Metaphors in TV Commercials

Step 1 is visualized in Flow Chart 6.1 that comprises a set of questions. Responses to the questions included in other blocks determine whether a TV commercial displays potential metaphors or not.78

78 Again, I am not making claims regarding out viewers actually uptake commercials. For this reason I use the expression “potential metaphors.” See footnote 1 for further explanation of this point.

155

Flow Chart 6.1. Step 1: Is there a potential metaphor?

6.3.1.2 Does it Compel One to View One Entity in Terms of Another?

This question implies that the context might feature the essence of a phenomenon as being taken as another phenomenon or as associated with another phenomenon. For example, the American commercial for Hangar One Vodka entitled “Hangar One Vodka:

The ballad” features the country singer Orville Davis singing a country song about the history of this brand of vodka first to an audience and then to a group of young men and

156 women, some of whom are holding glasses presumably with Hanger One vodka, while others hold a bottle of the vodka. The entire context invites a viewer to associate Hangar

One with an American classic folk tale or legend performed as a traditional American country song.

6.3.1.3 Is there Juxtaposition of Objects within One or Several Images or of Events or Scenes?

This question, in essence, requires an analyst to scrutinize carefully the perceptual features of the images of objects, scenes, and events displayed in a commercial produced with the filmic technique of juxtaposition. Similar to filmic juxtaposition, the juxtaposition displayed in TV commercials falls into three types: the juxtaposition of objects within one image, the juxtaposition of objects in two or more images, and the juxtaposition of events and scenes.

6.3.1.3.1 The Juxtaposition of Objects within One Image and within Several Images

This implies a group of objects displayed in one image while the juxtaposition of objects within several images entails two or more images that depict objects. These images are sequentially shown in separate shots. The American commercial for Miller

Genuine Draft Beer discussed in section 6.2.2 illustrates the latter type of juxtaposition.

The break dancer juxtaposed to Miller Genuine Draft Beer is featured in separate images shown in the sequential shots as shown in Figure 6.2.

157

Figure 6.2. Miller Genuine Draft Beer: Dancer.

The former type of juxtaposition is employed in the Ukrainian commercial for the

Nemiroff brand of vodka entitled “America”, in which a middle-aged man, supposedly a foreign celebrity, is interposed between two rows of Nemiroff bottles (see Figure 6.1).

6.3.1.3.2 The Juxtaposition of Events and Scenes

The juxtaposition of events implies the display of the images of events across several shots. In the Ukrainian commercial “Vodka Olimp: New Olimpus”79 for Olimp

Vodka, the images of stadium design and construction are juxtaposed to images of vodka design and production. The juxtaposition of scenes is established by the sequence of shots that feature the images of scenes. For example, the Ukrainian commercial for

“Ulyublena”80 titled “Santehnyk,”81 the scene of repairing a tub is juxtaposed to the scene of sitting at a table and having vodka with zakusky (snack food).82

79 The literal translation of title of the commercial “Novy Olimp” is new Olympus. 80 The literal translation of the brand name of vodka “Ulyublena” is the feminine adjective for favorite. 81 The literal translation of title of the commercial “Santehnyk” is a plumber. 82 The notion of zakusky is discussed and explained in chapter 3 section 3.7.

158 6.3.1.3.3 Is the Juxtaposition Interplicit?

As discussed in section 6.2.2, not all juxtapositions involve metaphorical interpretation. The metaphorical associations come into existence when the process of seeing an object, or an event, or scene as another object, or event, or scene is interplicit; in other words, when a new meaning emerges out of their juxtaposition. For example, the juxtaposition of the events and scenes discussed in section 6.3.1.3.2 is more interplicit than literal. The literal reading of those juxtapositions would not make any sense in terms of the message of the commercials, i.e., to promote Olimp Vodka and Ulyublena Vodka.

The complexity of the Olympic stadium design and construction is projected onto the design and production of Olimp Vodka, assigning the latter such attributes as high quality and uniqueness. Due to the juxtaposition of two scenes, repairing a tub and having vodka with zakuska, the vodka brand Ulyublena is ascribed the metaphorical meaning of providing enjoyment similar to the enjoyment a person experiences from a job he loves.

This is expressed verbally in the plumber’s response (Так моя ж улюблена. [This is my favorite job]) to the client’s expression of satisfaction at her tub being repaired (Яка

робота! [What a job]).

6.3.1.4 Is there a Transformation of an Image?

This question compels the researcher to examine a commercial for the images of objects, scenes, or events that somehow deviate from their counterparts in reality. Seven types of image transformation employed in TV commercials have been delineated in this regard.

159 6.3.1.4.1 The Taxonomy of Schema-based Transformations of Images

The cognitive schema activated by the immediate perception input functions as a

“source of expectancy” for images of any entities (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 8). An image of an object or event or scene is considered congruent if perceptual input matches the schema. If a perceived image of an entity deviates from the schema of this entity, then the image is considered transformed or incongruent

(Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 9). In his analysis of print ads,

Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript) distinguishes six transformations that result in incongruent images. He defines them as insert, distort, remove, substitute, fuse, and ambiguate (2012, unpublished manuscript, pp. 9-13). In addition to these six transformations, as the present analysis of images featured in TV commercials shows, the transformation ‘conversion’ is employed in TV commercials.

The transformation ‘remove’ stems from the incongruity of an image by removing a property or function for which the source of expectancy has a slot. As an example

Schilperoord (2012, unpublished manuscript) refers to a print ad that depicts a young woman without a mouth. The researcher explains the incongruity of this image by the absence of a prominent attribute of a human face, for which the source of expectancy has an available slot (p. 10).

The transformation ‘distort’ results in an incongruent image when the distortion of the quale structure of an object or the violation of the coherency of scene relations or the distortion of any event aspects takes place (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 10). For example, the distortion of a scene schema is employed in the

American commercial for Bud Light Beer, “Bud Light: Ability to fly.” The commercial

160 features a man flying among the clouds and being sucked in by a jet engine. The incongruity of this scene is caused by the violation of the support relationship – people cannot float or fly in the air. It should be noted that this is not an object- based incongruity, because to notice the impossible location of the man one needs to conceive of the entire scene. Both ‘remove’ and ‘distort,’ operate within one schema. The former concerns an entity for which the source of expectancy has slots available, while the latter relates to an entity the image of which deviates from its source of expectancy

(Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 12).

Contrary to ‘remove’ and ‘distort,’ the remaining transformations, ‘insert,’

‘substitute,’ ‘fuse,’ ‘ambiguate,’ and ‘conversion’ involve two schemas, one of which functions as the source of expectancy, and the other as the source of incongruity

(Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 12). The source of incongruity constitutes the schema of an entity that causes incongruity. Insert implies the insertion of an object or event, or scene, for which the source of expectancy has no available slots

(Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 9). For example, the American commercial for Stolichnaya Vodka entitled “Stolichnaya Vodka: Frozen Neighbors,” features the image of an apartment covered with ice where Stolli is enjoyed, and the images of the icy floor in a neighbor’s apartment and an entire bathroom covered with ice in another neighbor’s apartment. The insertion of ice causes incongruity of the scene’s image, because the source of expectancy is the schema of a room in a regular apartment, which would not have a slot for ice under normal circumstances as opposed to a freezer.

The source of incongruity is the schema of ice, i.e., ice does not normally appear on the ceilings or floor of an apartment but in freezers.

161 Substitute involves the replacement of one entity by another, for which the source of expectancy has no available slot, but for which the substituted entity does have a slot

(Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 10). This transformation occurs in the

American commercial for Budweiser entitled “Bridge” that features the inhabitants of a town who construct a bridge collectively out of their bodies to replace a washed-out bridge. The event schema of constructing a bridge implies the use of appropriate materials for this endeavor, e.g., metal, cement, etc., for which the schema has a slot; but it does not have a slot for human bodies. The incongruent building material for the bridge construction – human bodies – is part of the source of incongruity.

Fuse involves two sources of expectancy, the distortion of which gives rise to an incongruent image. The fused image consists of overlapping and non-overlapping parts of two entities that are merged into one hybrid image. Each source of expectancy has slots for both overlapping properties that are fused in the image and for non-overlapping properties that the image depicts in some incongruent way (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 11). However, it should be clarified that one source of expectancy becomes the source of incongruity if incongruence comes from it. The relation of both schemas to the referential topic of a commercial allows one to determine which schema functions as the source of expectancy and which serves as the source of incongruity. For example, the fusion of a bottle and a man results in the hybrid image of an oversized bottle of vodka with a human face and human limbs in the Ukrainian commercial for Bilen’ka vodka, “Mazhorka,” discussed in section 6.2.2. Since the referential topic of this commercial is vodka, the schema of a bottle of vodka constitutes

162 the source of expectancy which has no available slots for a human face and limbs, while the schema of a human functions as the source of incongruity.

Ambiguate involves the full overlap of the schemas of two or more entities, resulting in an ambiguous image that can be perceived as any of two or more entities depending on the perspective (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 13). For example, the Ukrainian commercial for the Olimp83 brand of vodka, “Vodka Olimp

Poseidon,” simultaneously features a middle-aged bearded man holding a billiard stick and the god Poseidon holding his trident. The man is shown playing billiards. At the moment he is thinking over his next shot, the man is depicted holding his billiard stick vertically while standing next to the tri-branched candelabrum, as pictured in Figure 6.3.

(a) (b)

Figure 6.3. Vodka Olimp: Poseidon.

The fusion of two images, a billiard stick and a candelabrum, results in the image of a trident. Such a depiction of three entities, the man, his billiard stick, and the candelabrum projects the image of the billiard stick as Poseidon’s trident and the man as the god Poseidon. In addition, the overlap of the voice-over’s statement “Боги серед нас.

83 The literal translation of the brand name Olimp is Olympus.

163 Олімп.” (The gods are among us. Olimp) with this incongruent image contributes to fusion in the image. Thus, the schema of a male human serves as the source of expectancy while the schema of the god Poseidon functions as the source of incongruity.

Finally, the transformation ‘conversion’ involves the progressive process of turning one entity into another when the schema of expectancy is replaced with the schema of incongruence. The supernatural and magic conversion of a duck into a young sexually attractive woman who, in turn, is transformed into an oversized bottle of

Belvedere Vodka is employed in the American commercial, “Belvedere Vodka: Meteor.”

The commercial features a flock of ducks flying in the night sky and a shiny meteor moving rapidly in the direction of Earth. The meteor coalesces with one of the ducks, thereby turning it into a young woman wearing fancy white undergarments, white stockings, and white shoes with high heels, while holding a bottle in her hand. The woman turns slightly to the right while gradually transforming into an oversized bottle of

Belvedere Vodka as Figure 6.4 shows.

6.3.2 Step 2: Identification of Cognitively Prominent Projected Features

Essentially, the second step aims to detect which features are projected from one phenomenon to another. This projection is achieved by means of the manipulation of the context of a commercial, as well as the techniques of juxtaposition and the transformation of images.

164

(a) (b)

(c)

Figure 6.4. Belvedere Vodka: Meteor.

6.3.2.1 Identification of Cognitively Prominent Projected Features in Context Manipulation

1. To determine cognitively prominent features projected on one entity by another entity by means of the context, define the similarity of both entities by contrasting their entity- depiction schemas and entity-constitutive schemas:

1.1. Detect the similarity in the entity-depiction schemas of the images of both entities contrasting them.

1.2. Detect the similarity in the entity-constitutive schemas of the images of both entities by contrasting them.

1.3. By contrasting both types of detected similarities of the juxtaposed images of the scenes, identify new values acquired by one of the entities. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another entity.

165 Let us apply these instructions to the American commercial for Hangar One

Vodka, “Hangar One Vodka: The ballad” discussed in 6.3.1.2. Table 6.1 shows the quale structures of both entities created by means of manipulating the context of the commercial. As the comparison of the depiction schema and the constitutive schema of the commercial shows, the newly acquired feature of Hangar One Vodka comprises the formal quale values such as popularity, traditionalism and commonality (collective experiences of common people). In Table 6.1 these newly acquired values are shaded in gray. It should be noted that this similarity between the two entities is not pre-existent, but created with this particular context.

6.3.2.2 Identification of Cognitively Prominent Projected Features in the Juxtaposition of Objects, Scenes, Events

1. In order to determine cognitively prominent features projected on an object juxtaposed with another object, define the similarity of both objects by contrasting the object-depiction attributes and object-constitutive attributes of each juxtaposed object.

1.1. Detect similarity in the object-depiction attributes of the juxtaposed objects by checking for the number of object tokens, projection onto a horizontal, vertical, or diagonal line, distance to each other, distance from the viewing point, spatial orientation, and context (Schilperoord et al., 2009, p. 158); unusual camera movement used for presenting two phenomena: a circular movement, a Z-shaped movement, a quick zoom- in; framing: two extreme close-ups; montage: the cut between two shots, repeated shots, the collage of small-sized and large-sized shots, etc. (Forceville, 2006).

166 Table 6.1. Quale structure: Hangar One Vodka and Ballad.

Entity-depiction Entity- Entity-depiction Entity- schema constitutive schema constitutive schema schema Hangar One Vodka Ballad Constitutive Water::spirit Water::spirit Information:: Information:: stanzas:: stanzas:: sentences::words sentences::words Formal Liquid::alcoholic Liquid:: alcoholic Ballad::song:: Ballad::song:: beverage::white:: beverage::white popular:: popular:: popular::tradition traditional:: traditional:: al::commonality commonality commonality

(collective (collective (collective Quale structure Quale experiences of experiences of experiences of common people) common people) common people) Telic Used for Used for Used for Used for drinking::makes drinking::makes singing::makes singing::makes consumers consumers listeners listeners intoxicated intoxicated emotional emotional Agentive An artifact, An artifact, An artifact, An artifact, produced through produced through produced through produced through a creative process a creative process a creative process a creative process

1.2. Detect the similarity in the object-constitutive attributes of the juxtaposed objects by contrasting their schemas.

1.3. By contrasting both types of detected similarities of the juxtaposed objects, identify new values acquired by one of the objects. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one object upon another object.

2. In order to determine cognitively prominent features projected on the scene juxtaposed to another scene, define the similarity of both scenes by contrasting the scene- depiction schemas and scene-constitutive schemas of each juxtaposed image.

2.1. Detect the similarity in the scene-depiction schemas of the juxtaposed images of the scenes by contrasting them.

167 2.2. Detect the similarity in the scene-constitutive schemas of the juxtaposed images of the scenes by contrasting them.

2.3. By contrasting both types of detected similarities of the juxtaposed images of the scenes, identify new values acquired by one of the juxtaposed scenes. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one scene onto another scene.

3. In order to determine cognitively prominent features projected on the event juxtaposed with another event, define the similarity of both events by contrasting the event-depiction schemas and event-constitutive schemas of each juxtaposed image of the events:

3.1. Detect the similarity in the event-depiction schemas of the juxtaposed images by contrasting them.

3.2. Detect the similarity in the event-constitutive schemas of the juxtaposed images by contrasting them.

3.3. By contrasting both types of detected similarities in the juxtaposed images of the events, identify new values acquired by one of the juxtaposed events. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one event onto another event.

To show how these instructions work, let us apply them to two images of the juxtaposed events featured in the Ukrainian commercial “Vodka Olimp: New Olimpus”.

Interplicitness of these event images discussed in section 6.3.1.3.3 makes them eligible for the second step. The analysis of the juxtaposition of event images follows instructions

3.1-3.3.

168 Table 6.2. The event schema of designing new-quality Olimp Vodka and its production and designing and constructing a unique soccer stadium.

Event schema Event-depiction Event- Event-depiction Event- structure schema constitutive schema constitutive schema schema Designing new-quality Olimp Vodka Designing and constructing a unique and its production soccer stadium Intentional/ The intentional Intentional event The intentional Intentional event objective design of a vodka design and bottle and the construction of a production of unique soccer new-quality stadium Olimp Vodka A set of events The structure of Sub-events Sub-events Sub-events comprising sub-events particular for particular for particular for actions similar for designing a new designing and designing and designing bottle and the constructing a constructing a constructing a production of unique soccer soccer stadium unique soccer vodka. stadium stadium The Relations similar Professional The relations of Constructers and appropriate to the relations of relations highly-qualified designers relations highly-qualified particular for professional relations between the professional liquor designing designers and actors designers and and production constructers constructers Appropriate/ A designing Distillery/ A designing A designing natural spatial- office and a temporal office and a office and a temporal distillery/ duration of the construction site/ construction parameters temporal design of a bottle possible temporal site/more than a parameters for is shorter than parameters for year the designing of the design of a the design and a bottle for stadium construction of a Olimp vodka and unique soccer the production of stadium Olimp vodka are similar to the temporal parameters of for the design and construction of a unique soccer stadium The causal In order to design Causal relations In order to design Causal relations relations a bottle for between actions a unique soccer between actions between the Olimp vodka particular to the stadium particular to the

169 actions that professionals production of professionals construction of a constitute the generate vodka generate stadium event blueprints, blueprints, discuss them, and discuss them, and make models in a make models. In similar way to order to construct the construction a unique soccer professionals. stadium the foundation is built, then the walls of the stadium then its interior, etc.

As Table 6.2 shows, the event-depiction schemas of both events are similar in all five, though the event-constitutive schemas of these events differ in all aspects except for the first aspects, i.e., the intentionality of both events. The comparison of both event- depiction schemas draws the analogy between the complexity of both events and the formal quale of both artifacts produced in the course of these events. The new formal values assigned to Olimp Vodka are high quality, uniqueness, and the complex process of production. The idea of the complexity of these events is also reinforced by the involvement of professionals and technology, e.g., computers and construction equipment.

6.3.2.3 Identification of Cognitively Prominent Projected Features in the Transformation of Objects, Scenes, Events

1. In order to detect the incongruity of a transformed image and cognitively prominent features projected from one entity as a result of incongruity:

1.1. Check for the removal of a highly prominent attribute of an object or a scene, or an event for which the schema (source of expectancy) has a slot available.

170 1.2. If the removal takes place, determine the newly acquired highly prominent attributes/functions of the entity of incongruity by correcting this transformation, using the schema of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features acquired by this entity.

1.3. Check for the distortion of an image by contrasting it with the schema (source of expectancy) for an object, or a scene, or an event included in the image:

1.3.1. If the distortion takes place, determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of the entity of incongruity by correcting this distortion using the source of expectancy.

These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features acquired by this entity.

1.4. Check for the insertion of a particular entity (an object, its parts, or the properties of an object) for which the schema (source of expectancy) for an object, or a scene, or an event included in the image has no available slots:

1.4.1. If the insertion occurs, determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of an inserted entity by examining its own schema (source of incongruity) and contrasting this with the source of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another.

1.5. Check for the substitution of any entity for another entity in the image for which the schema (source of expectancy) for an object, or a scene, or an event included in the image has no slot available:

1.5.1. If the substitution occurs determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of an entity of incongruity by examining its schema (source of incongruity) and contrasting it with the source of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another entity.

171 1.6. Check for the fusion (hybrid) of two entities created by mutually distorted parameters of two schemas (source of expectancy and source of incongruity) for an object, or a scene, or an event included in the image:

1.6.1. If the fusion (hybrid) occurs determine which of the two entities constitutes the entity of incongruity by relating the entities to the topic of a commercial (an advertized product). The entity that constitutes an advertized product is the entity of incongruity.

1.6.2. Determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of the entity of incongruity by examining its schema (source of incongruity) and contrasting it with the source of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another.

1.7. Check for the fusion (ambiguate) of two entities stemming from a full overlap of the slots of two schemas (source of expectancy and source of incongruity) for an object, or a scene, or an event included in the image:

1.7.1. If the fusion (ambiguate) occurs, determine which of the two entities is the entity of incongruity by relating them to the topic of a commercial (an advertized product). The entity that constitutes an advertized product is the entity of incongruity.

1.7.2. Determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of an entity of incongruity by examining its schema (source of incongruity) and contrasting it with the source of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another entity.

1.8. Check for the conversion of two entities stemming from progressive transformation of the schema of one entity (source of expectancy) to the schema of another entity (source of incongruity).

172 1.8.1. If the conversion occurs, determine which one of the two entities is the entity of incongruity by relating each to the topic of a commercial (an advertized product). The entity that constitutes an advertized product is the entity of incongruity.

1.8.2. Determine the newly acquired attributes/functions of an entity of incongruity by examining its schema (source of incongruity) and contrasting it with the source of expectancy. These new values constitute the cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another entity.

To apply these instructions to an incongruous image, let us consider the American commercial entitled “Belvedere Vodka: Meteor” that promotes Belvedere Vodka. As discussed in section 6.3.1.4, the incongruity stems from two conversions, i.e., a duck is transformed into a sexually attractive young woman, who, in turn, is transformed into an oversized bottle of Belvedere Vodka. These transformations are shown in Figure 6.4. The first transformation is indirectly related to the promoted product by ascribing to the incongruous image of the woman the value of mystery. Therefore, only the second conversion is in focus for the detection of projected features. In order to detect cognitively prominent features projected from one entity onto another, instructions 1.8.1 and 1.8.2 should be applied. By relating both entities, the woman and Belvedere Vodka, to the topic of the commercial – the promotion of Belvedere Vodka –the entity of incongruity becomes Belvedere Vodka. By examining the source of incongruity (the woman) and contrasting it to the source of expectancy for vodka given in Table 6.3, one identifies the new highly prominent attributes that Belvedere Vodka acquires in the commercial. They are the formal quale value of being appealing/desired, the telic qualia

173 of attracting people, and the agentive qualia of the mysterious emergence of vodka

(shaded in gray).

Table 6.3. The quale structure of the images of Belvedere Vodka and a mystifying woman.

Incongruous image Source of expectancy Source of incongruity Belvedere Vodka A mystifying woman Constitutive Water::spirit Water::spirit The parts of a human body

Formal Liquid:: alcoholic Liquid:: alcoholic Human::female::sexually beverage::white:: beverage::white attractive:: appealing/desired appealing/desired for males Telic Used for attracting Used for A woman attracts people people. drinking::makes by her appealing Quale structure Quale consumers appearance. intoxicated. Agentive Mysterious emergence An artifact, produced Mysterious emergence through a creative process

6.3.3 Step 3: Identification of Source and Target Domains and the Verbal

Formulation of Cross-domain Mapping

Step three has two goals. First, it aims to identify which of two or more entities involved in three metaphorical contexts (i.e., context manipulation, juxtaposition, and transformation) of a TV commercial functions as source and target domains. Second, it aims to translate an identified cross-domain mapping into words. This step is logically linked to the direction of the projection of cognitively prominent features. The entity functions as source domain when its features are projected onto another entity or its

174 functions are analogous to another entity. The entity functions as target domain when it acquires new non-pre-existing values that are created in the commercial. For example,

Hangar One Vodka is the entity that acquires new values (popularity, traditionalism and commonality [collective experiences of common people]), as discussed in section 6.3.2.1.

Hangar One Vodka functions as the target domain. The entity ‘ballad’ projects its features onto Hangar One Vodka and therefore it functions as the source domain. In the juxtaposition of two events discussed in section 6.3.2.2, the event of designing new- quality Olimp Vodka is ascribed the values that are usually associated with constructing a unique soccer stadium. Thus, the designing of Olimp Vodka is construed as the target domain, and the construction of a unique soccer stadium as the source domain. Finally, in the transformation analyzed in section 6.3.2.3, the projection is directed from a mystifying woman to Belvedere Vodka. Belvedere Vodka is ascribed new features foreign to the cognitive schema of vodka. It is featured as the target domain, while the mystifying woman is marked as the source domain.

In order for multimodal cross-domain mappings to be amenable to analysis, they need to be translated into words (Forceville, 2009, p. 24). Forceville (2009) emphasizes the analyst’s responsibility for finding “an adequate or acceptable verbal rendering of the metaphor’s underlying image-schematic level,” while warning of the impossibility of being neutral (p. 24). Forceville (1998) suggests two rules for formulating a metaphor manifested in print ads. First, when both the source and the target domains underlie physical objects, a metaphor is verbalized as A is B form. In order to make a metaphor label as neutral as possible, adjectives should be omitted. Second, when a metaphor involves actions, verbs might be used for a label (p. 125). Essentially, these two

175 suggestions seem applicable for the present procedure of metaphor identification; however, one clarification is important regarding the use of adjectives in the definition of a cross-domain mapping. As the review of the studies on multimodal metaphor used in

TV commercials shows (see section 5.2.1), the definition of a metaphorical mapping might include adjectives in order to define a concept accurately with consideration of its specific taxonomic values. For example, the rendering of a metaphorical mapping for

Belvedere Vodka should include the adjective ‘mystifying’ because the values of being mystic and mysterious are critical for the concept of the woman pictured in the commercial. Her mysterious and unearthly appearance differentiates her from the category of women, though mysterious by nature, however, are born on the earth in a common way.

Given these considerations, the instructions can be articulated in the following way:

1. In order to detect which of two entities functions as the source and the target domain, check for the direction of the projection of entity values:

1.2. The entity is defined as the source domain if it projects its values onto another entity.

1.3. The entity is defined as the target domain if it acquires new values foreign to its conceptual schema via the projection of these new values from the projecting entity.

2. In order to translate a metaphorical mapping into words, check for the category of an entity.

2.1. If an entity designates a physical object or abstract concept, or a scene, define them as accurately as possible by using nouns or noun phrases.

176 2.2. If an entity designates an event define it as accurate as possible by using a verb or verb phrase.

Consider the “Belvedere Vodka; Meteor” commercial once again. Instructions

1.2-1.3 allow the researcher to determine that the projection of values is directed from the woman onto Belvedere Vodka. The woman is conceptualized as the source domain.

Belvedere Vodka acquires new values projected from the source domain, i.e., the formal qualia value of being appealing/desired, the telic qualia of attracting people, and the agentive qualia of mysterious emergence; therefore it is conceptualized as the target domain. By applying instructions 2.1-2.2, the researcher translates the conceptual mapping into words using noun phrases in the following way: VODKA IS A

MYSTIFYING FEMALE. The use of the adjective in the definition of the mapping is explained above. Consider the event of designing Olimp vodka in “Novy Olimp”. The analysis of both event-depiction and event-constitutive schemas, designing new-quality

Olimp Vodka and its production, and designing and constructing a unique soccer stadium, prompts the projection of values from the latter to the former event, as discussed in section 6.3.2.2. The event of vodka designing is conceptualized as the target domain because it acquires new values, a high quality, uniqueness, and the complex process of production. The stadium construction event is construed as the source domain from which the values are projected on vodka production. To translate the conceptual metaphor into words, verb phrases are employed: DESIGNING AND PRODUCING

OLIMP VODKA IS DESIGNING AND CONSTRUCTING A UNIQUE SOCCER

STADIUM.

177 6.4. Conclusion

There are two possible ways of approaching the identification of metaphor in discourse, namely: a top-down (from conceptual to discourse manifestations of metaphor) approach and a bottom-up (from discourse manifestations of metaphor to conceptual metaphor) approach. For the present identification procedure, a bottom-up approach is chosen for two reasons. First, it assures the reliability of the analysis by allowing a researcher to extract all potential metaphors manifested in the data set (Low, 2007, p. 56) as opposed to a top-down approach that focuses on the search for a particular conceptual metaphor at the risk of missing others. Second, a bottom-up approach maintains a division between the discourse level of identifying potential metaphorical manifestations and the conceptual level of detecting source and target domains as well as labeling cross- domain mappings.

This identification procedure is transparent and replicable because, first, it relies on a systemic and explicit approach to the relevant unit of analysis, and, second, it uses cognitive schema as the source of expectancy for differentiating denotation from connotation of an image meaning and to determine cognitively prominent features projected from one phenomenon on another. The strict separation of a discourse level from a conceptual level together with a transparent procedure might lay the groundwork for further qualitative and possibly quantitative research in the field of multimodal metaphor.

Chapter 7

Multimodal Metaphor in American Vodka TV Commercials

7.1 Introduction

This chapter focuses on the analysis of metaphors employed in American TV commercials for vodka. Applying the procedure for identification of potential multimodal metaphors in TV commercials presented in chapter 6 to American TV commercials for vodka, five umbrella metaphors have been identified. The commercials for Absolut84 vodka construe a fiction, a utopian reality through the umbrella conceptual metaphor AN

ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD. Other vodka brands, such as Smirnoff,

Stolichnaya, Ciroc, Seagram’s vodka, Level vodka, Grey Goose, Pinky vodka, and

Belvedere employ four powerful overarching conceptual metaphors: VODKA IS A

PERSON, VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY, VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT, and VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY in order to ascribe specific values to the beverage in addition to its inherent values, while attracting customers’ interest. In what follows I will analyze the conceptual metaphors that compose each overarching metaphor in terms of such dimensions as conceptual mappings, the preferred modalities construing source and target domains, social practices in which both conceptual domains are embedded, and entailments. I will also discuss the sequence of domains in construing the conceptual metaphors that have been identified.

84 The brand name “Absolut” is derived from the original name “Absolut Rent Brännvin” (Absolutely Pure Vodka) that Lars Olsson Smith, the founder of the brand, used for marketing his product (“Story of Absolut,” n.d.). The Swedish adjective “absolut” designates the meanings of absolute, full, and complete.

179 7.2 AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD

The overarching metaphor AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD includes the nine conceptual metaphors given in Figure.1 (see Appendix A). Employing these metaphors, the commercials for Absolut vodka create a perfect world with perfect social relationships and perfect vodka, the production of which is featured as an artistic act of creativity. In addition to showing the social aspect of that created world, the commercials reveal the natural aspect of the imagined world, in which the solar system is improved by creating a different version of the Moon that is more suitable for happy nighttime activities. Such a conceptualization of an Absolut world reflects, in fact, the interplay of the metaphorical meaning of the brand name, “free from imperfection: perfect” and its literal meaning, “free or relatively free from mixture: pure alcohol”

(Merriam-Webster dictionary on line).

7.2.1 The Population of an Absolut World

In an Absolut world, Absolut vodka is personified through two conceptual metaphors, ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL and ABSOLUT

VODKA IS A CELEBRITY. The combination of visual and sonic modalities cues the source domain in both metaphors, AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL and A CELEBRITY, while the target domain, ABSOLUT VODKA, is presented through the combination of visual and verbal modalities. For example, in the commercial “Absolut Vodka: Swim,” the source domain, AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL, is revealed by featuring the conversion of a chubby man into an athletic man while swimming. The swimming is

180 synchronized with the sounds of water splashing. The target domain, ABSOLUT

VODKA, is rendered by the image of the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle with the brand name in blue (see Table 1.2 in Appendix A).

The conceptual mappings of the metaphors, ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL and ABSOLUT VODKA IS A CELEBRITY, are given in

Tables 1.1 and 2.185 (see Appendix A). The arrows indicate the direction of the mappings from source to target domain.

The conceptual metaphor, ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ATHLETIC

INDIVIDUAL, is realized through the mapping a healthy male → a healthy beverage.

The juxtaposition of an athletic and healthy young man in an Absolut world (who is chubby in the real world) and a bottle of the Absolut vodka results in the projection of the formal qualia of athleticism and health on Absolut vodka. The mapping suggests that

Absolut vodka makes its consumers athletic and healthy in an Absolut world. This message is reinforced by embedding the mapping in a sports activity—swimming.

Another metaphor, ABSOLUT VODKA IS A CELEBRITY, personifies Absolut vodka as a celebrity, Kanye Omari West. Employing the image of the popular American rapper, singer, and record producer, the commercial “Absolut: tablet” shows the conversion of a common individual into a celebrity after taking a “Be Kanye” tablet. The juxtaposed shots, the commoner converted into Kanye and Absolut vodka, invoke the mapping the fame of an individual → popularity of Absolut vodka, ascribing to Absolut vodka the value of a popular beverage. The caption “In an Absolut world” superimposed

85 The arrows indicate the direction of the mappings from source to target domain in all tables that show conceptual mappings.

181 on a new Kanye and an individual who is about to take a “Be Kanye” pill implies the accessibility of such transformations in the world of Absolut vodka.

The mappings generate two entailments: (1) in the world of Absolut vodka, where

Absolut vodka is consumed, anybody can become an athlete and a celebrity and (2)

Absolut vodka allows individuals to realize intimate desires.

7.2.2 Social Relationships in an Absolut World

Social relationships in an Absolut world are represented by four conceptual metaphors: ABSOLUT VODKA IS A LOVE STORY, CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS AFFECTION, and A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT.

Underlying the commercial “I’m here,” the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS A

LOVE STORY associates a heart-breaking love story with Absolut vodka by embedding unordinary relationships among two robots: Sheldon, a sad-looking librarian, and

Francesca, a free-spirited robot, engaged in the ordinary human social practices of dating, spending time together, having fun at a party, and overcoming life’s difficulties. The mapping of the metaphor unordinary love → unordinary attitude toward Absolut vodka projects the formal qualia of a love story, i.e., heart-stirring and touching, on the attitude toward vodka through the images of typical activities associated with young people in love, a romantic soundtrack in conjunction with the caption “Ordinary is no place to be.

A love story in an Absolut world.” The ostensible goal of the metaphor is to produce a strong emotional effect by appealing not to the human emotion of love but rather to the

182 emotion of love that is impossible in the reality, i.e., love between the robots. The distribution of modalities seems to be subjected to the same goal. The target domain,

ABSOLUT VODKA, is cued only in one modality, verbal, while the source domain, A

LOVE STORY, is invoked in three modalities--visual, verbal, and sonic (see Table 3.2 in

Appendix A). This combination of modalities is likely necessitated by the love story metaphor employed. The fact that being manifested only verbally as opposed to the usual conjunction of imaginary and verbal modalities for the target domain, implies that the source domain is the main focus of a designer in terms of producing an emotional appeal.

To produce an emotional appeal is the main focus of a designer. For that reason the source domain is cued by the mention of three modalities, while the target domain is revealed in one modality, verbal, not in the usual combination of verbal and visual.

Similar to personal relationships and attitude toward Absolut vodka, the economic relationships in an Absolut world featured in two commercials, “Absolut: Hugs” and

“Vodka: Hugs – money money,” are also grounded in a strong human emotion, affection.

Both commercials display identical images of business transactions, however, synchronizing them with two different soundtracks, Louis Armstrong’s “A Kiss to build a dream on” and “Money, money” (from the musical Cabaret). This variation in soundtracks gives rise to important conceptual and discursive consequences. The former comprises the elaboration of two different conceptual structures: the conceptual metaphor, CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION and the double source metaphoric amalgam86 CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS

86 Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera-Masegosa (2011) define a double source metaphorical amalgam as the combination of two metaphors in which two source domains are mapped onto one target domain (p. 19).

183 AFFECTION and CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS FORCE. The latter consequence is the difference in the qualitative role of modalities involved in the conceptualization of the metaphors. The soundtrack of Louis Armstrong’s recording makes the visual modality, where people in different parts of the world manifest mutual affection in culturally appropriate ways, central for cuing the metaphor, while the soundtrack from Cabaret makes the auditory modality central in elaborating the metaphoric amalgam.

The conceptual mappings of the metaphor CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS AFFECTION given in Table 4.1 (see Appendix A) schematize economic transactions as they usually occur in the real world; however, with one significant difference, i.e., currency is replaced by acts of affection, as Figure 7.1 shows. To reinforce this significant difference, signs of affection, including kisses, hugs, back rubbing, and special touches, are conceptualized as a metonymy, to which the source domain AFFECTION IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD is reduced. The metonymic reduction of the source domain, as Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera-Masegosa (2011, p. 12) point out, aims at “highlighting the most relevant elements of the source domain” among others, thereby bringing to attention the most relevant counterparts of the target domain into which they are mapped.

In this case, the replacement of currency with acts of affection ascribes to the former two new values derived from signs of affection: (1) the formal quale of currency, i.e., limitable, is replaced with the formal quale of affection, i.e., limitless, (2) the telic quale of affection, i.e., to make somebody feel liked or loved is attributed to currency, in addition to its own telic quale, i.e., the purpose of money is to purchase products/services.

184

(a) (b)

(c) (d)

(e) (f)

Figure 7.1. Absolut: Hugs.

The mapping affectionate relationships → business relationships in an Absolut world is cued through the images of the actual performance of acts of affection, and the lyrics of the song “A Kiss to Build a Dream On.” For example, hugging a cashier at the supermarket, kissing a booking-clerk, and touching the cheek of a violin player with one’s cheek at the train station occur simultaneously with the stanza “Gimme a kiss to build a dream on // And my imagination // Will thrive upon that kiss // Sweetheart, I ask no more than this // A Kiss to build a dream on.” As Figure 7.1 visualizes, the mappings, a giver of the signs of affection → a customer, a receiver of the signs affection → a seller, a service provider, are deployed through the smiling images of primarily young and middle-aged representatives of different countries and various social layers, e.g.,

185 business people who stay in expensive hotels, shoe shiners, people who rent bicycles, and ride buses. The mappings the signs of affection → currency, giving the signs of affection

→ paying for commodities and services, and receiving signs of affection → exchanging commodities and services for currency underlie cross-cultural ways of expressing affection, e.g., in Western and Oriental countries kisses, hugs, and massaging one’s back are employed, while in a sub-Saharan African culture a special way of holding hands and touching (see Figure 7.1 [f]) is displayed. It should be noted that these mappings are embedded in various social practices that are not linked to vodka purchase or consumption, e.g., buying food, tickets, paying for services, riding a bus and a bicycle, taking a taxi, brushing shoes, kissing, hugging, massaging one’s back, etc. Nevertheless, they are intended to exhibit what a perfect Absolut world might look like.

In contrast, the mappings of the double source metaphoric amalgam CURRENCY

IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION and CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS FORCE given in Table 1.5.1 include the additional source domain FORCE elaborated primarily via the auditory modality of the song “Money, money” with its sonically cued rapid musical delivery. The refrain of the song consisting of the single word “money” and the stanza “Money makes the world go around //...the world go around //...the world go around. // Money makes the world go around” add to the construal of currency in an Absolut world projected from force, i. e, currency exerts force on the world making it “go around.” Thus, by the combination of the auditory, sonic, and imagistic modalities, currency in an Absolut world is construed as signs of affection that exhorts force on the world. The enforcers and enforcees are elaborated as the parties involved in acts of affection aimed at exhorting force and submitting oneself to force, i.e.,

186 expressing affection in order to purchase and sell commodities and services. Similar to the economic relationships in the real world, money is force in an Absolut world; however, contrary to the economic relationships in the real world, it is a force of affection. The force of affection differs from the force of money in its effect. The latter results in social inequality with all its destructive consequences for those who are deprived, while the former makes everybody equal in all socio-economic respects, consequently it ensures ideal socio-economic relationships.

The mappings give rise to the following entailments: Absolut world is empowered by affection, while the real world is empowered by money. Absolut vodka as a part of the

Absolut world is a commodity that can be paid for with signs of affection, i.e., it is affordable for everyone willing to distribute signs of affection. The population of an

Absolut world exercises social equality, i.e., there are no rich or poor people, at least not in terms of money, since everyone is potentially able to show affection. The mappings and entailments construe an Absolut world as a moneyless and classless society ironically similar to the society that Karl Marx theorized, the main principle of which, “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs”87 seems to work well in an

Absolut world.

Finally, similarly to economic relationships, the public political relationships in an

Absolut world also deviate from the relationships in the real world. One of the instantiations of a political act, e.g., a protest, as the commercial “Absolut Vodka:

Absolut world – protest” features, is construed through the conceptual metaphor A REAL

PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A MOCK PHYSICAL

87 Marx used this slogan in 1875 in his “Critique of the Gotha Program.”

187 CONFLICT. This metaphor belongs to the umbrella metaphoric complex AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD. In a perfect Absolut world, the weapon used in real conflicts is as harmless as feather-filled pillows. This metaphor stems from the incongruity of the event schema of a protest, in which a real weapon is substituted for feather-filled pillows and feather-filled bombs in an Absolut world, as Figure 7. 2 shows.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.2. Absolut Vodka: Absolut world – protest.

The mappings of the metaphor, given in Table 6.1 (see Appendix A), project the harmlessness of mock combative actions with no intention to harm onto real combative actions with the intention to harm, at which both physical and emotional injuries might occur. Projecting mock fighters onto real fighters (the police and protesters) of an

Absolut world, the mapping implies individuals for whom aggressiveness is foreign because their real weapon is as dangerous as a mock weapon (pillows). These mappings suggest that in an Absolut world, public conflicts, clashes, or protests are acts of a secure and innocent game or play rather than acts of violence causing injuries or death. The harmlessness and playfulness mapped from the source domain, A MOCK PHYSICAL

CONFLICT, to the target, A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD, is cued by imagistic, auditory, and sonic modalities. The role of the last two is crucial because the French love song “Boum,” sung by Charles Trenet and the radiant,

188 joyful sounds of music create the atmosphere of joy and kindness. The role of foreignness of the song (French as opposed to an American one) is important in cueing an imagined city and imagined police, and the concept of the imagined world, i.e., an Absolut world.

The distribution of modalities is given in Table 6.2 (see Appendix A).

The mappings generate two entailments: (1) An absolute world is a politically and physically safe place and (2) an Absolut world sanctions protests that are as innocent as a common children’s game played during sleepovers. The value of harmless conflicts is indirectly attributed to Absolut vodka that is metonymically connected with an Absolut world (place-for-an object metonymy). This might explain the fact that, as Table 6.2 (see

Appendix A) shows, the metaphor is embedded in social practices that are not connected to social practices of alcohol consumption.

7.2.3 Art in an Absolut World

Art in an Absolut world is presented by its artistic artifact, i.e., Absolut vodka, its creative production, and a type of visual art, graffiti, via the metaphor ABSOLUT

VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT, the single-source metaphoric amalgam

ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and THE FLAVOR OF VODKA IS

THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS, and the metaphor VODKA

PRODUCTION IS AN ARTISTIC CREATIVE EVENT.

Absolute vodka is conceptualized as an object free from imperfection and incompatible via the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT construed by means of the distortion of a scene of object dissection in the commercial

189 “Absolut: Dissection” and the juxtaposition of the scenes that visualize objects and events presented as ABSOLUTE in three commercials: “Vodka: vodka,” “Vodka: Absolut,” and

“Vodka: Mulit trailer.” For example, the commercial “Vodka: vodka” displays the DNA double helix as the best or most perfect example of a building block, Marilyn Monroe’s performance for U.S. soldiers during the Korean War as the perfect morale booster, or the

Grand Canyon as the largest hole in the Earth (see Figure 7.3). The adjective ‘absolute’ in

Figure 7.3 (a-c) and the use of the definite article justifies the definition of the source domain, AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

(a) (b) (c)

(d)

Figure 7.3. Vodka: Vodka.

It is plausible that due to the manner of metaphorization, distortion and juxtaposition, imagistic and verbal modalities play the central role in cueing both domains in the above-mentioned commercials (see Tables 8.2, 9.2, 10.2, Appendix A).

The source domain, AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT, is revealed in the images and captions, as

Figure 7.3 shows, while the target domain, ABSOLUT VODKA, is presented as the

190 image of the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle and the brand name in blue defined by the definite article in white (see Figure. 7.3).

The mappings of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE

OBJECT highlight the aspect of a beverage such as its taste, composition, popularity, and prominence. The mappings are given in Tables 7.1, 8.1, 9.1, and 10. 1 (see Appendix A).

The only true taste of Absolut vodka is suggested by the mapping perfect ingredients → true taste of vodka cued by the incongruous image of a bottle of Absolut vodka dissembled into fragments of glass and drops of vodka floating in the air, while still holding the shape of a bottle, as Figure 7.4 shows. By the end of the commercial, the bottle is assembled into one piece. The scene of dissection is commented on by the female voice-over as “In an Absolut world, the most carefully chosen Swedish wheat and water from our own spring can only make one thing. The true taste of vodka.”

Figure 7.4. Absolut: Dissection.

The perfect combination of ingredients for Absolut vodka is reflected in the mapping the perfect embodiment of a composition → composition of vodka ingredients featured in the spot “Vodka: vodka” [see Figure 7.3 (a)] where a DNA double helix is associated with

Absolut vodka. The formal quale of a DNA double helix, the most perfect structural

191 combination of molecules created by nature, is projected onto Absolut vodka, ascribing to it a new value, the natural perfect combination of ingredients, the creation of which is beyond human abilities.

The popularity of Absolut vodka is conceptualized in the mapping the perfect embodiment of popularity → popularity of vodka, cued by juxtaposing the images of

Marilyn Monroe in “Vodka: vodka” and Steve McQueen in “Vodka: Absolut,” and famous cultural American artifacts, e.g., a Les Paul Standard Gibson guitar in “Vodka: vodka” and the rock club known as CBGB-OMFUG in New York City in “Vodka:

Absolut” with the bottle of Absolut vodka. The Hollywood icons and the cultural artifacts are defined as “the absolute” in the commercial captions emphasizing their uniqueness and perfection.

Finally, the mapping a landmark → prominence of vodka is depicted in the commercials “Vodka: vodka,” “Vodka: Absolut,”and “Mulit trailer,” through the juxtaposition of the images of ABSOLUTE landmark events: the deconstruction of the

Berlin Wall and the Apollo moon landing; landmark films: “The Rocky Horror Picture

Show” (1975), the anime film “Akira” (1988); the absolute Indian-type of a love drama, the cultural landmark, the Statue of Liberty, and a natural landmark, the Grand Canyon, with a bottle of Absolut vodka. The formal qualia of famous landmarks--being noticeable, widely known and marking a turning point--are projected onto Absolut vodka, ascribing the value of prominence to it in a sense of standing out among all of the other vodkas. It should be noted that the mappings promote Absolut vodka as the only beverage with a true taste, popular and prominent, while being embedded in various

192 social actions, e.g., performing (Marilyn Monroe), driving a motorcycle (the scene from the film “Akira”), and launching a spaceship, that are not linked to drinking practices.

The conceptual mappings invoke two entailments: (1) Absolut vodka is the only vodka with a true taste and perfect composition and (2) Absolut vodka appeals to demographically and socially diverse consumers as an iconic beverage.

Absolut vodka is associated with actual art, street art graffiti, in two pieces,

“Vodka: Maya Hayuk,” “Vodka: Phil frost,” that aim to promote its flavored version,

Absolut Rasberri88 vodka. The raspberry flavor of a beverage is construed through the single-source metaphoric amalgam ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and THE FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED

FORMS. In such a metaphoric complex, the merging of the two metaphors allows the former metaphor to enrich the latter in order to account for the meaning implications manifested in the commercials (Ruiz de Mendoza & Galera-Masegosa, 2011, p. 18). By considering the metaphor, ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART, alone, it is possible to derive the implication that vodka is associated with visual art (Figure 7. 5); but not how the meaning of flavor is associated with visual art.

(a) (b)

Figure 7.5. Vodka: Maya Hayuk.

88 The noun rasberri is the Swedish word for raspberry.

193

The source domain is revealed visually by nontraditional, new style of art, graffiti, sonically by nontraditional music, psychedelic, and verbally. The sonic modality emphasizes the motion of bright colored geometric figures. The significance of sonic modality in these spots should be pointed out as it plays as important role for cuing the metaphoric complex similar to its function the previously discussed commercials

“Absolut: Hugs,” “Vodka: Hugs – money money,” and “Absolut Vodka: Absolut world – protest.” The target domains are manifested in two modalities, visual and verbal. Both commercials start and end with the image of Absolut Rasberri vodka with a halo background. The brand name is clearly seen on the bottle.

The mappings are given in Tables 11.1 and 12.1 (see Appendix A). The mappings of the metaphor THE FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF

COLORED FORMS are highlighted in gray. The mapping, walls of building → a bottle of Absolut vodka, projects the accessibility and non-traditionalism of graffiti art on vodka.

Both artistically-minded and lay people in visual art appreciate massive murals on the walls of buildings and bridges. In addition, the use of graffiti vs. water color or any other traditional visual art constitutes a demographic factor of vodka promotion, targeting consumers of the age of 21-30 who might be already familiar with flavored vodka. By associating vodka producers with artists and designing vodka flavors with making murals, the advertisers communicate two messages: the vodka production process is creative, and the outcome of this creativity is a piece of art as opposed to a common alcoholic beverage. Similar emphasis on creativity of the production of Absolut vodka is made in the commercial “Absolut: Anthem” that will be discussed next.

194 The mappings, coloring a bottle → unleashing a flavor of vodka and seeing a color → perception of flavor, associate flavor with the motion of colors and geometric forms similar to the motion of bright colored forms in the Hubble Telescope, while associating visual output with perceptual output. As distinct from the mappings that have been discussed in this chapter, the latter mapping has linguistic instantiations in addition to visual manifestations. For example, Kentucky bourbon can be described as a beverage with a clean flavor, spinach is talked about as a plant with a clean bright flavor (COCA).

The mappings give rise to three entailments: (1) Absolut vodka is an eye-catching product, (2) the production of which is a creative process, and (3) resulting in the expansion of a product’s variety.

The emphasis on creativity in Absolut vodka production is made in the commercial “Absolut: Anthem” that, in fact, articulates the philosophy of Absolut vodka:

“Doing things differently leads to something exceptional,” visualized through six different scenes in which a team of artists creates large-scale installations out of ice blocks, wheat, a number of hanging ABSOLUT bottles, flying lanterns, huge balloons, and glass containers. Each word of the anthem is created out of a unique material, thereby symbolizing creativity (see Figure 7. 6).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.6. Absolut: Anthem.

195 In this commercial, vodka production is elaborated through the conceptual metaphor VODKA PRODUCTION IS AN ARTISTIC EVENT. The source domain, AN

ARTISTIC EVENT, is manifested visually via the images given in Figure 7.6, while the target domain is cued in visual (the close up image of a bottle of Absolut vodka) and verbal modalities (the brand name) [see Table 13.2, Appendix A]. The mappings of the metaphor are given in Table 13.1 (see Appendix A).

Similar to the commercials “Vodka: Maya Hayuk,” “Vodka: Phil frost,” in this spot vodka producers are associated with artists who realize their creative approach through using uncommon materials in order to create a work of art. Being mapped to

Absolut vodka production, these concepts communicate a message about the creative approach of vodka producers, who, using exceptional ingredients, create Absolut vodka.

The projection of a work of art onto Absolut vodka results in ascribing to Absolut vodka a new value of being ‘exceptional’.

7.2.4 An Absolut Moon in an Absolut World

The concept of an imagined perfect world developed in the commercial “Absolut:

Moon” is elaborated by the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUT MOON IN

AN ABSOLUT WORLD through the images of a world-wide lunar mission aimed at transforming the Moon into a gigantic mirror ball and a global dancing party lit up by this mirror ball juxtaposed to the image of the silver-topped Absolut bottle in the glow (see

Figure 7.7).

196

(a) (b) (c)

(d)

Figure 7.7. Absolut: Moon.

The source domain, AN ABSOLUT MOON IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD, is cued by the visual modality through the images mentioned above, while the target domain,

ABSOLUT VODKA, is revealed in two modalities, visual and verbal, as Table 14.2 shows (see Appendix A).

The mapping creating a party atmosphere every night → consuming Absolut vodka projects the function quale of a mirror ball in a party, i.e., the creation of a party atmosphere, onto Absolut vodka, thereby attributing Absolut vodka a new functional value, such as generating an absolutely festive spirit of the people in an Absolut world.

The entailments generated by this mapping are the following: (1) as the Absolut Moon appears every night, Absolut vodka is consumed every night and (2) Absolut vodka is a necessary attribute of any nighttime party.

The analysis of nine metaphors coalesced under the umbrella metaphor AN

ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD provides insight into the concept of a perfect society envisioned in the world of Absolut vodka rather than into possible values

197 of an alcoholic beverage, e.g., quality. As the metaphors reveal, the concept of a perfect society in an Absolut world appeals to such human values as health, vanity, beauty, love, affection, equality, safety, and enjoyment. Though the analyzed commercials display neither the consumption of Absolut vodka nor any American social practices directly connected to it, the commercials send a message about the main condition for becoming a member of this perfect society, i.e., the consumption of Absolut vodka.

7.3 Metaphors of Vodka of Various Brands in American TV Commercials

Similar to the commercials for Absolut vodka, the commercials for other vodka brands, such as Smirnoff, Stolichnaya, Ciroc, Seagram’s, Level, Grey Goose, Pinky, and

Belvedere also personify vodka and relate it to social phenomena, e.g., competition, love inspiration, behavior, and a lifestyle, through the metaphors VODKA IS A PERSON and

VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY. However, in distinction from Absolut vodka commercials, the commercials for these other vodka brands employ interest metaphors

(VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT, and VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY) that, as Ungerer (2000) states, create interest by employing strangeness and mysteriousness and even revoltingness89 (p. 327).

89 In the corpus of commercials for alcoholic beverages analyzed in the present project revoltingness is not observed. However, one of the commercials for Smirnoff vodka uses revolting images that the protagonist sees while looking through a bottle of Smirnoff vodka at the people and objects around him, e.g., a bride bites a groom like a vampire at a wedding reception, the dress decoration composed of glittering green beads turns into green bugs crawling over a woman.

198 7.3.1 VODKA IS A PERSON

Paralleling Timofeev’s (2005) findings, i.e., vodka is associated with masculinity and femininity in Russian promotional discourse, as is discussed in section 5.3.1, personification is also employed in American commercials. The overarching metaphor

VODKA IS A PERSON underlies seven metaphors, four of which associate vodka with specific types of persons – a celebrity, a person of noble birth, a mystifying female, and love inspiration, while the other three metaphors relate vodka to such human values as a good reputation, smoothness, and being balanced, as the graph in Figure 2 (see Appendix

A) shows.

The metaphor STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A CELEBRITY is elaborated by imagistic and verbal modalities in the commercial “Stolichnaya: Hugh Hefner.” The commercial displays the celebrity Hugh Hefner, the founder of Playboy magazine, discussing his life achievements with his twin. By juxtaposing Hugh Hefner in a suit and his twin wearing a dressing gown at a stylish party with Stolichnaya vodka, the mappings

(see Table 15.1, Appendix A) fame → popularity of Stolichnaya vodka and an original man → original vodka project such formal qualia of a celebrity as fame and originality, in the sense of being unique, eccentric and inventive, onto vodka. The latter mapping is reinforced by the male voice-over’s comment: “The most original people deserve the most original vodka.” These mappings suggest that Stolichnaya is a popular beverage in addition to being original, in the sense of being different from any other alcoholic beverage. These mappings are embedded in the social practices of alcohol consumption

199 at an exclusive party hosted in the exquisite mansion and the social practice of flirting with young, attractive, and stylish women (see Table 15.2, Appendix A).

The metaphor SMIRNOFF VODKA IS A PERSON OF NOBLE BIRTH is featured in the commercial “Vodka: SMIRNOFF” through the context of a success story about a Russian aristocrat related to the Russian imperial court, prosecuted in Soviet

Russia, however, welcomed in Europe and the U.S. as an inspirer of a cocktail revolution.90 The saliency of Russian aristocratic origin is elaborated in the first three mappings given in Table 16.1 (see Appendix A) through a combination of imagistic, verbal, and sonic modalities. The mappings a Russian aristocrat → Russian original vodka, honored in the tsar’s family → consumed by the elite, and prosecuted by

Communists → prohibited by the Soviet government are visualized in the images of the

Winter Palace in Saint-Petersburg, the Kremlin in Moscow, and a gigantic worker who crushes the running red line that metonymically stands for Smirnoff vodka, while being synchronized with the male voice-over’s comments: “Born into luxury;” “To a family honored by tsars;” and “Declared an enemy of the people.” Moreover, a clear hint on its

Russian aristocratic origin is made by the emblem of Smirnoff that depicts the two- headed eagle with a crown on each head featured in the final shot accompanied by the voice-over’s clarification: “Clearly original. Clearly Smirnoff. Story continues at

Smirnoff dot com.” This emblem recalls the Russian Imperial coat of arms. Tense background tunes and the sound of a crash cue the source domain, while accentuating the prosecution of a person. The formal quale, the success of a human, is projected onto

90 This life story recalls the story of Pierre Smirnoff, the founder of Smirnoff vodka, however, with one difference. Pierre Smirnoff was a merchant who had no relationship with the Russian nobility. As an advertising trick, as Pokhlebkin (2009) notes, Pierre Smirnoff proclaimed himself a provider of vodka for the imperial court, without specifying which imperial court (p. 35).

200 vodka through such mappings as escaping to Europe and the USA → becoming produced in Europe and the USA and the success of a person → world-wide consumption of

Smirnoff vodka through the images of the Eiffel Tower that metonymically stands for

France, with Hollywood that metonymically refers to the U.S. and to the high style life of movie stars and the comment of the voice-over: “Celebrated everywhere for its extraordinary purity.” The distribution of modalities for this metaphor is given in Table

16.2 (see Appendix A).

In contrast to the previously discussed male personifications of vodka, another metaphor, BELVEDERE VODKA IS A MYSTIFYING FEMALE, associates the brand with a mystifying, young, and sexually appealing woman through the incongruous image of vodka stemming from the transformation of conversion, as discussed in detail in section 6.3.1.4 and featured in Figure 6.4. The mappings, the magic birth of a female → the magic emergence of vodka, sexual attractiveness → vodka appeal, being desired → evoking a desire, imply the projection of such attributes as being appealing/desired, the ability to attract people, and the mysterious emergence of vodka from the schema of the woman featured in the commercial “Belvedere Vodka: Meteor” (see the discussion in

Chapter 6.3.2.3 for details). This projection is realized by a combination of the visual modality and the auditory (a love story) and sonic (paranoid sounds) modalities to cue the source domain, A MYSTIFYING FEMALE. The target domain, BELVEDERE

VODKA, is revealed visually (the oversized bottle of Belvedere vodka) [see Figure 6.4] and verbally by the caption “Belvedere. Luxury reborn.” superimposed on the image of the bottle. The distribution of modalities is given in Table 17.2 (see Appendix A).

201 Finally, contrary to the personifications discussed above, vodka is associated with the mythological Cupid – the Roman god of affection and love, in the commercial “Pinky

Vodka: Cupid.” The context of Cupid’s story compels the viewer to view vodka as

Cupid, on the one hand, and to juxtapose a business competition, and a competition in love inspiration, on the other. The association of vodka with Cupid is conceptualized in the metaphorical chain91 PINKY VODKA (T) IS A LOVE INSPIRER (S/T) IS CUPID

(S), while the juxtaposition of a business competition and competition for love inspiration is construed via the metaphor LOVE INSPIRATION COMPETITION IS BUSINESS

COMPETITION.

The source domain CUPID is cued imagistically (a man with wings shoots with a bow and arrow [Figure 7.8 (a)]) and verbally by Cupid’s story: “In the oldest days it was a good job.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.8. Pinky Vodka: Cupid.

You know you shoot a few hours and grab a scone. You know you shoot a few more hours (laughing) and take a nap.” The target and source domain, A LOVE

INSPIRER, is revealed verbally through the interjection “ahh” uttered by the targeted

91 Ruiz de Mendoza and Galera-Masegosa (2011) defines a metaphorical chain as the interaction of two metaphors where “the target domain of one metaphor becomes the source [domain] of a subsequent metaphor” (p. 21).

202 woman to which Cupid replies: “You are welcome.” The target domain, PINKY

VODKA, is presented by the image of Pinky vodka in bottles and glasses set on tables in restaurants and verbally in the caption “Pinky. The world’s most beautiful vodka.” The distribution of the modalities is given in Table 18.3 (see Appendix A). The mappings of his metaphorical chain, given in Table 18.1 (see Appendix A), project the telic quale of

Cupid, inspiring love of people for people, onto Pinky vodka, attributing to Pinky vodka a new value – the ability to arouse love for it. They are manifested in the commercial through the image of a young woman hugging a bottle of Pinky vodka (see Figure 7.8

[c]) and Cupid’s complaint: “Women everywhere are falling in love with this Pinky vodka.”

The competition between Cupid and Pinky vodka is conceptualized as business competition by the mappings given in Table 18.1 (see Appendix A). The central modality for cueing the competition mappings is verbal. Cupid complains about the popularity of

Pinky vodka among women, self-deprecating remarks on his behalf, and an imagined conversation with his boss: “Today it’s totally unmanageable. I’ve taken advantage of technological advances. Even altered the distribution system. Had at least the help from family.” “But no matter what I do. I can’t keep up. Women everywhere are falling in love with this Pinky vodka. Pinky vodka, Pinky vodka.” “How are your numbers? You’ve got to put on your activity. Who has been the number one producer in this hemisphere for the last three decades?” elaborate the mappings verbally establishing the competition.

Cupid’s utterances are synchronized with the images of Cupid shooting young women, who consume Pinky vodka and embrace the bottle of Pinky vodka as it is depicted in

Figure 7.8.

203 In three commercials, “Smirnoff: Melt,” “Ciroc Ultra Premium: Smooth off,” and

“Level Vodka: Acrobats,” the values of the three vodkas are construed in terms of such human values as good reputation, smoothness, and being balanced, yielding the metaphor

SMIRNOFF VODKA’ S REPUTATION IS GOLD, the metaphorical chain

SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC VODKA (T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON (S/T) IS

SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT (S), and the single-source metaphoric amalgam

BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS A CARPENTER’S

LEVEL.

In the commercial “Smirnoff: Melt,” smelters throw golden trophies that experts rewarded Smirnoff vodka to the smelting furnace and forge them into the phrases: “The people choose” and “People’s challenge.” These images are synchronized with the voice- over’s comment: “The experts have made Smirnoff the most rewarded name in vodka.

Well, trophies look well on the shelf. What matters most to us is what you think. This

August we are putting our reputation on the line.” The impression that is imparted by visually and verbally (see Table 19.2, Appendix A) associating the target with the source domain through the mappings given in Table 19.1 (see Appendix A) is that the reputation of Smirnoff vodka is built by its consumers and it is as precious as gold.

Another commercial, “Ciroc Ultra Premium: Smooth off,” imparts the notion of smoothness onto Ciroc Ultra Premium, Ciroc Coconut, Ciroc Red Berry vodkas by juxtaposing the images of physically smooth motion and the person’s quality of smoothness demonstrated by two finalists for the Ciroc “Smoothest Man of the Year” competition: Sean John Combs known as Diddy, an American rapper, singer, record producer, actor and Aziz Ansari, a standup comedian, synchronized with their trash talk

204 before the competition and Ciroc vodkas (see Table 20.2, Appendix A). This juxtaposition of the images in combination with the scare talk elaborates the metaphorical chain SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC VODKA (T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON

(S/T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT (S) maintained through the mappings given

Table 20.1 (see Appendix A). Being well-controlled in terms of free from bumping (even, flowing) is revealed in Diddy’s smooth and sliding movements in his palatial abode and

Ansari’s reaching for bottles of Ciroc vodka with different flavors, so quickly that it is unnoticeable. The qualities of being well-controlled in terms of being amiable and courteous is featured in the scene of responding in Italian to a young attractive woman, whose native language is apparently Italian. Thus, the formal qualia of an individual, smoothness, being self-controlled, and being amiable, are projected onto Ciroc vodka, balanced flavors and a good taste for anybody, while communicating a message that

Ciroc flavored vodkas are smooth, i.e., a flavor is not too strong or bitter and can satisfy anybody’s taste. The conceptualization of Ciroc vodka’s smoothness is reinforced verbally through the literal use of the adjective smooth in the scare talk of the opponents.

For example, Diddy asks Mr. Ansari: “You really think you smoother than me?” He reaches for Ansari’s card from his pocket, which Mr. Ansari inserted surreptitiously. Mr.

Ansari responds to Diddy’s explanation about missing one trophy for smoothness: “There is no sabbatical from smooth.” The literal sense comes out of Diddy’s reply to Mr.

Ansari: “I was trainin’ my body, baby. Perfectin’ my reflexes.”

The final commercial “Level Vodka: Acrobats” manifests the single-source metaphoric amalgam BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS

A CARPENTER’S LEVEL by juxtaposing acrobats and Level vodka and substituting a

205 bottle of Level vodka for a carpenter’s level (see Figure 7.9) in order to reveal the perfect balance of Level vodka as the focal idea.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.9. Level Vodka: Acrobats.

The source domains of the amalgam are elaborated visually, e.g., the images of five acrobats holding poles, on which an upscale restaurant is set with two acrobats sliding down, while the target domains are cued visually, e.g., an image of the Level vodka set on its side on the martini glass, recalling a carpenter’s level, and verbally by the male voice-over’s comment: “Introducing Level, the world's first perfectly balanced vodka. One sip, you'll know a new level.” (see Table 21.2, Appendix A). The mappings perfectly balanced acrobats → perfectly balanced Level vodka and unbalanced acrobats

→ the low quality of vodka project the formal quale of acrobats, perfect balancing skills, onto the quality of vodka. The commercial overtly shows that BEING UNBALANCED

IS BAD through the discontented impression on the faces of two clients (a young and stylish couple) in the restaurant when they see vodka move in their glasses. The property of being balanced in vodka is also cued verbally by the descriptors “perfectly balanced” in the voice-over’s statement: “The world’s first perfectly balanced vodka.” The mapping establishing a standard level → establishing a new standard projects the telic quale of a

206 carpenter’s level, i.e., establishing a perfect (standard) level on Level vodka, implying that Level vodka functions as the standard for measuring the quality of any vodka.

Contrary to multimodal manifestations of the metaphors coalesced under the umbrella metaphor AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD, the personification metaphors discussed in this section are embedded in the social practices of alcohol consumption. For example, sitting at the table, holding glasses of vodka, toasting with glasses of vodka and socializing, while implicitly consuming a beverage, are featured in all but two of these commercials , i.e., “Vodka: Smirnoff” and “Smirnoff:

Melt.” Moreover, the commercials “Ciroc Ultra Premium: Smooth off” and “Level

Vodka: Acrobats” overtly encourage consumption of vodka. In the commercial “Ciroc

Ultra Premium: Smooth off,” the butler offers “Some Ciroc vodka, gentlemen” three times during the commercial. The offer is usually accepted by Diddy, Mr. Ansari, and the woman. In order to have a new experience, the voice-over encourages: “One sip, you'll know a new level” in the commercial “Level Vodka: Acrobats.” The ambiguity of the noun phrase “a new level” leads to two implications: level in the sense of balanced acrobats and a carpenter’s level and “high” meaning the next level of gustatory and emotional experience.

The mappings of the metaphor VODKA IS A PERSON gives rise to two sets of entailments that relate to the social class and gender of consumers, the premise of consumption, and social relationships. By personifying vodka as a celebrity (Diddy, Mr.

Ansari, and Hugh Hefner) and an aristocrat and making salient their professional skills and achievements, vodka becomes emblematic of an aristocratic and elite lifestyle (Agha,

2011, p. 22) and, consequently, its privileges, e.g., power, fame, and wealth. Based on the

207 stylish clothing of the protagonist, their wealthy premises, and exclusive restaurants they visit, the commercials portray the male and female representatives of the elite social class that presumably consumes a prestigious and celestial (as shown in the commercial

“Belvedere Vodka: Meteor”) alcoholic beverage, vodka. The lower social stratum consumers are invited to the circle of the privileged being offered this prestigious, foreign, and even celestial beverage. Vodka serves as an aspiration for them to demonstrate a desired social status. This illusive-compensatory quality of alcoholic beverages is discussed in Chapter 2.3. The entailment drawn from the mappings of the metaphor LOVE INSPIRATION COMPETITION IS BUSINESS COMPETITION relates to the social relationship of love. Women’s love for Pinky vodka supersedes women’s love for men because the winner of the competition, as the commercial “Pinky

Vodka: Cupid,” features, is Pinky vodka, to which Cupid loses.

7.3.2 VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY

The overarching metaphor VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY includes a metaphoric chain of competition and two metaphors that associate vodka with a particular social behavior and a high lifestyle, as shown in Figure 3 (see Appendix A). The metaphoric chain: THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS (T) IS THE RIVALRY

BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS (S/T) IS THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN (S) underlies two similar commercials: “Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries bear” and “Seagram’s

Vodka: Rivalries eagle” for Seagram’s vodkas (Seagram’s Extra Smooth Vodka and

Seagram’s Sweet Tea Vodka). In this case, the source domain, THE RIVALRY

208 BETWEEN MEN, is not cued explicitly. It is implied by the genre of the discourse that nonhuman rivals generate across the commercials, i.e., a trash talk before a fight or competition that is usually engaged in by male combatants. The target/source domain

THE RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS is revealed visually by juxtaposing the images of the rivalry between an eagle and a giant in one commercial, and the rivalry between a bear and cheese in another commercial, as Figure 7.10 (a and b) shows, and verbally in the form of trash talk, in which the featured characters are engaged. The target domain, THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS, is cued by the image of

Seagram’s vodkas [see Figure 7.10 (c)] and verbally by the caption “Celebrate classic rivalries with Seagram’s vodka.” The distribution of modalities is given in Tables 22.2 and 23.2 (see Appendix A).

By means of the juxtapositions and trash talk, the metaphoric chain generates the mappings given in Tables 22.1 and 23.1 (see Appendix A).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.10. Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries bear. Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries eagle.

These mappings project the formal quale of the rivals such as the physical strength of a bear, an eagle and a giant, and the strength of taste of cheese, onto Seagram’s vodkas. In addition to the above-mentioned newly projected attributive feature, the competitiveness or non-competitiveness of the rivals is mapped onto Seagram’s vodka. The

209 competitiveness of the rivals is implied by the outcome of the trash talk, while non- competitiveness can be assumed from paring rivals that cannot possibly be rivals by their nature, i.e., a rug made of bear skin and a piece of cheese, an eagle and a giant. In my opinion, whether the competitiveness or non-competitiveness of the rivals is implied, the

David & Goliath Agency attempts to communicate a message about the competitiveness of both Seagram’s Extra Smooth Vodka and Seagram’s Sweet Tea Vodka. The mappings give rise to the entailment of masculinity, i.e., any type of Seagram’s vodka is a beverage for real, strong men to whom fighting appeals.

The social phenomenon of a high life is conceptualized by the metaphor GREY

GOOSE VODKA IS A HIGH LIFESTYLE revealed by the context of the commercial

“Grey Goose Vodka: Oysters,” as discussed in Chapter 6.2.2. The source domain, A

HIGH LIFESTYLE, is cued visually through the images of luxurious objects, e.g., a fancy yacht and expensive food, i.e., crab claws and oysters, and two relaxing young men and three young attractive women who enjoy spending time together, as Figure 7.11 features, and by the sonic modality through the sounds of laughter. The target domain,

GREY GOOSE VODKA, is represented visually by the images of the opening of a bottle of Grey Goose vodka, pouring vodka into glasses, and toasting that alternate with images in Figure 7.11. It is also cued verbally through the voice-over’s comment: “Grey Goose.

World’s best tasting vodka,” with an accompanying identical caption. The distribution of modalities is given in Table 24.2 (see Appendix A).

210

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.11. Grey Goose Vodka: Oysters.

The metaphor generates the mappings shown in Table 24.1 (see Appendix A).

The mappings are realized in leisure-time activities carried out by young people, who comprise quite wealthy people since they can afford to have the discerning taste of a high lifestyle, i.e., a large and beautiful yacht on which they enjoy drinking vodka with exquisite food. The mapping experiencing happiness → relaxing and sharing vodka with female/male partners is realized by the images of the smiling faces of the featured characters in relaxing postures (see Figure 7.11). These mappings project the formal quale of luxuriousness and idleness from a high lifestyle on vodka, presenting it as an exclusive and expensive beverage for the elite. These mappings give rise to an entailment similar to the entailments generated by the mappings of the metaphor VODKA IS A

PERSON discussed in section 7.3.1, i.e., vodka becomes the emblem of an elite lifestyle

(Agha, 2011, p. 22) and, consequently, its privileges, e.g., power, fame, and wealth.

Finally, the metaphor RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA IS

APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR is elaborated in the social educational commercial “Smirnoff: Congratulations” by associating two social practices: responsible alcohol consumption and appropriate congratulations on an engagement. The mappings of the source domain, INTELLIGENT APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR, are

211 revealed visually and verbally through the image of a congratulatory event that features a friend of the fiancé, Matt, congratulating a just engaged couple by reminding Hank of his former 300 girlfriends in the presence of his fiancée Cindy. The mappings of the target domain, RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA, are represented only verbally through the brand name and the caption: “Knowing when to stop is a good thing.

Reminder from Smirnoff.” Mapping the distorted schema of the social practice of congratulating on an engagement, i.e., inappropriate information, on the social practice of alcohol consumption results in ascribing to the latter the attribute of inappropriateness in terms of the amount of alcohol consumed.

7.3.3. VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT

The metaphor VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT includes the metaphors given in Figure.4 (see Appendix A) that aim to get the attention of consumers appealing to a natural human desire for both the mystical and the unexplored, on the one hand, and the common and traditional, on the other.

The metaphor STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT makes

Stolichnaya an appealing and desired object, classifying it as a beverage that includes a fruit of mystical origin or as a beverage with an uncommon function, as the commercials

“Vodka: Stolichnaya Blueberi [sic]” and “Stolichnaya Vodka: Frozen neighbors” show.

The source domain, A STRANGE OBJECT, is cued visually, e.g., converting one fruit into another in “Vodka: Stolichnaya Blueberi” and the freezing cold apartments of neighbors in “Stolichnaya Vodka: Frozen neighbors,” and sonically by psychedelic

212 music, the non-traditionalism of which reinforces the incongruity of the images in both commercials. The target domain STOLICHNAYA VODKA is manifested visually through the image of a bottle of Stolichnaya and a cocktail glass, and verbally by the brand name in both commercials and a female voice-over comment: “Introducing Stolli

Blueberi, the latest arrival in a long line of great flavors from Stolichnaya. Pioneer of flavored vodka.” This appears in the commercial “Vodka: Stolichnaya Blueberi.”

The mappings the mystical origin of fruit → the mystical origin of flavored

Stolichnaya and the transformation of fruit → the production of flavored Stolichnaya given in Tables 26.1 (see Appendix A) are visualized in the commercial “Vodka:

Stolichnaya Blueberi.” The mystical origin of the fruit stems from the distortion of the natural cycle of the growth of fruit and the conversion of one fruit into another as Figure

7.12 shows.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.12. Vodka: Stolichnaya Blueberi.

The mappings the mystical origin of frost → chilled Stollichnaya and generating frost → consuming chilled Stolichnaya are manifested in the commercial “Stolichnaya

Vodka: Frozen neighbors” through the incongruous images of scenes, i.e., the apartment

213 where Stolly is enjoyed and the neighbors’ apartments are covered with frost, suggesting that Stolly can perform an uncommon function, i.e., freezing (see Figure 7.13).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.13. Stolichnaya Vodka: Frozen neighbors.

Both sets of mappings generate an entailment about the gustatory values of

Stolichnaya, i.e., Stolichnaya can offer miraculous flavors and the best taste if it is consumed chilled, below room temperature.

Three commercials “Three-O Vodka: Lamp,” “Three-O Vodka: Fish,” and

“Three-O Vodka: Trap” associate Three-Olive vodkas (Three-O Cherry vodka, Three-O

Bubble vodka, and Three-O Premium imported vodka), with an unexplored psychological stimulus by means of the single-source metaphoric amalgam THREE-O VODKA IS AN

OBJECT OF SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION and THE TASTE OF THREE-O VODKA

IS PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES. This metaphoric amalgam is construed by juxtaposing two laboratory events: the investigation of a reaction to pain caused by being struck with a lamp and a fish, and getting a hand caught in a trap for large animals as opposed to the reaction to Three-O Vodka. This metaphoric amalgam is cued in three modalities: visual, verbal, and sonic. The source domains, AN OBJECT OF SCIENTIFIC

214 INVESTIGATION92 is revealed through the images of a subject exposed to different stimuli, a lamp, fish, and a trap, while the source domains, PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL

STATES, is elaborated by the physiological metonymy (signs of an emotional state stand for a state) through the image of the widely-opened eyes of the subject, standing up, enlarging his mouth in a shape of the letter “o” and sonically by a prolonged scream

“Ohhh!” Through the combination of an image of the bottles of Three-O vodkas and the female voice-over’s comments about their gustatory qualities, the target domains

THREE-O VODKA and THE TASTE OF THREE-O VODKA are revealed in the commercials under discussion. The distribution of modalities is given in Table 28.2 (see

Appendix A).

The metaphorical amalgam generates the mappings shown in Table 28.1 (see

Appendix A). The mapping a physical stimulus → Three-O Cherry/ Bubble/ Premium

Vodkas results in projecting the formal quale of an object of scientific investigation, i.e., interesting and valuable for scientific exploration, on Three-O vodka. By relating the taste of Three-O vodkas to physical and emotional states, the mappings, physical shock

→ shockingly delicious and emotional shock → seriously fun, transmit the telic quale of shock, facilitating immediate physical and emotional reaction, onto Three-O vodkas, implying positive gustatory, e.g., delicious, and emotional sensations, fun. The oxymoron

“seriously fun” underscores the intensity level of fun. Similarly to the commercials

“Ciroc Ultra Premium: Smooth Off” and “Level Vodka: Acrobats,” Three-O vodka commercials overtly encourage a viewer to participate in a Three-O vodka experiment by

92 This source domain seems productive for promoting any type of commodity in order to attract viewers’ attention, e.g., example, Volkswagen Passat (Ungerer, 2000, p. 331).

215 indirect requests: “What’s your cherry-o face?” or “What’s your bubble-o face?” or

“What’s your o-face?” They promise both physical and emotional excitation. The mappings invoke the following entailment: Three-O Cherry vodka is the only stimulus that affects the subject of an experiment in comparison with three other stimuli: a lamp, fish, and a trap.

The appeal for commonness (collective experiences of common people), traditionalism, and authenticity are reflected in the commercials “Hangar One Vodka:

The Ballad” and “Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya – born in the heart of Russia” by means of the metaphor HANGAR ONE VODKA IS AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE and the single-source metaphoric amalgam composed of the metaphors: VODKA IS AN

AUTHENTIC RUSSIAN OBJECT and IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL. Being stipulated by the form of the commercial, i.e., a country song, both domains of the metaphor

HANGAR ONE VODKA IS AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE are cued by the combination of visual, auditory and sonic modalities (see Table 29.2, Appendix A). The mappings for this metaphor presented in Table 29.1 (see Appendix A) project formal quale values such as popularity, traditionalism and commonality (collective experiences of common people) on Hangar One vodka from the phenomenon of an American folk tale or ballad as discussed in detail in Chapter 6.3.2.1. By associating Hangar One vodka with a country song performed by the country singer Orville Davis together with a group of young people around a bonfire, the mappings generate two ensuing entailments. One relates to the demographic group of consumers, i.e., Hangar One vodka appeals to both older and younger generations as well as to male and female consumers. The second

216 entailment refers to the function of Hangar One vodka. It functions as a relaxant involved in leisure activity, i.e., spending time with friends and singing a country song together.

The theme of vodka authenticity is elaborated by the single-source metaphoric amalgam composed of VODKA IS AN AUTHENTIC RUSSIAN OBJECT and

IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL in the commercial “Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya – born in the heart of Russia.” In it, the visual and verbal modalities are central for cuing both source and target domains. In addition, the source AN AUTHENTIC RUSSIAN

OBJECT is reinforced by auditory and sonic modalities in the form of the Russian song

“Kazaki kazachen’ki” about the Red Army. The distribution of modalities is presented in

Table 30.2 (Appendix A).

The mappings licensed by this metaphoric amalgam presented in Table 30.1 (see

Appendix A) exploit a number of Russian cultural concepts (Lenin, Cossacks, the building of communism across the world, the Russian heart and spirit, a Russian song about Cossacks, a Russian dance, and the first Russian astronaut Yuri Gagarin) to define

Stolichnaya as an authentic Russian beverage. The images of the ideological father of the

Russian Revolution, Lenin, and the coat of arms cue the mappings the central goal of

Russians →the production and export of Stolichnaya and the central idea of Russian ideology → propagating the importance of Stolichnaya as Figure 7.14 (a, b, c) shows.

217

(a) (b) (c)

(d) (e) (f)

Figure 7.14. Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya – born in the heart of Russia.

By mimicking the monument of Lenin with a stretched hand showing the way to

“a bright future,” i.e., building communism across the world, erected across the USSR, the image 7.14 (a) suggests that the production and exporting of Stolichnaya vodka is as central of a goal as building communism. This goal is well thought out and “defined by idealists,” namely Lenin, who is the main Russian idealist and propagandist. This idea is also reinforced verbally in the caption “Stolichnaya. First exported Russian vodka” superimposed on the image of the map of the world. Involving the concept of a heart in the caption of Figure 7.14 (a), and the image of the coat of arms picturing an oversized bottle of Stolichnaya allows the designer of the commercial to underscore both the idea of authenticity and the importance of Stolichnaya for Russians. The remaining three mappings, Russian weapon → Stolichnaya, technical achievements → high quality of

Stolichnaya, and made with Russian spirit → genuine taste of Stolichnaya, point out the function of Stolichnaya to do battle with someone or to conquer someone, as well as its qualities as a beverage while duplicating the idea of authenticity. The image [Figure 7.14

218 (c)] in combination with the Russian song about Cossacks of the Red Army who go into battle clearly transmit the telic quale of a rifle on Stolichnaya, suggesting that it can conquer a new market. The image of Yuri Gagarin and the incongruous images of the bottle of Stolichnaya in the form of a rocket launched into space, and the Russian sputnik with the bottle of Stolichnaya [see Figure 7.14 (d, e)] associate high technological achievements with achievements in vodka production, in addition to the country of origin of the vodka, Russia. The involvement of the concept of spirit in image 7.14 (f) reinforces the idea of authenticity since the concept of soul is central to Russian culture. The caption

“made with Russian spirit” and the image of the stretched hands holding a bottle of

Stolichanaya and a glass function as an explicit encouragement for consumption, while referring consumption to a soulful social practice as discussed in Chapter 3.7.

7.3.4 VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY

The interest metaphor VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY includes two single- source metaphoric amalgams presented in Figure 5 (see Appendix A) that conceptualize such qualities of Smirnoff vodka as having a unique flavor and extraordinary purity. The two single-source metaphoric amalgam VODKA IS AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE and

GUSTATORY PERCEPTION IS SEEING AN OBJECT is manifested in the commercial

“Smirnoff North Vodka: Sword” via visual and verbal modalities. The sonic modality, presented through intriguing musical tunes, places an important role for cuing the source domain AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE by underscoring the uniqueness of landscape.

The distribution of modalities is presented in Table 31.2 (see Appendix A).

219 This amalgam generates three mappings (see Table 31.1, Appendix A) that transmit the formal quale of a northern landscape, i.e., the uniqueness, to Smirnoff vodka’s taste by juxtaposing two scenes. One presents a northern landscape of snowy glaciers, ice shelves, and deep blue water synchronized with the female voice-over’s remark about the “enchanted,” endless sea, and “rare Nordic berries” skewered on a gigantic sword that falls from the sky and pierces an iceberg (see Figure 7.15 [a, b]).

Another scene shows the image of a cocktail glass with ice that recalls the iceberg pierced with the Nordic berries and skewered on the sword along with a bottle of

Smirnoff vodka superimposed over it with the captions “Clearly unique” (see Figure 7.15

[c]) and “Clearly Smirnoff North.” The visual perception of these images allows a viewer to construe gustatory values of Smirnoff flavored vodka.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 7.15. Smirnoff North Vodka: Sword.

These mappings invoke an entailment about unique occasions for consumption of unique Smirnoff as opposed to a common beverage for common casual use.

The second metaphoric amalgam, PURITY IS WHITE and SMIRNOFF PURE

VODKA IS A HERD OF WHITE HORSES and IMPURITY IS BLACK and

IMPURITY IS A BLACK WOLF, is manifested in the commercial “Smirnoff:

Stampede” by the combination of imagistic and sonic modalities that cue the source

220 domains and the combination of imagistic and verbal modalities that reveal the target domains (see Table 32.2, Appendix A). The mappings of the amalgam (see Table 32.1,

Appendix A) transfer three set values onto Smirnoff vodka. By juxtaposing the images of uniquely white horses and blacked horses with Smirnoff vodka (see Figure 7.16 [a, b, c]), the formal quale of pure blood and impure blood stemming from infection is projected onto Smirnoff vodka. The purity attributed to Smirnoff vodka suggests being free from unauthorized inclusions, while impurity refers to including unauthorized inclusions that affect the quality of vodka, e.g., fusel oil. The second projected value relates to projecting the telic quale of a shepherd, i.e., to protect a herd, onto the producers of Smirnoff vodka, whose slogan is verbalized in one of the shots: “Purity must be protected.” Finally, the third projected value refers to the possible production of impure of vodka construed through transmitting the telic quale of a wolf, to injure, infect, and kill, on the producers of impure vodka.

(a) (b)

(c) (d)

Figure 7.16. Smirnoff: Stampede.

The involvement of a wolf might originate from the Western cultural tradition of demonizing wolves. The mappings give rise to an additional entailment relating to the

221 quality of Smirnoff vodka, namely: Smirnoff vodka producers are on guard to protect the quality of their product. As in the commercial “Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya – Born In he Heart of Russia” and the commercials for Three-O vodka discussed in section 7.3.3, the final shot of “Smirnoff: Stampede” overtly encourages viewers to consume a beverage in order to “Discover extraordinary purity,” by featuring stylish young male and female individuals enjoying Smirnoff vodka in an expensive bar while socializing and laughing.

7.4 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains

The analysis of the American TV commercials for vodka considered in this chapter reveals a certain tendency for the order of manifesting domains. Aligning with

Forceville’s (2007) findings, in twenty-seven commercials (77.14%) out of thirty-five, the target domain follows the source domain. For example, in the commercial “Absolut

Vodka: Absolut world – protest,” the target domain, A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT

IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD, is displayed at the fourteenth second of the commercial, while the source domain, A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT, is given at the outset of it.

Another commercial, “I’m here” displays the source domain, A LOVE STORY, twenty- three seconds before the target domain, ABSOLUT VODKA.

Three commercials (8.57%), “Vodka: Maya Hayuk,” Vodka: Phil frost,” and

“Level Vodka: Acrobats” reveal the target domains, one of which coincides with the promoted product, three seconds before the source domains. It should be noted that in the case of single source metaphoric amalgams, e.g., ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS

222 STREET ART and THE FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF

COLORED FORMS, two source domains precede two target domains.

Six commercials (17.14%) manifest both domains simultaneously, and as such are similar to print ads. For example, the commercial “Absolut: Hugs” features acts of affection and business transactions simultaneously as two components of one social practice, i.e., purchasing a commodity.

7.5 Modality Distribution

In regard to the modality preference for cuing source and target domains, Table

7.1 shows that the data considered here aligns with Forceville’s (2009) findings that the target domain is manifested imagistically in the majority of the analyzed commercials, with two notable exceptions. The commercials “I’m here” and “Smirnoff:

Congratulations” trigger the target domain that coincides with a promoted product only verbally by revealing the brand name. Thus, even though imagistic modality dominates in cuing the target domain, the verbal modality is employed in each commercial in question.

Table 7.1. The frequency of modalities in American commercials for vodka.

Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic

Source 45 (90.00%) 26 (52.00%) 6 (12.00%) 33 (66.00%) domain Target 45 (90.00%) 46 (92.00%) 4 (8.00%) 8 (16.00%) domain

Auditory and sonic modalities lag behind verbal and imagistic modalities in displaying the target domain. Imagistic modality constitutes the primary modality for

223 cuing the source domain in the commercials considered, while verbal and sonic modalities compete more or less on equal footing. The almost equal distribution of imagistic and verbal modalities can be explained by the combinability of modalities given in Table 7.2.

The most preferable combinations for revealing both domains are the combination of imagistic and verbal cues. Aligning with Forceville’s (2009a) findings, imagistic modality combined with sonic is used more for cuing the source domain than for the target domain, which shows a preference for the conjunction of imagistic and verbal modalities.

Table 7.2. The combinability of modalities.

N 13 11 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 % 26.00 22.00 6.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 2.00 2.00 Source i, s i, v, s i, v i, v v i, v i i, s i, a, s i, v, s i domain Target i, v i, v i, v v i, v i, v, s v i, v, s i, v v i, v, domain a, s

N 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 % 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 2.00 Source i, a, s i, a, s i, v, a, i, v, a i, v v v i, s i domain s Target i, v, i, a, s i, v i, v i i, v, a i, v, s i i domain a, s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic

The preference for the combination of imagistic and verbal cues for presenting a target domain can be explained by the specificity of promotional discourse. The advertiser provides the image and the brand name of a product to ensure successful comprehension of a product by potential customers. The conjunction of the imagistic and sonic modalities for presenting the source domain might be explained by the involvement

224 of concrete and abstract phenomena in the commercials, e.g., affection in “Absolut:

Hugs,” love in “I’m here,” and aggression in “Absolut Vodka: Absolut world – protest.”

7.6 Conclusion

The analysis of multimodal metaphor identified in American TV commercials for vodka allows us to make a threefold conclusion about the conceptual structure of metaphor, the promotional mediated discourse of alcohol beverages, and American culture. The conclusion is summarized in Table 7.3.

Table 7.3. Summary of the metaphor analysis.

Structural aspect Discoursal aspect Cultural Structural Metaphor-metonymy interaction aspect types of metaphor Source Source/ Target Social actors: young, Sociocultural domain Target domain attractive, wealthy male, values: Metaphor female individuals, and youthfulness, Single source Metonymic artists. health, love as metaphoric reduction Social practices: art, an absolute amalgams affectionate business ideal unity, Double source Metonymic transactions, secure and social equality, metaphoric reduction playful protesting; social safety, amalgams alcohol consumption in and creativity. Metaphoric Metonymic stylish restaurants and chain reduction private premises.

First, American promotional discourse for vodka construes complex multimodal meanings through both conceptual metaphor and such metaphorical complexes as double and single source metaphoric amalgams and metaphoric chains. In these metaphorical complexes, metaphor interacts with metonymy only within the source domain. This finding echoes Hidalgo Downing & Kraljevic Mujic’s (2011) finding relating to printed

225 promotional discourse for ICT (p.175), however, it deviates from Urios-Aparisi’s (2009) conclusion made on the basis of only four TV commercials. Urios-Aparisi (2009) shows that the interaction of metonymy and metaphor can occur in both domains. Besides, it should be noted that neither metonymic expansion of source and target domains nor metonymic reduction of a target domain have been identified in the data considered here.

This might be explained by the coincidence of the target domain and a promoted product and the specifics of the product. In the case of the promotion of vodka, the advertiser would not likely take the risk of miscomprehension of the product by representing it through some features, even salient ones. Moreover, it would be a complex task for an advertiser to invent metonymy to stand for vodka without the danger of confusing it with any other alcoholic beverage.

Second, the detected metaphors and metaphorical complexes are embedded in social practices that both pertain to alcohol consumption and disassociate with it. By employing metaphors of art, creativity, and economic and public relationships, the majority of commercials for Absolut vodka display social actors engaged in social actions relevant for the social practices related to art, affectionate business transactions, as well as secure and playful protesting. In this sophisticated fashion, consumers are lured to access the absolutely perfect world, a perfect life by extension, and not just perfect vodka. Personification and interest metaphors situate vodka in the social practice of alcohol consumption by linking it to the social actors that symbolize a lifestyle of luxury, e.g., celebrities, social artifacts that are labeled as deluxe, absolutely perfect and unique, e.g., a luxury mansion, a yacht, or unique horses, and the social actions that index affiliation to the elite.

226 Third, personifying vodka as healthy, athletic, and sexually attractive individuals seems to underscore the value of youthfulness in American society. Though Hugh Hefner personifies Stolichnaya vodka in one commercial, he is situated in the company of young attractive women and men. This might imply that aging is respected if accompanied by wealth. By associating Absolut vodka with an atypical romantic love story, the commercial exploits the version of love that constitutes an absolute and ideal unity, despite the fact that the exchange metaphor for love is prevalent in American culture

(Kövecses, 2005, p. 180). The ideal world of Absolut vodka created in the commercials allows us to conclude that the central values of (American) society might be social equality, social safety, and creativity.

227 Chapter 8

Multimodal Metaphor in American TV Beer Commercials

8.1 Introduction

The metaphor analysis in the previous chapter has illustrated both metaphor variety and the complexity of metaphoric conceptual structures detected in American commercials for vodka. Since a broad metaphoric variety reveals five umbrella metaphors composed of a number of metaphoric complexes, the category of dominance is unlikely relevant. Contrary to the metaphoric conceptualization of vodka, the metaphors for beer identified in American commercials can indeed be considered in terms of dominance. Similar to Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) findings, the predominant conceptual metaphor in American beer commercials is HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER. In addition to this metaphor, other such metaphors as DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY, and BEER IS A PERSON, dominate the corpus. Included among other, though much less pervasive, metaphors are interest metaphors, e.g., BEER

IS A DESIRED OBJECT, BUD LIGHT BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE, BUD

LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT, metaphors with a patriotic overtone, e.g.,

MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG, BUDWEISER BEER IS A CLYDESDALE

HORSE, and several other metaphors that appeal to the human values of personal safety and health. I intend to analyze each metaphor in terms of its conceptual mappings, entailments, and the modalities that manifest both source and target domains, and the preferable sequence of domains and their multimodal manifestation. I also plan to discuss

228 the social practices, in which the conceptual metaphors are imbedded. This is followed by an intra/inter-lingual analysis of metaphors uncovered in the American beer and vodka commercials.

8.2 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER

Twelve of the forty commercials feature happiness as beer consumption. Aligning with the finding of Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), I suggest that the main objective of the commercials (to promote and sell beer) is elaborated by the source domain rather than the target domain. This contrasts with Forceville’s suggestion and others for beer commercials and ads (see Chapter 5.3.2). As Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) explain, the purpose, to promote beer selling, is realized through the metaphor that attempts to convince viewers that HAPPINESS, an abstract emotion, is understood as the concrete experience of DRINKING (promoted) BEER (p. 50).

The source domain, DRINKING BEER, is predominantly cued in two modalities: imagistic and verbal. For example, “Budweiser: Bridge” starts with a young man running into a café full of customers, announcing that the arrival of the Budweiser delivery truck has been prevented due to a bridge washout. After the truck is shown with the brand name on it; the commercial moves to a shot in which the brand name is given on a red background and ends with the image of people toasting with bottles of Budweiser beer.

The target domain, HAPPINESS, is often manifested in three modalities: imagistic

(smiling and parting people, verbal (the voice-over comments on good times), and sonic

(excited screams, the sounds of laughing, and singing). The commercial “Budweiser:

229 Stranded” features a group of people laughing, screaming excitedly, and dancing to joyful dance music with radiant expressions on their faces. This scene is commented on by a male voice-over that says: “It’s a sure sign of a good time. Here we go.”

The conceptual mappings are given in Table 8.1. The arrows indicate the direction of the mappings from the source to the target domain.

Table 8.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer → experiencing excitement loss of taste for beer → experiencing sadness absence of beer → aggressiveness receiving beer → becoming friendly drinking beer in difficult situations → solving problems overcoming obstacles to obtain beer → doing the impossible absence of beer → absence of happiness delivering beer → making technical inventions

The mapping drinking beer → experiencing excitement implies enthusiastic anticipation of beer consumption and having a great time. The commercials “Budweiser:

Great Times” and “Bud Light: Hack Job” reveal this mapping through the images of preparing a baseball field, a concert hall, a backyard picnic, and the would-be renovation of a kitchen and the landscape around the house that alternate with the images of delivering Budweiser beer and containers full of ice to the mentioned premises, and baseball players and musicians coming onto the field and the stage, respectively and people arriving at a picnic. This anticipation is also cued by speeding up rhythmic tunes of music in conjunction with the caption “Great times are waiting.” in “Budweiser: Great times.” In “Bud Light: Hack job,” the anticipation of beer consumption and an elevated emotional state are cued by the excited exclamations of the house owner Mr. Gilbert:

230 “Here we go! It looks amazing!” after seeing a bucket with six bottles of Budweiser set on the counter in his kitchen. This chronologically follows a comment by the host of the show “Hack Job”: “Exactly. It totally opens it up. We gave it a fun vibe. Clearly this is the room people wanna hang out in.” The increased excitement stems from the arrival of landscapers who use many boxes of beer to change the landscape as Figure 7.1 shows.

Figure 8.1. Bud Light: Hack job.

While excitement and happiness emanate from enjoying beer, sadness and unhappiness are caused by the inability to sense the taste of beer as in the commercial “Miller Lite:

Victims” reveals. Here the mapping loss of taste for beer → experiencing sadness through the images of sad and unhappy (primarily male) individuals are synchronized with the explanation of the male voice-over: “These are the silent victims. The victims of taste loss.” The emotion of sadness is reinforced by sad musical tunes. The voice-over defines this gustatory problem as “[…] when you can’t taste your beer and the results are devastating.” As the voice-over suggests, the treatment for this problem is to “pick up great-tasting, less-filling Miller Lite …” While this gustatory problem is proposed to be resolved with Miller Lite beer, the medical problem, mini mouth syndrome, can be cured only with Budweiser beer as the commercial “Budweiser: Mini mouth” claims. It is discussed in section 8.5.5. The use of alcohol for medical purposes is no play upon in

231 either Ukrainian or Russian commercials; though the strong folk belief about the medical properties of alcohol is reported in the ethnographic research on Russian and Ukrainian culture of drinking (see Chapter 3.6). However, no such evidence is provided in the ethnographical literature on American culture of drinking.

Two interesting mappings occur simultaneously in the commercial “Budweiser:

Wild West:” absence of beer → aggressiveness and receiving beer → becoming friendly.

They are manifested through two consecutive shots. The first shot shows the image of the suspenseful scene, in which a dangerous-looking cowboy demands Bud Light in a gruff and aggressive manner; he is about to reach for his gun when the saloon bartender timidly explains that he ran out of Budweiser. The tension is revealed through the frightened faces of the customers and bartender synchronized with silence that is disturbed by the sounds of the cowboy’s spurs. However, the emotional state of the cowboy radically changes when an old-time Budweiser delivery man enters with a case of Budweiser.

After grabbing a bottle, opening it, and presumably consuming it, the cowboy starts singing Elton John’s song “Tiny Dancer,” thereby reducing the tension and establishing a relaxed and enjoyable atmosphere in the saloon. His friendliness is depicted by embracing the bartender, toasting with bottles, while singing and dancing together with other patrons. A similar way of making friends is revealed in the commercial “Budweiser

Magic Beer” discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012).

The mapping drinking beer in difficult situations → solving problems is manifested in “Budweiser: Stranded,” in which the passengers of a crashed plane find themselves stranded on an island. A female passenger finds the plane’s radio equipment and announces that they can be rescued; however, both the pilot and the passengers react

232 indifferently to her suggestion. This scene is followed by one in which a male passenger finds a beverage cart full of Budweiser. The immediate expression of happiness, joyful screaming, jumping, and hugging replaces the previous scene of indifference. As Figure

8.2 shows, one of the passengers talks to the bottle, repeating “We will be ok. We will be ok.” implying that their problem will be resolved by the beer. Budweiser is given preference to a radio as a lifesaver.

Figure 8.2. Budweiser: Stranded.

Similarly to the discussion of this mapping found in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), beer is featured as having the capacity to resolve problems in addition to bringing happiness. The readiness of beer lovers for impossible superhuman deeds is conceptualized through the mapping overcoming obstacles to obtain beer → doing the impossible as featured in “Budweiser: Bridge.” The mapping is cued by the image of an urgent gathering of townspeople at the site of a washed-out bridge in order to replace it so the Budweiser truck can deliver its cargo. The people construct a bridge out of their bodies, which the truck then crosses with its desired cargo. The people are then shown enjoying the beer with happy smiles on their faces. At the conclusion of the commercial the delivery man’s announcement of the truck’s departure elicits a collective groan from

233 the people who are now shown with unhappy facial expressions. This image elaborates the mapping absence of beer → absence of happiness.

Similarly, the mapping absence of beer → absence of happiness is portrayed in another commercial “Bud: Wheel,” in which cavemen visually and verbally manifest disappointment and unhappiness: “We never make it to party,” as they attempt to transport a large and heavy stone container full of beer bottles in ice, which unsuccessfully attempt to open them with a stone opener. This delivery attempt initiated one of the major human inventions, the wheel, as it is conceptualized in the mapping delivering beer → making technical inventions as is depicted in Figure 8.3.

Figure 8.3. Bud: Wheel.

Beer is also associated with scientific inventions in the Russian commercials discussed in Chapter 10.4.1.

Two commercials, “Bud Light Beer: Ability to fly” and “Miller Lite: Bar stool” associate beer with the highest degree of happiness, extreme happiness, and heavenly happiness by means of the double source metaphoric amalgam: HAPPINESS IS BEER and HAPPINESS IS UP, the mappings of which are given in Table 8.2.

By picturing a young man moving through a dark corridor toward a light that appears to be a sign “Beer Heaven” on the door accompanied by perplexing events that

234 take place behind the door, the commercial “Miller Lite: Bar stool” manifests the mapping drinking beer in heaven → experiencing happiness ← being in heaven.

Table 8.2. Double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS Up.

Source → Target ← Source DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS ← Up drinking beer in heaven → experiencing happiness ← being in heaven consuming beer → experiencing excitement ← flying in the sky consuming light beer → experiencing happiness ← being light consuming light beer → experiencing happiness ← not gaining weight

In this heavenly bar everyone smiles, welcomes a newcomer; bottles of beer move as self-propelled objects to consumers, and they do not break when they fall down on the floor. In their analysis of this commercial, Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) point out that the commercial communicates a message about the accessibility of eternal happiness by consuming Budweiser Light beer (p. 51).

The remaining three mappings from Table 8.2 are depicted in “Bud Light Beer:

Ability to fly” through the image of a man literally flying through the sky and holding a bottle of Bud Light. The man is extremely happy with this new supernatural ability, the consequence of consuming Bud Light. Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) note that the goal of this commercial is to convince viewers that in addition to the happiness of possessing a supernatural ability, beer is a healthy beverage, i.e., beer consumption does not result in gaining weight (p. 51).

The correlation between the amount of beer and the degree of happiness is elaborated in “Miller Lite Beer: Downpour” through the metaphorical chain HAPPINESS

IS BEER and BEER IS RAIN by means of the mappings given in Table 10.1 (see

235 Appendix B). Being engaged in outdoor activities, men realize that it’s raining beer. They scream happily: “Beer? Beer! This is beer. Beer is falling from the sky. It’s raining beer.”

First perplexed, however, then excessively happy, the men start collecting beer in various containers in the same way one collects rain water during droughts and drinking beer from a fountain, as well as licking beer from a car. This scene of almost heavenly happiness is disrupted by the disclaimer: “Maybe your light beer should taste more like

…,” followed by the image of people with neutral facial expressions in a bar drinking

Miller Lite beer. Though the function of the mappings to point out the difference between taste of light beer and Miller Lite succeeds, Miller Lite is shown to evoke no happiness in contrast to beer that falls as rain93. Such a conceptualization of happiness echoes the mapping “more beer → more happiness” discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012); however, with one difference, the source of endless supply of beer. In the commercial analyzed by Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), beer flows out from a magic bottle, which eventually runs dry, while in the commercial under consideration, beer comes as rain, which presumably occurs in regular cycles.

In “Bud Light: Dog sitter” happiness is associated with having a good time, while fulfilling a commitment, e. g., dog sitting, through the single-source metaphoric amalgam

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE. The mappings of

ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE, shown in Table 11.1 (see Appendix B), are manifested through the incongruous images of human activities in which dogs are engaged. These are anthropomorphic actions, e.g., walking on their hind paws, opening a door, holding a

93 It should be pointed out that “Miller Lite Beer: Downpour” does not specify the brand of beer that rains. It is clear that it rains light beer from the disclaimer “Maybe your light beer should taste more like …,” followed by the scene in a bar, where Miller Lite beer is consumed. There seems a hint to Bud Light. The point is that rain beer tastes like water because it is light, while Miller Lite tastes like real beer.

236 tray with beer in their front paws, washing beer glasses, and grilling meat. Moreover, the incongruity is reinforced by the fact that the dogs understand a dog sitter and his guests, for whom they serve beer and food; and even interact flirtatiously with a female guest

(see Figure 8. 4).

(a) (b)

(c)

Figure 8.4. Bud Light: Dog sitter.

The commercial, in fact, depicts the association of dogs with men, e.g., relaxing after work, playing cards, and flirting with women. The reason for pairing a male protagonist with dogs vs. any other pets might be explained by the English saying: “Dogs are man’s best friends.” This allows us to assume that dog’s flirting with a woman might be an instantiation of the metaphor MEN ARE DOGS. Besides, it should be noted that only large dogs (e.g., bloodhound, Great Dane, boxer, etc.) are employed in this personification as opposed to a small, cute, fluffy dogs, with which feminine behavior is associated, as it is featured in “Beer: Dog” for Milwaukee’s light beer. This metaphor is also available in Russian, where a sexually aroused horny man is called “кобель” (a male dog).

237 The mapping sharing beer → enjoying friends’ company is cued through the images of smiling people who are invited by the protagonist, joyful music, and verbally by the voice-over’s comment: “It’s sure a good sign of a good time.” The sense of happiness disappears when the beer party is over, the guests leave, and the protagonist cleans the premises while the dogs play cards. This mapping echoes, to some extent, the mapping sharing beer → making friends discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) that also suggests that while beer is shared, friends stay; however, when beer runs out, friends leave. .

Finally, Bud Light Lime is conceptualized as AN EMOTIONAL STATE via the double-source metaphoric amalgam: AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS BUD LIGHT LIME and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A SEASON, as it is manifested in the commercial

“Bud Light Lime: Sphere of summer.” This metaphoric complex is elaborated through the incongruity of a scene that shows a snowy winter street, where a young man in a summer shirt carries a six-pack of Bud Light Lime. The surroundings change immediately into summertime, where his route goes, as Figure 8.5 illustrates.

Figure 8.5. Bud Light Lime: Sphere of summer.

The mappings given in Table 12.1 (see Appendix B) associate an emotional state with a season, i.e., pedestrians wear neutral or even sad facial expressions in winter while

238 changing them into smiling ones in summer, brought on by Bud Light Lime. This association of the happy emotional state of people with beer and summer is cued by the male voice-over comment: “Bud Light Lime. It’s a summer state of mind” and reinforced by fast joyful music. A similar metaphor is manifested in the Russian commercial “Don:

The South is there, where the Don is,” with one distinction: an emotional state is associated with Don beer, on the one hand, and the South and the North, on the other hand, that are represented by summer and winter scenes (see Chapter 10.2).

The mappings evoke four sets of entailments: the social class, occupation, and gender of beer drinkers; the quantity of beer consumed; the premise for imbibing; and social relationships. Aligning with Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) finding, the commercials discussed here feature young professional and working-class individuals as manifested through their manner of dress. The main protagonists are usually male individuals, who have speaking lines. Female characters are also shown, however, primarily in supporting roles. An exception to this is the commercial “Budweiser:

Stranded,” in which, a young woman plays the role of a male protagonist’s opponent, therefore her sound suggestion for using a radio vs. beer as a means for rescue acquires no support from the other characters in the episode. In fact, these three demographic variables, socioeconomic class, age, and gender constitute the general tendency of

American drinking culture as discussed in Chapter 2.3.

Relating to the quantity of beer consumed, the entailment is that beer drinking should be responsible. Most of the commercials discussed show an individual holding a single bottle of beer, but never actually imbibing it, contrary to Ukrainian and Russian beer commercials. The American commercials do not display a large quantity of beer, at

239 most two six-packs with the exception of three commercials: “Bud Light: Hack job,”

“Miller Lite Beer: Downpour,” and “Budweiser: Stranded,” in which the excessive amount of beer is distributed among a large number of consumers. Unlike American commercials, however, and similar to Ukrainian beer commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova,

2012), in some Russian beer commercials about 20 half-liter bottles are shown to be intended for three individuals.

Another entailment refers to the premise for imbibing beer. Unlike in Ukrainian commercials, beer drinkers are featured as enjoying their beer more often in bars and in private premises at a party than anywhere else, e.g., a picnic. This reflects the tendency in the preference for drinking settings outlined by ethnographers and anthropologists and a connection with the social functions of alcohol, e.g., maintaining social interaction and enhancing social unity and camaraderie, as discussed in section

The last entailment concerns the social relationships constructed among beer consumers, in particular, friendly and unfriendly relationships. Imbibing beer unites strangers and enhances friendly relationships among them. A similar entailment is detected by Lantolf and Bobrova (2012). However, the absence of beer might trigger an unfriendly and even aggressive attitude toward people as depicted in “Budweiser: Wild

West.” Notably different relationships are featured in Ukrainian commercials, as Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) show in their analysis. Beer is shared with established male friends, whose close friendship is grounded in trusting and sincere relationships (p. 56). A similar drinking pattern is featured in Russian commercials for beer (see Chapter 10).

240 8.3 DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY

The second dominant metaphor reflected in ten of forty commercials, DESIRED

BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY, is a special case of the conflation of the value metaphor and the emotion metaphor that is conceptually motivated by the metonymy

GRABBING DESIRED BEER STANDS FOR A DESIRE FOR BEER, to which, in fact, the target domain is reduced. The reduction of the target domain shows not only which elements are projected from the source to target domain, but also shows these correspondences in the additional perspective (Ruiz de Mendoza & Galera-Masegosa,

2011, p. 13). In my opinion, an additional perspective is the emotion of desire. Ungerer

(2000) explains that the value metaphor makes a promoted object attractive and desirable, therefore worthy of grabbing (p. 326). Moreover, this emotion metaphor uses knowledge of a concrete and precious object to understand an abstract emotional state, e. g., a desire for beer. The telic quale of a precious object, to attract by its value, is projected onto a desired object, beer. The involvement of the emotional element of desire in the promotion of beer might influence its effectiveness. The positive emotion of desire is stronger, as

Ungerer (2000) claims, than such emotions as joy and love (p. 324). The strength of this emotion lies in its inherent action potential, as Ungerer (2000) explains, similar to such emotions as anger and fear (p. 324).

Both anger and fear are understood as the five-stage model or scenario94, the final stage of which is always an action stage (Lakoff, 1987, p. 397-398; Kövecses, 2005, p.

194-197). The emotion of desire leads to the action of grabbing a desired object, which is

94 The five-stage model of anger includes (1) cause, (2) existence of anger or its counterpart realized as a force, (3) attempt to control, (4) loss of control, and (5) action, i.e., retribution (Kövecses, 2005, p. 195).

241 even explicitly called for and shown in many commercials. For example, “Budweiser

Beer: Cross-examination” shows an attorney throwing a bottle of Budweiser beer toward the plaintiff, who claims that he cannot move his arm that was presumably broken by the attorney’s client. The plaintiff is featured with a cast on his arm and leg and is also wearing a cervical collar. Despite that, the plaintiff catches the bottle of Budweiser. In fact, according to Pfaus’s and Szalavitz’s study, to which Goatly (2007) refers, the metonymy GRABBING DESIRED BEER STANDS FOR A DESIRE FOR BEER is grounded in an experiential basis: movement to an object of attraction. The link between desire and motion forward has been revealed in research on dopamine, the hormone of pleasure that evidently controls both pleasure and forward motion (Goatly, 2007, p. 243).

Combining three modalities – imagistic, verbal, and sonic – the commercials manifest the source domain, A PRECIOUS COMMODITY. Coinciding with a promoted object, the target domain, DESIRED BEER, is primarily cued by two modalities: imagistic and verbal. The metaphor generates five mappings presented in Table 8. 3.

The mapping desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer is featured in

“Coors Light: Code Blue,” where a young professional speaks over the phone and texts to his friends or acquaintances: “We have a code blue.” Just mentioning the cold activated label of Coors Light forces men to stop all activity, particularly leisurely: mowing a golf course, getting a hair cut, fishing, or an activity congruent with work responsibilities, attending a meeting, and literally running to a beer bar. This mapping suggests that a man’s desire for beer is stronger than any other desires, e.g., fishing, or even the fear of losing a job by leaving the office in the middle of a meeting. There is a slight similarity of such an attitude toward beer to the attitude featured in the Ukrainian commercial

242 “Slavutych Friendship” discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) and in the Russian beer commercial “Baltika №3 – Classics.”

Table 8.3. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer manipulating a precious commodit → manipulating beer consumers acting irrationally to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire) acting unethically to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire) acting illicitly to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

In the Ukrainian commercial after receiving a friend’s invitation to have beer at a local bar, men, who are on their way home after work, change their routes and join their friend. In the Russian spot, men hearing about an unexpected arrival of their friend leave their respective work places in the middle of a working day to meet with their friend, to enjoy mutual camaraderie, and beer (see Chapter 10.2). However, contrary to “Coors

Light: Code Blue,” the main emphasis of “Slavutych Friendship” is on enjoying company with friends while having beer conceptualized in the mapping drinking beer → enjoying friendship (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 55). The Russian commercial emphasizes a special friendship relationship, ultimate spiritual understanding, conflated with beer

243 consumption, whereas in the American commercial, the objective is to enjoy beer and, perhaps, make friends through the activity of drinking.

First three mappings desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer, manipulating a precious commodity → manipulating beer consumers, and acting irrationally to obtain a precious commodity → obtaining desired beer are manifested in three commercials, “Budweiser Beer: Cross examination,” “Budweiser FIFA World Cup:

Kick,” and “Bud: Skydiver” through the images of an attorney, soccer fans, and a skydiver instructor, who, by throwing and showing beer, manipulate their opponents’ behavior. For example, an attorney makes a plaintiff forget about his broken arm and leg that are in a cast by throwing him a bottle of Budweiser beer, thereby subverting his case.

In catching a bottle of Budweiser beer, the plaintiff acts irrationally: in one instance, he pretends to have a broken neck and limbs and in another, he desires beer so strongly that he neglects physical pain. In both cases, beer seems so precious that the desire for it is stronger than the desire to win a case or the desire to avoid pain. Both the judge’s sarcastic comment, “a nice catch” on this action, and the audience’s loud sigh of indignation confirm that this irrational action does not agree with the opponent’s self- interest (see Table 14.2, Appendix B, for the distribution of modalities).

In “Budweiser FIFA World Cup: Kick,” as depicted in Figure 8.6 (a), the fans of one soccer team employ the image of an attractive woman to force a goalkeeper to miss a kick, while the fans of an opposing team use the image of a bottle of Budweiser beer and a full glass of beer to distract a penalty kicker, presumably a beer consumer. However, the strength of the first distraction is not sufficient. The goalkeeper ignores the image of the attractive woman. On the contrary, the large image of a bottle of Budweiser and a

244 glass full of beer produce a “tantalizing” effect, in the words of the commentator.

Focusing his gaze on the beer, the soccer player cannot hit a penalty kick accurately.

Both his gaze and pointing with his right hand at the large image of beer metonymically stand for the desire for beer (see Figure 8.6 [b, c]). This irrational action affects his professionalism.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 8.6. Budweiser FIFA World Cup: Kick.

The highest extent of irrationalism is displayed in “Bud: Skydiver” through an obvious suicidal act performed by the pilot whose desire for beer is stronger than the natural instinct for self-preservation. The instructor uses a six-pack of Budweiser as motivation for a skydiver who is scared to jump out of the plane. After asking a frightened prospective skydiver: “Not even for some Bud Light?” the instructor throws a six-pack of Budweiser through the open door. However, the beer fails to compel the parachutist to jump even though he is wearing his parachute. The opposite reaction comes from the pilot, who hastily leaps out of the plane to catch the beer without even thinking about putting on the parachute. This act shows the extent of preciousness that beer bears for the pilot and for male individuals in general.

Another manifestation of the mapping acting irrationally to obtain a precious commodity → obtaining desired beer is elaborated in “Bud: But he has Bud Light” through the images of such events as giving a lift to a hitchhiker holding a six-pack of

245 Bud Light and a large-sized ax or a chainsaw late at night on a remote road. The outcome of this irrational action leads to a life-threatening situation. In addition to visual modality, the situation is reinforced sonically by dramatic, suspenseful music, the sounds of an owl: whoo, whoo, and the sounds produced by a chainsaw. The strong desire for beer is elaborated by the main protagonist’s explanation of a reason for giving a lift despite the obvious danger of being murdered: “But he has Bud Light” and the male voice-over’s comment: “Refreshingly smooth Bud Light. Always worth it.”

Beer is so precious for some professionals and the desire for it is so strong that it forces them to forget about common rules of social behavior such as illustrated in the commercials “Bud: Hidden Bud Lights” and “Bud Light: Severance Package” (see

Figures 8.7, 8.8), which elaborate the mapping acting unethically to obtain a precious commodity → obtaining desired beer. The acts of unsocial behavior stem from the decision of a manager to use Budweiser as a “little morale booster” for employees by hiding bottles of Budweiser in the office.

Figure 8.7. Bud: Hidden Bud Lights.

However, the desire for beer appears so strong that the employees, young and old, turn into “savages” as the head of the department states in “Bud: Hidden Bud Lights.”

The images of destroying an office in attempting to find hidden Budweiser in conjunction

246 with wild screams of excitement at the moment of finding a bottle manifest the strength of the desire for beer. A similarly strong desire is depicted in “Bud Light: Severance package,” in which the employees act outrageously immaturely [e.g., passing by the boss’s desk naked, riding a motorcycle and cursing aloud in the office, pinning a sign

“I’m a jackweed” on the boss’s back, etc. (see Figure 8.8)] in order to be fired, because a case of Bud Light is added to a severance package.

(a) (b)

(c)

Figure 8.8. Bud Light: Severance package.

The strength of the desire for beer is manifested visually through the smile of one employee at the boss’s announcement of his being fired and a symbolic gesture, an arm pump, in conjunction with the exclamation of satisfaction: “Yes!”

In addition to unprofessional, asocial, and immature behavior, professionals, e.g., sports referees, demonstrate criminal behavior that elaborates the mapping acting illicitly to obtain a precious commodity → obtaining desired beer in “Bud Busted” through the image of the criminal act of stealing Bud Light and replacing it with Miller Lite. Having been caught by two policemen, the referees do not admit their crime; moreover, they

247 aggravate it by running away from the policemen in order to secure the stolen beer. The mapping is reinforced by the male voice-over’s comment: “Some people will do anything for the great taste of Bud Light.” The manifestations of irrational, asocial, and illicit behavior invoked by a strong desire for beer is reminiscent of gold rush scenes in movies, in which people’s desire for the precious metal is so strong that they are ready to commit any act, even if criminal, in order to obtain the metal.

The desire for an endless supply of fresh beer is conceptualized through the single-source metaphoric amalgam: BEER IS FRUIT and DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY in the commercial “Bud: Beer tree.” The mappings of the amalgam are presented in Table 21.1 (see Appendix B). The first two mappings: growing on the tree → natural beer and fresh from the tree → fresh beer, project the agentive quale of fruit, naturalness, and its formal quale, freshness, onto beer through the incongruous image of a tree with bottles of beer as fruit (see Figure 8.9) constructed by the metaphorical transformation of substitution. In addition, these mappings are cued verbally by a realtor’s confirmation: “Yes. It’s a beer tree,” as well as the voice-over’s comment: “Bud Light. Fresh. Smooth. Real. It’s all here.”

Figure 8.9. Bud: Beer tree.

The mapping making unfavorable decisions to obtain a precious commodity → desiring an endless supply of beer is introduced sonically by loud sounds of triumphal

248 music synchronized with the image of an astonished protagonist who stares at the beer tree. The miraculous view of a beer tree influences a husband’s decision to purchase a house that his wife assesses as “disgusting” where she “feel[s] […] dirty just being here.”

The mapping is also verbalized by the husband’s statement: “Honey, we are home.”

The mappings give rise to two entailments that relate to the gender of individuals and social behavior. Individuals who are pictured as those who express a strong desire for beer are primarily young male professionals. Though two commercials, “Bud: Hidden

Bud Lights” and “Bud Light: Severance package,” feature several women. However, the women are outnumbered by the men, and they do not have speaking lines. The desire for beer is pictured so strong that it overcomes inhibitions to carry out irrational actions, which, in fact, lead to serious consequences, e.g., severance, and even a lethal aftermath, e.g., death, as “Bud: But he has Bud Light” and “Bud: Skydiver” depict. While men are shown as those who can risk their life under the influence of their desire for beer, women are depicted as those who think rationally and attempt to influence men in their making irrational decisions; however, they do not succeed, as pictured in “Bud: But he has Bud

Light” and “Bud: Beer Tree.”

8.4 BEER IS A PERSON

The third dominant metaphor, BEER IS A PERSON, manifested in the commercials represents a special case of the Great Chain Metaphor (Lakoff & Turner,

1989, p. 179), which proves to be a powerful conceptual device that employs human knowledge about the self to understand abstract notions (Turner, 1987, p. 21). As the

249 studies suggest, personification is extensively used for the purposes of persuasion to promote various commodities, including alcoholic beverages, e.g., vodka (see Chapter

7.3.1) wine (Suárez-Toste, 2007; Caballero, 2009). Both studies by Suárez-Toste (2007) and Caballero, (2009) report the salience of the metaphorical frame WINES ARE

LIVING ORGANISMS in wine speak, ads, and commercials for wine (Caballero, 2009, p. 77). Similarly to humans, wine is characterized by both physiological features

(feminine, masculine, young, old, light, full-bodied, fat, lean, slim, aging, etc. (Suárez-

Toste, 2007) and dispositional features (aggressive, pretty-handsome, upfront, honest, expressive, and civilized) (Caballero, 2009, p. 78). The personification of vodka, as discussed in Chapter 7.3.1, is limited to the formal qualia of a celebrity, a person of noble birth, a mystifying female, and love inspirer, as popularity, fame, a noble origin, and mystery. Also, vodka’s properties, quality and taste, are understood as dispositional features: smoothness and balance.

The metaphor BEER IS A PERSON is manifested primarily in the combination of imaginary and verbal modalities. The sonic modality is employed in four commercials for cuing the source domain and in three commercials for elaborating the target domain. For example, in “Miller Lite: Dating,” the image of a dancing young couple in combination with romantic music projects the romantic attitude of lovers onto the attitude toward

Miller Lite beer. The romantic music gives rise to the fast rhythmic tunes at the moment when the woman is substituted for beer.

Though beer commercials do not manifest such a variety of human features as wine and vodka promotional discourse, the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON projects

250 some physiological and dispositional features that are not highlighted in the conceptualization of wine or vodka, as the mappings presented in Table 8.4 suggest.

Table 8.4. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER the eligibility for running for the American beer presidency → the elite → elite beer sophisticated masculine entertainment → sophisticated taste knighthood → a masculine beverage a beloved woman → favorite beer high professional skills → drinkability low professional skills → undrinkability honesty → genuine beer masculinity → real taste of light beer femininity → light taste of light beer pursuit of perfection → perfect taste a valuable experience → an enjoyable experience

The mapping the eligibility for running for the presidency → American beer provides a conceptual ground for the commercial “Budweiser: Abrupt End,” in which the

Budweiser donkey announces that “the race for president of beer has come to an abrupt end” because “Miller is not eligible to run for office in America because they were bought by South African breweries.” The verbal elaboration of the source domain conflates with the metonymic verbal and visual manifestation of the target domain, which encompasses the Budweiser logo and the Clydesdale hitch. By projecting the formal quale of the presidency on Budweiser beer, the mapping suggests that truly American beer is Budweiser, while Miller Lite is not even eligible to compete with it. A similar subtle patriotic orientation is also noted in the American beer commercial “Adams Bingo

Party” discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012). A notable difference in this regard is

251 manifested in one Ukrainian beer commercial that, in fact, elaborates a heavily loaded patriotic metaphor LOVE FOR THE MOTHERLAND IS DRINKING BEER (Lantolf &

Bobrova, 2012) and in some Russian beer commercials that are discussed in Chapter 10.

Notably different from the beer commercials included in the corpus, however, similar to some vodka commercials that promote vodka as an elite beverage, “Budwiser

Beer: Jay vs. Shula” elaborates the mappings the elite → elite beer, sophisticated masculine entertainment → sophisticated taste by three filmic strategies: superimposition, juxtaposition, and the transformation of substitution, while exploiting primarily the imaginary modality (see Table 23.2, Appendix B). The logo of Budweiser

Select beer, the crown, is superimposed on an exquisitely opulent and stylish hall with people wearing formal evening dresses and tuxedos (see Figure 8.10 [a]). Two male celebrities, Don Shula, the famous former coach of the professional American football team the Miami Dolphins, and JayZ, the rapper-entrepreneur, are juxtaposed with a bucket containing three bottles of Budweiser Select beer (see Figure 8.10 [b, c]); they play a game of American football holographically projected on the table. In this sophisticated computer table football game, they manipulate football players with spoken instructions and hand gestures.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 8.10. Budwiser Beer: Jay vs. Shula.

252 Both the entire stylish setting and the bucket as depicted in Figure 8.10 (b) develop expectations of an expensive alcoholic beverage, e.g., wine or champagne, that, in fact, is substituted for Budwieser Select beer. In addition to the extensive imaginary manifestation of these two mappings, the verbal modality reinforces the idea of an elite beverage meant for select people by the voice-over’s comment: “Budweiser Select.

Expect everything” and the caption: “Bold taste. Clean finish.” Thus, Budweiser Select beer and its taste are attributed with the formal quale of the elite, exquisiteness and sophistication.

Displaying the elite of the Medieval Age and the 17-18th century and knighthood,

“Bud Light: Product placement” manifests the mapping knighthood → a masculine beverage. By juxtaposing Musketeers and Budweiser Light beer and a medieval knight in

Budweiser armor (see Figure 8.11), beer is attributed with the formal quale of knighthood as masculinity, suggesting that beer is a male beverage for real men.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 8.11. Bud Light: Product placement.

The association of beer with a beloved woman is featured in “Miller Lite:

Dating,” thereby cuing the mapping a beloved woman → favorite beer that projects the telic quale of a beloved woman, the ability to invoke love only for herself, onto beer. The only one is juxtaposed with Miller Lite, about which the protagonist says “I’ve never thought that I would find the one. […] I found ones in the past that I liked but none that I

253 really loved.” The mapping is reinforced by the sequence of two scenes. The scene, that features the woman leaving after realizing that those words relate to Miller Lite, follows the scene of dancing and embracing one other to romantic music. In addition, the commercial generates a subtle hint about the preference for beer over a beloved woman by the voice-over’s question: “Do you love the taste of your beer this much?” and the answer: “Well, you could,” synchronized with the image of the oversized glass with overflowing beer. This hint is neutralized by the protagonist’s question: “We are still on for tonight, right?” which is directed to the woman who left.

The feature of a beer’s drinkability, is conceptualized as a skillful skier in “Bud

Light: Drawing board skier” through the mappings high professional skills → drinkability and low professional skills → undrinkability, by attributing the telic quale of a professional skier, the ability to ski smoothly by avoiding obstacles, and the inability to perform this function by an amateur skier, to beer. These mappings are elaborated by the juxtaposition of beer and skiers, and verbally through the discussion of drinkability and skiers’ skills. This commercial is similarly interpreted in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012).

The dispositional feature of honesty is projected onto the quality of Miller Lite by the mapping honesty → genuine beer in “Miller Genuine Draft Beer: Taxi.” Honesty is depicted through an experiment, in which to search for honesty, cell phones are left in cabs until they are returned to the representatives of Miller Genuine Draft Beer. The man who returns a cell phone is defined as honest. This way beer is reputed to be genuine, i.e., natural in the sense of being made of natural ingredients. In addition to the imaginary cuing of the mapping, the caption: “Reach for genuine,” verbally cues the source domain,

PERSON, and overtly encourages beer consumption.

254 Similar to wine, the physiological feature of beer, masculinity and femininity, is exploited in “Beer: Dog” to communicate a message about the real taste of light beer. The mappings masculinity → real taste of light beer and femininity → light taste of light beer are cued imagistically through such a masculine activity as repairing a car and such a presumably feminine activity as petting a pet performed by a man, whose manner of talking toward a little fluffy dog recalls a woman’s way of talking: “Look at this little dog. Look at this fluffy little doggy. Come here. I’ll rub your little belly.” The final shot, in which an oversized can of Milwaukee’s light beer falls on the man, who acts like a woman forcing him into ground, suggests both the unacceptability of his behavior and the light taste of light beer. This scene is synchronized with the male voiceover’s remark: “A man should act like a man and light beer should taste like beer,” which verbalizes the mappings.

Another dispositional feature, perfectionism, is also attributed to beer. The human ability to pursue perfection is ascribed to beer in the commercial “Miller Genuine Draft

Beer: Dancer” through two mappings: pursuit of perfection → perfect taste and a valuable experience → an enjoyable experience. As discussed in Chapter 6.2.2, by juxtaposing the image of a break dancer, whose dancing skills improve over the course of the commercial, with the image of a bottle of Miller Genuine Draft Beer, the telic qualia, pursuing perfection and acquiring a valuable experience, are projected onto beer. This conceptual projection is also cued sonically, break dance music, and verbally by the voice-over’s commentary: “Every step you get better like beer. Cold, filtered four times,” in conjunction with the caption: “Experience is golden” (see Table 29.2, Appendix B).

The mapping, similar to the mapping pursuit of perfection → perfect taste, also underlies

255 other beer commercials, e.g., the American commercial “Bud Light: Dating” and the

Ukrainian commercial “Chernihivske: Klychko” as discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova’s

(2012) study.

The mappings invoke two entailments that relate to demographic and individual characteristics. Beer is conceptualized as a masculine beverage that integrates masculinity and professionalism. Beer is consumed by true men who are involved in totally masculine activities as opposed to female ones. The taste of beer and its drinkability are the outcome of male professionals’ work. This makes beer the beverage that is chosen by the majority of men.

8.5 Other Metaphors Manifested in American Beer Commercials

In addition to the three dominant metaphors, beer is also associated with other phenomena that enrich its associative repository by ascribing new attractive features for beer consumers. The commercials for Budweiser, Miller, and Foster’s elaborate a set of metaphors and metaphoric complexes that construe beer as a desirable object instinctively grabbed, the symbol of a nation, a special beverage indexing important social occasions, a magic object that empowers beer consumers with magical skills, a medicine that cures diseases, and a lifeguard.

256 8.5.1 Personification of Animals

In contrast to American vodka commercials, two beer commercials, “Bud Light:

Fishing” and “Foster's: Fish market” employ personification of animals in metaphoric complexes in order to make a claim about the inability of people to resist a desire for beer by construing this desire as a natural instinct. The commercial “Bud Light: Fishing” manifests the single-source metaphoric amalgam that integrates such metaphors as BEER

IS A DESIRED OBJECT, PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS, and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE, through the incongruent images of personified fish that fish for people with the

Budweiser beer as bait (see Figure 8.12) and the verbal modality.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 8.12. Bud Light: Fishing.

The mappings presented in Table 30.1 (see Appendix B) associate people with fish that take the Budweiser as lure and reversely map human behavior onto fish, e.g., wearing clothing, fishing and taking pictures of caught fish. Verbally these mappings are elaborated through the male discourse of fishing (see Table 30.2, Appendix B). People, who swallow the bait, i.e., grabbing a bottle of Budweiser, include primarily young male individuals. However, in order to reinforce the association of people’s desire with the natural instinct for baiting, a young woman is depicted as taking the bait at the moment

257 when marriage is proposed to her. Her preference for beer instead of marriage conflicts with the stereotypically assumed female desire for marriage.

Another commercial “Foster's: Fish market” also associates people with fish and beer with bait by means of the single-source metaphoric amalgam: BEER IS A

DESIRED OBJECT and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS manifested in two modalities: imagistic and verbal. The image of two cans of beer drawn down as if they were the bait and two men who stop fighting instantly after seeing the cans cues the mappings displayed in Table 31.1 (see Appendix B). The mappings project the telic quale of the bait, the ability to be alluring for someone, onto Foster’s beer, while suggesting that

Forster’s beer attracts beer consumers in a similar fashion in the way that the bait attracts fish.

The mappings manifested in both commercials invoke the entailment relating to the emotion of desire. The desire for beer is converted from emotion controlled by social conventions into an uncontrollable animal instinct.

Finally, two commercials, “Budweiser: Clydesdale circus” and “Budweiser Beer:

Clydesdale team” personify an animal, a horse, to compare the attitude toward beer to the emotion of love in an unordinary manifestation, i.e., romantic love between two horses, and to create a slightly patriotic overtone by associating high professional skills with

“The great American Lager.” Similarly to the commercial for Absolut vodka entitled,

“I’m here,” “Budweiser: Clydesdale circus” features a touching story of romantic love between horses that manifests the single-source metaphoric amalgam of two metaphors:

BUDWEISER BEER IS A ROMANTIC LOVE STORY and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS.

The mappings presented in Table 32.1 (see Appendix B) suggest that beer deserves an

258 exceptional and unordinary attitude by juxtaposing the images of two horses in love and the image of the logo of Budweiser beer on the background of the sky filled with stars.

Similarly to the metaphor displayed in the Absolut vodka commercial entitled “I’m here,” the target domain, BUDWEISER BEER, is cued only verbally: “The great American lager,” while the source domain, A ROMANTIC LOVE STORY is elaborated by the combination of the image of the horse that overcomes distance and travel difficulties in order to reunite with its beloved, romantic music, and verbal modality. An employee of the circus tells the horse: “Daisy, Daisy. Say goodbye to lover boy. Bye-bye Romeo” as he locks Daisy in the wagon about to leave. The plausible purpose of the commercial is to produce even a stronger emotional effect by appealing to unreal love between the horses rather than love between humans. The mappings give rise to the following entailment:

Budweiser beer deserves a special kind of love. A similar unconditional love is associated with Absolut vodka in the commercial “I’m here.”

“Budweiser Beer: Clydesdale team” elaborates the metaphorical chain that entails two metaphors, ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE and BUDWEISER BEER IS ANIMALS, by means of the incongruity of an event image and the juxtaposition of images. The former is achieved by ascribing the human telic quale of the ability to exercise to improve one’s physical shape to meet particular qualifications and the ability to coach someone, to the

Budweiser Clydesdale horse and the Dalmatian dog. The latter is constructed by juxtaposing the Clydesdale qualified for a Clydesdale hitch and the Budweiser beer. The mapping of the metaphoric chain presented in Table 33.1 (see Appendix B) construes

Budweiser beer as “the Best American Lager” rather than the best beer. Similar to

“Budweiser: Clydesdale circus,” the target domain, BUDWEISER BEER, is cued

259 verbally by the caption, while the source and target/source domains are manifested by the conjunction of imagistic, verbal, and sonic domains (see Table 32.2, Appendix B). This multimodal cuing of the source might allow the commercial designers to bring the process of pursuing the perfection of beer to the viewers’ attention, in addition to its high quality. None of the Russian beer commercials in the corpus associates this or any other animal with beer because, as is mentioned in Chapter 10.1, images of people and animals are prohibited in alcohol commercials. The exception constitutes the Russian commercial

“Bear,” which was produced in 1970. Personification of domestic animals is not employed in American vodka commercials. “Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries bear” and

“Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries eagle” associate the competitiveness of bears and eagles with the competitiveness of two types of Seagram’s Vodka. In “Smirnoff: Stampede,” the personification of vodka involves a herd of wild uniquely white horses to promote the extreme purity of vodka. The absence of domestic animals in vodka commercials might be explained by two reasons. First, vodka is positioned as an exotic beverage for the elite; therefore the commercials for vodka cannot use such common animals, as dogs or domestic horses featured in the beer commercials95. Second, being a comparatively new beverage on the American alcoholic beverage market, vodka is still searching for its target customers unlike beer that has identified its target customers for a rather long period of time: primarily, male working-class individuals, with the occasional recognition of young professionals.

95 One recent commercial for Smirnoff features a leopard as a pet of a wealthy Russian man, who is surrounded by objects made of gold, including, a telephone, a thrown, and chairs. This commercial is not included in our corpus.

260 8.5.2 MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG

An obvious patriotic orientation is displayed in “Miller Lite Beer: Lite across

America” through the metaphor MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG. By the combination of imagistic and verbal modalities, both domains generate mappings (see

Table 34.1, Appendix B) that suggest that Miller Lite is a symbol of a nation or a community united by this beer. The image of young people of both genders, of different social layers – professionals, workers, and sportsmen –creating a live chain across different parts of the USA: metropolitan areas, coastal regions, forests, and other areas, cue the mapping uniting people of a nation → uniting beer drinkers into a nation, as

Figure 8.13 displays.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 8.13. Miller Lite Beer: Lite across America.

This mapping is verbally revealed through the call to unite: “Join together across this great nation. From cost to cost, over the hills and prairies. […] United by great taste through green forests. […] Major metropolitan areas. Across rivers and streams. Through the mountains,” which is verbalized by the protagonist shown holding a bottle of Miller

Lite as if it were a banner, while carrying it along the live chain. The image of the bottle of Miller Lite superimposed on the blue flag elaborates the mapping the symbol of a nation → the symbol of the nation of beer drinkers, suggesting that Miller Lite is more

261 than beer, but rather a national beverage metonymically symbolizing a nation of

American beer drinkers. These mappings generate two entailments: (1) Miller Lite is a beverage for all demographic groups and (2) as a national symbol, Miller Lite should be preferred to other beers. Thus, both the mappings and entailments qualify this commercial as patriotic. A similar patriotic orientation is identified in the Ukrainian commercial “Obolon Motherland” analyzed in Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) study and in five Russian commercials. Contrary to American and Ukrainian patriotism, the Russian commercials depict patriotism construed as superiority over other countries (see Chapters

10.3 and 10.4.6).

8.5.3 BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE

The metaphor BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE underlies two commercials,

“Bud: Reception” and “Bud: Endorsement,” by conceptualizing beer as champagne and wine through the mappings presented in Tables 35.1 and 36.1 (see Appendix B). In “Bud:

Reception” the image of Budweiser bottles arranged in a pyramidal configuration similar to a pyramid of glasses, into which champagne is poured in combination with the image of a marriage reception setting, cues the mapping champagne → Bud Light beer. This mapping projects the telic quale of champagne, indexing an important occasion, onto

Budweiser Light beer, thereby ascribing to the beer the attribute of a high quality beverage.

In “Bud: Endorsement” the mapping wine → Bud Light Beer is elaborated verbally by the endorsement, where Jackie Moon, the main character of the comedy

262 “Semi-Pro,” describes beer as a “magical blend of barley hops and delicious alcohol” that

“refreshes the palate” that makes “a perfect Valentine gift for the ladies.” The mapping is reinforced by the cameraman reminding Jackie Moon that “It’s not wine.” The mappings construe the entailment regarding the social meaning of beer, i.e., beer is imbibed on special occasions and it is worthy of the cost of champagne and wine similar way of construing beer as wine is also employed in beer commercials on Dutch television

(Forceville, 2007, 2008a).

8.5.4 BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT

“Bud: Ability to talk to animals” manifests a special case of the interest metaphor

BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT through the incongruous images of talking animals, a dog and a squirrel, and a Budweiser male consumer who understands the language of animals. The mapping of the metaphor imparting magic → imparting endless satisfaction with qualities transfers the telic quale of a magical object, empowering it with magic skills, onto the properties of beer. This mapping imparts the notion that beer can provide access to total satisfaction with its properties as the voice- over claims: “Bud Light is brewed to give you everything you want in a beer: never- ending refreshment, superior drinkability, and now the ability to talk to animals.” The disclaimer: “The ability to talk to animals is no longer available in Bud light” in combination with the image of the beer consumer unhappy with the annoying dog’s requests for sausages and the assurance that “The endless refreshment, however, remains.

Bud light keeps it coming” suggest that the magical ability to talk to animals does not

263 provide satisfaction; however, the magical property of beer, “endless refreshment,” does.

In a similar way, this mapping is manifested in “Bud: Breath fire” where a man empowered by Budweiser ruins his date by unintentionally igniting his woman’s cat and a romantic dinner while sneezing. The mapping invokes the following entailment: magical powers cause problems while beer provides endless satisfaction.

8.5.5 BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE

The interesting metaphor BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE builds a conceptual ground for “Budweiser: Mini mouth” through the incongruous images of people with deformed mouths that allow them to only sip beverages through a straw (see Figure 8.

14).

(a) (b)

Figure 8.14. Budweiser: Mini mouth.

The mappings of the metaphor presented in Table 39.1(see Appendix B) imply that the only healthy alcoholic beverage is beer, which is achieved by transferring the telic quale of a curative medication onto beer. The other beverages, that are consumed through a straw, e.g., cocktails, cause serious disease. The mappings are explicitly cued verbally through the male voice-over’s detailed report on the epidemic and the overt

264 encouragement of beer consumption: “Drink Bud.” They are reinforced sonically through whistling sounds of the protagonists, whose ability to normally articulate sounds is distorted by the deformed mouths and slow, suspenseful music (see Table 39.2, Appendix

B). The mappings generate an interesting entailment about the properties of beer: beer should be imbibed under both conditions: while healthy and while sick.

8.5.6 MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER

The metaphor MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER builds a conceptual ground for “Miller Lite: Beach,” employing the transformation of a substation. The combination of the event image, where young attractive women are coached to be lifeguards with the explanation of their coach about their mission: “We rescue men from drinking light beer with less taste” and chanting to fast rhythmic music cues the source domain mappings presented in Table 40.1 (see Appendix B). By transmitting the telic quale of a lifeguard, rescuing a drowning person, onto Millar Lite beer, the mappings reveal a new function of Miller Lite, i.e., saving men from “making unmanly choices” thereby “sav[ing] their summer.” The fact that women are coached to fulfill this rescue mission leads to the entailment about the incapability of men to make the right decision about the type of beer: light vs. lite.

265 8.6 Comparative Analysis of American Beer and Vodka Commercials

8.6.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains

The commercials for beer analyzed in this chapter show a tendency of the order of the source and target domains different from the tendency that emerges in the American commercials for vodka examined in Chapter 7. The difference relates to two sequence patterns: the source domain precedes the target domain and the source domain follows the target domain. The occurrence of these two patterns is almost equal in the commercials analyzed, i.e., the former pattern occurs in seventeen (42.50%) of forty commercials, while the latter pattern is used in fifteen (37.50%) commercials. This contradicts Forceville’s findings (2007) that report the tendency of the target domain to follow the source domain.

Similarly to the commercials for vodka analyzed in Chapter 7, the simultaneous display of both domains occurs in eight (20.00%) commercials. For example, in “Miller

Lite: Bar Stool,” this simultaneous elaboration of both domains is produced by the sign

“Beer Heaven” that a protagonist sees near the door.

8.6.2 Modality Distribution

The modality distribution presented in Table 8.5 reveals a distribution similar to the one that emerged in the commercials for vodka.

In the beer commercials, the predominant modalities employed for both domains are imagistic and verbal, with the auditory modality lagging well behind.

266 Table 8.5. The frequency of modalities in American commercials for beer and vodka.

Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic

Source Beer 48 (94.12%) 41 (80.39%) 2 (3.96%) 18 (35.29%) domain Vodka 45 (90.00%) 26 (52.00%) 6 (12.00%) 33 (66.00%)

Target Beer 46 (90.20%) 45 (88.54%) 1 (1.96%) 24 (47.06%) domain Vodka 45 (90.00%) 46 (92.00%) 4 (8.00%) 8 (16.00%)

In the vodka commercials, the use of imagistic and sonic modalities somewhat exceeds the use of verbal modality for cuing the source domain while outnumbering by a considerable margin the auditory modality. The extent of the auditory manifestation in any of the beer and vodka domains is low. The preference for the imagistic and verbal modalities emerges from the combinability of modalities presented in Tables 8.6 and

Table 8.6 a.

Table 8.6. Combination of modalities.

N 12 8 8 4 3 2 2 1 1 1 % 23.5 15.6 15.6 7.84 5.88 3.92 3.92 1.96 1.96 1.96 3 9 9 Beer S i, v i, v, i, v, i, s i, v i v i, v i, v, i, v, s s s

T i, v, i, v i, v i, v i, s i, v, i, v i, v, i, s i, v, s s a, s s N 13 11 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 % 26.0 22.0 6.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 2.00

Vodka 0 0 S i, s i, v, i, v i, v V i, v i i, s i, a, i, v,

s s s T i, v i, v i, v v i, v i, v, v i, v, i, v v s s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target.

267 Table 8.6(a). Combination of modalities.

Beer S i, v, i, v, i, v, i, v I i, s v i i s a, s a, s T v i, v v v i, v i, v, v, i v i s

Vodka S i i, a, i, a, i, v, i, v, i, v v v i, s i s s a, s a

T i, v, i, v, i, a, i, v i, v i i, v, i, v, i i, v a, s a, s s a s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target. Note: Each pattern of beer metaphor constitutes one instantiation (1.96%). Each pattern of vodka metaphor constitutes one instantiation (2.00%).

Similar to the commercials for vodka, the combination of imagistic and verbal modalities is as preferable for revealing both domains as their combination with sonic modality for cuing a source domain. The sonic modality is combined with the aforementioned modalities primarily for cuing a source domain or a target domain when such emotions as desire (e.g., “Bud: Busted,” Budweiser Beer: Cross-examination”), happiness (e.g., “Miller Lite: Bar stool,” “Budweiser: Bridge”) and love (e.g., Budweiser:

Clydesdale circus”) that are involved in the beer commercials. There is one instance when both domains of a metaphor are cued by one modality, e.g., imagistic. In “Foster's:

Fish market,” PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS is integrated into the single source amalgam with visual elaboration only, in which two men, ostensibly behaving as if they were fish are attracted to the bait of Foster’s beer as it is lowered on a fishing line.

268 8.6.3 The Structural, Discoursal, and Cultural Aspects of Metaphors

The examination of multimodal metaphors detected in American commercials for beer leads to a threefold conclusion about the structure of metaphor, the promotional mediated discourse of alcohol beverages, and American culture, while providing insight into similarities and distinctions in the respective aspects explicated in American vodka commercials. The comparison is summarized in Table 8.7.

First, similar to American commercials for vodka, the commercials for beer create multimodal meanings by means of conceptual metaphor, metaphorical complexes such as double and single source metaphoric amalgams, and metaphoric chains. As in the metaphoric complexes displayed in the commercial for vodka, in beer commercials, metaphor also interacts with metonymy through a metonymic reduction. However, this interaction occurs within the target domain not within the source domain, contrary to the metaphors for vodka. It is important to clarify that this reduction relates to some mappings rather than the entire domain, therefore it does not involve the risk of misrecognizing a promoted product, beer. To the contrary, as explained in section 8.3, this reduction reveals an additional prospective of the promoted product, i.e., the emotion of desire. This finding deviates from the conclusion made in Hidalgo Downing and

Kraljevic Mujic’s (2011) study of printed promotional discourse for ICT, which states that metaphor-metonymy interaction occurs only in the source domain. As in the metaphors manifested in American commercials for vodka, in beer commercials metonymic extension was not identified in either of the domains.

269 A notable structural difference relates to the parameter of richness of the source domain (Ungerer, 2000, p. 237) elaborated in American commercials for vodka and beer as well as variations in the conceptual mappings. The commercials for beer benefit from the conceptual wealth of such source domains, as DRINKING BEER and PERSON that make numerous conceptual mappings possible. Due to their innovativeness, such source domains as SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT, A CARPENTER’S LEVEL or THE

CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS used for promoting vodka do not provide the bases for numerous mappings. This might be a plausible explanation for the extensive variety of metaphors employed in the vodka commercials and the irrelevance of the category of dominance.

As for the variations in the conceptual metaphors revealed by both corpora, commercials for both beverages manifest two distinct sets of metaphors that associate beer and vodka with distinct objects and phenomena.

The exclusion to this is personification, which appears in the beer and vodka commercials; however, it generates distinctive mappings and entailments in the respective corpora. The list of the beer and vodka metaphors is summarized in Table1

(see Appendix E). In addition, a notable difference should be pointed out in regard to the conjunction of a target domain and a promoted product. Differing from the vodka commercials, the beer commercials reveal the metaphor that constructs the promoted beer as a source rather than a target domain.

Second, unlike American vodka commercials, in which metaphors are rooted in the social practices pertaining to both alcohol consumption and disassociated from it, the

270 metaphors elaborated by the beer commercials are imbedded primarily in the social practice of beer consumption and practices tightly connected with it.

Table 8.7. Summary of the comparative analysis of beer and vodka metaphors.

Structural aspect Discoursal Cultural aspect Structural Metaphor-metonymy aspect types of interaction metaphor Source Source/ Target Social actors: Sociocultural domain Target domain young, male values: Metaphor Metonymic professionals masculinity as reduction and workers. male Single Metonymic Social irrationalism source reduction practices: and self- metaphoric alcohol centeredness in amalgams consumption in making Double bars or at a decisions, source private party; youthfulness, food health as low Beer metaphoric amalgams consumption; weight,

Metaphoric watching and friendship, chain playing sport, happiness, love e.g., soccer, as an ideal football, unity, and baseball, darts, desire. billiard, cards, and fishing. Metaphor Social actors: Sociocultural Single Metonymic young, values: source reduction attractive, youthfulness, metaphoric wealthy male, health, love as amalgams female an absolute Double Metonymic individuals, and ideal unity, source reduction artists. social equality, metaphoric Social social safety,

Vodka amalgams practices: art, and creativity. Metaphoric Metonymic affectionate chain reduction business transactions, secure and playful protesting; alcohol consumption.

271 This might be explained by the fact that beer is one of the most popular alcoholic beverages in American culture, while vodka is viewed as a foreign and, to a certain extent, exotic, beverage consumed by the elite, as discussed in Chapter 2.1. The commercials for beer feature primarily young, male professionals and workers engaged in beer consumption (although none of the commercials explicitly shows the act of imbibing) mostly in bars or at a private party. Unlike beer, vodka is positioned as a deluxe and sophisticated beverage that the elite, celebrities, artists, and wealthy individuals, consume in luxury mansions, yachts, and stylish restaurants. Beer consumption is often linked to the social practices of food consumption as well as watching and playing sports, e.g., soccer, football, baseball, darts, billiards, cards, and fishing. The nexus of beer, masculinity, and sports is exploited actively in promotional discourse because it has a long cultural tradition that goes back to the sixteenth century, as Wenner and Jackson (2009) state (p. 6), and was brought to the United States by immigrants from England. In contrast to beer commercials, the vodka commercials, e.g.,

Absolut Vodka spots, display social practices related to art, affectionate business transactions, as well as secure and playful protesting. Though these practices are not directly associated with vodka consumption, they construct the absolute world of social equality promised to the consumers of Absolut Vodka.

Third, associating beer with a precious commodity seems to lead to an interesting framing of men and women in American society. Men’s desire for beer converts them to irrational and self-centered individuals, who do not care about the welfare of their families, putting at stake their jobs and life. To the contrary, women are shown as those who act rationally in both normal and dangerous situations. In fact, masculinity seems to

272 be construed as irrational and self-centered decision making, while being integrated in the nexus of typical masculine entertainment practices.

Personifying beer and vodka with young and attractive individuals as opposed to older people likely accentuates the social value of youthfulness in the American society.

Aging is also respected when it is combined with wealth, as in case of Hugh Hefner who personifies Stolichnaya vodka.

Positioning beer as a healthy beverage, even as a medicine, attests to the significance of such a cultural value as health. It is important to point out that health is associated with light weight of a beer consumer. Light or Lite beer ensures the enjoyment of beer and light weight. Somewhat similarly, yet distinctly, health as a social value is pinpointed in the Absolut Vodka commercial “Absolut Vodka: Swim.” Being linked to youthfulness and healthy weight, health is displayed through the personification of vodka as a young athletic healthy looking man engaged in the activity of swimming. The connection of health and weight is underscored by contrasting the athlete with a chubby man.

The mappings of the happiness metaphor confirm Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) finding about the cultural concept of friendship. Similar to the commercials analyzed in

Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), in “Budweiser: Wild West,” “Budweiser: Bridge,” and “Bud

Light: Dog sitter,” American friendship is construed “as superficial and transitory”

(Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 53). Sharing beer with strangers aims to develop friendly relationships displayed through such social practices as dancing and singing together while the inability to share or provide beer invokes aggressiveness and indifference. As

Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) explain this construal of friendship by the American

273 tendency to use the term friend as acquaintance rather than as a close and trustworthy person. A different understanding of friendship is explicated in Russian and Ukrainian culture, where a friend designated by the noun “друг” denotes a close friend with whom mutual understanding is established; and who helps solve life’s problems, as featured in

Ukrainian (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 53) and Russian beer commercials (see Chapter

10.2).

The emotions of happiness, desire, and love are linked to drinking beer. The commercials suggest that happiness involves socializing, that often entails partying, dancing, singing, and becoming friends in public places (mostly in bars). In addition, special emphasis is put on extreme and everlasting happiness, e.g., being in beer heaven, raining beer, and having a miraculous beer tree, as an unconditional gift rather than as an object to be purchased. Finally, being happy is associated with being healthy, i.e., being able to experience the taste of beer, yet not being overweight.

Constructed through instinctive, impulsive, and irrational actions, the emotion of desire for beer seems to deprive consumers of their agency in a sense of their ability to control their emotional state and realize the consequences of their actions. In both vodka and beer commercials, the emotion of love is construed as an unusual romantic love story grounded in the metaphor of love as an ideal unity diverting from the assumption that the exchange metaphor for love is predominant in American culture (Kövecses, 2005, p.

180). In contrast to the beer commercials that exploit the emotions of happiness and desire, the metaphors displayed in Absolut Vodka commercials emphasize the importance of such cultural values as social equality, social safety, and creativity in

American society through the construction of the absolute world of Absolut Vodka.

274 Chapter 9

Multimodal Metaphor in Ukrainian TV Vodka Commercials

9.1 Introduction

This chapter presents the analysis of the metaphors manifested in the Ukrainian commercials for vodka. The predominant conceptual metaphor identified by applying the procedure presented in Chapter 6 is VODKA IS A PERSON. Differing from personification depicted in the American commercials for vodka, personification in the

Ukrainian commercials is primarily employed to promote vodka as a high quality beverage that can be purchased at a low price as well as a beverage that is typically imbibed with zakuska.96 The second dominant metaphor, though much less pervasive, is

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA. This metaphor is unavailable in the American commercials. In addition to these two metaphors, interest metaphors that associate vodka with a strange, unique, and symbolic object are elaborated in the commercials examined.

They appeal to the values of masculinity, friendship, and the emotion of surprise. This chapter includes the analysis of each metaphor in terms of its conceptual mappings, entailments, the modalities that manifest both source and target domains, and the preferred sequence of domains and their multimodal manifestation. The chapter also discusses the social practices in which the conceptual metaphors are embedded. This is followed by cross-linguistic and cross-cultural analyses of the metaphors uncovered in the Ukrainian and American vodka commercials.

96 Zakuska is snack food consumed after each glass of vodka. This cultural artifact is explained in detail in Chapter 3.7.

275 9.2 VODKA IS A PERSON

Personification is manifested in thirteen of the thirty-one Ukrainian commercials included in the corpus. As a dominant metaphor, personification of vodka is more elaborate in the Ukrainian commercials considered than in the American, where, as the reader will recall, no dominant metaphors were identified. The latter are limited to male personification with the exception of one commercial “Belvedere Vodka: Meteor,” which ascribes to vodka such socially constructed features as popularity, fame, and the noble origin of vodka in order to position it as an elite beverage, as discussed in Chapter 7.3.1.

The former manifest both male and female personifications that exploit moral qualities, physiological features, and such a socially constructed feature as fame to promote its high quality at an unreasonably low price. In addition, informed by highly scripted cultural ceremonies for vodka consumption (see Chapter 3.7), personification involves social hierarchical and interpersonal relationships.

9.2.1 VODKA IS A MAN

Through a combination of visual image and word, four commercials personify vodka as a man. Unlike in American commercials, male spiritual and physical attractiveness is ascribed to the beverage, as the mappings in Table 9.1 show.

The commercial “Vodka Miahkov: Facets” juxtaposes a young successful professional, whose qualities are described as a complex of such facets as inquisitiveness, wisdom, the ability to win, and to socialize soulfully with friends, with a bottle of

Miahkov vodka generating the mapping soulfulness of a man → vodka.

276 Table 9.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Source Target A MAN → VODKA Soulfulness of a man → Vodka Being attractive → Being in demand in different countries ↓ Metonymic reduction Part (a woman) for whole (Great Britain) Being famous → Being popular Being modern → Being on the world market

The characteristics are defined as the constituents of soulfulness in the voice- over’s comment – “Новий Мягков – грані твоєї душевності.” (New Miahkov – the facets of your soulfulness), that, in fact, articulates the mapping. This mapping projects the formal quale of soulfulness, which is considered the essence or core of personality in

Ukrainian culture, onto vodka, imparting the notion of the centrality of the social practice of vodka consumption in the community. The idea of the complexity of the male disposition is linked to the complexity of the highly scripted ritual of vodka consumption in Ukraine. As discussed in Chapter 3.7, vodka consumption is ritualized as a communion that acts directly on the soul through the rituals of sitting and holding a zadushevnyi, soulful, conversation, the main function of which is to foster the revelation of one’s true self.

By employing the mapping being attractive → being in demand in different countries as the conceptual base, the purpose of “Nemiroff: Great Britain” seems to convince both the world and women to consume Nemiroff vodka. The juxtaposition of a young, attractive, and stylish man, whose surname coincides with the brand name

“Nemiroff” and its synchronization with the comment of the female protagonist: “Я б

277 залюбки зустрілася з містером Nemiroff у своїх апартаментах.” (I would love to meet with Mr. Nemiroff in my suite) allows the designers to project a telic quale, the ability to attract the opposite sex, onto Nemiroff vodka. By extension consumers from other countries, e.g., Great Britain, are included. The metonymic reduction of the country,

Great Britain, to the female protagonist is cued by the synchronized image of the woman and the word “Great Britain” in the voice-over’s announcement: “Nemiroff став

популярним у 52 країнах світу, серед яких і Великобританія.” (Nemiroff has become popular in 52 countries of the world, including Great Britain).

In “Nemiroff: America,” the mapping being famous → being popular projects the formal quale of a celebrity, being famous, onto Nemiroff vodka through the juxtaposition of the images – Nemiroff vodka and a male celebrity (see Figure 6.1. in Chapter 6.2.4) – in conjunction with the manager’s instructions for a novice bartender: “У нас тут чимало

зірок. Не реагуй на відомі обличчя. Поважай їхнє приватне життя. Зірки люблять...”

(We have quite a few stars here. Don’t react to their famous faces. Respect their private life. Stars love …). A similar mapping is elaborated in such American commercials as

“Absolut: tablet” and “Stolichnaya: Hugh Hefner” with one difference: American celebrities, Kanye Omari West and Hugh Hefner, are employed to promote Absolut and

Smirnoff vodkas, while “Nemiroff: America” pictures an unknown foreign celebrity. The reason for that might be both to target a foreign market similar to the commercial

“Nemiroff: Great Britain” and to strengthen its position in the local market. If Nemiroff vodka is recognized abroad, it is likely to be more valued by Ukrainian consumers.

The claim about establishing itself on the world’s market of vodka is made through the final mapping being modern → being on the world market in “Nemiroff:

278 Nemiroff Night.” The superimposition of the bottle of Nemiroff vodka over the night view of a modern city synchronized with up-tempo musical tunes in combination with the voice-over’s statement that “Nemiroff встановлює стандарти” (Nemiroff established standards), “Nemiroff сучасний” (Nemiroff is modern), and Nemiroff is “Нове обличчя

світової горілки” (A new face of the world’s vodka) allows the commercial to ascribe such human properties as being modern and the ability to establish new standards to

Nemiroff vodka.

The mappings give rise to two entailments: vodka is a beverage for soulful needs and it is an elite beverage recognized on the world’s market of vodka and popular among both male and female consumers.

9.2.2 VODKA IS A WOMAN

The American commercials for vodka discussed in Chapter 7 communicate a message about such properties of the beverage as taste, flavor, purity, and socially constructed attributes of popularity and being elite. None of them elaborate the theme of the cost of a beverage. Unlike the American commercials, three Ukrainian commercials for the brand “Bilen’ka” focus on the correspondence of vodka’s quality with its cost.

Conceptualizing vodka as a woman, “Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka,” “Vodka Bilen’ka:

Magic,” and as a ballet duet, “Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet” is an attempt to convince the audience of a consumer favorable discrepancy between quality and price, i.e., a higher quality at a lower price.

279 The combination of the hybrid image of a bottle with human limbs and a face (see

Figure 9.1) and verbal modality cues the mappings presented in Table 5.1 (see Appendix

C).

(a) (b)

Figure 9.1. Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka.

The main characters in this commercial are supposedly two women (though male actors perform them) that personify two brands of vodka, “Kruten’ka” and “Bilen’ka.”

The former is a fictitious brand fabricated for this commercial as representative of all expensive brands of vodka. The feminine diminutive adjective “kruten’ka” means rich and important relating to people. The latter, “Bilen’ka,” is an actual brand. It is designated by the feminine endearing diminutive “white” that, in fact, metonymically stands for vodka. The association of female moral qualities with the quality of vodka is revealed through the favorable comment of the middle-aged male protagonist who enjoys vodka in the company of other male protagonists. He attributes “Bilen’ka” as “щира та

чесна” (sincere and honest). The projection of these highly valued human features onto vodka implies its high quality.

The mapping female appearance → the price of vodka is cued by the image of expensive jewelry and accessories that “Kruten’ka” wears (see Figure 9.1 [a]) and the

280 compliment paid to “Bilen’ka”: “Яка ж ти струнка та модна стала.” (How slim and stylish you have become). The juxtaposition of the appearance suggests that “Kruten’ka” represents a high price, while “Bilen’ka” is associated with a low price. The correspondence of quality and cost is also revealed through the voice-over’s comment

“Біленька. Якість вища за ціну.” (Bilen’ka. The quality is higher than the price).

Directly linked to the quality and cost mappings, the final mapping being appreciated → being consumed associates attitudes toward people based on their personal qualities with the attitude toward vodka. It is cued by the juxtaposition of sadness featured through a sad facial expression of “Kruten’ka” and its complaints about unhappiness: “Все є, щастя нема.” (I have everything but happiness) with happiness of

“Bilen’ka” depicted through its smiling face, being around friends (only middle-aged men are featured), and the recognition of friends: “За те і поважаємо.” (We respect you for that). This mapping provides an additional insight into the concept of happiness, i.e., being happy implies being around friends. Similar to the conceptualization of happiness depicted in Ukrainian beer commercials discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), happiness is directly connected to socializing with friends, while enjoying alcoholic beverages.

In contrast to “Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka,” in “Vodka Bilen’ka: Magician,” female physical appearance is associated with the quality of Bilen’ka vodka in conjunction with the orientational metaphors97 by constructing the single source amalgam

VODKA IS A WOMAN and GOOD IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP. Contrary to the

97 Orientational metaphors employ the experiences of basic human spatial orientations, such as up-down, central-periphery, etc., to explain abstract concepts.

281 overall tendency of being viewed as negative, DOWN is perceived as positive by vodka consumers, because it is connected to low prices. The mappings presented in Table 6.1

(see Appendix C) are visualized as a circus trick by showing an attractive young woman who is inserted into a box marked with two placards that are labeled as quality and price, as Figure 9.2 depicts.

(a) (b) Figure 9.2. Vodka Bilen’ka: Magician.

The trick is synchronized with the voice-over’s comment on the compositional elements of vodka and its characteristics: “Горілка – це зaвжди ціна та якість. А коли

горілка біленька, якість в неї завжди вища за ціну” (Vodka – this is always price and quality. But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than the price.) The location of the box with the bottom part of the magician assistant’s body labeled as price below the box with the upper part of her body labeled as quality designates a low price. High quality and a low price are manifested verbally by the labels on the boxes and visually by setting one box below another (see Figure 9.2). This downward orientation elaborates the positive concept of a good price in the sense of low contrary to the conventional metaphor BAD IS DOWN (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 14-16). In addition to the physical attractiveness of the woman, the concept of high quality is reinforced by the physical movement of standing up that is synchronized with the word “вища” (higher) from the comment.

282 The similar correspondence of quality and price, on the one hand, and physical orientation, on the other, is employed in “Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet,” where vodka is elaborated as a ballet duet in addition to the salient physical female feature, as Figure 9.3 depicts.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 9.3. Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet.

This commercial manifests the single source amalgam consisting of VODKA IS

A PERSON and GOOD IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP through the mappings presented in

Table 7.1 (see Appendix C). The high quality of vodka is elaborated through the physical attractiveness of a ballerina and her upper position in the ballet duet. The price of vodka is revealed as a male ballet dancer, whose lower position in the duet points to the low price of a product. Thus, the metaphor is cued imagistically and verbally (the words

“quality” and “price” are written on the ballerina’s and male dancer’s tutus, respectively.

The mappings generate two entailments that relate to the demographic group of consumers and the accessibility of vodka. First, vodka is positioned as a product for middle-aged male consumers. I will address the issue of why the commercials seem to target middle-aged male consumers later in the chapter where I take up the comparative analysis with American vodka commercials (see section 9.5.3). Vodka is personified as an attractive woman in the commercials considered with the exception of “Vodka

283 Bilen’ka: Ballet,” where the duet construes the properties of price and quality. Moreover, the commercials feature only middle-aged male individuals in “Vodka Bilen’ka:

Mazhorka” as well as a male audience in “Vodka Bilen’ka: Magic” and “Vodka Bilen’ka:

Ballet.” The second entailment relates to vodka’s accessibility due to its low price.

9.2.3 VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE PEOPLE

Three commercials personify vodka and zakuska in order to accentuate the centrality of their complementarity in the scripted ritual of alcohol consumption. As pointed out in Chapter 3.7, alcohol consumption involves the ritual of the dushevnyi

(soulful) conversation, participation in which is mandatory. The ability to participate in it is conditioned by a particular level of intoxication that allows one to open up the self, while not becoming too inebriated to socialize. Regulating the level of intoxication is assigned to zakuska.

In “Vodka Bilen’ka: Parade,” the relationship of vodka and zakuska is conceptualized by the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE MILITARY PEOPLE.

The source domain, MILITARY PEOPLE, is cued in a combination of image (the act of marching performed by slices of bread and pickles in front of a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka, as Figure 9.4 features), addressing zakuska as soldiers (“Здрастуйте, солдати.” [How do you do, soldiers?]) and the strains of a military march. The target domain, VODKA AND

ZAKUSKA, is revealed imagistically (see Figure 9.4) and verbally (the brand name).

284

Figure 9.4. Vodka Bilen’ka: Parade.

The mappings (see Table 8.1, Appendix C) project the telic quale of a military commander, to give orders, onto Bilen’ka vodka and the telic quale of soldiers, to follow orders, onto zakuska. These mappings suggest three things: (1) strict hierarchical relationships between vodka and zakuska in which vodka plays a central role, while zakuska’s role is less important, (2) the social obligation to participate in alcohol consumption98, and (3) the ritualization of alcohol consumption. The latter two are reinforced by the appeal of the commander: “За вітчизну, Рідненькі!” (To the

Motherland, My dearest friends!) – that sounds ambiguous. This phrase is used as both an appeal addressed to soldiers before battle and a toast. In both cases, the fail to follow it is interpreted as a betrayal. If soldiers do not fulfill the commander’s order “За вітчизну,

Рідненькі!” (To the Motherland, My dearest friends!), they are considered traitors and executed on the spot. If a person does not drink the toast: “За вітчизну, Рідненькі!” (To the Motherland, My dearest friends!), this person is also considered a traitor in a sense of being a disloyal member of a society. Besides, as it is discussed in Chapter 3.7, any rejection of drinking a toast is viewed as disrespect for both the toaster and the toasted

98 This obligation is reported in the ethnographic sources about Russian and Ukrainian culture of drinking discussed in Chapter 3.7.

285 and wishing them ill while at the same time generating a suspicious attitude toward the individual who refused to take part in the ritual.

Another kind of human relationship, friendship, is projected onto the complementation of vodka and zakuska in “Vodka Bilen’ka: Meeting” through the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE FRIENDS. The source domain, FRIENDS, is depicted verbally in the form of a greeting between friends and toasting, while the target domain, VODKA AND ZAKUSKA, is cued in image and word. As culturally informed, the mapping meeting with friends → consumption of vodka with zakuska emphasizes the social function of vodka, i.e., bonding camaraderie that is overtly expressed through the concern of one friend: “О, а де ж третій?” (Oh, where is the third?), who is late for a meeting, inasmuch as the cultural tradition to accompany vodka with zakuska and toasting. The toast – “За зустріч, Рідненькі!” (To our meeting, My Dearest Friends!) – traditionally opens these kinds of male meetings.

Finally, the tradition of consuming vodka with zakuska is romanticized in “Vodka

Bilen’ka: Pickle” through the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE LOVERS. The mappings presented in Table 10.1 (see Appendix C) are manifested by a touching scene that shows a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka with a pickle leaning on it (see Figure 9.5) and addressing it as if it were a beloved woman, i.e., “Біленька … така рідненька” (Bilen’ka

… you’re so dear to me).

286

Figure 9.5. Vodka Bilen’ka: Pickle.

In this personification, the pickle is construed as a man and vodka is personified as a woman because the noun ‘vodka’ is feminine. In addition, it should be noted that the commercial pictures a pickle rather than a cucumber. A pickle suits much better because it is considered one of the most traditional zakuska for vodka in Ukraine. What is more, the size of a personified woman who is much larger than and man breaks the stereotype.

Informed by the conventional metaphor LOVE IS PHYSICAL UNITY, the last mapping close relationship between lovers → consumption of vodka with zakuska implies a special attitude toward vodka and its mandatory unity with zakuska.

The mappings of the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE PEOPLE generate one entailment about the culture of vodka consumption: zakuska is a mandatory supplement for vodka.

9.2.4 VODKA IS A FAMILY

In “Vodka Uliublena: Salt” the personification of vodka involves the concept of family. The juxtaposition of a truck driver’s family with Uliublena99 vodka allows the commercial to project the telic quale of family, evoking love, onto vodka. The mapping

99 The brand name “Uliublena” is translated from Ukrainian as favorite.

287 love for your family → love for vodka is cued by the protagonist’s narrative about his large family’s employment and his attitude toward it: “Справжня, козацька. Улюблена”

(A true Cossack [family]. A favorite) and the image of a bottle of Uliublena vodka on a table with zakuska set on a riverbank. The commercial exhibits a patriotic overtone, exploiting the notion of a Cossack relating to his family and to vodka. The caption

“Улюблена. Cправжньому козаку до смаку.” (Favorite. To a true Cossack’s taste), in fact, states that being a true Cossack (see Chapter 3.3), which means being Ukrainian and a real man, presupposes the consumption of vodka. The entailment that can be drawn from the mapping is that vodka deserves unconditional love under any circumstances.

9.2.5 VODKA IS A GOD/GODDESS

The transformation of “ambiguate”100 fuses a middle-aged man with the god

Poseidon, as discussed in Chapter 6.3.1.4, elaborating the metaphor VODKA IS A GOD in “Vodka Olimp: Poseidon.” The juxtaposition of the god Poseidon with the logo of

Olimp vodka generates the mapping perfection of a god → the high quality of vodka promoting the highest possible quality of vodka. The mapping is reinforced by the voice- over’s comment: “Боги серед нас. Олімп” (The gods are among us. Olimp) that is synchronized with an identical caption.

A similar filmic strategy is employed for constructing the metaphor VODKA IS A

GODDESS in “Vodka Olimp: Nike” that generates the mapping perfection of a goddess

100 The transformation “ambiguate” involves the full overlap of the schemas of two or more entities, resulting in an ambiguous image that can be perceived as any of two or more entities depending on the perspective (Schilperoord, 2012, unpublished manuscript, p. 13).

288 → the high quality of vodka. The goal of the mapping is to convince the audience of the quality of Olimp vodka and also to position the product as a beverage for winners.

According to Greek mythology, the goddess Nike flies to battlefields to reward the victors with fame and glory. The entailment invoked by these mappings is that vodka is an elite beverage for successful men.

9.3 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA

The consumption of vodka is associated with the emotion of happiness in eight of the thirty-one commercials. Similarly to American beer commercials (see Chapter 8.2), the goal of Ukrainian vodka commercials – to promote and sell vodka – is elaborated as the source domain rather than as the target domain. These commercials attempt to convince viewers that the abstract emotion of HAPPINESS is understood and experienced as the concrete physical bodily experience of DRINKING VODKA. As pointed out in Chapter 8.2, the suggestion that a promoted product is elaborated as the source domain deviates from Forceville’s assumption regarding the coinciding of a promoted product and the target domain.

The source domain, DRINKING VODKA, is revealed by the combination of imagistic and verbal modalities. For example, the images of cases of vodka, glasses filled with vodka, and the brand name “Horilochka”101 manifest the source domain in

“Horilochka: Picnic.” The target domain HAPPINESS is elaborated in three modalities: imagistic (images of smiling, laughing, dancing people), verbal (the caption: Там, де

101 The Ukrainian noun “horilochka” is the diminutive form of “horilka” that means vodka. Its etymology is explained in Chapter 3.2.

289 весело! [There [where] it is fun]), and sonic (up-tempo, energetic, dance music and the sounds of excitement and laughter) in “Horilochka: Picnic,” as Figure 9.6 shows.

(a) (b)

(c)

Figure 9.6. Horilochka: Picnic.

The metaphor, HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA, generates the six mappings presented in Table 9.2.

Table 9.2. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS more vodka → better life more vodka → a better attitude toward people vodka with zakuska → experiencing excitement vodka without zakuska → experiencing sadness drinking vodka in a Ukrainian way → experiencing excitement and masculinity drinking soft vodka → handling an embarrassing situation

290 The first two mappings, more vodka → better life and more vodka → a better attitude toward people, suggest that the extent of a general satisfaction with life and people is directly proportional to the amount of vodka imbibed. In “Horilochka: Picnic,” for one protagonist “Після п'ятидесяти життя тільки починається” (Life only starts after 50 [grams of vodka]), for another one life starts “... після ста” (… after 100

[grams]). In “Horilochka,” the male protagonists discuss whether a bride is pretty. For one of them “…до вродливої їй ще грамів двісті” (…she’ll start looking pretty to me after about 200 more grams of vodka (four more shots). It should be noted such a remark about the bride’s appearance sounds sexist. Both the improvement of life and attitude toward people seems to involve excessive drinking that is visualized in “Horilochka:

Picnic” through the image of five cases of vodka, each of which contains 25 half-liter bottles (a total of 9.9 gallons) as Figure 9.6 (a) shows for the group of ten people, five of which are women. Similarly, in “Horilochka,” at a small wedding reception one can see a table where a bottle of vodka is placed next to every dish. To the rapid energetic music, guests quickly grab the bottles, and the next scene shows the guests toasting.

Echoing the commercials that manifest the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA

ARE PEOPLE discussed in section 9.2.3, “Vodka Bilen’ka: Two villages” depicts the dependence of one’s emotional state on the availability of vodka with zakuska through the mappings vodka with zakuska → experiencing excitement and vodka without zakuska

→ experiencing sadness. The mappings are cued by the juxtaposition of a wedding reception in two villages, the village of Сумне (Sad) and the village of Розгуляєвкa

(Cutting Loose). In the latter, the reception is supplied with Bilen’ka vodka: its reasonable price ensures that the celebrants can afford zakuska. In the former, expensive

291 Kruten’ka (big shot) vodka eliminates the possibility of zakuska due to its high price. The emotional state of both villages corresponds to their names. The village of Сумне (Sad) is depicted through the image of silent people with sad facial expressions, while the inhabitants of Розгуляєвкa (Cutting Loose) are smiling. These images are synchronized with the announcer’s comment: “Як бачите в селі Сумне свята не вийшло. Їм не

вистачило на закуску. А в Розгуляєвці свято кипить. Там щедро накрили стіл і ще

довго будуть згадувати це веселе свято” (As you can see, in the village of Sad the holiday didn’t work out. They didn’t have enough money for zakuska. But in Cutting

Loose the holiday is raging. The table is covered generously and they will remember this happy holiday for a long time). In addition to the images of happy people who enjoy vodka with zakuska, the mappings are also cued sonically by joyful dance music and the protagonists’ laughter.

The state of happiness is also indicated by another traditional of alcohol consumption in addition to the mandatory use of zakuska. In Ukraine, vodka is traditionally imbibed without ice. In “Vodka Vdala” this tradition is conceptualized by the mapping drinking vodka in the Ukrainian way → experiencing excitement and masculinity. It is encoded via the sad images of two male protagonists, who put several ice cubes into their glasses meant for vodka. Seeing that the third male protagonist exclaims “Мужики?” (You’re real men?) with an intonation of surprise and a reproachful facial expression. Immediately the two protagonists return the ice to the ice container and the sad and boring atmosphere changes into a happy picnic, where they drink vodka with zakuska, but without ice, near a bonfire and with dancing. To reinforce this cultural tradition, an image of the Vdala Vodka bottle with a glass and a piece of pig lard on its

292 side is shown at the end of the commercial. It is important to mention that pig lard is considered the most traditional Ukrainian food and a symbol of Ukrainianness. The voice-over’s comment “По нашому, по чоловічому” (In our way, in a man’s way) links the concept of masculinity to this traditional way of imbibing alcohol. It can be then inferred that to consume vodka with ice does not correspond to a male way of consuming alcohol in Ukraine. The strong reaction against drinking vodka with ice presented in the commercial can be explained as a selling point designed to push back against foreign influences in the drinking culture. People are introduced to vodka with ice when they travel to Europe and the U.S., where vodka is consumed with ice, known as vodka on the rocks.

Finally, the association of happiness with vodka consumtion is elaborated in the mapping drinking soft102 vodka → handling an embarrassing situation via the embarrassing scenes featured in “Nemiroff Delikat: A hotel suite” and “Nemiroff

Delikat: Bar.” Both commercials feature images of delicate situations. The former shows a young man accidentally appearing naked in front of a group of young women, who are not expected to be there. He expects only his beloved in the room. The latter depicts a young man looking flirtatiously at an attractive young woman who appears much taller than the man. The embarrassment in both situations is overcome with the help of

Nemiroff vodka that the protagonists supposedly consume. The caption “М’який підхід

до DELIKATних ситуацій” (A smooth approach to DELICate situations) cues both domains, i.e., the property of vodka, which is smooth vodka, and the type of situation by the attribute “DELIKATnyh” (delicate), written in English except for the ending, which

102 Soft vodka means smooth vodka.

293 is given in Ukrainian. The English part of the word is written in capital letters to emphasize the type of Nemiroff vodka, i.e., Nemiroff Delikat. The vodka descriptor

“smooth” is a case of synaesthesia that fulfills two functions; namely, it characterizes vodka and cues the target domain. Overcoming embarrassment gives rise to the happy emotional state of the protagonists expressed through their smiling facial expressions.

Happiness is also manifested through the watery female and male figures embracing each other in dance (Figure 9.7) and eventually converting themselves into a bottle of

Nemiroff Delikat vodka.

Figure 9.7. Nemiroff Delikat: A hotel suite.

The mappings generate four sets of entailments: the gender of vodka drinkers and the quantity of vodka consumers; the quantity of vodka consumed; the premise for imbibing; and social relationships. The commercials show primarily middle-aged males as the main protagonists and as the only characters with speaking roles. Though females are also featured in the commercials, they are shown as background participants at drinking events and have no speaking roles. The consumption of vodka is shown as a festivity, e.g., a picnic or a wedding reception, in which many people participate. The

294 exception is “Nemiroff Delikat: Bar,” where a young couple is shown as prospective vodka consumers.

The second entailment, the quantity of vodka imbibed, is that, even though each commercial exhibits a warning about drinking alcohol responsibly, the commercials expose viewers to a large quantity of vodka. For example, in “Horilochka: Picnic” 9.9 gallons of vodka is available for ten people, five of who are women, and in “Nemiroff

Delikat: Bar,” the protagonist orders a bottle of 750 ml for two persons.

The third entailment, the premise for imbibing, is that vodka imbibing takes place in public places appropriate for Ukraine, e.g., the bank of a river or a beach and private places: private premises. It should be noted that the mentioned public places are considered a socially and legally inappropriate site for imbibing alcohol in American culture. The final entailment conveys social relations. Vodka functions as a problem resolver, helping male consumers of vodka overcome life impediments.

9.4 Other Metaphors Manifested in Ukrainian Vodka Commercials

Contrary to American commercials for vodka, in Ukrainian commercials vodka is positioned as a strange, unique, precious object, and a fish story, and animal personification. By associating vodka with a strange, unique, precious object, designers attempt to bring to viewers’ attention the low price, high quality of a beverage, and its importance in male life. Constructing vodka as a fish story, designers encourage observation of a traditional way of vodka consumption, while connecting alcohol to the exhibition of masculinity. The advantage of this promotional strategy is that it plays on

295 both patriotic and masculine feelings of vodka consumers by communicating the following message: “If you are Ukrainian and if you want to be a real man, you will drink vodka in the traditional Ukrainian way.” The goal of animal personification is to emphasize the competitiveness of a certain brand of vodka among other brands.

9.4.1 VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT

The juxtaposition of UFO and female aliens with Bilen’ka vodka associates

Bilen’ka vodka with a strange object in “Bilen’ka: UFO,” generating the mappings presented in Table 20.1 (see Appendix C). Appealing to the emotion of astonishment, the mappings aim to underscore the high quality of Bilen’ka and its low price. In fact, the surprise generated by Bilen’ka is stronger than the surprise evoked by the UFO. The middle-aged male protagonist admits that “Навіть якщо на нашому городі впаде

літаюча тарілка, нас це не здівує. Адже нас уже здивувала Біленька. […] Біленька

якість вища за ціну.” (Even if a UFO falls on our garden, we won’t be surprised at that.

Because Bilen’ka has already surprised us. […] Bilen’ka quality is higher than its price.)

The theme of UFOs and outer space is also employed in “Vodka Bilen’ka:

Outerspace.” As seen in Figure 9. 8, the incongruity of a scene from outer space is caused by distorting the relationship of probability, the likelihood of the appearance of some objects in a particular scene, between a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka, a pickle, and planets.

This incongruity builds the grounds for the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE

SPACESHIPS, in which VODKA is construed as a space station and ZAKUSKA is construed as a rocket (the pickle) docking with the space station (vodka).

296

Figure 9.8. Vodka Bilen’ka: Outerspace.

The mapping making contact in outer space → consuming vodka with zakuska emphasizes the strong traditional connection of vodka with zakuska in any possible place, even in outer space. The caption “Є контакт, Рідненькі!” (We have contact, my dearest friends!) functions as both an enhancer of the mapping and the overt encouragement for vodka consumption with zakuska. The caption can be interpreted as a rocket (the pickle) docking with the space station (vodka). It should be noted that, in fact, actual instances of vodka consumption on a space flight took place during Soviet times, as discussed in

Chapter 3.6. The mappings give rise to one entailment: vodka is a strong attention holder.

Even such a strong distraction as the UFO cannot divert attention from its consumption.

9.4.2 VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT

Associating vodka with a unique object, “Tselsii: Samurai sword” employs the interest metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT to ensure that a new flavor, vanilla, is brought to consumers’ attention. The juxtaposition of a Samurai sword featured in a

Japanese temple and a bottle of Tselsii Vanilla Vodka elaborates the mapping uniqueness of a Samurai sword → the unique taste of vodka imparting the notion of being just one of a kind, special, and distinctive to the taste of Tselsii Vanilla Vodka. The mapping is

297 reinforced by the comment “Цельсій. Ваніль. Інший (Tselsii. Vanilla. Different.) whispered by the voice-over. It should be noted that while different flavors of vodka constitute the promotional purpose of many American commercials, flavored vodka is not often promoted in Ukrainian commercials because it is not typical of Ukrainian drinking culture. The reason for that might be traditional consumption of undiluted vodka with zakuska as opposed to diluted vodka used in cocktails typical of western culture.

The uniqueness of an immense soccer stadium and the complexity of its design and construction are projected onto the design and production of Olimp Vodka through the metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT revealed by the alternating images of the designing of a bottle and a stadium as well as the construction of both objects. The mappings presented in Table 23.1 (see Appendix C) draw the analogy between the complexity of both events given in Table 6.2 (see Chapter 6.3.2.2). The new values assigned to Olimp Vodka are high quality, uniqueness, and the complex process of production. The idea of the complexity of these events is also reinforced by the involvement of professionals and technology, e.g., computers and construction equipment. In the voice-over’s comment, both objects, “унікальний стадіон” (a unique stadium) and “якісно новий Oлімп” (new-quality Olimp), are defined as “досягнення”

(achievements), “високa метa” (a high goal), and “вершинa успіху” (the pinnacle of success) that require “максимум зусиль” (maximum effort) and “працюва[ти] день і

ніч” (to work day and night).

The mappings of the metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT invoke one entailment that relates to the targeted demographic group: vodka is a masculine beverage, the consumption of which is connected with masculine leisure activities, e.g., soccer.

298 9.4.3 VODKA IS A SYMBOLIC OBJECT

The single source metaphoric amalgam that combines the metaphor VODKA IS

A SYMBOLIC OBJECT and the orientational metaphor GOOD IS UP, provides the conceptual ground for “Vodka Olimp: The pinnacle of quality,” the goal of which is to communicate a message about the quality of Olimp vodka. The conjunction of imaginary

(the images of the Eiffel Tower, Big Ben, the Statue of Liberty juxtaposed to the image of an oversized bottle of Olimp Vodka) and verbal modalities (“Як Ейфелева вежа є

єталоном вишуканості, Біг Бен – символом стабільності, а статуя свободи –

незалежності, так і Олімп є безперечним взірцем бездоганної прозорості, смаку і

нового дизайну української горілки.” [As the Eiffel Tower is the benchmark of refinement, Big Ben is a symbol of stability, and the Statue of Liberty is the symbol of independence, so Olimp is the indisputable model for perfect transparency, taste, and a new design for Ukrainian vodka.] generate the mappings presented in Table 24.1 (see

Appendix C). Projecting onto Olimp Vodka the telic quale of the cultural artifacts to symbolize social values, the mappings imply two things: first, Olimp Vodka is conceptualized as a symbol of Ukrainian vodka and, second, this brand claims to be the standard against which the quality of all vodka is measured. The mappings invoke an unfavorable entailment about the social value representative of Ukraine. The Eiffel

Tower metonymically stands for France associated with refinement, Big Ben stands for

England associated with stability, and the Statue of Liberty represents America associated with independence, while Ukraine, represented by Olimp Vodka, is then associated with alcohol intoxication. It should be noted that it is not clear whether this entailment is

299 intentional on the producers’ part and whether the viewers of the commercial uptake it or they do not. The uptake of metaphors used in the commercials is beyond the scope of this dissertation.

9.4.4 VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT

The interrelationship of vodka consumption and male friendship is conceptualized in “Vodka Blahov: Gold diggers gold rush” by means of the single source metaphoric amalgam composed of VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT and MALE FRIENDSHIP IS

A PRECIOUS OBJECT. The juxtaposition of gold nuggets and a bottle of Blahov Vodka in the spring (see Figure 9.9.) in conjunction with the verbal modality manifests the mappings presented in Table 25.1 (see Appendix C). The mapping desiring a precious object → desiring vodka is cued by the visual image of grabbing a box of Blahov Vodka from a jeep synchronized with the voice-over’s comment about “реальні цінності” (real values) in a male country such as “сила і чистота” (strength and purity) in addition to vodka. The additional mappings, a material value → a moral male value and enjoying material values → enjoying vodka with friends, are revealed by the image of gold nuggets juxtaposed with the images featuring men grasping each other’s, sitting around a bon fire, pouring vodka into glasses, one of which includes a nugget of gold, and toasting synchronized with the voice-over’s narrative about the uniting strength of male friendship. The caption – “Справжня чоловіча горілка!” (Real masculine vodka!) – positioned by the bottle of Blahov Vodka (see Figure 9. 9.) emphasizes the idea of

300 masculinity linked to vodka consumption, while suggesting the preciousness of this beverage for male consumers.

Figure 9.9. Vodka Blahov: Gold diggers gold rush.

These mappings generate the entailment relating to the concept of masculinity in the Ukrainian context. Being a real man is conditioned by the consumption of vodka in the company of friends.

9.4.5 DRINKING VODKA IS A FAVORITE ACTIVITY

Playing on the brand name “Uliublena” (my favorite), the activity of vodka consumption is associated with doing a job in “Vodka Uliublena: Plumber” through the metaphor DRINKING VODKA IS A FAVORITE ACTIVITY. The mapping enjoying your favorite job → enjoying your favorite vodka is cued visually by two juxtaposed scenes as well as verbally in the conversation between the plumber and a customer. The scene that features a middle-aged plumber showing a repaired tub to a middle-aged female client (Figure 9.10 [a]) is juxtaposed with a scene of socializing while sitting at a table on which Uliublena Vodka and zakuska are set.

The plumber's reply “Так моя ж улюблена.” (That’s my favorite.) to the client’s compliment on his job defines this activity as a favorite one. The voice-over’s comment –

301 “Улюблена. Cправжньому козаку до смаку.” (My favorite. To a true Cossack’s taste) – synchronized with the second scene suggests that both this brand of vodka and the activity of vodka consumption are favorite things for a true Ukrainian man.

(a) (b)

Figure 9.10. Vodka Uliublena: Plumber.

The theme of a real Ukrainian man is displayed by the plumber’s hairstyle and moustache typical of a Cossack’s.

9.4.6 VODKA IS A FISH STORY

The patriotic Cossack theme is employed to emphasize masculinity and the traditional manner of vodka consumption with zakuska in three commercials for the brand Baika103 Vodka by linking such social practices as fighting an enemy and a vodka drinking competition. In “Vodka Baika: Cossacks non-Christians,” the metaphor

VODKA IS A FISH STORY generates two mappings presented in Table 27.1 (see

Appendix C), while playing on the brand name “Baika.” Juxtaposed with a bottle of

Baika Vodka, the caption “Байка. Чув?” (A fish story. Have you heard it?) in the final shot exploits the semantic ambiguity of the word “Байка,” designating both a fish story and the brand. Similarly, the brand name is played on in “Vodka Baika: Cossacks’

103 The Ukrainian noun baika means something similar to the concept of a fish story in American English.

302 Moscow” and “Vodka Baika: Cossacks tavern.” The mappings are cued in two modalities: imagistic and verbal. The animated display of a fish story is synchronized with the voice-over’s narration. The mapping enemy → non-consumers of vodka is manifested by the conquered enemy referred with the generalized term “бусурмани104”

(non-Christians). After attacking Cossacks and being conquered, the enemy treats

Cossacks to vodka and zakuska, while abstaining from vodka consumption themselves

(see Figure 9.11 [a]). Non-Christians think that the vodka is poisonous because they add horseradish to it in order to poison the Cossacks. In fact, this mapping reflects the deep disdain for those who abstain from vodka consumption, which is rooted in the rudiments of religious intolerance discussed in Chapter 3.7.

The mapping enjoying a fish story about destroying enemy → consuming spicy

(sharp) vodka with zakuska is visualized in Figure 9.11 (b and c) and verbalized in the narration: “Більше бусурманів у нас не бачили. A козакам до смаку припала гостра

горілка з хріном. Отака байка. Байка гострохрінова. Чув? (Since then nobody has seen the non-Christians (Muslims) at our place. And the Cossacks have developed a taste for spicy (sharp) vodka with horse radish.

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 9.11. Vodka Baika: Cossacks non-Christians.

104 This word is originated from the Persian word: muslim n (мн.) i.e., Muslims.

303 That is a Baika (a fish story). A horseradish Baika. Have you heard it?).

Displaying a way of expressing masculinity popular among Russian and

Ukrainian men discussed in Chapter 3.3, “Vodka Baika: Cossacks Moscow” manifests the mapping enjoying a fish story about winning a competition → consuming vodka with zakuska through the image of Cossacks competing against Russian Oprichniks105 synchronized with the voice-over’s narration of this fish story: “Перше відерце, третє,

п’яте, а опричники досі тверезі. Тут один козак виняв із-за пазухи шкварки і кинув

їх у горілку. Опричники після цього зразу п’яні стали” (The first bucket, the third, the fifth, but the Oprichniks are still sober. Here, one of Cossacks took pieces of cracklings out of his bosom106 and threw them into the bucket of vodka. After that the Oprichniks got drunk immediately). The mapping suggests that consumption of vodka with zakuska, i.e., in the Ukrainian way, is superior since it leads to a victory, while implying that the

Russian way of imbibing vodka without zakuska is deficient.

Finally, “Vodka Baika: Cossacks tavern” elaborates a metaphorical chain combining VODKA IS A FISH STORY and HAPPINESS IS VODKA in order to associate Baika Ukrainian Absolute Vodka with the emotion of happiness. The mappings presented in Table 29.1 (see Appendix C) are cued by the juxtaposition of two events featured and narrated in the fish story. The first event consists of the expression of the

Cossacks’ explicit dissatisfaction with foreign distilled vodka by the word “диждотнa”

(it does not exist in Ukrainian). This foreign vodka is served to the Cossacks without

105 Oprichniki are the members of the secret police of Tsar Ivan IV. 106 Nazarova (2005) suggests a number of possible symbolic meanings associated with the placing of objects onto the bosom that are elaborated in Slavic folklore, beliefs, and incantations. The bosom designates a secret and protected place close to the soul. Hiding precious things in the bosom indicates protection from evil for an individual, depending on the thing hidden and the incantation used, or the acquisition of possible features of the thing hidden.

304 zakuska. Their dissatisfaction is overtly manifested by thrashing the owner of the tavern.

The second event is the consumption of Baika Ukrainian Absolute Vodka with zakuska for three days. The emotion of happiness is overtly revealed in the images of smiling

Cossacks and the voice-over’s comment that “козакам до смаку прийшлася абсолютна

горілка” (the Cossacks liked the taste of absolute vodka).

The mappings give rise to three entailments relating to the demographic group of consumers: gender and age, the amount of vodka, and the effect of vodka consumption.

The three commercials feature a group of middle-aged men who consume a great amount of vodka, e.g., six buckets in “Vodka Baika: Cossacks Moscow” or vodka consumption for three days in “Vodka Baika: Cossacks tavern.” The Ukrainian method of imbibing alcohol, i.e., vodka with zakuska, empowers drinkers either to destroy the enemy (non- drinkers) or defeat a rival.

9.4.7 VODKA IS AN ANIMAL

The metaphor VODKA IS AN ANIMAL builds the conceptual ground for

“Vodka: Leader” by personifying vodka as the leader of a wolf pack. The mapping the leader of a wolf pack → the leader in a vodka market is revealed in the combination of the imagistic and verbal modalities. The images of an extensive forested area shown from a bird’s-eye view and a wolf with her cubs are juxtaposed to the oversized bottle of

Vodka Leader with the caption “Вожак. Тримай свою територию” (Leader. Hold on to your territory) positioned below it. By projecting the telic quale of a leader of a wolf pack

305 on the brand “Leader,” the mapping imparts the notion of the strong compatibility of this brand in comparison to other brands on the vodka market.

9.4.8 VODKA IS A SUITABLE OBJECT

“Vodka ‘Prime’: Restaurant” employs the metaphor VODKA IS THE MOST

SUITABLE OBJECT to promote the “Prime” brand of vodka. The mapping choosing the most suitable object → choosing Prime vodka is constructed by the juxtaposition of the scenes featuring a middle-aged male professional choosing the most suitable tie from a number of ties, the most suitable car from a number of cars according to its technical specifications, the most suitable woman from a group of young women by their disposition, and the most suitable brand of vodka. The mapping is also cued by the voice- over’s explanation of the brand chosen by the protagonist: “Кращий вибір зробити

легко. Prime означає кращий” (The best choice is easy to make. Prime means the best).

9.5 Comparative Analysis of Ukrainian and American Vodka Commercials

9.5.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains

The analysis of the Ukrainian TV commercials for vodka reveals a similar, though much less sharply outlined, tendency for the sequence of domains manifested in the

American vodka commercials. In thirteen (41.94%) of thirty-one commercials, the target domain follows the source domain, while the opposite sequence is manifested in ten

(32.26%) commercials. This aligns with Forceville’s (2007) findings. Unlike in the

306 American vodka and beer commercials analyzed in Chapters 7 and 8 respectively, the simultaneous display of both domains is more frequent in the Ukrainian commercials. It occurs in eight (25.81%) commercials, six of which personify Bilen’ka Vodka in order to promote it as a high quality beverage at a low price.

9.5.2 Modality Distribution

When compared to the American commercials, the Ukrainian vodka commercials display differences in modality preference for cuing the source domain and similarities in revealing the target domain. As Table 9.3 shows, the Ukrainian commercials display a strong tendency to employ imagistic and verbal modalities for both domains, while the

American commercials follow this tendency only for the target domain.

Table 9.3. The frequency of modalities in Ukrainian and American vodka commercials.

Vodka Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic

Source Ukrainian 32 (84.21%) 33 (86.84%) 0 (0%) 14 (36.84%) domain American 45 (90.00%) 26 (52.00%) 6 (12.00%) 33 (66.00%)

Target Ukrainian 33 (86.84%) 37 (97.37%) 1 (2.63%) 14 (36.84%) domain American 45 (90.00%) 46 (92.00%) 4 (8.00%) 8 (16.00%)

With regard to source domain, the American corpus favors the imagistic modality over the verbal modality, while the sonic modality competed more or less on equal footing with its verbal counterpart. This modality preference might stem from the social

307 meaning of vodka promoted by the metaphors employed in the American vodka commercials. Positioning vodka as a foreign, exotic, and deluxe beverage for the elite might require more sophisticated production techniques than only verbal marking of the target more sophisticated audience compared to the Ukrainian commercials aimed at middle-aged male professionals and workers, for whom vodka is a typical beverage. It should be noted that those target domains coinciding with a promoted product are usually revealed verbally in the respected corpora. The target domain that does not construe a promoted product, e.g., HAPPINESS, in the Ukrainian commercials “Vodka Vdala” and

“Vodka Baika Cossacks Tavern” is not presented verbally with preference given to the sonic modality.

The auditory modality lags behind verbal, imagistic, and sonic modalities in displaying both domains in the American corpus and the target domain in the Ukrainian commercials. It is not employed at all to manifest the source domain in the Ukrainian corpus.

In both vodka corpora, preference for the imagistic and verbal modalities for cuing both target and the source domains in the Ukrainian corpus emerges from the combinability of modalities presented in Tables 9.4 and 9.4a.

There is a notable difference in the variability of modality patterns in the respected corpora. The variability revealed in the American corpus exceeds that manifested in the Ukrainian corpus. The most frequent combination for the source domain is imagistic and verbal in Ukrainian commercials, with imagistic and sonic modalities predominating in their American counterparts. The most frequent combination for cuing the target domain is imagistic, verbal, and sonic in the Ukrainian commercials.

308 In the American commercials, the target domain is most frequently cued by imagistic and verbal modalities. It should be noted that the respective corpora reveal several identical combinations of modalities, e.g., imagistic, verbal, and sonic for the source domain and imagistic and verbal for the target domain.

Table 9.4. The combinability of modalities.

Ukrainian N 8 6 5 3 3 3 2 2 1 1 % 21.05 15.79 13.16 7.89 7.89 7.89 5.26 5.26 2.63 2.63 S i, v i, v, s i, v i, v v i, v, s i v i, v i, s T i, v, s i, v i, v V i, v i, v, s v i, v, s i, v, a, i, v s

American N 13 11 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 % 26.0 22.0 6.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 2.00 0 0

S i, s i, v, i, v i, v v i, v i i, s i, a, i, v, s s s T i, v i, v i, v V i, v i, v, v i, v, i, v v s s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target.

Table 9.4(a). Combination of modalities.

Ukrainian S i, v, s

T i

American S i i, a, i, a, i, v, i, v, i, v v v i, s i s s a, s a

T i, v, i, v, i, a, i, v i, v i i, v, i, v, i i, v a, s a, s s a s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target. Note: Each pattern of Ukrainian vodka metaphor constitutes one instantiation (2.63%). Each pattern of American vodka metaphor constitutes one instantiation (2.00%).

309 9.5.3 The Structural, Discoursal, and Cultural Aspects of Metaphors

The analysis of multimodal metaphors displayed in the Ukrainian vodka commercials reveals insight into three aspects of the metaphors: the conceptual structure of metaphor, the promotional mediated discourse of alcoholic beverages, and Ukrainian culture, while allowing us to pinpoint similarities and distinctions in the respective aspects explicated in their American counterparts. The comparison is summarized in

Table 9.5.

First, similar to American promotional discourse for vodka, Ukrainian commercials display both conceptual metaphor and such metaphorical complexes as double and single source metaphoric amalgams and metaphoric chains. However, unlike the American commercials, in these metaphoric complexes, metaphor interacts with metonymy only within the target domain through metonymic reduction. It should be noted that the metonymic reduction does not relate to a promoted product in the

Ukrainian vodka corpus. This deviates from Hidalgo Downing and Kraljevic Mujic’s

(2011) finding relating to printed promotional discourse for ICT, which shows that metaphor-metonymy interaction occurs only in the source domain (p.175). Similar to the

American corpus, the other type of interaction discussed in Urios-Aparisi’s (2009) study, metonymic expansion of source or target domains, has not been identified in the

Ukrainian commercials considered here.

As for the variations in the sets of conceptual metaphors explicated by the respective corpora, both corpora associate vodka with quite distinct objects and phenomena.

310 Table 9.5. Summary of the comparative analysis of Ukrainian and American vodka metaphors.

Structural aspect Discoursal Cultural Structural Metaphor-metonymy aspect aspect types of interaction metaphor Source Source/ Target Social actors: Sociocultural domain Target domain middle-aged, values: middle- Metaphor Metonymic male agedness; reduction professionals masculinity; Single Metonymic and workers. vodka source reduction Social affordance; metaphoric practices: friendship; amalgams alcohol happiness; love Ukrainian vodkaUkrainian Double consumption as a unity and source with zakuska at metaphoric private premises, amalgams in picnics, and in Metaphoric bars; chain socialization with friends; the observation of Ukrainian table etiquette (sitting at a table, participating in zadushevny conversation, and toasting) Metaphor Social actors: Sociocultural Single Metonymic young, values: source reduction attractive, youthfulness, metaphoric wealthy male, health, love as amalgams female an absolute Double Metonymic individuals, and ideal unity,

Americanvodka source reduction artists. social equality, metaphoric Social social safety, amalgams practices: art, and creativity. Metaphoric Metonymic affectionate chain reduction business transactions, secure and

playful protesting; alcohol consumption.

311 The exclusion to this is personification and interest metaphors (see Table 2 in

Appendix E). However, personification is explicated through distinct mappings and entailments coherent with the different positioning of a beverage in the respective corpora, i.e., a male beverage for middle-aged professionals in the Ukrainian promotional discourse and an exotic beverage for the elite in the American counterpart. These conceptual differences stipulate the discoursal and cultural differences displayed in both corpora.

Second, unlike in the American vodka commercials, in the majority of the

Ukrainian commercials, the metaphoric complexes are imbedded in social practices related to vodka consumption pertaining to strictly scripted drinking traditions and table etiquette. The hierarchical power relationships displayed in the personification of vodka and zakuska encourage consumers to observe the tradition of consuming zakuska after each shot of vodka and to toast each other. The social practice of sitting at the table and participating in zadushevny conversation with friends plays a significant role in the manifestation of metaphors. Even when metaphorization of vodka involves the social practices that are disassociated with vodka imbibing, e.g., the construction of an immense soccer stadium, they are eventually linked to the practices of vodka consumption as the celebration of their achievement. These practices usually involve primarily middle-aged male professionals (e.g., designers, construction engineers, and workers, such as a plumber, a truck driver) contrary to the social actors featured in the American corpus, who are the elite, celebrities, artists, and wealthy individuals of both genders. The predominant featuring of middle-aged male protagonists in the Ukrainian corpus might have three explanations. First, male protagonists dominate in the commercials because, as

312 discussed in Chapter 3.3, vodka has always been viewed as a male beverage in Ukraine.

Second, according to the law on alcohol promotion in Ukraine, images of people under

18 years of age are prohibited in the promotional discourse of alcohol (“Article 22.

Reklama alkohol’nyh napoiv,” 2008). It should be noted that this law does not ban the images of younger protagonists, for example, those around the age of twenty-five. Given that, the third explanation is that middle-aged male consumers can be assumed to be the targeted demographic group. The tendency of featuring middle-aged over younger protagonists likely results from the appreciation of the higher value placed on being middle-age in the Ukrainian context compared to the higher value placed on youthfulness in the American context.

Another notable distinction lies in sites of engagement for vodka consumption.

Differing from the Ukrainian vodka commercials, none of the American commercials features a riverbank or a beach as the places where vodka can be consumed because these places are considered socially and legally inappropriate for alcohol consumption (see

Chapter 2.4). In the American vodka commercials, consumption takes place in luxury mansions, yachts, and stylish restaurants. Finally, in the Ukrainian commercials, the positioning of vodka as a primarily male beverage results in imbedding some metaphors in such masculine practices as fighting and entering into contests, the goal of which is drinking a companion under the table. It is important to underscore that none of the

Ukrainian commercials links vodka to art or a parallel fictional world, as it is featured in the commercials for Absolut Vodka. These distinctions can be explained by the fact that vodka is the most popular alcoholic beverages in Ukrainian culture, moreover, it is considered a typical national beverage, as is discussed in Chapter 3, while, in American

313 culture, vodka is viewed as a foreign and, to a certain extent, exotic, beverage consumed by the elite, as discussed in Chapter 2.1. Thus, vodka is positioned accordingly in both promotional practices.

Third, unlike in the American commercials, the personification of vodka with a middle-aged male celebrity and the display of mostly middle-aged male individuals might be evidence of the value of middle-agedness in Ukrainian society. The American vodka commercials personify vodka mostly with young people underscoring the value of youthfulness in the society. Another Ukrainian social value depicted as highly respected is masculinity. It is expressed by linking with the heroic past of the nation, Cossackdom, in addition to participation in such male activities as conquering an enemy, undertaking large-scale construction, and vodka drinking contests. It is important to note that the value of masculinity is linked to American beer culture rather than to vodka, though masculinity theme is accentuated in two American commercials for Seagram’s Vodka.

As a male beverage, the metaphorization of vodka provides insight into the concept of friendship and happiness in Ukrainian culture. Aligning with the findings of

Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) analysis of beer commercials in the two cultures, vodka consumption presupposes socializing with close friends in Ukraine. While being connected to friendship, happiness is featured as having an excessive amount of vodka with friends and being appreciated by them. The American vodka corpus does not show any evidence of connecting vodka consumption to happiness or friendship. Contrary to the American commercials, the Ukrainian commercials underscore the value of vodka as an affordable and a high quality product accessible to the majority of the population.

Another distinction revealed by the analysis relates to such social values as social

314 equality, social safety, and creativity. While serving as a conceptual ground for the metaphors detected in the American corpus, these values are not played out in the respective Ukrainian corpus.

The only similarity relating to cultural values displayed in the respective corpora refers to the social value of love. Both promotional cultures associate vodka with love as a unity rather than a business exchange. The latter dominates in American culture according to Kövecses (2005).

315 Chapter 10

Multimodal Metaphor in Russian TV Beer Commercials

10.1 Introduction

The chapter reports on the analysis of the metaphors identified in Russian beer commercials by applying the procedure presented in Chapter 6. The notable peculiarity of

Russian beer commercials is that they feature neither people nor animals because the use of such images has been prohibited in promotional alcohol discourse since March 13,

2006, according to the Federal Law of the Russian Federation “About Advertising” adopted by the Government of the Russian Federation on March 13, 2006 (“Federal’ny zakon RF “O Reklame,”” 2006). The exception to this is two commercials, “Bear” released in 1970 and “Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor only beer” released in

2007107. The prohibition results in a special impact on the structure of metaphors employed in the commercials, i.e., people are elaborated metonymically. Similarly to

American commercials for beer, the predominant conceptual metaphor in Russian beer commercials is HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER. Differing from the HAPPINESS elaborated in American beer commercials, HAPPINESS in Russian commercials is construed as a shared emotion imbedded in the social relationship of male friendship rather than a personal emotion experienced on the individual level. The second dominant metaphor, though much less pervasive, is BEER IS A PERSON. It employs only masculine personification as with the personification identified in the American corpus of beer commercials. In addition beer is metaphorized as a scientific invention, a magical

107 There is no explanation for the release of this commercial since it breaks the prohibition law.

316 object, entertainment, an object of investigation as well as a piece of good news through such interest metaphors as BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION, BEER IS WEAPON,

BEER IS PERMISSION, BEER IS A CONCERT, DESIRED BEER IS AN

INTERESTING OBJECT, and the patriotically oriented metaphor BEER IS A NEW

RUSSIA. This chapter presents the analysis of each metaphor in terms of its conceptual mappings, entailments, and the modalities that manifest both source and target domains, and their preference in regard to sequence of manifestation. I also intend to discuss the social practices, in which the conceptual metaphors are imbedded.

10.2 HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER

In twelve of the thirty-one Russian commercials for beer, the emotion of happiness is conceptualized as beer consumption. Similarly to the American commercials for beer considered in Chapter 8.2 and Ukrainian commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova,

2012), beer is construed as the source domain rather than the target domain in order to convince viewers that the concrete experience of DRINKING (promoted) BEER functions as the embodied motivation for the abstract emotion of HAPPINESS. Despite this similarity, the construal of HAPPINESS is different in Russian and Ukrainian vs.

American commercials. The main difference lies in the strong connection of happiness with male friendship in the Russian commercials while in the American commercials happiness is construed as individual personal excitement related to the availability of beer, the ability to experience the taste of beer, and lighter body weight.

317 The target, HAPPINESS, is primarily revealed by the combination of imagistic, verbal, and sonic modalities. The role of the latter is significant due to the fact that, as noted above, images of people and animals are prohibited in Russian promotional discourse on alcohol. The images of beautiful places, e.g., a mountain in “Klinskoye:

Strength in communion108,” a beach on the magnificent island in “Carlsberg: SOS,” and a river bank in the picturesque forest in “Three Bears: Strap” are integrated through verbal anchoring, e.g., “Природа, горы …” (Nature, mountains), “Они на острове” (They are on an island), and “Эх, хорошо у нас в лесу.” (Oh, it’s \ nice in our forest), and the sounds of laughter, exclamations of excitement, and joyful music. The source domain,

DRINKING BEER, is explicated by the images of bottles of beer, full glasses of beer, and the product logos, as well as verbally by the brand names, e.g., “Klinskoye,”

“Carlsberg,” and “Tri Medvedia109.” The mappings of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS

DRINKING BEER are presented in Table 10.1.

Being grounded in the conventional metaphor LIFE IS A JOURNEY, the mapping drinking beer with friends → enjoying a meaningful life is elaborated in the commercial “Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie110: Life acquires a taste” through the image of a picnic on the beach that, in the consecutive shots, becomes a raft moving up the river in the direction of the sun (see Figure 10.1 [b]) in conjunction with the verbal anchoring performed by the voice-over’s comments: “В любые времена можно наслаждаться

жизнью, когда рядом друзья и новое Золотая Бочка Разливное.” (At any time one can

108 The word communion is used to translate the Russian word obshchenie employed in the title of the commercial for the following reason. The Russian concept of obshchenie is explained in footnote 16 in Chapter 3.7. It implies communion in Pesmen’s (2000) sense, i.e., the ritual of sitting, imbibing alcohol beverages, and having reciprocal communication, during which dusha emerges. 109 The brand name “Tri Medvedia” means three bears. 110 The brand name “Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie” means Golden Barrel Draft.

318 enjoy life, when friends and new Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie are near.) and “Жизнь

обретает вкус.” (Life acquires taste).

Table 10.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer with friends → enjoying a meaningful life meeting with friends for drinking beer → enjoying mutual understanding drinking beer with friends in difficult situations → overcoming life impediments sharing beer with friends → helping friends providing beer → rescuing the stranded drinking beer → acquiring a positive attitude toward life problems drinking beer with women → enjoying a fabulous life

By associating the concept of life and a drinkable entity, beer in our case, the latter comment allows the mapping to suggest that life acquires taste, i.e., sense and meaning, at the moments of the consumption of beer with friends.

(a) (b)

Figure 10.1. Golden Barrel Draft: Life acquires a taste.

In addition, aligning with the ceremonial ambience of drinking occasions discussed in Chapter 3.7, the caption “Еще один повод чаще встречаться.” (One more reason for meeting more often) placed next to a bottle of Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie

319 beer functions as both the legitimate justification of beer consumption and meeting with friends.

In the mapping, the beer drinkers are constructed by two metonymies: actions

(pouring beer into glasses, toasting) for agents (male individuals) and objects (three chaise-lounges) for agents (male individuals), as Figure 10.1 (a) shows. The gender of the individuals is explicated by the noun “друзья” that refers to only male individuals who are established as friends, which implies a close and trustworthy relationship. A similar concept of friendship is featured in Ukrainian commercials for beer (Lantolf & Bobrova,

2012).

Happiness, as the bonding relationship with friends and a “specific type of communion” (Pesmen, 2000, p. 172), i.e., dushevnyi (soulful) conversation held in a course of alcohol consumption, is construed by the mapping meeting with friends for drinking beer → enjoying mutual understanding in “Baltika111 №3 – Classics.” The mapping is cued by the sequential images of making a call to a friend with regard to his arrival and immediately leaving the work place by two other friends in order to meet him, synchronized with the voice-over’s explanations: “Мы в Росси понимаем друг друга с

полуслова” (We in Russian understand each other from half a word) and “[..] наше

общение больше, чем просто слова” (Our communication112 is more than words). The crystallization of the ritual of such meetings is reinforced by the caption: “Балтика №3.

Классика каждой нашей встречи” (Baltika №3: A classic of each our meeting). It should be noted that “Baltika №3 – Classics” explicates Pesmen’s (2000) finding (see

111 The brand name “Baltika” originates from the geographical name of the Baltic Sea. 112 Here communication means communion in Pesmen’s (2000) sense.

320 Chapter 3.7) that in Russian drinking culture such soulful communion takes priority over all other everyday matters, including work. The friends are conceptualized by the three metonymies given in Table 2.1 (See Appendix D).

To continue the theme of a delightful life, friends, and beer communion,

“Klinskoye: Strength in communion” manifests the mapping drinking beer with friends in difficult situations → overcoming life’s impediments through the images of such events, as moving up to the top of a mountain with friends (Figure 10. 2 [a]), encountering such life impediments as a difficult job and a strict boss, conceptualized as a weight that pulls a train down the mountain (Figure 10. 2 [b]), imbibing Klinskoie beer with friends, overcoming life’s impediments, construed as the destruction of the weight (Figure 10. 2

[c]), and reaching the top of a mountain lit brightly by the sun (Figure 10. 2 [d]). The image of the sun reinforces the idea of enjoyment, similarly to “Zolotaia Bochka

Razlivnoie: Life acquires a taste.”

(a) (b) (c)

(d)

Figure 10.2. Klinskoye: Strength in communion.

321 The centrality of special soulful conversation, i.e., beer communion, in the life of beer drinkers is explicated in the voice-over’s comment: “С друзьями легче по жизни

движение. Клинское светлое – сила в общении” (It is easier to move in life with friends. Klinskoie light is strength in communion). The construal of the concept of

Russian light (svetloie) beer is similar to Ukrainian light (svitle) beer, in which the property of light relates to the color of beer rather than to its caloric content, which is the case with American light beer (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012, p. 56). The friends are conceptualized as two metonymic reductions presented in Table 3.1 (See Appendix D).

Similar to Ukrainian commercials discussed in Lantolf and Bobrova (2012), the commercial “Tolstiak113: Day of a Radio Amateur” is grounded in the mapping sharing beer with friends → helping friends revealed as the combination of two events: the celebration of the holiday introduced by the Soviet regime, Day of a Radio Amateur, by sharing beer with a friend and presenting him with a large satellite dish as a gift along with the establishment of contact with aliens. The first event functions as a legitimate excuse114 for drinking, while the second event imparts the notion of miraculous power on imbibing beer, i.e., contacting aliens. The combination of sonic modality, joyful music and the sounds of laughter, as well as verbal modality, a short conversation with aliens, manifests happiness associated with the imbibing of beer. The friends are construed by two metonymies given in Table 4.1 (See Appendix D). Also, it should be noted that, in contrast to American beer commercials, both the name of this brand “Tolstiak” and the

113 The noun “tolstiak” means a fat man. 114 The Soviet regime has established a list of occasions for celebration that have been observed in modern Russian society. This list is given in Chapter 3.8.1.

322 caption: “Толстяк – это по-взрослому, мужики!” (Tosltiak – this is the grown-up way, guys!) promote both excessive imbibing and the acceptability of obesity.

The mapping providing beer → rescuing the stranded provides the conceptual ground for “Carlsberg: SOS,” in which the necessities critical for rescuing shipwreck survivors are substituted for a cooler full of Carlsberg beer, a tent, bar stools, and soccer gates descended upon by rescue squad helicopters. The access to beer in such a situation is associated with happiness of those stranded cued sonically; the dramatic and tense tunes give rise to joyful and relaxing music, combined with the image of a beach where delightful entertainment is taking place, e.g., enjoying beer, playing soccer, and socializing in the shade of a tent, as Figure 10.3 displays.

Figure 10.3. Carlsberg: SOS.

In “Beer: A young woman has gained weight,” the promotion of Foster’s beer is grounded in the mapping drinking beer → acquiring a positive attitude toward life’s problems that is cued verbally and sonically. The protagonist expresses dissatisfaction with a law of life, according to which his girlfriend has gained weight. Obesity is generally not acceptable for women; however, as the commercial “Tolstiak” features, it is acceptable for men. The woman is elaborated by metonymical reduction, an object

(slippers, a bathing suit) for an agent (a woman). The man’s unhappiness is manifested

323 through his sad voice and dramatic music that gives rise to fast, energetic, and joyful tunes when the protagonist is introduced to Foster’s Law: “Вес отложился в

правильных местах. Закон Foster’s. Лови позитив” (The weight has been gained in the right places. Foster’s Law. Catch the positive). A similar change of attitude is linked to

Ukrainian vodka “Horilochka” (see Chapter 9.3).

Finally, contrary to the mappings considered above, the mapping drinking beer with women → enjoying a fabulous life associates imbibing beer with enjoyment of life shared with women in “Tri Medvedia: Strap,” while explicating some sexual overtones.

The enjoyment is cued visually, verbally, and sonically. The image of a picnic on a bright sunny day on a riverbank is synchronized with joyful music and the sounds of the protagonists’ laughter. In a happy voice, the male protagonist agrees that “Да, мужики,

такую лямку115 я тянуть согласен.” (Yes, guys, I agree to pull such a strap), responding to the woman’s request to pull down the strap of her bathing suit top because it might leave a white line on her body, thereby expressing his excitement. The caption “Пиво

Три медведя – сказка для взрослых.” (Beer “Tri Medvedia” is a fairy-tale for adults) reinforces the metaphorical connection of beer and enjoyment that is as unreal as in a fairytale. The protagonists are construed by the two metonymic reductions given in Table

7.1 (See Appendix D).

“Beer: Samara – add some sun” elaborates the double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS THE SUN that projects the enjoyment of a sunny day and beer drinking in an emotional state.

115 The noun “лямка” has two meanings: a strap of a bra and toil. The latter meaning emerges when “лямка” is used with the verb “тянуть” (pull). It is visualized in “Klinskoye: Strength in communion.”

324

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 10.4. Beer: Samara – add some sun.

The mappings presented in Table 8.1 (See Appendix D) are manifested through the images of an overcast day replaced by a sunny day, leisure activities (fishing, playing soccer, consuming beer and food with friends), verbally, and sonically. The image of a cloudy day is synchronized with the male voice-over’s clarification “После трудовой

недели” (after a work week), thereby drawing a parallel between work, the unavailability of beer, and unhappiness (Figure 10.4 [a]). The gray day becomes a bright, sunny day as soon as three cars (the metonymic reduction of beer consumers [see Table 8.1, Appendix

D] approach a dacha located on a riverbank. The transition of work days into a weekend is also reinforced by the transition of fast energetic beats to slow and relaxing tunes. The image of a car trunk full of Samara beer, fishing rods, and a soccerball (Figure 10.4 [b]), is commented on as “В этом деле главное времени не терять, да основательно

подготовиться. Тогда и отдых в радость.” (In this endeavor, the main thing is not to lose time and to suitably get prepared. Therefore, relaxing becomes joyful) reveals the link between beer consumption and happiness. The juxtaposition of the images, the sun and Samara beer, in conjunction with the caption “Довавь солнца!” (Add some sun!)

[Figure 10.4 (c)] reinforces the association of happiness, beer, and the sun. Besides, the

325 caption functions as the overt encouragement of beer consumption expressed by the informal imperative singular verbal form “довавь” (add).

The association of happiness with beer and a weekend manifests a weekly rite of passage, i.e., weekly transformations from work-oriented to leisure-oriented behavioral patterns, typical of the North American cultural context discussed in Chapter 2.5.1. Such a weekly transformation pattern is much less representative of Russian culture of drinking due to the sacredness and obligation ascribed to alcohol use (see the discussion in

Chapter 3.8.1) that are featured in the majority of the commercials considered, e.g.,

“Baltika №3 – Classics” and “Klinskoye: Strength in communion.”

Similar to “Beer: Samara – add some sun,” the commercial “Beer: Zolotistoe116” is grounded in the interplay of the concepts of beer, the sun, and the emotion of happiness. However, “Beer: Zolotistoe” integrates the metaphors BEER IS THE SUN and HAPPINESS IS BEER into a metaphorical chain in order to accentuate the color of beer (golden yellow) and its brand name “Sibirskaya Korona Zolotistaia” (Siberian

Crown Golden Yellow). The mapping presented in Table 4.9.1 is cued by the juxtaposed images of playful sun rays and beer (Figure 10.5) in the combination of verbal anchoring performed by the voice-over, who encourages viewers to enjoy life: “Если солнце

предлагает игру поддайтесь соблазну. Радуйтесь жизни. Легкий игристый вкус

пива Сибирская корона Золотистое просто создан для ярких солнечных дней.” (If the sun offers a game, yield to temptation. Enjoy life. The light playful taste of beer

“Sibirskaya Korona Zolotistaia” has just been created for bright sunny days) and the protagonist’s exclamation of happiness: “Хорошо-то как!” (It’s so good).

116 The adjective “zolotistoe” means golden yellow.

326

(a) (b)

Figure 10.5. Beer: Zolotistoe.

The emotion of happiness is also cued sonically by the sounds of laughter. The caption,

“Там, где живет солнце” (There, where the sun lives.), reinforces the conceptual connection of the sun and beer.

Another commercial “Don117: The South is there, where the Don Is” associates beer with a happy emotional state by involving the concept of a physical place, thereby manifesting the double source metaphoric amalgam: AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS DON

BEER and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A PLACE. This metaphoric complex is elaborated through the incongruity of a scene that shows the conversion of a Northern landscape of Russia into a resort place in the South of Ukraine when Don beer appears there, as Figure 10.6 features.

(a) (b) (с)

Figure 10.6. Don: The South is there, where the Don is.

117 The brand name “Don” is derived from the name of the Russian river.

327 The mappings given in Table 10.1 (Appendix D) suggest that availability of Don beer is associated with the enjoyment of a summer vacation at the seaside, therefore with a happy emotional state. In addition to imagistic modality, these mappings are revealed verbally by the male voice-over comment about the conversion of “безлюдный берег” (a shore empty of people) into “живописная набережная” (a picturesque embankment), where Don beer is served in “душевная компания” (soulful company). This implies that the involvement of the cultural concept a zadushevnyi conversation, which is an important element of the beer consumption ritual.

Finally, two commercials, “Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor just beer” and “Beer: the UFO,” project human properties onto beer, while associating it with the emotion of happiness through the metaphoric chain BEER IS A PERSON and

HAPPINESS IS BEER. The juxtaposition of three men sailing a yacht and Baltika 3 beer synchronized with the voice-over’s comment: “Это дух свободы, сильный характер,

крепкая дружба и готовность прийти на помощь” (This is the spirit of freedom, a strong character, strong friendship and the readiness to help) and “Это наслaждение

жизнью.” (This is the enjoyment of life) cue the mapping strong men → beer for real friends → enjoyment of life. The second comment coincides with the scene of three men toasting with glasses full of beer and smiling. Similarly to “Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie:

Life acquires a taste,” the idea of happiness consists of male friendship as a joyful life endeavor.

“Beer: the UFO” promotes “Толстяк Пшеничное Нефильтрованное” (Tolstiak

Unfiltered ) by projecting the human quality of being a reliable friend onto beer, while associating it with experiencing the enjoyment of male friendship by means

328 of the mapping a trustworthy friend → good beer for friends → the enjoyment of friendship. The personification is cued verbally by ascribing to Tolstiak beer the ability to give recommendations (“Толстяк рекомендует” [Tolstiak recommends]) and the comment about Tolstiak’s ability to be the soul of a company (С Толстяком не

соскучишься! [It is fun to be around Tolstiak]). The latter comment also cues the feeling of enjoyment that friends experience when spending time together. It should be noted that the idea of trustworthy and close relationships is reinforced by the endeavor of reconnaissance undertaken by beer consumers. Only close and reliable people can reconnoiter together.

The mappings give rise to four entailments relating to the demography of beer consumers (gender and a social class), the quantity of beer consumed, the premise for imbibing, and the social relationships of beer consumers. First, though the commercials do not include the images of people, except for “Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor just beer,” their metonymic representations manifested imagistically, verbally, and sonically, suggest that beer drinkers are males who primarily belong to the working class.

There may be exceptions to this in three of the commercials: “Beer: A young woman has gained weight,” “Beer: Samara – add some sun,” and “Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor just beer.” The first features a stylish house located right on the beach. Such a house cannot be the property of Russian workers. The second commercial positions beer as a beverage for a newly emerged upper class by depicting a luxurious mansion as a site for beer consumption and the social practice of formal address used among the elite:

“господа” (ladies and gentlemen). The last one shows young men on an expensive and stylish yacht that can is unlikely to belong to working class people.

329 Second, with regard to the quantity of beer imbibed, the entailment is that beer consumption should be done responsibly. Similar to American beer commercials (see

Chapter 8.2), the Russian commercials display a warning about responsible alcohol consumption accompanied by a recommendation for what constitutes a small quantity of beer (three bottles of beer or a bottle and three glasses of beer) meant for three consumers. Three commercials, however, are exceptions to this recommendation,

“Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie: Life acquires a taste,” “Carlsberg: SOS,” and “Beer:

Samara – add some sun.” All three display more than three bottles of beer for three people. Beer is not shown as actually being imbibed, however, contrary to Ukrainian beer commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012).

The third entailment refers to the site for beer consumption. Unlike in the

American beer commercials (see Chapter 8.2), however, and similar to the Ukrainian commercials (Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012), beer consumption in the Russian commercials takes place primarily at picnics on a riverbank, on top of a mountain, in a forest, and at private premises (a dacha and a house at the seashore).

Finally, the most interesting entailment provides insight into the concept of male friendship. Paralleling Lantolf and Bobrova’s (2012) findings, the social practice of beer consumption is imbedded in the practice of male friendship. This implies two things.

First, beer is consumed with close friends who hold trustworthy relationships grounded in mutual understanding. These relationships are nurtured by dushevnyi (soulful) communion. Playing a central role in the social practice of imbibing beer with friends, dushevnyi communion attributes to it priority status over other practices, e.g., work responsibilities. Second, friendship relationships are a lifetime commitment that

330 integrates both mutual assistance in solving life’s problems and enjoyment of each other’s company.

10.3 BEER IS A PERSON

The second dominant metaphor, BEER IS A PERSON, employs only masculine personification to position beer as a male beverage for real men and friends as well as for beer that is likely better than beers from other countries. Unlike in American beer commercials, only social human characteristics are projected onto beer in the Russian commercials, some of which openly express a patriotic orientation. The source domain, A

PERSON, is often cued by the combination of image, word, and sound, while the target domain, BEER, is primarily manifested in two modalities: imagistically and verbally. The metaphor generates the six conceptual mappings presented in Table 10.2.

Table 10.2. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER uniqueness of people from a unique region → unique beer a Russian genius → the best Russian beer a winner → the best beer for real men impressing by achievements → impressing by quality being an irreplaceable friend → irreplaceable beer being a worthy(fit) member of male company → being an appropriate beer for men soft landing of a parachutist → the soft taste of beer

331 The mapping uniqueness of people from a unique region → unique beer is manifested in two commercials, “Beer: Dal’nii Vostok118” and “Shihan Beer: Eagle,” through the juxtaposition of panoramic views of the Far Eastern Federal District of

Russia with DV119 beer and Bashkiria (a federal subject of Russia) with Shihan120 beer.

The uniqueness of DV beer is construed on the ground of such personal properties as

“[…] готовность 365 дней в году прийти на помощь или поддержать теплую

компанию. Дальни Восток – это ты и твои друзья” ([…] the readiness to give a hand or join warm company 365 days a year. The Far East is you and your friends). The uniqueness of Shihan beer is drawn from such personal traits as “свободный как птица в

полете” (free as a bird in flight), “основательный как гора в сердце Башкирии” (solid as a mountain in the heart of Bashkiria), and “А главное гостеприимный” (but most important [Bashkiria] is hospitable). While expressing some patriotic overtones, the mapping suggests that beer that fulfills such social functions as a treat for friends and guests or even as an aid for solving friends’ problem.

A similar patriotic orientation is elaborated in “Beer: The paradoxes of a Russian genius” that manifests the mapping a Russian genius → the best Russian beer by juxtaposing the genius Russian general Mikhail Kutuzov and Sibirskaia Korona beer. The military map of the battle for Moscow during the Napoleonic invasion in the War of

1812. On the map, there is Kutuzov’s signature that metonymically stands for Kutuzov’s action that, in turn, stands for an agent (Kutuzov). The brilliance of Kutuzov’s strategic move that resulted in the victory of the Russian Empire over The Grand Army is mapped

118 The brand name Dal’nii Vostok means the Far East 119 The “DV” is the acronym for the Russian Дальний Восток (the Far East). 120 The brand name “Shihan” can be translated from the Turkic language as “an unexpected hill.”

332 onto beer, manifested by the image of its logo, a crown, and a bottle of Sibirskaia Korona beer in the combination of the caption “Есть пиво в своем отечестве” (There is beer in our Fatherland). This caption is an allusion to the biblical verse “No man is a prophet in his own country” that is transformed from a negative into an affirmative. It reinforces the implication of the mapping, i.e., Sibirskaia Korona beer is the best beer in Russia, of which the entire country is proud.

The mapping a winner → the best beer for real men construes the conceptual ground for “Arsenal’noie: Rally,” in which the winner of a road rally race is juxtaposed with Arsenal’noie beer. In addition to imagistic modality, both domains are revealed sonically through the sounds of a car engine, flowing liquid, and clinking glasses. The idea of a male beverage for winners is explicated by the male voice-over’s comments:

“Стремление к победе в характере каждого мужчины.” (The pursuit of victory is in the character of every man) and “[..] это пиво с насыщенным вкусом достойно наших

побед. Арсенальное. Пиво с мужским характером.” ([…] this beer with a rich taste is worthy of our victories. Arsenal’noie is a beer with male character).

In “Bochkarev: No one can overtake us,” continuing the theme of both intellectual brilliance and victory; however in this case, in the area of technical achievements on the international level, the next mapping, impressing by achievements → impressing by quality, projects the formal quale of an achievement, superiority, onto beer. This is elaborated by the juxtaposition of the superiority of Russian underwater technology over the technologies of other countries and Bochkarev beer. The male voice-over’s comment:

“Удивлять и быть первыми – это по-нашему” (To surprise and to be the first is our

333 way) is synchronized with the image of a Bochkarev bar that the representatives of other countries discover under the sea (see Figure 10.7).

(a) (b)

Figure 10.7. Bochkariov: No one can overtake us.

The bar is established under the sea to mark the national preeminence of Russia in the development of underwater shelf deposits. The caption: Нас не обойти!” (No one can overtake us!), as Figure 10.7 (b) depicts, might function as both the superiority of

Russian beer over other beers and a covert encouragement to participate in beer drinking competition.

The next two mappings, being an irreplaceable friend → irreplaceable beer and being a worthy(fit) member of male company → being an appropriate beer for men, elaborate the theme of masculine friendship and beer in “Zolotaia Bochka: Two instead of three” and “Belyi Medved’121: Tsunami.” The mapping being an irreplaceable friend

→ irreplaceable beer transfers the formal human quale of being a close and reliable friend onto beer, employing the images of the swords of two instead of three musketeers, making a reference to the famous three inseparable friends from Alexander Dumas’ novel

The Three Musketeers, two bogatyr’s (epic heroes) helmets instead of three, making reference to three bogatyrs that occur in folkloric epic tales regarding Kyivan Rus, and

121 The brand name “Belyi Medved’” means a white bear.

334 two pairs of oars instead of three, referring to three life-long friends from the 1889 novel

Three men in a boat (To say nothing of the dog) by Jerome K. Jerome. The image of a bottle of Bochkarev beer is commented on as “Для твоих друзей ты незаменим” (For your friends you are irreplaceable) implies the importance of Bochkarev beer for men and for friends.

“Belyi Medved’: Tsunami” reveals the mapping being a worthy (fit) member for male company → being an appropriate beer for men through the incongruity of the image of a bottle shown in Figure 10.8.

(a) (b)

Figure 10.8. Bely Medved’: Tsunami.

The oversized bottle of Belyi Medved’ beer joins the company of five men enjoying a Russian sauna (bathhouse). The projection of the formal quale of the ability to meet requirements for Russian male company onto Belyi Medved’ beer is elaborated by the caption “Достойная компания” (worthy company) superimposed onto the bottle of

Belyi Medved’ beer. This mapping suggests that to be welcome in the company of

335 Russian men means to be able to exhibit the physical endurance for heat and the ability to consume alcohol in a sauna,122 which is one of the patterns of Russian drinking culture.

Finally, the qualities of beer are construed as human skills and physical appearance in two commercials. A soft or smooth taste is conceptualized by the mapping soft landing of a parachutist → the soft taste of beer by a combination of visual and verbal modalities in “Staryi Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft: “Soft” is already in the city!” The mapping is grounded in the incongruous image of a flying barrel packed with bottles of Staryi Mel’nik beer that jump off with parachutes and land in a city (see Figure

10.9), synchronized with a female voice-over’s encouragement which sonically adds to the quality of softness and smoothness of the beer: “[…] попробуйте новый сорт

разливного пива Старый Мельник с мягким бархатным вкусом” ([…] try a new kind of draft beer Staryi Mel’nik with a soft (smooth) velvet taste).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 10.9. Stary Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft: “Soft” is already in the city!

The visual incongruity realizes synesthesia that allows the telic quale of a parachutist and landing skills to transfer onto the taste of beer.

The sophisticated taste of Bochkarev beer is conceptualized by the single source metaphoric amalgam BEER IS A PERSON and DESIRE IS UNBALANCED POSITION

122 It should be clarified that alcohol, e.g., beer, is not consumed in the sauna itself, but in the room where bathers cool down between sessions.

336 in “Bockarev Beer: Can't stand up.” The mappings presented in Table 21.1 (See

Appendix D) imply that new Bochkaroiv beer supersedes other beers in taste and in the shape of its bottle. The mappings are verbally cued by the linguistic metaphor “Есть

вещи, перед которыми просто не возможно устоять: изысканный вкус,

превосходная форма” (Literally: There are things, before which one cannot maintain balance: a sophisticated taste, an excellent form). The metaphorical meaning is the following. There are things that one cannot resist: a sophisticated taste, and appealing form, revealed visually by bottles falling without having any force exerted on them (see

Figure 10.10). This scene is synchronized with dramatic musical tunes that cue the frustration of other beers at the failure to realize their desire.

(a) (b)

Figure 10.10. Bockarev Beer: Can't stand up.

The mappings generate three entailments relating to beer: beer is positioned as an exclusively male beverage; the quality of Russian beer supersedes the quality of any foreign beer; and beer as an object of a national pride. The first entailment provides insight into the concept of masculinity elaborated in Russian promotional culture.

Masculinity is explicated as two properties: (1) being a winner starting with such large- scale events as a war or development natural deposit and ending with sports or drinking competitions; and (2) meeting standard requirements of male companionship: physical

337 endurance and excessive alcohol drinking. The last two entailments relate to the concept of national pride that is explicated as superiority over other nations.

10.4 Other Metaphors Manifested in Russian Beer Commercials

Similarly to the metaphorical variety of beer conceptualization in the American beer commercials, Russian commercials also reveal metaphorical associations for beer other than the emotion of happiness and personification. Drawing on the interest metaphor, beer is associated with a scientific invention, a magical object, entertainment, as well as a piece of good news. Also, beer is construed as an object of investigation that positions it as a desired beverage.

10.4.1 BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION

Beer is elaborated as the outcome of scientific thought and technological progress in three commercials. “BagBier: Abacus” manifests the mapping significance of an invention → significance of beer through the juxtaposition of BagBier beer and an abacus that is commented on as the invention that “которые вывели науку на принципиально

новый уровень” (that brought science to a completely new level). The mapping imparts the notion of the scientific significance of beer, suggesting that this beverage is produced in accordance with scientific principles, as the voice-over states “Все по науке”

(Everything according to science), rather than just as a culinary recipe.

338 Yar Beer as a scientific invention developed in the special area of physics,

Russian Yar physics, is featured in two commercials. “Beer: Understanding” reveals the single source metaphoric amalgam composed of BEER IS A PARTICLE

ACCELERATOR and EMOTIONS ARE ELECTROMAGNETIC FORCES through two incongruous scenes: a bottle of Yar beer is experimented on at a physics laboratory

(Figure 10.11 [a]) and two glasses of beer are featured as two people in love (Figure

10.11 [b]). The mappings of the metaphoric amalgam are presented in Table 4.23.1.

(a) (b)

Figure 10.11. Beer: Understanding.

The mapping affecting objects → affecting beer consumers of both genders projects the telic quale of a liquid-fuel accelerator used to propel charged particles to a high speed by creating electric and/or magnetic fields between them, and onto beer, implying that beer produces a physical influence on consumers. As a consequence of the first mapping, the second mapping attracting physical objects → attracting beer consumers of both genders to each other involves the transmitting of the telic quale of an electromagnetic force, to increase the rate of chemical reaction within an object, to beer, suggesting that if beer is consumed by people of opposite genders, it will invoke the emotion of love. In the commercial, love is revealed as two metonymic reductions: action

339 (touching) for emotion (love) and a change in body temperature (rising temperature) for emotion (love), manifested visually in Figure 10.11 (b) and verbally by the caption superimposed on the image: “Только после 18” (Only after 18). The caption implies that such a scene is restricted to viewers over 18. These mappings are also cued verbally through the male voice-over’s announcement of the news: “жидко-топливный

ускоритель взаимопонимания” “[…] пропускает искру между разнополыми

объектами, наполняя их силой притяжения, и может вызвать тепловую реакцию,

особенно сильную при оголенных контактах.” (the liquid-fuel accelerator of mutual understanding transmits a spark between subjects of opposite gender by filling them with a magnetic force, and it can initiate a thermal reaction that becomes very strong when the electrodes are bare). These mappings and their multimodal elaborations have explicit sexual overtones. Beer is promoted as an elicitor of love between two genders.

Another commercial “Beer: A chain” associates beer with a scientific invention through the single source metaphoric amalgam consisting of BEER IS AN ELECTRIC

SUPERCONDUCTOR and EMOTION IS AN ELECTRIC CHARGE. The mappings presented in Table 24.1 (See Appendix D) grounded in the projection of the telic quale of an electric conductor to transmit an electric charge from one object to another onto beer.

The mappings are cued visually through the incongruous images of a bottle of Yar beer in the laboratory and the glasses of beer inclining toward each other one by one, as Figure

10.12 illustrates.

340

(a) (b)

Figure 10.12. Beer: A chain.

These images are complemented by the news announcer’s explanation about the function of a new invention, i.e., “полулитровые проводники” (half-liter conductors),“Благодаря им заряд положительной энергии легко идет по цепи” (Due to them a charge of positive energy goes along a chain easily). Both commercials, “Beer:

Understanding” and “Beer: A chain” accentuate the peacefulness of both inventions by the caption “Ярпиво. Энергия в мирных целях” (Yar beer. Energy for peaceful purposes) featured in the final shot.

Ironically, the peaceful use of another invention is featured in “Ovip Lokos123: In the name of goodness,” in which Sokol124 beer is construed as the producer of a laser beam that destroys an unearthly evil that invades the world (see Figure 10.13).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 10.13. Ovip Lokos: In the name of goodness.

123 The title of the commercial is the phrase “пиво Сокол” written backward. 124 The brand name “Sokol” means falcon.

341 The mapping defending the good → bringing benefit to consumers transmits the telic quale of a weapon, the function of which is defense against an opponent, to beer, suggesting that Sokol beer is a beneficial beverage. This idea is reinforced in the voice- over’s recitative: “Овип Локос во имя добра. Повторяю во имя добра.” (Beer Sokol.

In the name of the good. I repeat, in the name of the good) and the encouragement to join

“вселенская битва” (a universal battle).

The mappings of the metaphors that elaborate beer as a scientific invention generate two entailments regarding beer production and its consumption. Beer is positioned as an object of scientific research rather than a culinary product. Researchers, e.g., physicists, invent beer with special physical properties that affect beer consumers in a scientifically predicted way. Beer is not a beverage produced in the brewery by brewers whose main concern is the taste of beer. As for the second entailment, the pattern of consumption, beer evokes special feelings, e.g., love, when it is consumed in the company of women.

10.4.2 BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID

Similar to the American commercials “Bud: Ability to talk to animals” and “Bud:

Breath fire” (see Chapter 8.5.4), the commercial “Bear” manifests the interest metaphor

BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID that allows it to promote the property of the naturalness of

“Ochakovo” beer. The metaphor is elaborated through the incongruous image of an event created by deviating from the schema of a dead being. Several drops of Ochakovo beer spilled on a bearskin rug resurrect the bear. The mapping revitalizing dead creatures →

342 exhilarating beer consumers transfers the telic quale of a magical potion, which is called living water in Russian folklore that enlivens dead creatures, onto beer. The production technology that does not use preservative agents makes Ochakovo beer “живительным”

(life-giving), which means refreshing. The mapping is reinforced by fast and energetic music, to which four friends run quickly from the resurrected bear, followed by the protagonist’s exclamation: “ну очень живительное” (Well, it is very life-giving).

10.4.3 The Metaphoric Chain PERMISSION IS GREEN and BEER IS

PERMISSION

The goal of “Green Beer: Green for you” seems to promote the brand “Green

Beer” among a young demographic group and to encourage young people to drink it. To achieve this goal, the commercial designers associate Green beer with a green traffic light, playing on the key word of the brand name. The mapping presented in Table 27.1

(See Appendix D) is cued by the juxtaposition of a green traffic light with a poster for the brand, as Figure 10.14 illustrates.

Figure 10.14. Green Beer: Green for you.

343 Additionally, the signs “open” “on air” are featured in the shots that alternate with the images of a cooler filled with Green beer and toasting with bottles of it. Verbally, the mapping is elaborated by the caption: “Тебе зеленый” (Green is for you). Although this commercial does not show images of young people, it likely goes against official policy of restricting alcohol consumption.

10.4.4. BEER IS A CONCERT

Unlike the other commercials for beer, “Beer: Festival” elaborates the metaphor

BEER IS A CONCERT by highlighting both similarities and dissimilarities of the juxtaposed objects, Baltika № 3 beer and a concert. The mappings presented in Table

28.1 (See Appendix D) are construed in the ground of two properties of a concert: the formal quale of a complex preparation procedure, and the telic quale of providing enjoyment. The former quale is employed for introducing a dissimilar element, while the latter provides the ground for a similar element. The dissimilarity is cued by the contrastive “a” (but) used in the voice-over’s account of the two events: the preparation of a large-scale concert and gathering together for beer consumption. The contrast between the two events is also visualized in the images of actions undertaken for arranging them. In order to arrange a large-scale concert, it is necessary to take the following steps: “удачно выбрать место, построить грандиозную сцену, собрать

декорации, профессионально настроить звук, установить качественный свет” (to choose a proper site, to construct a grand stage, to create stage scenery, to adjust the sound professionally, and to set up quality lighting). However, to arrange beer drinking, it

344 takes three simple steps: obtain a crate of Baltika № 3 beer, open a bottle, and toast with other beer consumers. The similarity, enjoyment experienced in the two events, is cued sonically by the sounds of excitement. The mappings generate one entailment: beer consumption is a social event, in which all demographic groups might participate.

As Forceville (1996) shows in his analysis, a similar advertising strategy is employed in the Dutch ad for Dutch Dommelsch Beer, in which the Great Wall of China is constructed with crates of Dutch Dommelsch Beer, commented on in the caption as

“But we have Dommelsch [beer] (p. 137). The point, Forceville (1996) states, is that though Holland is not famous for its monumental historical sites as China is for its Great

Wall, Dommelsch Beer might be an object of pride for the Dutch just as the Great Wall is for the Chinese (p. 137).

10.4.5 BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT

By the juxtaposition of the images of a Yar beer bottle and bits of news broadcast on TV, “Beer: Much good news” manifests the metaphor BEER IS AN INTERESTING

OBJECT through the mapping news about world events → good beer. The telic quale of positive news, to evoke interest, is projected onto Yar beer. The comparison of news about the highest skyscraper, a high-level meeting of political leaders, and an auction sale of a fifty-year-old vintage wine with the meeting of friends in a Russian sauna where they enjoy Yar beer that does not age 50 years because it is in great demand, is commented on by the protagonist as events inferior to those linked to Yar beer. This suggests that Yar beer seems to invoke a higher degree of interest than news about any international events.

345 Another commercial “Beer: Sibirskaia Korona Lime” manifests a case of interest metaphor, DESIRED BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT, by imbedding the promoted brand of beer “Sibirskaia Korona Lime” in the context of a criminal investigation. The context allows the metaphor to generate the mapping an object of a criminal investigation → secretly consumed beer, through which the formal quale of an object of investigation, being concealed from the non-chosen, is projected onto beer. The mapping is cued visually by the images of a criminal file and a detective featured in

Figure 10.15, as well as verbally by the detective’s narration of his investigation and its findings, i.e., “Сибирская Корона Лаймъ125. Секрет изысканного вкуса.” (Sibirskaia

Korona Lime. The secret of a refined taste).

(a) (b) (c)

Figure 10.15. Beer: Sibirskaia Korona Lime.

The idea of secretly consumed beer by the chosen people, the Russian elite, positions Sibirskaia Korona Lime beer as a highly desired object. The emotion of desire is reinforced by the caption in Figure 10.15 (c): “Все за нее” (Everything for it).

125 The Russian word “Лаймъ” is written with the final letter “yer” used in the Russian orthography before 1920.

346 10.4.6 BEER IS A NEW RUSSIA

In “Beer: An umbrella,” the metaphor BEER IS A NEW RUSSIA expresses strong patriotic overtones by generating the mapping being proud of a new Russia → being proud of Russian beer. The mapping is cued by the images of products produced in

Russia, e.g., trucks and cheese, as well as industrial achievements, e.g., Russian canals, the Russian naval fleet, and palaces, synchronized with the voice-over’s comment

“Сегодня гордиться машинами могут не только немцы, а сырами не только

французы, давно есть каналы лучше голландских, флот больше английского и

дворцы живописнее итальянских” (Today not only Germans can be proud of their trucks, and not only the French can be proud of their cheese, canals that are better than the Dutch ones, a naval fleet that is larger than the British one, and palaces that are more beautiful than Italian ones have existed for a long time). However, even new achievements, e.g., new highways, the most beautiful resort places, and Russian Baltika beer, deserve more pride because this is a new Russia, as the voice-over states, suggesting that products, e.g., Baltika beer, produced in a new Russia supersedes products produced in any other country. A similar patriotic orientation is expressed in

“Miller Lite Beer: Lite across America” (see Chapter 8.5.2) with a notable difference.

The superiority of Miller Lite beer over beers produced in other countries is not manifested.

347 10.5 Comparative Analysis of Russian and American Beer Commercials

10.5.1 The Sequence of Metaphorical Domains

The commercials for beer examined in this chapter reveal a tendency of the order of the source and target domains both similar and different from the tendency that emerges in the American commercials for beer examined in Chapter 8. As in the

American commercials the predominant pattern of domain sequence is the source domain precedes the target domain. It occurs in seventeen (54.39%) of thirty-one Russian commercials. Contrary to the tendency that emerges in the American commercials, the second dominant pattern is the simultaneous display of both domains. It is identified in eleven (35.48%) of thirty-one commercials. This domain sequence is less representative of the American commercials. Finally, the sequence in which the source domain follows the target domain emerged only in three (9.68%) commercials.

10.5.2 Modality Distribution

The modality distribution that emerges in the Russian beer commercials is similar to the one employed in the American commercials. As Table 10.3 indicates, both domains reveal a preference for the imagistic and verbal modalities.

The fact that in the respective corpora, the target domain is not exclusively cued verbally or imagistically in the indentified metaphors can be explained as follows. The target domain does not necessarily coincide with a promoted product that is usually visualized and verbalized for the of recognition by prospective consumers.

348 Table 10.3. The frequency of modalities in Russian and American commercials for beer.

Beer Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source Russian 39 (97.50%) 38 (95.50%) 2 (5.00%) 13 (32.50%) domain American 48 (94.12%) 41 (80.39%) 2 (3.96%) 18 (35.29%) Target Russian 36 (90.00%) 36 (90.00%) 0 19 (47.50%) domain American 46 (90.20%) 45 (88.54%) 1 (1.96%) 24 (47.06%)

The metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER can serve as an example in this case.

The sonic modality, though lagging behind the imagistic and verbal, outnumbers the employment of the auditory modality for revealing the source domain. The target domain is not manifested through the auditory modality in any of the Russian commercials.

Similarly, in the American beer commercials, the most representative combinations of modalities entail imagistic, verbal, and sonic modalities for both domains, as Tables 10.4 and 10.4(a) display.

Table 10.4 Combination of modalities.

N 11 8 7 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 % 27.5 20 17.5 7.50 5.00 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 2.50 0 0

Russian S i, v i, v, i, v i, v, i, v i, v i v i, v i, v i, v, s s a, s T i, v, i, v i, v i, v, v i, s v, s s i i, v s s N 12 8 8 4 3 2 2 1 1 1

American % 23.5 15.6 15.6 7.84 5.88 3.92 3.92 1.96 1.96 1.96 3 9 9 S i, v i, v, i, v i, s i, v i v i, v i, v, i, v, s s s

T i, v, i, v i, v i, v i, s i, v, i, v i, v, i, s i, v, s s a, s s Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target.

The most frequent patterns in both corpora are two similar combinations: (1) imagistic and verbal modalities for cuing the source domain and their conjunction with

349 sonic modality for revealing the target domain; and (2) imagistic and verbal modalities for manifesting the target domain and their conjunction with sonic modality for revealing the source domain.

Table 10.4 (a). Combination of modalities.

Russian S v i, v, a i, s i

T i, v i, v i, v, s i, s

American S i, v, s i, v, i, v, i, v i i, s v i i a, s a, s T v i, v v v i, v i, v, s v, i v i

Modalities: i=imagistic, v=verbal, a=auditory, and s=sonic. Domains: S= source and T=target. Note: Each pattern of Russian beer metaphor constitutes one instantiation (2.50%). Each pattern of American beer metaphor constitutes one instantiation (1.96%).

It should be also noted that the variety of patterns in the American corpus exceeds the number of patterns displayed in its counterpart.

10.5.3 The Structural, Discoursal, and Cultural Aspects of Metaphors

The multimodal metaphors analyzed in this chapter provide insight into three phenomena: the structure of metaphor, the promotional mediated discourse of alcoholic beverages, and Russian culture, whereas revealing distinctions and some similarities in these aspects explicated by the metaphors identified in the American beer commercials.

The comparison is summarized in Table 10.5.

350 As with the American promotional discourse for beer, the promotion of Russian beer is realized through the employment of both conceptual metaphor and intricate metaphorical complexes: double and single source metaphoric amalgams, and metaphoric chains. However, differing from their American counterparts, both the source and target domains display the interaction of metaphor and metonymy. This finding aligns with the results reported in Urios-Aparisi’s (2009) study, while deviating from the conclusion reached by Hidalgo Downing and Kraljevic Mujic (2011), who state that metaphor- metonymy interaction occurs only in the source domain of the metaphors identified in printed promotional discourse for ICT.

Contrary to the American commercials, the interaction of metaphor and metonymy in the Russian commercials involves both types of interaction: expansion and reduction. The metonymic expansion occurs in the source domain of metaphor and the target domain of the double source metaphoric amalgam, providing access to the entire domain, on the one hand, while motivating the metaphor itself, on the other. This interaction involves not only personification contrary to the studies of Hidalgo Downing and Kraljevic Mujic (2011) and Urios-Aparisi (2009). The metonymic reduction identified in the majority of the metaphoric complexes makes reference to beer drinkers.

This advertizing strategy stems from the institutional constraint prohibiting use of human and animal images in Russian promotional discourse for alcohol as noted in section 10.1.

The function of such a metonymic reduction is compensatory rather than highlighting particular aspects of the source and target domains in order to provide a certain interpretative perspective on a promoted product (Hidalgo Downing & Kraljevic Mujic,

2011, p. 158). The similar compensatory function of metonymy is discussed in the study

351 on Persian ads of the post-revolutionary period, where women are constructed metonymically because their images are banned in Iranian promotional discourse

(Amouzadeh & Tavangar, 2004, p. 171).

Table 10.5. Summary of the comparative analysis of Russian and American beer metaphors.

Structural aspect Discoursal Cultural aspect Structural Metaphor-metonymy interaction aspect types of Source Source/ Target Social actors: Sociocultural metaphor domain Target domain male workers. values: male Metaphor Metonymic Metonymic Social friendship; reduction reduction practices: masculinity as Metonymic alcohol being a winner; Russian beer expansion consumption at a happy Single Metonymic private premises emotional state; source reduction (a dacha, a a national pride metaphoric Russian sauna) as superiority amalgams at picnics; over other

Double Metonymic participation in countries source reduction. dushevnyi metaphoric Metonymic (soulful) amalgams expansion conversations; Metaphoric Metonymic Metonymic toasting; the chain reduction reduction observation of seasonal celebrations; leisure activities (fishing, playing soccer); scientific research Metaphor Metonymic Social actors: Sociocultural reduction young, male values: Single Metonymic professionals masculinity as Americanbeer source reduction and workers male metaphoric Social irrationalism amalgams practices: and self- Double alcohol centeredness in source consumption in making metaphoric bars or at a decisions,

amalgams private party; youthfulness, Metaphoric food health as low

352

chain consumption; weight, watching and friendship, playing sport, happiness, love e.g., soccer, as an ideal football, unity, and desire baseball, darts, billiard, cards, and fishing

Therefore, variations in form, as Amouzadeh and Tavangar (2004) aptly note, do not necessarily lead to variations in content (p. 171). The commercials might be more effective when metaphor and metonymy are sophisticatedly employed than when human images are included in the commercials.

The set of metaphors and metaphoric complexes indentified in the Russian corpus displays both similarities and differences with its American counterpart. As Table 3 (see

Appendix E) reveals, both sets include such metaphors as HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER and BEER IS A PERSON, however, as the analysis illustrates, these metaphors generate very distinct sets of mappings and entailments. Though both corpora conceptualize beer as a desired and magic object, these metaphors differ in their conceptual structures and quantitative representation. In addition, though patriotic overtones are played out in the respective corpora, their conceptualization is quite distinct. An interesting difference in both sets of metaphors relates to the availability of the conceptualization of beer as medicine in the American corpus, while its unavailability in the Russian corpus even though, as is discussed in Chapter 3.6, according to the

Russian and Ukrainian folk belief, alcohol possesses therapeutic properties and is widely used as cure-all. The opposition to this medical view of beer becomes the

353 conceptualization of beer as weapon in the Russian corpus aligning with a possible ideological function of alcohol discussed in Chapter 3.8.3.

Relating to the promotional mediated discourse of alcoholic beverages, the identified metaphors and metaphoric complexes are ingrained mostly in the social practice of beer consumption and the practices mediated by beer in the respective corpora. In the Russian corpus, the commercials imply beer drinking through such actions as opening bottles, pouring beer into glasses, lifting them up, toasting, and food consumption. Beer is consumed by three, four, or five male workers, judging from the number of raised glasses or bottles, and the tools displayed in the commercials, as well as the sites of engagement, i.e., mostly private premises, e.g., a dacha, a house, a Russian sauna, and at picnics held in the forest, on a riverbank, or in the mountains. Contrary to the Russian commercials, in the American commercials beer is usually shown as consumed mostly by large groups of young professionals or workers without toasting or consuming any food in bars or at private parties. In the Russian commercials, beer mediates such social practices as spending time with friends, celebrating social holidays, and the social practice of dushevnyi (soulful) conversation, which is not a case in the

American commercials that display strangers who might become friends while consuming beer. It should be pointed out that similar to the American commercials, beer drinking also mediates such leisure practices as playing soccer and fishing. Finally, differing from the American counterpart, the social practice of scientific research is also linked to beer in several Russian commercials that position beer as an outcome of science rather than as a culinary product.

354 The conceptual and discoursal differences of the metaphors generate some cross- cultural differences displayed in the commercials regarding the emotion of happiness, friendship, masculinity, health, and patriotism. The analysis of the Russian metaphor

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER reveals a strong interconnection of the emotion of happiness and male friendship. Being happy for a Russian man implies spending time with close friends and sharing with them happy moments of life and life’s difficulties.

Male friendship is constructed as a lifelong commitment. Happiness is construed as a collectively shared emotion that is experienced in the company of life-long friends rather than an individually experienced emotion of excitement at the moment of sharing beer and becoming friends in an American sense, i.e., acquaintances who sing and dance together as long as beer is provided.

Unlike the emotion of happiness constructed in the Russian metaphors relating to beer, the American metaphors construe happiness as extreme and everlasting happiness, e.g., being in beer heaven, raining beer, and having a miraculous beer tree, as an unconditional gift. The Russian way of achieving happiness is more earthly than heavenly, i.e., spending time with friends and being engaged in dushevnyi conversation.

In addition, happiness is linked to reduced body weight in the American corpus, while in the Russian commercials a heavy weight is promoted as acceptable. For example, the brand name “Tolstiak” (a fat man) and gaining weight in the right places, as is featured

“Beer: A Young Woman has Gained Weight,” likely promote happiness as being, in fact, overweight. However, it should be pointed out that in Russian culture, as it is positioned in the commercials, men can be generally overweight, while women are restricted with

355 regard to where they can have extra weight. In addition, Russian happiness is not linked to health as it is linked in the American conceptualization of being happy.

The metaphorical conceptual differences also provide interesting insight into the concept of masculinity in both cultures. As the personification of beer in Russian commercials reveals, masculinity is explicated through two properties: being a winner starting with such large-scale events as a war or development of natural deposits and ending with sports or drinking competitions, and being a true friend. By associating beer with a desired precious commodity in the American commercials, masculinity is likely construed as irrational and self-centered decision making, while being integrated in the nexus of typical masculine entertainment practices.

Finally, the personification of beer as a new Russia provides insight into such social value as pride for one’s country and everything produced in it. Pride is construed as being superior to any other country in any endeavor undertaken, e.g., production of consumer products, new technologies, and scientific research. Unlike the Russian conceptualization of patriotism, in the American commercial “Miller Lite Beer: Lite across America,” patriotism is construed as a unity of Miller Lite beer nation. The commercial does not reveal any hint regarding the superiority of Miller Lite over any other domestic or foreign beers.

356 Chapter 11

Conclusion

11.1 Discussion of Findings

The study presented in this dissertation has aimed at exploring multimodal metaphor in American vodka and beer TV commercials, Ukrainian vodka, and Russian beer TV commercials from an intra-linguistic/cultural and a cross-linguistic/cultural perspective. The investigation sought to answer five principal questions:

1. What are the dominant multimodal conceptual metaphors in American promotional discourse for beer and vodka, Russian promotional discourse for beer, and

Ukrainian promotional discourse for vodka?

2. What source and target domains promote the products in the commercials considered? What are the sequences of source and target domains displayed in American,

Russian, and Ukrainian commercials?

3. What metaphorical mappings are activated and in what semiotic modalities are they cued in the respective commercials?

4. What metaphorical entailments can be inferred from the mappings identified in the commercials?

5. Are there similarities and differences in the metaphors, their mappings, and entailments in the four commercial practices in terms of their structural, discoursal, and socio-cultural aspects?

357 This thesis has proposed an empirically robust systematic qualitative analysis of multimodal metaphors in commercials that approached multimodal conceptual metaphor as a cognitive phenomenon as well as a meditational means (Scollon, 2001) indicative of socio-cultural practices represented in promotional discourse. By uncovering the interaction between the conceptual structure of metaphor and social practices involved in the consumption of alcoholic products in the respective cultures, the analysis of the identified metaphors has revealed socio-cultural values, the role of which might be considered significant in the respective cultures. In addition, through the detailed exploration of metaphoric entailments, the analysis has provided insight into the conceptual construal of these socio-cultural values and pinpointed similarities and distinctions in the construal of these values as they are manifested in the respective promotional discourses.

In the study I have proposed an analytical model for the bottom-up comparative analysis of multimodal metaphors employed in promotional discourse. To this end I have constructed a database of the beer and vodka commercials from three promotional practices – American, Ukrainian, and Russian – coded for metaphor, based on the transparent and systemic procedure for metaphor identification presented in Chapter 6.

The validity of any metaphor analysis depends on systematic and repeatable metaphor identification (Low, 2003; Schmitt, 2005, 2007). Implementation of the identification procedure designed for the current study ensured a consistent analytical and transparent treatment of each commercial. However, its reliability needs to be further assessed through analysis of a different set of commercials and from a wider array of products.

358 In the following sections, I address each of the research questions, synthesizing the findings reported in Chapters 7 to 10, as structural, discoursal, and socio-cultural aspects of the multimodal metaphors identified in the respective corpora.

11.1.2 Structural Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors and their Modality Preference

The American, Ukrainian, and Russian vodka and beer commercials analyzed in this dissertation create multimodal meanings by means of conceptual metaphor and metaphorical complexes such as double and single source metaphoric amalgams, as well as metaphoric chains. These metaphoric structures display differences and similarities in terms of metaphor-metonymy interaction, the sequence of metaphorical domains, modality distribution, and the variety of their sets.

In the American vodka and beer and Ukrainian vodka metaphoric structures, metaphor interacts with metonymy through a metonymic reduction, while in the Russian beer metaphoric structures this interaction is realized through both a metonymic reduction and expansion. The metonymic reduction occurs within the target domain in the American beer and Ukrainian vodka metaphors, while in the American vodka metaphors the metonymic reduction takes place only in the source domain. It is important to point out that the reduction in the target domain relates to some mappings only rather than to the entire domain, therefore it does not involve the risk of misrecognizing a promoted product, American beer or Ukrainian vodka. On the contrary, as explained in

Chapter 8.3, this reduction reveals an additional perspective on the promoted product, i.e., the emotion of desire for beer. This finding regarding metaphor-metonymy

359 interaction echoes the results reported in Urios-Aparisi’s (2009) study, while deviating from the conclusion reached by Hidalgo Downing and Kraljevic Mujic (2011), who state that metaphor-metonymy interaction occurs only in the source domain of the metaphors identified in printed promotional discourse for ICT.

Differing from their American counterparts, the Russian beer metaphors display both metonymic reduction and expansion in the source and target domains. In distinction from the highlighting function of the metonymic reduction that occurs in the American beer metaphors, the metonymic reduction employed in the Russian beer metaphors executes a compensatory function stemming from the institutional prohibition to employ human and animal images in Russian promotional discourse for alcohol, as noted in

Chapter 10.1.

The vodka and beer commercials from the respective promotional cultures employ three sequence patterns for elaborating the source and target domains: the source domain precedes the target domain; the source domain follows the target domain; and both domains are displayed simultaneously. The vodka and beer metaphors manifested in the respective commercials reveal a similar tendency in the sequence of metaphorical domains. As Table 11.1 indicates, the respective commercials show a preference for the sequence pattern when the source domain precedes the target domain,126 aligning with

Forceville’s (2007) observation in this regard. Forceville (2007) hypothesizes that this tendency might be explained by the intention of commercial designers to keep viewers watching a shot by means of the intriguing and surprising source domain, the salient and

126 This pattern is “puzzling” in Forceville’s (2007) words, because it is contrary to the pattern used by verbal metaphor, in which the target domain always precedes the source domain (p. 29).

360 possibly relevant features of which are mapped to the target domain that often construes a promoted product (p. 29).

Table 11.1. The sequence of metaphorical domains.

Commercials Source before target Target before source Source and target American vodka 77.14% 8.57% 17.14% Ukrainian vodka 41.94% 32.26% 25.81% American beer 42.59% 37.50% 20.00% Russian beer 54.39% 9.68% 34.48%

The other two patterns share popularity in the Ukrainian vodka and the American beer commercials. However, it should be pointed out that the comparison between the sequence patterns of the domains revealed in the American vodka and beer commercials, the American vodka and the Ukrainian vodka commercials, and the American beer and

Russian beer commercials differ in their preferences.

The source and target domains are cued in different combinations of modalities: imagistic, verbal, auditory, and sonic in the respective corpora. In the Ukrainian vodka commercials and the American and Russian beer commercials, the predominant modalities employed for both domains are imagistic and verbal, with the auditory modality lagging well behind. In the American vodka commercials, the source domain shows a preference for the imagistic modality over the verbal modality, with which the sonic modality competes more or less on equal footing. This modality preference might reflect the social meaning of American vodka constructed in the promotional discourse as discussed in the ethnographical and anthropological studies on American drinking culture in Chapter 2.4. Advertisers position vodka as a foreign, exotic, and deluxe beverage intended for the elite. This might require more sophisticated promotional techniques than

361 only the verbal and imagistic modalities preferred in domestic beer commercials aimed at

American workers and young professionals. The target domain coinciding with a promoted product is usually revealed verbally and imagistically similarly to the target domain of the Ukrainian vodka metaphors. The extent of the auditory manifestation in any of the beer and vodka domains is low.

Regarding the variations in the conceptual metaphors revealed in the four corpora, commercials for both beverages manifest four distinct sets of metaphors that associate beer and vodka with distinct objects and phenomena. The exception to this is personification, which appears in the beer as well as the vodka commercials; however, it generates distinctive mappings and entailments in the respective corpora. The list of the beer and vodka metaphors is summarized in Appendix 5. Another difference in the sets of the identified metaphors relates to the American vodka metaphors. The metaphor variety and the complexity of metaphoric conceptual structures detected in the American commercials for vodka reveal five umbrella metaphors composed of a number of metaphoric complexes. The largest of which in terms of the number of metaphors grouped by the theme of an Absolute world is the overarching metaphor AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD. Building the conceptual ground for fourteen commercials for Absolut vodka, this overarching metaphor creates a perfect world with perfect social relationships and perfect vodka, the production of which is featured as an artistic act of creativity. Due to the thematic grouping of vodka metaphors into overarching metaphors, the category of dominance seems irrelevant.

Unlike in the American vodka metaphors, the metaphors indentified in the other three contrasted corpora can indeed be considered in terms of dominance. In both sets of

362 beer metaphors, the predominant metaphor is HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

However, it is important to emphasize that this metaphor generates very distinct sets of mappings and entailments. A surprising difference in the conceptualization of beer relates to the association of beer with medicine in the American corpus, while this association is unavailable in the Russian corpus even though, as discussed in Chapter 3.6, according to

Russian cultural beliefs, alcohol possesses therapeutic properties and is widely used as a cure-all.

Differing from their American counterparts, the Ukrainian vodka commercials predominantly conceptualize VODKA as A PERSON to promote vodka as a high quality beverage that can be purchased at a low price as well as a beverage that is typically imbibed with zakuska.127 This personification positions Ukrainian vodka as a male beverage for middle-aged professionals and workers in the Ukrainian promotional discourse. In the American commercials, by personifying vodka as a celebrity (P. Diddy,

Mr. Ansari, and Hugh Hefner) and as an aristocrat, therefore making salient their professional skills and achievements, vodka is construed as emblematic of an aristocratic and elite lifestyle enjoyed by both young males and females. Finally, unlike in the

American vodka commercials, in the Ukrainian commercials, DRINKING VODKA is often construed as HAPPINESS.

127 Zakuska is snack food consumed after each glass of vodka. This cultural artifact is explained in detail in Chapter 3.7.

363 11.1.3 Discoursal Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors

The differences and similarities in the discoursal aspect of vodka and beer multimodal metaphors relate to the social practices in which the identified metaphors are ingrained, the social actors involved in them, and the sites of their engagement. The social practices are stipulated by the social and symbolic meanings of vodka and beer explicated in American, Ukrainian, and Russian drinking cultures. Aligning with the socio-cultural meaning of status conferring and symbolizing a certain lifestyle, the

American vodka and beer metaphors are elaborated by the practices that differ in terms of their traditional association or disconnection or disassociation with alcohol consumption, social actors, and sites of engagement. Being positioned as a foreign and deluxe beverage, the vodka metaphors displayed in the Absolut Vodka spots are rooted in such social practices as appreciating art, affectionate business transactions, as well as secure and playful protesting. These practices create the absolute world of social equality promised to the consumers of Absolut Vodka.

Unlike the American vodka metaphors, the American beer metaphors are not linked to art or creativity in beer production. The majority of the American beer commercials position beer as a beverage popular among young male professionals and working class individuals, through the metaphors ingrained in the practice of beer consumption linked to the social practices of food consumption as well as watching and playing sports, e.g., soccer, football, baseball, darts, billiards, cards, and fishing. Young male professionals and workers are featured as main social actors, who are engaged in beer consumption (although none of the commercials explicitly shows the act of

364 imbibing) mostly in bars or at a private party. Positioning vodka as a high status beverage emblematic of the elite lifestyle, the vodka metaphors are imbedded in the practice of vodka consumption that involves such social actors as the elite, celebrities, artists, and wealthy individuals, who consume vodka in luxury mansions, yachts, and stylish restaurants.

The discoursal differences in the vodka metaphors elaborated in the American and

Ukrainian vodka commercials relate to social practices traditionally associated or disassociated with alcohol consumption, social actors engaged in these practices, and their sites of engagement. In contrast to the American vodka metaphors, the Ukrainian metaphors are imbedded in social practices related mostly to vodka consumption, pertaining to strictly scripted drinking traditions and table etiquette realized through sitting at the table, special toasting traditions, and participating in zadushevny (soulful) conversation with friends. In the case when the vodka metaphors are rooted in the social practices that are not traditionally associated with vodka consumption (e.g., the construction of an immense soccer stadium), they are eventually linked to the practices of vodka consumption as the celebration of their achievement. This aligns with the symbolic meaning of vodka as a national and traditional beverage that emblematizes Ukrainianness

(see Chapter 3.2). The social meaning of Ukrainian vodka as a gender differentiator is enacted in the positioning of vodka as a primarily male beverage through imbedding some metaphors in such masculine practices as fighting and entering into contests, the goal of which is “drinking a companion under the table.”

Another difference refers to social actors engaged in vodka consumption as it is displayed in both counterparts. In the Ukrainian commercials, vodka consumption usually

365 involves primarily middle-aged male professionals (e.g., designers, construction engineers), and workers, such as a plumber, a truck driver, contrary to the social actors featured in the American corpus, who are the elite, celebrities, artists, and wealthy individuals of both genders. This difference aligns with the social meaning of a status differentiator enacted by American vodka and a gender differentiator performed by

Ukrainian vodka. The final difference relates to the site of engagement, where the social practices take place as displayed in the respective vodka corpora. In contrast to the

American vodka commercials where vodka is consumed in private luxurious premises and stylish restaurants, the Ukrainian commercials feature a riverbank or a beach as the places where vodka can be consumed, in addition to private residences.

The American and Russian promotional discourses of beer display both similarities and differences regarding the social practices that beer mediates, the social actors engaged in these practices, and the sites of their engagement. Being consequential for other similarities, the major similarity relates to positioning beer as a male beverage in both promotional cultures. Similar to the American commercials, in the Russian counterparts, the beer metaphors are ingrained in the social practice of beer consumption and the practices mediated by beer, e.g., playing soccer and fishing. Unlike their

American counterpart, the Russian practice of beer consumption is tightly linked to such traditional activities as spending time with close and long-established friends vs. newly made friends, celebrating holidays, and the practice of dushevnyi (soulful) conversation presumed by any shared alcohol consumption.

As in the American counterpart, the Russian commercials feature male workers, as social actors, involved in imbibing beer. Construed metonymically, men can be

366 recognized by male voices, in which conversations and toasts are enacted. The commercials also show male working places and tools that men usually use. Unlike in the

American counterpart that features large groups of strangers, beer is mostly imbibed by a group of three to five individuals, indicated by the number of raised glasses or bottles.

The final difference relates to the site where beer consumption occurs. Contrary to the American commercials that often show beer being consumed in bars and at private parties, the Russian beer corpus features mostly private premises and public places, e.g., a dacha, a house, a Russian sauna, and picnics held in the forest, on a riverbank, or in the mountains, as the site, where beer is imbibed.

11.1.4 Socio-cultural Aspect of Multimodal Metaphors

The differences and similarities in both conceptual structures of vodka and beer metaphors and their discoursal elaborations are consequential for the cultural differences and similarities relating to a number of social values as they are manifested in the respective vodka and beer commercials. Regarding the differences displayed in the

American vodka and beer commercials, a notable intra-cultural distinction relates to underscoring the significance of such values as social equality, social safety, and creativity in American society through the construction of a perfect world of Absolut

Vodka. In contrast to the American vodka commercials, the American beer commercials accentuate such social values as masculinity, happiness, and patriotism. Masculinity is construed as irrational and self-centered decision making. Happiness is conceptualized as socializing, that often includes partying, dancing, singing, and making friends in public

367 places (mostly in bars), and as extreme heavenly happiness, e.g., beer heaven. The beer commercials underscore the emotional desire for beer by construing it as instinctive, impulsive, and irrational actions that are beyond the control of their agents. The beer commercials construct patriotism as the unity of a nation, e.g., Miller Lite beer nation.

Both corpora reveal a similarity in attesting importance to such social values as youthfulness, health, and love. Health is construed as being light weight, young and athletic in appearance, and possessing the ability to sense the taste of beer. Love is construed as an unusual romantic love story grounded in the metaphor of love as an ideal unity.

The distinctions revealed in the American and Ukrainian vodka commercials relate to ascribing significance to a different set of social values. Unlike the Ukrainian vodka commercials, their American counterparts, as mentioned above, emphasize such values as youthfulness, social equality, social safety, and creativity. The Ukrainian commercials underscore such social values as middle-agedness, masculinity, friendship, happiness, and vodka itself. Masculinity is linked to the heroic past of the nation,

‘Cossackdom,’ in addition to such male activities as conquering an enemy, undertaking a large-scale construction project, and participating in vodka drinking contests. While connected with friendship, happiness is featured as consuming an excessive amount of vodka with friends and being appreciated by them. Vodka is constructed as an affordable and a high quality product accessible to the majority of the population. The only similarity relating to cultural values displayed in the respective corpora refers to the social value of love. Both promotional cultures associate vodka with love as unity.

368 Finally, relating to the cross-cultural distinctions and similarities manifested in the

American and Russian beer commercials, both corpora differ in the sets of the social values underscored in them and the conceptual construal of happiness, friendship, masculinity, and patriotism. Regarding the difference in the sets of values displayed in both corpora, the American beer commercials place special emphasis on such values as good health, love, youthfulness, and desire, as discussed above. Unlike the American counterparts, the Russian commercials do not include any manifestations of these same values.

Both corpora reveal the differences in the conceptual construal of happiness, friendship, masculinity, and patriotism. The American beer commercials construe two types of happiness: earthly and extreme heavenly happiness, while the Russian commercials elaborate only earthly happiness. In the American corpus, earthly happiness is construed as the individually experienced emotion of excitement at the moment of sharing beer and making friends (i.e., not close friends but ‘acquaintances’). American happiness is also enhanced by its connection with good health in the sense of being happy when one is slim and trim. The Russian beer commercials conceptualize happiness as a collectively shared emotion that is always experienced in the company of close life-long friends. Russian happiness is reinforced by its link to male friendship.

In the American corpus, masculinity is elaborated as irrational and self-centered decision making, while in its Russian counterpart, masculinity is constructed through such properties as being a winner starting with such large-scale events as a war or development of natural deposits and ending with sports or drinking competitions, and being a true friend.

369 Finally, in the American beer corpus, patriotism is elaborated as the unity of the

Miller Lite beer nation, while in its Russian counterparts, patriotism is constructed as being proud of one’s country and everything produced in it. Pride is structured through the property of superiority to any other country in any endeavor undertaken, e.g., industrial production of consumer products, new technologies, and scientific research.

11.2 Implications for Research and Future Directions

In multimodal metaphor research, metaphor has been approached as a conceptual and cultural phenomenon manifested in promotional discourse through multiple semiotic modalities (Forceville, 2008; Forceville & Urios-Aparisi, 2009; Forceville, 2009a;

Urious-Aparisi, 2009; Yu, 2008, 2009, 2011; Wiggin & Miller, 2003). Although these studies have indicated the conceptual structure of metaphors and their relationship with a promoted product, service, or a social value in the case of educational commercials, their findings have been reached on the ground of the analysis of a handful of commercials

(from 1 to 10 at most) for various products across commercials. The contribution of such qualitative case studies to multimodal metaphor scholarship is valuable especially at the initial stage of multimodal metaphor research. However, this approach does not allow a researcher to perform an empirically robust systematic analysis of multimodal metaphors.

The present study has performed a systematic analysis of the metaphors identified in 134 TV commercials for vodka and beer. The advantage of this approach is that it has allowed us to detect two types of metaphoric groupings, overarching metaphors and dominant metaphors, their source and target domains, systematic mappings, and

370 entailments. Also, the examination of metaphors underlying the commercials for two products, vodka and beer, has revealed the patterns of domain sequence, modality preferences, and the dominant combinations of modalities for cuing both domains that construe vodka and beer in the respective promotional discourses.

Single case studies of multimodal metaphors neither account for the interaction between metaphors, nor its patterns, nor patterns of the interaction between metaphors and metonymy. The patterns of the former interaction were identified in the present project. In the vodka and beer commercials, complex metaphorical meaning is created through such metaphorical complexes as double and single source metaphoric amalgams, and metaphoric chains. The latter interaction is addressed in the case studies of Urios-

Aparisi (2009), Yu (2009), and Hidalgo Downing and Kraljevic Mujic (2011). These studies confirm the fact of interaction occurs; however, they disagree over which domain, source and/or target domain and which interaction, reduction or expansion, occurs in the commercials. Additionally, the examination of the metaphor-metonymy interaction in one commercial (Yu, 2009) or four commercials (Urios-Aparisi, 2009), or five ads

(Hidalgo Downing & Kraljevic Mujic, 2011) does not reveal a possible tendency for the promotion of a certain product. The present thesis has provided an account of the patterns of both types of metaphor-metonymy interaction in the TV commercials for vodka and beer. The next step to take in this direction is to examine patterns of metonymic interaction, their interrelation with social practices, and their role in the promotion of a product.

As a socio-cultural phenomenon, metaphor cannot be considered as decontextulaized from the socio-cultural context. In distinction from the studies

371 mentioned above, the present study has situated the exploration of vodka and beer metaphor in the American, Russian, and Ukrainian socio-cultural context of alcohol consumption. The advantage of this approach is that metaphor is viewed as a cultural tool that mediates social actors, social actions, and social practices. As discussed in Chapter

4.4, being inseparable, discourse and action always mediate each other (Scollon &

Scollon, 2005, p. 33). Therefore, it is crucial to analyze metaphor as imbedded in social practices employed in the TV commercials for beer and vodka in our case. The analysis of the interaction between vodka and beer metaphors and the social practices displayed in the commercials casts light on the construal of socio-cultural values employed in the

American, Russian, and Ukrainian promotional discourses.

Undertaking an intra-linguistic/cultural and cross-linguistic/cultural perspective, the present study has uncovered intra-linguistic/cultural and cross-linguistic/cultural distinctions and similarities in conceptual, discoursal, and socio-cultural aspects of metaphors employed in the American, Russian, and Ukrainian promotional discourses of vodka and beer. The findings of this study therefore have corroborated and expanded upon the previous research (Caballero, 2009; Lantolf & Bobrova, 2012). This study has elaborated an analytical model for the bottom-up comparative analysis of multimodal metaphors employed in promotional discourse. This model is equipped with an analytical procedure as an autonomous tool that can be deployed for detecting the multimodal manifestations of potential metaphors used in TV commercials. This procedure has functioned well regarding the data considered in the current project; however, it requires further testing on a wider array of TV commercials for products other than vodka and beer.

372 The present study has identified a set of multimodal metaphors inherent to vodka and beer TV commercials in three cultures of alcohol consumption: American, Russian, and Ukrainian. It would be interesting to know whether similar or different metaphors construe beer and vodka in other cultures, e.g., British, Polish, or German. Another interesting question could be posed on whether the multimodal metaphors that construe vodka and beer in the promotional discourse are deployed to promote other consumer goods. Finally, the genre contrast seems a promising area in regard to the identified multimodal metaphors for vodka and beer. For example, the metaphors of vodka and beer used in promotional discourse can be compared with the metaphors deployed in medical discourse that health care specialists and therapists employ to interact with alcohol addicted people as well as the metaphors that alcohol addicts employ to describe their addiction. Lantolf and Bobrova (2012) point out the similarity in the conceptualization of beer in the American beer commercials and the metaphors that an alcohol addict uses in his narration about addiction discussed in Schmitt’s (2007) study. Thus, such a cross- genre comparison could provide insight into metaphors as a therapeutic tool and metaphor as a promotional tool that might be beneficial for both therapists and advertisers.

The final direction for future research would be to test the uptake of the metaphors that construe vodka and beer in the respective corpora. This task is extensive because many dimensions of multimodal metaphor are involved: the structural type of a metaphor, the occurrence of metonymic reduction or expansion in source or/and target domain, the sequences of source and target domains, sets of mappings, four modalities

(imagistic, verbal, auditory, and sonic) by which similarities between the domains are

373 cued, and the combinations of modalities for any of the domains. The research area of multimodal metaphor uptake might include such intriguing questions as to which metaphors and which source and target domains appeal to which demographic groups in terms of gender, age, and social class; and which modalities or which of the combinations of modalities for cuing which source or target domains have an impact on any of the demographic groups. I would hypothesize, for example, that for cuing the target domain

HAPPINESS, the sonic and auditory modalities would have a stronger appeal than the verbal modality in any demographic group, because the image of smiling, laughing, or/and dancing people together with the sounds of laughter and joyful music simultaneously target two senses (sight and hearing) rather than one sense, sight, when verbal modality is utilized. Moreover, the visual modality allows holistic immediate comprehension of an image, while the verbal modality can offer only sequential apprehension thereby requiring more time for a viewer to apprehend a message. This might lead to partial understanding of a message and the communicative failure of a commercial.

374

Appendix A

American Vodka Commercials

Figure 1. AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD.

1. Absolut Vodka: Swim

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The first shot shows a chubby young man standing on the edge of a swimming pool ready to jump into water. While swimming across the pool, he turns into a man with a well-built athletic figure. The next two shots juxtapose this athletic man standing on the edge of the pool and the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle. The caption “In an Absolut world” is superimposed on the image of the man.

375 Table 1.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL.

Source Target AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL → ABSOLUT VODKA a healthy male → a healthy beverage

Table 1.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The young, Water ATHLETIC athletic, and splashes INDIVIDUAL attractive man. Target: The clear, silver- The caption: “In an ABSOLUT topped Absolut Absolut world.” VODKA bottle.

2. Absolut: Tablet

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial opens with a taxi cab arriving at a bar with a long line young people in front of it. Kanye Omari West is seen getting off the taxi and making his way to the bar to rap rhythmic tunes. In the bar Kanye starts dancing with many young attractive women. The next shot shows blond hair starting to appear on Kanye’s head. Hiding it with his hand, Kanye heads to the restroom, while turning into a white individual with long blond hair. In the restroom, this blond person hastens to get tap water to dissolve some tablets. The long-lens shot shows the wrapping of tablets that says “Be Kanye.

Duration 4 hours.” Another person is shown immediately converting into Kanye, after taking Kanye tablets. One of the last two shots includes the caption: “In an Absolut world” and another shot features the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle.

376 Table 2.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS A CELEBRITY.

Source Target A CELEBRIT → ABSOLUT VODKA the fame of an individual → popularity of Absolut vodka

Table 2.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS A

CELEBRITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The blond young Rap music CELEBRITY man, man, Kanye West. Target: The clear, silver- The caption: “In an ABSOLUT topped Absolut Absolut world.” VODKA bottle

3. I’m here

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Starting with the words: “Absolut vodka presents” the commercial features a touching love story between two robots, Sheldon, a sad-looking librarian, and Francesca, a joyful and creative female robot. Their romance develops through the scenes of enjoying a party, going through life difficulties, and spending time together. The final shots reveal the captions “Ordinary is no place to be,” “I‘m here,” and “A love story in an

Absolut world.” The last two are superimposed on the image of a couple sitting under the tree at the glow of the sunset.

Table 3.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS A LOVE STORY.

Source Target A LOVE STORY → ABSOLUT VODKA unordinary love relationships → unordinary attitude toward Absolut vodka

377 Table 3.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS A

LOVE STORY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A LOVE Two robots The caption: The STORY spend time “Ordinary is no place soundtrack together: smile at to be.” “I‘m here.” “A includes each other, dance love story in an original at a party, drive a Absolut world” music by car, work in the Sam Spiegel library, and sleep and original together. songs by L.A.-based art musician Aska Matsumiya and other emerging musicians. Target: The caption: “Absolut ABSOLUT vodka presents.” VODKA

4. Absolut: Hugs

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot “Absolut: Hugs” depicts a fictional world where currency is replaced by signs of affection. In order to pay for a commodity, customers hug cashiers in a Western supermarket, or to pay for renting a bicycle in one of the Oriental countries, they kiss a male rental agent, or to pay for carrying luggage in the hotel, a customer massages the back of a porter, or to purchase fish in a Russian market, a woman hugs the salesperson.

These scenes of affection are synchronized with the soundtrack of the song “A Kiss to

Build a Dream on” performed by Louis Armstrong. The caption “In an Absolut World” is superimposed on the barter exchange scene. The final shot shows the clear, silver-topped

Absolut bottle.

378 Table 4.1. Metaphor: CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION.

Source Target AFFECTION → CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD ↓ Metonymic reduction Sings of affection (kisses, hugs, back rubbing, special touches) for an emotional state affectionate relationships → business relationships in an Absolut world the signs of affection → currency a giver of signs of affection → a customer a receiver of signs of affection → a seller, a service provider giving signs of affection → paying for commodities and services receiving signs of affection → exchanging commodities and services for currency

Table 4.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor: CURRENCY IN AN

ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Primarily young Give me a kiss The AFFECTION and middle-aged before you leave soundtrack customers kiss, me // and my of the song hug, rub the imagination I // “A Kiss To back, touch will feed my Build A kindly cashiers, hungry heart” Dream On” bus and taxi “Gimme a kiss performed drivers, smiling, to build a dream by Louis expressing on // And my Armstrong. happiness by imagination // facial Will thrive upon expressions. that kiss // Sweetheart, I ask no more than this // A Kiss to build a dream on” Target: The acts of The caption: “The BUSSINESS purchasing a Absolut Vodka In an RELATIONSHIPS supermarket, a Absolut world.” IN THE ticket office, a ABSOLUT metro or train WORLD station, the acts of providing services (taxi driving, bus

379

driving, carrying luggage), and the act of barter exchange. The clear, silver- topped Absolut bottle.

5. Vodka: Hugs – money money

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot “Absolut: Hugs” depicts a fiction world where currency is replaced with signs of affection. In order to pay for a commodity, customers hug cashiers in a Western supermarket, or to pay for renting a bicycle in one of the Oriental countries, they kiss a rent man, or to pay for carrying luggage in the hotel, a customer massages the back of a porter, or to purchase fish in the Russian market, a woman hugs a seller. These scenes of affection are synchronized with the soundtrack of the song “Money, Money” (Cabaret, musical film). The caption “In an Absolut World” is superimposed on the barter exchange scene. The final shot shows the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle.

Table 5.1. Double source metaphoric amalgam CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT

WORLD IS AFFECTION and CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS FORCE.

Source Target Source AFFECTION → CURRENCY IN AN ← FORCE ↓ ABSOLUT WORLD Metonymic reduction Signs of affection (kisses, hugs, back rubbing, special touches) for an emotional state. affectionate relationships → business relationships in an ← force relationships in an Absolut world Absolut world the signs of affection → currency ← force

380 a giver of signs of affection → a customer ← enforcer a receiver of signs of a seller, a service provider ← enforcee affection → giving signs of affection → paying for customer goods ← exhorting force (Absolut Vodka) and services receiving signs of affection → exchanging customer goods ←submitting oneself to force (Absolut Vodka) and services

Table 5.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam

CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION and CURRENCY IN AN

ABSOLUT WORLD IS FORCE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Primarily young AFFECTION and middle-aged customers kiss, hug, rub the back, and touch kindly cashiers, bus and taxi drivers, while smiling, expressing happiness by facial expressions. Target: The acts of The caption: “The “A mark, a yen, The BUSSINESS purchasing a Absolut Vodka in an a buck or a soundtrack RELATIONSHIPS supermarket, a Absolut world. “ pound //...a buck of the song IN THE book office, a or a pound //...a “Money, ABSOLUT metro or train buck or a Money” WORLD station, the acts pound” (Cabaret, of providing “You can pay musical). services (taxi for a gay driving, bus escapade” driving, carrying luggage), and the act of barter exchange. The clear, silver- topped Absolut bottle. Source: FORCE Sites of “Money makes The engagement the world go soundtrack around the around // That of the song

381

world: a clinking, “Money, supermarket, a clanking Money” ticket office, a sound...// Can (Cabaret, metro or train make the world musical). station (Western go 'round” countries), a hotel (an oriental country), a shoe shine stand (an oriental country), a bicycle renting place, a taxi, a grocery market (Russia), a bus, an open area (Africa).

6. Absolut Vodka: Absolut world – protest

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a scene of riot police standing against the protesters who wave yellow flags, shake their fists, and chant in a foreign language. This scene of tension is imbedded in low stringed music that evokes a feeling of approaching aggression. An officer stands in between the two groups crying out something into a megaphone. Suddenly, a white pillow comes from the protesters. The strained music gives rise to the joyful tunes of the French song, “Boum” sung by Charles Trenet. A peaceful and safe feather-filled pillow fight takes place to these joyful tunes. The panorama of city streets crowded with pillow fighters shown from the pilots’ perspective, who throw pillow bombs, finishes the commercial. The caption “In an Absolut World” is superimposed on this panoramic city view. The final shot shows the clear, silver-topped

Absolut bottle.

382 Table 6.1. Metaphor: A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS

A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT.

Source Target A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLIC → A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD mock fighters → real fighters mock weapon (pillows) → real weapon mock combative actions with no intention real combative actions with the intention to to harm → harm the physical and emotional state resulted the physical and emotional state resulted from the action of mock weapon from the action of real weapon (pillows) →

Table 6.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor A REAL PHYSICAL

CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The pillow-fight Joyful MOCK between protest music PHYSICAL participants, riot and the CONFLICT police, and repetitious pilots. sound: \ˈbüm\ Target: A REAL The Protest The riot police officer Low PHYSICAL participants screams out stringed CONFLICT IN chant, shake their something to the music AN ABSOLUT fists, and wave protesters into the WORLD flags. The riot megaphone. police close their The caption: “In an helmets. Absolut world”

7. Absolut: Dissection

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The oversized bottle of Absolut vodka expands by dissecting into pieces, revealing vodka lingering in the shape of a bottle. The voice-over’s comment on the quality of ingredients is synchronized with the reassembling of the bottle. Two final shots show the reassembled bottle and the caption: “In an Absolut World” superimposed on it.

383 Table 7.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Source Target AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT → ABSOLUT ingredients → true taste of vodka

Table 7.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN A watery bottle In an absolute world Instrumenta ABSOLUTE the most careful l music OBJECT chosen Swedish wheat and water from our own spring can only make one thing. The true taste of vodka. Target: The oversized The caption: “In an ABSOLUT bottle of Absolut Absolut World.” VODKA Vodka in the glow.

8. Vodka: Absolut

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial consecutively shows seven scenes synchronized with the captions. The Apollo moon landing is defined as “The Absolute road trip.” The excerpt from “Akira” (anime film) is described as “The Absolute anime.” The scene of a young man crashing a PC from “Office Space” (comedy, 1999) is superimposed with the caption “The Absolute case of the Mondays.” The image of the statue of Liberty is accompanied by the caption “The Absolute welcome.” The image of CBGB rock café in

New York City coincides with the caption “The Absolute rock club.” The image of Steve

McQueen in the street taken from “Bullitt” (movie, 1968) is superimposed with the caption “The Absolute man.” The final shot displays the image of the clear, silver-topped

384 Absolut bottle. The definite article added to the brand name forms the caption “The

Absolut vodka.”

Table 8.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Source Target AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT → ABSOLUT VODKA the perfect embodiment of popularity → popularity of vodka a landmark → prominence of vodka the perfect embodiment of technological achievement in vodka quality achievement →

Table 8.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The Apollo The captions: “The Music is a ABSOLUTE moon landings, Absolute road trip.” remix of OBJECT the excerpt from “The Absolute Hey Mrs. by “Akira,” a young anime.” I Monster: man crashing a “The Absolute case of rhythmic PC, The statue of the Mondays.” beats Liberty, the “The Absolute conflate CBGB rock café welcome.” with the in New York “The Absolute rock shots. City, Steve club.” McQueen. “The Absolute man.”

Target: The clear, silver- The caption: “The ABSOLUT topped Absolut Absolut Vodka.” VODKA bottle .

9. Vodka: Vodka

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial succinctly features the image of Times Square in New York City superimposed with the caption “The Absolute electric bill,” the image of DNA double

385 helix with the caption “The Absolute building block,” the scene of the Berlin Wall coming down in 1989 synchronized with the caption “The Absolute deconstruction,” the shot from The Rocky Horror Picture Show (movie, 1975) superimposed with the caption

“The Absolute cult movie,” the image of the Grand Canyon in Arizona defined as “The

Absolute hole in the ground,” the image of the Gibson Les Paul Standard guitar conflated with the caption “The Absolute guitar,” and the image of Marilyn Monroe performing for

U.S. troops during the Korean War synchronized with the caption “The Absolute morale booster.” The final shot pictures the image of the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle. The definite article added to the brand name forms the caption “The Absolut vodka.”

Table 9.1. ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Source Target AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT → ABSOLUT VODKA the perfect embodiment of popularity → popularity of vodka a landmark → prominence of vodka the perfect embodiment of a composition → composition of vodka ingredients

Table 9.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN Times Square in The captions: “The Music from ABSOLUTE New York City, Absolute electric bill.” the song OBJECT DNA double “The Absolute “Elevator” helix, Berlin building block.” “The by Hot Hot Wall coming Absolute Heat. down in 1989, deconstruction.” “The The Rocky Absolute cult movie.” Horror Picture “The Absolute hole in Show (movie, the ground.” “The 1975), the Grand Absolute guitar.” Canyon in “The Absolute morale Arizona, the booster. “

386

Gibson Les Paul Standard, Marilyn Monroe performing for U.S. troops during the Korean War. Target: The clear, silver- The Absolut Vodka ABSOLUT topped Absolut VODKA bottle.

10. Vodka: Mulit trailer

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with the image of the bottle of Absolut vodka superimposed on the

CD conflated with the caption: “The Absolut pictures.” The commercial features a typical

Indian movie in which love, intrigue, and imprisonment result in a happy ending. Mulit, a poor hair stylist, falls in love with a rich girl, whose father does not approve of his daughter’s choice. He puts Mulit in prison. However, due to excellent skills in hair styling, Mulit is set free. The story ends in dancing and singing.

Table 10.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT.

Source Target AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT → ABSOLUT VODKA a landmark → prominence of vodka

Table 10.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ABSOLUTE OBJECT

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The Indian love The caption: Absolut Typical ABSOLUTE movie pictures Indian movie music

387 Target: The clear, silver- Absolut vodka ABSOLUT topped Absolut VODKA bottle

11. Vodka: Maya Hayuk

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The first shot pictures an oversized bottle of Absolut Rasberri vodka in a glowing halo. Suddenly, a female artist appears and starts drawing geometric figures on the bottle, and above it to fast psychedelic music. The final shot shows the caption “Unleash the raspberry.” superimposed on the oversized Absolut Raspberri bottle pained with graffiti with a halo background.

Table 11.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS

STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF

COLORED FORMS.

Source Target STREET ART → ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA walls of buildings → a bottle of Absolut vodka artists → vodka producers making murals → designing vodka flavors THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF FLAVOR OF VODKA COLORED FORMS → coloring a bottle → unleashing a flavor of vodka SEEING A COLOR → PERCEPTION OF FLAVOR

Table 11.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE

CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: STREET The artist draws The caption “Unleash Psychedelic

388 ART and colored music CONTROLLED geometric forms MOTION OF on the bottle of COLORED Absolut Rasberri FORMS vodka. Target: The oversized the raspberry.” ABSOLUT Absolut RASBERRI Raspberri bottle VODKA and with a halo FLAVOR OF background. VODKA

12. Vodka: Phil frost

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The first shot pictures an oversized bottle of Absolut Rasberri vodka in a glowing halo. Suddenly, a male artist appears and starts drawing geometric figures on the bottle, and above it to fast psychedelic music. The final shot shows the caption “Unleash the raspberry” superimposed on the oversized Absolut Raspberri bottle pained with graffiti with a halo background.

Table 12.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS

STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF

COLORED FORMS.

Source Target STREET ART → ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA walls of buildings → a bottle of Absolut vodka artists → vodka producers making murals → designing vodka flavors THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF FLAVOR OF VODKA COLORED FORMS → coloring a bottle → unleashing a flavor of vodka SEEING A COLOR → PERCEPTION OF FLAVOR

389 Table 12.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE

CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: STREET The artist draws The caption: “Unleash Psychedelic ART and colored […].” music. CONTROLLED geometric forms MOTION OF on the bottle of COLORED Absolut Rasberri FORMS vodka. Target: The oversized The caption: “ […] ABSOLUT Absolut the raspberry.” RASBERRI Raspberri bottle VODKA and with a halo FLAVOR OF background. VODKA

13. Absolut: Anthem

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows six different locations where artists design gigantic words in ice blocks, wheat, hanging bottles, flying lanterns, huge balloons, and glass cylinders to form the motto of Absolut vodka producers: “Doing things differently leads to something exceptional in an Absolut world.” The male voice-over articulates this motto at the end of the commercial.

Table 13.1. Metaphor: VODKA PRODUCTION IS AN ARTISTIC EVENT.

Source Target

AN ARTISTIC EVENT → VODKA PRODUCTION artists → vodka producers using uncommon materials → using exceptional ingredients for Absolut vodka a work of art → absolut vodka

390 Table 13.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA PRODUCTION IS

AN ARTISTIC EVENT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The artists create Energetic ARTISTIC large-scale musical EVENT installations out beats. of ice blocks, wheat, hanging bottles, flying lanterns, gigantic balloons. Target: VODKA The bottle of The caption “Doing PRODUCTION Absolut vodka is things differently located among leads to something glass cylinders. exceptional in an Absolut world” is articulated by the voice-over.

14. Absolut: Moon

Phenomenological description of the commercial

In the commercial, people from around the world join in a moon mission that aims to transform the Moon into a gigantic mirror ball. The shots that display the team of astronauts rearranging the Moon alternate with the shots that show large groups of people in urban areas going along the streets and climbing up high buildings with different objects in their hands, e. g., a ladder, or couch, as if making arrangement for observation of an important event. The slow, rhythmic music gives rise to fast beats that mark the completion of the moon mission. The final shots show the rearranged moon lighting up a global party and the clear, silver-topped Absolut bottle in the halo superimposed by the captions: “In an Absolut world” and “Absolut vodka.”

391 Table 14.1. Metaphor: ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUT MOON IN AN

ABSOLUT WORLD.

Source Target AN ABSOLUT MOON IN AN ABSOLUT ABSOLUT VODKA WORLD → creating a party atmosphere every night → consuming Absolut vodka

Table 14.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN

ABSOLUT MOON IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The moon Instrumenta ABSOLUTE mission: l rhythmic MOON IN AN construction musical ABSOLUTE work on the beats. WORLD Moon. The huge mirror ball lights up a global party.

Target: The clear, silver- The caption: “In an Energetic ABSOLUT topped Absolut Absolut world. music. VODKA bottle. Absolut vodka.”

392

Figure 2. VODKA IS A PERSON.

15. Stolichnaya: Hugh Hefner

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial shows the celebrity Hugh Hefner discussing his life achievements with his twin dressed in a bathrobe while enjoying Stolichnaya vodka at a stylish party held in the playboy mansion. The shots with the question “Would you have a drink with you?” and the answer “Hugh Hefner original playboy” given at the black background are followed by the shot displaying a bottle of Stolichnaya vodka, a cocktail glass with vodka and an olive, and a short glass. The caption “Stolli. Lean on” is located between the bottle and glasses. These final images are synchronized with the voice-over’s

393 comment: “Would you have a drink with you? The most original people deserve the most original vodka.”

Table 15.1. Metaphor: STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A CELEBRITY.

Source Target A CELEBRITY → STOLICHNAYA VODKA an original man → original vodka

Table 15.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS

A CELEBRITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A the celebrity Hugh in the bathrobe: CELEBRITY Hugh Hefner and I recognize you his twin. without your pajamas. Hugh in the suit: I’ve learned the way to be comfortable. Don’t forget I started with nothing but a thousand dollar loan from my mom. Hugh in the bathrobe: But now, look at you. Target: A bottle of The voice-over: “The STOLICHNAYA Stolli. most original people VODKA deserve the most original vodka.” The caption: “Stolli. Lean on.”

16. Vodka: Smirnoff

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial reveals the story of Smirnoff vodka as if it were a person. The images of the Winter Palace, the Kremlin, a gigantic animated worker crushing a red line

394 with a huge hammer, a train moving across a wintry landscape, and the Hollywood sign are synchronized with the male voice-over’s comments about the featured events.

Table 16.1. Metaphor: SMIRNOFF VODKA IS A PERSON OF NOBLE BIRTH.

Source Target A PERSON OF NOBLE BIRTH → SMIRNOFF VODKA a Russian aristocrat → original Russian vodka honored in the tsar’s family → consumed by the elite prosecuted by Communists → prohibited by the Soviet government escaping to Europe and the USA → becoming produced in Europe and the USA success of a person → world-wide consumption of Smirnoff vodka

Table 16.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor SMIRNOFF VODKA IS A PERSON

OF NOBLE BIRTH.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The Winter The male voice-over: Background PERSON OF Palace, a huge “Born into luxury. To tension NOBLE BIRTH animated man a family honored by music crushing a red tsars. Awarded by the The sounds line with a huge Russian imperial of crashing hammer, a train court. Declared the and a running across an enemy of the people. moving open area, the Rendered a fugitive. train. Brooklyn Bridge, Sentenced to death for Hollywood several times. Escaped to Europe. Traveled across the world. Inspired the cocktail revolution.” Target: The outline of a The male voice-over: SMIRNOFF bottle of “Celebrated VODKA Smirnoff Vodka everywhere for its extraordinary purity. Clearly original Clearly Smirnoff.” The caption: “Story continues at Smirnoff dot com”

395 17. Belvedere Vodka: Meteor

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial features a flock of ducks flying in the night sky and a shiny meteor moving rapidly in the direction of Earth. The meteor merges with one of the ducks, thereby turning it into a young woman wearing fancy white undergarments, white stockings, and white shoes with high heels, while holding a bottle in her hand. The woman turns slightly to the right while gradually transforming into an oversized bottle of

Belvedere Vodka. These transformations are synchronized with exotic sounds that give rise to a love song. The final shot closes up the caption “Belvedere. Luxury reborn.”

Table 17.1. Metaphor: BELVEDERE VODKA IS A MYSTIFYING FEMALE.

Source Target A MYSTIFYING FEMALE → BELVEDERE VODKA the magic birth of a female → the magic emergence of vodka sexual attractiveness → vodka Appeal being desired → evoking a desire

Table 17.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BELVEDERE VODKA IS A

MYSTIFYING FEMALE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A flock of The love song Paranoid MYSTIFYING ducks, and a sounds FEMALE young sexually attractive woman. Target: A bottle of The caption: BELVEDERE Belvedere vodka “Belvedere. Luxury VODKA reborn.”

396 18. Pinky Vodka: Cupid

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features the god of love, Cupid, competing with Pinky vodka in inspiring love. Cupid tries his best to shoot as many people as possible in order to evoke love among them. He even modernizes his technique to work faster and more efficiently, in addition to the help in producing and distributing love arrows that he receives from his family. However, no matter what he does, more and more women love Pinky vodka. The spot ends with the caption “Pinky. The world’s most beautiful vodka.”

Table 18.1. Metaphorical chain: PINKY VODKA IS A LOVE INSPIRER and A LOVE

INSPIRER IS CUPID.

Source Target/Source Target CUPID → A LOVE INSPIRER → PINKY VODKA a target of shooting → a love object → a vodka consumer shooting individuals with compelling love for a arrows → person → compelling love for vodka

Table 18.2. Metaphor: LOVE INSPIRATION COMPETITION IS BUSINESS

COMPETITION.

Source Target BUSINESS COMPETITION → LOVE INSPIRATION COMPETITION business competitors → love inspirers the target of competition → a love object efforts to win a market → modernizing love inspiration technique the outcome of competition → love of a person, love of vodka

397 Table 18.3. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphors PINKY VODKA (T) IS A

LOVE INSPIRER (S/T) IS CUPID (S) and LOVE INSPIRATION COMPETITION IS

BUSINESS COMPETITION.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: CUPID Cupid and his Cupid: “In the olden family days it was a good grandfather, job. You know you wife, three shoot a few hours and children (two grab a scone. You boys and one know you shoot a few girl), more hours (laughing) young women. and take a nap.” Cupid shoots arrows of love with his bow. Target/Source: A A woman: “Ahhh.” LOVE Cupid: “You are INSPIRER welcome”

Target: PINKY The young The caption: “Pinky. VODKA woman tenderly The world’s most hugs a bottle of beautiful vodka.” Pinky vodka, young women hold the glasses of vodka in their hands, and toast each other. Source: Cupid: “I’ve taken BUSINESS advantage of COMPETITION technological advances. Even altered the distribution system. Bingo.” “Had at least the help from family.” “But no matter what I do, I can’t keep up.” “I am gonna have to work faster [ahh]. Here you go. And harder and more efficiently.”

398

Target: LOVE Cupid uses a Cupid: “You are top Sad music INSPIRATION machine gun to notch Cupid.” COMPETITION shoot arrows and “Women everywhere throws arrows are falling in love while flying over with this Pinky vodka. individuals. Pinky vodka Pinky Pinky vodka. vodka.”

19. Smirnoff: Melt

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The smelters are pictured taking trophies awarded to Smirnoff vodka by experts from a safe and throwing them to the smelting furnace. The workers recast the rewards into the phrases: “The people choice” and “The people’s challenge” The bottle of

Smirnoff vodka is displayed in the background of these phrases.

Table 19.1. Metaphor: SMIRNOFF VODKA’S REPUTATION IS GOLD.

Source Target GOLD → SMIRNOFF VODKA’S REPUTATION gold smelters → Smirnoff vodka producers forging a golden prizes → making a reputation

Table 19. 2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphors SMIRNOFF VODKA’S

REPUTATION IS GOLD.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: GOLD Golden trophies The male voice-over: in a safe “The experts have made Smirnoff the most rewarded name in vodka. Well, trophies look well on the shelf.” Target: A bottle of The male voice-over: SMIRNOFF Smirnoff vodka “What matters most to VODKA’ S in the safe us is what you think. REPUTATION This August we are

399 putting our reputation on a line. The people’s choice. In Vegas. Las Vegas. The people’s challenge.” The caption: “The people’s choice. In Vegas. Las Vegas. The people’s challenge. Only one way to find out. Join us at Smirnoff.com.”

20. Ciroc Ultra Premium: Smooth off

Phenomenological description of the commercial

In the commercial, the finalists, the American rapper, singer, and actor Sean John

Combs, known by his stage name Diddy, and the up-and-coming comedian Aziz Ansari are shown exchanging scare talk at night before the Ciroc “Smoothest man of the year” competition. Each attempts to provide evidence of his smooth skills. For example, Diddy moves smoothly in his luxurious apartment as if sliding on skates. Mr. Ansari exhibits his smoothness by reaching for a bottle of Ciroc Coconut vodka and, later, a bottle of Ciroc

Red Berry vodka out of nowhere. The spot ends with the victory of Diddy, who does not sneeze when a young attractive woman tests both finalists by tickling their noses with a feather. The final shot displays the flavors of Ciroc vodka with the caption: “Ciroc Ultra premium introducing Ciroc Coconut and Ciroc red Berry. Perfectly smooth.”

400 Table 20.1. Metaphoric chain: SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC VODKA (T) IS

SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON (S/T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT (S).

Source Target/Source Target SMOOTHNESS OF SMOOTHNESS OF A SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC MOVEMENT → PERSON → VODKA well-controlled → well-controlled → balanced flavors free from bumping (even, flowing) → being amiable → a good taste for anybody

Table 20.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain: SMOOTHNESS OF

CIROC VODKA (T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON (S/T) IS SMOOTHNESS OF

MOVEMENT (S).

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Diddy slides to Diddy: “I was trainin’ SMOOTHNESS his opponent, my body, baby. OF Mr. Ansari. Perfectin’ my MOVEMENT Diddy does not reflexes.” sneeze. Target/Source: Diddy and Mr. Diddy: “And you Neutral SMOOTHNESS Ansari know I can’t drink to instrumental OF A PERSON Diddy speaks that, playboy. You tunes Italian to a really think you woman smoother than me?” Ansari: “Check your pocket Mr. Diddy.” Diddy: “I think we need some light in here. That’s better. All those smooth man of the year trophies. Do they look good!”

The woman: “Senor Diddy, where is the powder room?” Diddy: “Italian: Si, seconda porta, arra desta. (Yes, second door on the right)” Ansari: “What do you think you’re doin’, man?”

401 Diddy: “Speakin’ Italian. Problem?” Ansari: “Yeah, I don’t want you talkin’ to my girl like that. And what’s with all this floatin’?” Ansari: “All right Mr. Diddy. Let’s decide this once and for all.” Diddy and Ansari: “Smooth off.” Diddy: “Smooth don’t sneeze.” Target: The image of The caption: “Ciroc SMOOTHNESS three vodkas: Ultra Premium OF CIROC Ciroc introducing Ciroc VODKA Ultrapremium, Coconut and Ciroc Ciroc Coconut Red Berry. Perfectly and Ciroc red smooth.” Berry.

21. Level Vodka: Acrobats

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial literally dramatizes the balance of Level vodka by depicting perfectly balancing acrobats, who hold a restaurant bar set on five high poles. In this elegant bar, a stylish couple are about to enjoy cocktails, however, as soon as the cocktails are set on the table, they notice that the cocktails are off balance. The camera spans down displaying the entire restaurant scene. Two waiters slide down the poles as professional equilibrists. After landing, one of the waiters gets a matchbook from his pocket and squeezes it under the shoe of one of the waiters holding a pole. The camera goes up showing the balanced cocktails on the balanced table and the contented couple.

This coincides with the voice-over comment: “Introducing Level, the world's first perfectly balanced vodka. One sip, you'll know a new level.” The commercial ends with

402 the image of the Level bottle set with its side on a cocktail glass with a bubble moving inside, similar to a carpenter’s level.

Table 21.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS A CARPENTER LEVEL.

Source Target BEING BALANCED → BEING GOOD perfectly balanced acrobats → perfectly balanced Level vodka unbalanced acrobats → the low quality of vodka a CARPENTER LEVEL → LEVEL VODKA establishing a standard level → establishing a new standard

Table 21.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS A CARPENTER

LEVEL.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: BEING The Level bottle Instrumenta BALANCED balancing on its l music with and A side on a martini beats CARPENTER’S glass with a LEVEL bubble moving inside the bottle. Seven waiters acting as acrobats (equilibrists) displaying a perfect ability to balance Target: BEING A bottle of Level The male voice-over: GOOD and vodka “Introducing Level, LEVEL VODKA the world's first perfectly balanced vodka. One sip, you'll know a new level.”

403

Figure 7.3. VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY.

22. Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries bear

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial includes three shots. One shot displays two juxtaposed images, a bear and a piece of cheese separated with the line and the abbreviation “vs.” It coincides with a scare talk between them similar the one that men hold before a fight. The second shot shows the caption “Celebrate classic rivalries with Seagram’s vodka.” The final shot pictures a bottle of Seagram’s extra smooth vodka and a bottle of Seagram’s Sweet tea vodka.

404 Table 22.1. Metaphoric chain: THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS IS THE

RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS and THE RIVALRY BETWEEN

NONHUMAN BEINGS IS THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN.

Source Target/Source Target THE RIVALRY BETWEEN THE RIVALRY BETWEEN THE COMPETITION MEN → NONHUMAN BEINGS → BETWEEN VODKAS rivals → a bear → Seagram’s extra smooth vodka cheese → Seagram’s Sweet tea vodka the strength of the rivals → the strength of the rivals → the strength of the vodkas the competitiveness of the the competitiveness of the the competitiveness of the rivals → rivals → vodkas

Table 22.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain: THE

COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS IS THE RIVALRY (T) BETWEEN

NONHUMAN BEINGS (S/T) IS THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN (S).

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: THE The genre of the RIVALRY discourse: scare talk. BETWEEN MEN Source/Target: A bear, cheese Bear: “Hey cheesy, I Some accent THE RIVALRY will tear in you a new BETWEEN hole.” NONHUMAN Cheese: “Oh, yeh, BEINGS bear. How’s that gonna work out when you are a rug on my floor?” Bear: “Keep it down. Case off.” Cheese: “Shut your mouth bear trap or I’ll beat you into hibernation.” Bear: “That’s it.” Cheese: “I’ll punch right into your throat.” Bear: “You are ready

405 for this.” Cheese: “Oh, yeh, I think I am.” Target: THE A bottle of The caption: COMPETITION Seagram’s Extra “Celebrate classic BETWEEN Smooth vodka rivalries with VODKAS and a bottle of Seagram’s vodka.” Seagram’s Sweet Tea vodka

23. Seagram’s Vodka: Rivalries eagle

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Three shots of the commercial displays the image of the mouth of a giant juxtaposed with an eagle, separated with the abbreviation “vs.” This is synchronized with scare talk between them that recalls the scare talk that men hold before a fight. The second shot includes the caption “Celebrate classic rivalries with Seagram’s vodka.” The final shot pictures a bottle of Seagram’s extra smooth vodka and a bottle of Seagram’s sweet tea vodka.

Table 23.1. Metaphoric chain: THE RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS IS

THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN and THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS IS

THE RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS.

Source Target/Source Target THE RIVALRY BETWEEN THE RIVALRY BETWEEN THE COMPETITION MEN → NONHUMAN BEINGS → BETWEEN VODKAS rivals → an eagle → Seagram’s extra smooth vodka a giant → Seagram’s sweet tea vodka ↓ Metonymic reduction

Part (gigantic lips) metonymically stands for the

406 whole (a giant). the strength of the rivals → the strength of the rivals → the strength of the vodkas the competitiveness of the the competitiveness of the the competitiveness of the rivals → rivals → vodkas

Table 23.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain: THE RIVALRY

BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS IS THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN and THE

COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS IS THE RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN

BEINGS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: THE The genre of the RIVALRY discourse: scare talk. BETWEEN MEN

Source/Target: An eagle, the Giant: “I’m going to THE RIVALRY lips of a giant crash, eagle.” BETWEEN Eagle: “Ha, ha. I am NONHUMAN going to bring you BEINGS back to the nest in pieces. Feed you to my kids.” Giant: “I’m going to put my foot into your mouth, boldy.” Eagle: “Oh, so scared.” Giant: “You’d better be.” Eagle: “I’ll rip you apart with my beak. Do you hear me, giant? Just watch me swoop in.” Target: THE A bottle of The caption: COMPETITION Seagram’s Extra “Celebrate classic BETWEEN Smooth vodka rivalries with VODKAS and a bottle of Seagram’s vodka.” Seagram’s Sweet Tea vodka.

407 24. Grey Goose Vodka: Oysters

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with the caption “On discerning taste” displayed next to a flying goose and flecks of light reflected on water. The subsequent shots alternate the images of two young men and three women relaxing on board of a luxurious yacht with the images of one man placing expensive food, e.g., crab claws and oysters, on the table. Then young people are shown enjoying Grey Goose vodka and food while toasting each other, laughing, and conversing. The spot ends with the caption “Grey Goose. World’s best tasting vodka.”

Table 24.1. Metaphor: GREY GOOSE VODKA IS A HIGH LIFESTYLE.

Source Target

A HIGH LIFESTYLE → GREY GOOSE VODKA Stylish young men/women → Vodka consumers Having discerning taste of a high lifestyle → Drinking vodka with exquisite food Experiencing happiness → Relaxing and sharing vodka with female/male partners

Table 24.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor: GREY GOOSE VODKA IS

A HIGH LIFESTYLE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A HIGH The young men The caption: “On Laughing LIFESTYLE and women discerning taste.” relax, lie in the sun, and consume expensive food with vodka on board a large, beautiful yacht. Target: GREY Characters The caption: “Grey

408 GOOSE consume Grey Goose. World’s best VODKA Goose vodka. tasting vodka.”

25. Smirnoff: Congratulation

Phenomenological description of the commercial

This commercial aims to raise social responsibility of vodka consumers by featuring a man, revealing compromising information about his friend, Hank, to his fiancée, Cindy, during his conveying of congratulations on their engagement. The male voice-over finishes the commercial by saying “Knowing when to stop is a good thing.”

The final shot shows the caption: “A reminder from Smirnoff.”

Table 25.1. Metaphor: RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA IS

APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR.

Source Target APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR → RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA appropriate linguistic patterns for appropriate amount of vodka consumption congratulating → inappropriate linguistic patterns for overconsumption of vodka congratulating →

Table 25.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION

OF VODKA IS APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The man Matt: INTELLIGENT congratulates his “Congratulations. SOCIAL friend on his Hank’s a great catch. BEHAVIOR engagement and Of course, he was a reveals great catch for three compromising hundred lucky ladies information back in college, right? about him. Dude, you were the man. Do you

409 remember Michelle? Remember her? She’s hot. Still asking about you. You should give her a call. You guys are gettin' married, that's cool.” The caption: “Now would be a good time to stop.” Target: The voice-over: RESPONSIBLE “Knowing when to CONSUMPTION stop is a good thing.” OF VODKA The caption: “Reminder from Smirnoff.”

Figure 7.4. VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT.

410 26. Vodka: Stolichnaya Blueberi

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial begins with a fast-motion shot showing a pear growing on a tree in winter. The sequential shots depict the transformation of the pear into an orange that turns into a strawberry and then into a peach. After falling down from the tree onto the snow, the peach turns into a raspberry that grows into a blueberry. These shots are synchronized with psychedelic musical tunes. The female voice-over comments on the emergence of the blueberry saying: “Introducing Stolli Blueberi. The latest arrival in a long line of great flavors from Stolichnaya. Pioneer of flavored vodka.” The spot ends with the close-up image of a bottle of Stollichnaya Blueberi and a cocktail glass with the caption: “Now in season.”

Table 26.1. Metaphor: STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT.

Source Target A STRANGE OBJECT → STOLICHNAYA VODKA the mystical origin of fruit → the mystical origin of flavored Stolichnaya the transformation of fruit → the production of flavored Stolichnaya

Table 26.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A

STRANGE OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source A The conversion Psychedelic STRANGE of one fruit into music OBJECT another: a pear, orange, a peach, a strawberry, a raspberry, a blueberry. Target: A bottle of The female voice- STOLICHNAYA Stollichnaya over: “Introducing

411

VODKA Blueberi vodka. Stolli Blueberi. The latest arrival in a long line of great flavors from Stolichnaya. Pioneer of flavored vodka.” The caption: “Now in season.”

27. Stolichnaya vodka: Frozen neighbors

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The residents of three apartments in the building are puzzled by ice appearing on the floor, ceiling, and walls. The man puts his feet on the floor and sees that the floor is coated with a layer of ice. Another neighbor finds ice and icicles on his ceiling. The neighbor on the other side discovers that the contents of her bathroom cabinets are frozen. The camera cuts to the totally frozen apartment where Stolichnaya is enjoyed.

The final shot reveals a bottle of Stolichnaya, a cocktail glass, and a seal with the inscription: “Stoli Genuine Russian Vodka: Best Chilled.”

Table 27.1. Metaphor: STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT.

Source Target A STRANGE OBJECT → STOLICHNAYA VODKA the mystical origin of frost → chilled Stollichnaya generating frost → consuming chilled Stolichnaya

Table 27.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS

A STRANGE OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The apartments Psychedelic STRANGE of three music OBJECT neighbors are frozen.

412 Target: A bottle of The inscription on the STOLICHNAYA Stolichnaya, a seal: “Stoli Genuine VODKA glass, and a Russian Vodka: Best cocktail glass. Chilled.”

28. Three-O Vodka: Lamp, Three-O Vodka: Fish, Three-O Vodka: Trap

Phenomenological description of the commercials

In the laboratory setting, a man is shown sitting at the table observed by an individual in the white robe through the window. The bell rings, indicating the beginning of an experiment. The lamp falls on the head of a subject. He does not move a single muscle. A second bell rings indicating the second stage of the experiment. The bottle of

Three Olives vodka and a glass are set on the table. The subject pours vodka into the glass and drinks it. He suddenly stands up, widens his eyes, opens his mouth in the shape of the letter “o,” and screams loudly: “Ohhh.” This screaming is synchronized with the voice-over’s remark: “Three-O Cherry vodka. Seriously fun! Shockingly delicious!” The final shot depicts a bottle of Three Olive vodka uttered by the voice-over’s question:

“What’s your cherry-o face?”

The commercials “Three-O Vodka: Fish” and “Three-O Vodka: Trap” show an identical scenario to “Three-O Vodka: Lamp” differing in means of stimulus. The subject is hit with large fish in the former commercial and has his hand trapped while trying to get a sandwich out of the trap in the latter commercial.

413 Table 28.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: THREE-O VODKA IS AN OBJECT OF

SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION and THE TASTE OF VODKA IS

PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES.

Source Target AN OBJECT OF SCIENTIFIC THREE-O VODKA INVESTIGATION → a physical stimulus → three-O Cherry/ Bubble/ Premium Vodkas PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES → THE TASTE OF THREE-O VODKAS physical shock shockingly delicious emotional shock → seriously fun

Metonymic reduction ↓ The signs (widely opened eyes, standing up, screaming, widening a mouth) for an emotional state

Table 28.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

THREE-O VODKA IS AN OBJECT OF SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION and THE

TASTE OF VODKA IS PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN The man is hit with Screaming: OBJECT OF a lamp. He drinks “Ohhh!” SCIENTIFIC vodka with ice. INVESTIGATION Widely opened and eyes, standing up, PHYSICAL/EMO widening the TIONAL STATES mouth Target: VODKA A bottle of Three The female voice- and THE TASTE Olives vodka (a over: “Shockingly OF VODKA British flag) delicious! What’s /cherry/flavored your cherry-o vodka/made with face?” The caption: imported/vodka “What’s your from England/and cherry-o face?” natural flavor

29. Hangar One Vodka: The Ballad

Phenomenological description of the commercial

414 The spot shows the performance of country singer Orville Davis singing a ballad about Hanger One Vodka. The lyrics of the song coincide with the shots that feature the story of the main character of the song, Jorg Rupf, the founder of the American vodka distillery “Hanger One.” Jorg Rupf is featured leaving Germany, going to the USA, founding the distillery in hanger 1, and producing vodka. The commercial ends with a group of young male and female people joining Orville Davis in singing the ballad about

Hanger One vodka while enjoying Hanger One vodka around a bon fire.

Table 29.1. Metaphor: HANGAR ONE VODKA IS AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE.

Source Target AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE → HANGAR ONE VODKA the traditionalism of a folk tale → the traditionalism of Hangar One vodka collective experiences of common people → the commonality of Hangar One vodka

Table 29.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HANGAR ONE VODKA IS

AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN Jorg Rupf, the A country song Country AMERICAN founder of the music FOLK TALE American vodka distillery; country singer Orville Davis, a group of young people. Target: Hangar One, A country song Country HANGAR ONE bottle of Hangar about Hanger music VODKA One in the One vodka distillery.

415 30. Stolichnaya Vodka: Stolichnaya - born in the heart of Russia

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial features a number of images related to the history of the USSR synchronized with a song about Cossacks going off to war. The first shot shows the statue of Lenin holding a bottle of Stolichnaya vodka in his right hand, mimicking the statue of

Lenin erected all across the former USSR. The round image of the world’s map is depicted on Lenin’s chest, into which a wide arrow is directed. The phrase “Born in the heart of Russia” is written on it. The sequential shots show Red Army soldiers marching with bottles of Stolichnaya instead of a rifle, launching Stolichnaya as if it were a spaceship, the images of the first Soviet astronaut Yuri Gagarin and Lenin, a Soviet ship named Stolichnaya, and a coat of arms, in the center of which Stolichnaya is depicted.

The final shot displays a bottle of Stolichnaya and the caption: “Choose authenticity.”

Table 30.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam: VODKA IS A RUSSIAN AUTHENTIC

OBJECT and IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL.

Source Target A RUSSIAN AUTHENTIC OBJECT → STOLICHNAYA VODKA Russian weapon → Stolichnaya technical achievements → high quality of Stolichnaya made with Russian spirit → genuine taste of Stolichnaya CENTRAL → IMPORTANT the central goal of Russians → production and export of Stolichnaya he central idea of Russian ideology → propagating importance of Stolichnaya

416 Table 30.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single-source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS A RUSSIAN AUTHENTIC OBJECT and IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN Russian winter, The captions: “Born Russian song Russian AUTHENTIC streets in in the heart of about Russian tunes RUSSIAN Moscow, the Russia,” “Inspired by Cossacks OBJECT monument to visionaries,” “Defined Kazaki- Lenin, Lenin by idealist (Lenin),” kasachenki (the shows the “Made with Russian song is about the direction with spirit.” Red Army) Stolichnaya, Red Army soldiers hold Stolichnaya as a rifle, launching Stolichnaya as a spaceship/rocket, dancing in a Russian style, the coat of arms with Stolichnaya in the center. Source: The coat of arms The captions: “Born CENTRAL with Stolichnaya in the heart of in the center. Russia.” Target: VODKA A bottle of The captions: Stolichnaya “Russians know good vodka,” “First exported Russian vodka,” “We call it vodka,” “Russians call it Stolichnaya.” Target: The monument IMPORTANT to Lenin, Lenin shows the direction with Stolichnaya, Red Army soldiers hold Stolichnaya like a rifle.

417

Figure 5. VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY.

31. Smirnoff North vodka: Sword

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The fast moving camera features a serene Arctic panorama of snowy glaciers, icebergs, and a deep blue sea as the female voice-over narrates the exquisiteness of the landscape. Suddenly, a giant blueberry-skewered sword falls from the sky, piercing one of the icebergs, while the entire Northern landscape is transformed into a cocktail glass of vodka with ice decorated with blueberries. The commercial ends with the image of a bottle of Smirnoff vodka and a cocktail glass with vodka and ice along with the caption:

“Clearly unique. Clearly Smirnoff North.”

Table 31.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam: VODKA IS AN EXQUISITE

LANDSCAPE and GUSTATORY PERCEPTION IS SEEING AN OBJECT.

Source Target AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE → SMIRNOFF VODKA a Nordic landscape → Smirnoff North vodka a unique Nordic landscape → unique Smirnoff North vodka rare Nordic berries → the flavor of Smirnoff North vodka

418 SEEING AN OBJECT → GUSTATORY PERCEPTION

Table 31.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single-source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE and GUSTATORY PERCEPTION IS

SEEING AN OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN Snowy glaciers, The female voice- Intriguing EXQUISITE icebergs, and over: “There is a place music LANDSCAPE deep blue water where the enchanted sea is blue. It is so blue. It is impossible to tell where it ends. And the sky. Target: Vodka The cocktail The female voice- glass with the over: “Tastes true sword with North. Flavored with blueberries in the rare Nordic berries.” ice and a bottle The captions: “Clearly of Smirnoff unique vodka Clearly Smirnoff North.” Source: SEEING Snowy glaciers, AN OBJECT icebergs, and deep blue water

Target: The female voice- GUSTATORY over: “Tastes true PERCEPTION North. Flavored with rare Nordic berries.”

32. Smirnoff: Stampede

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a young woman riding a white horse, to the saddle of which a number of bottles of Smirnoff vodka are attached. The herd of unique white horses accompanies the rider. Some of the horses turn black while being pursued by a black wolf. The next shot shows the woman staring at the wolf’s eyes, trying to protect the

419 horses from it. After the wolf leaves, the blackening horses become white again. The camera shows the white herd from a birdseye view with the caption “Purity must be protected.” In the next shot, the herd transforms into vodka poured into glass in a stylish bar setting.

Table 32.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: PURITY IS WHITE and SMIRNOFF

PURE VODKA IS A HERD OF WHITE HORSES and IMPURITY IS BLACK and

IMPURITY IS A BLACK WOLF.

Source Target WHITE → PURITY A HERD OF WHITE HORSES → SMIRNOFF PURE VODKA shepherd of a white herd → pure vodka producers BLACK → IMPURITY blackening horses → impure vodka A BLACK WOLF → IMPURITY a black wolf’s attack of white horse → production of impure vodka protection of a white herd from a wolf → protection of the purity of vodka

Table 32.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

PURITY IS WHITE and SMIRNOFF PURE VODKA IS A HERD OF WHITE

HORSES and IMPURITY IS BLACK and IMPURITY IS A BLACK WOLF.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: WHITE White horses Target: PURITY The caption: “Purity must be protected. Discover extraordinary purity.” Source: A HERD The shepherd, a OF WHITE herd of white HORSES horses. Target: A bottle of The brand name. SMIRNOFF Smirnoff vodka PURE VODKA and a glass of vodka with ice

420

cubes and lime Source: A The black wolf Tense music BLACK WOLF Target: The blackening IMPURITY horses

421 Appendix B

American Beer Commercials

1. Budweiser: Great times

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The sequential shots depict preparing a baseball field for a game; an auditorium for a concert; a young man arranging everything for a picnic; a young woman taking a shower, ironing clothing and applying a makeup; and a production line with Budweiser bottles in a brewery. These preparatory scenes are interrupted by shots that feature delivering Budweiser to these places. The alteration of the scenes is synchronized with music that speeds up during the commercial. The final shots show the start of a baseball game, a concert, and a picnic, young people arriving to these sites, and opening

Budweiser bottles, pouring beer into glasses accompanied by screams of excitement. The commercial ends with a shot of four planes flying low over the baseball field followed by the captions: “Great times are waiting. Grab some Buds” written against a red background.

Table 1.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer → experiencing excitement

422 Table 1.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A delivery truck The caption: “Grab DRINKING of Budweiser, some Buds.” BEER about 15 bottles in an ice container, opening bottles of beer. Target: Smiling people, The caption: “Great Slow string HAPPINESS a happy-looking times are waiting.” tunes give young woman rise to fast grabs a young joyful man’s neck and music. kisses him. Excited screaming.

2. Bud Light: Hack job

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial starts as if it were the show “Hack Job.” The host of the show introduces the Gilberts, a young African-American couple, whose kitchen is supposed to be remodeled. The only change introduced to the kitchen is a bucket with 6 bottles of

Bud Light set on the kitchen counter. Mr. Gilbert expresses excitement at seeing this and runs to the bucket to grab it. Mrs. Gilbert shows confusion in inquiring about kitchen remodeling. The host of the show explains that Budweiser is converting their home into a place where people would like to spend time. Meanwhile the members of his shooting team appear, each grabbing a bottle of Budweiser. All the people are shown smiling and laughing. The spot ends with the exciting announcement of the host about the landscapers arriving, who bring carts with beer boxes to create a landscape.

423

Table 2.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer → experiencing excitement

Table 2.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A bucket with 6 Male voice-over: DRINKING bottles of Bud “The just right taste of BEER Light, many carts Bud Light.” loaded with six- Mrs. Gilbert: “You packs of just put Bud Light on Budweiser beer. the counter.” The caption: “Bud Light. Here We Go.” Target: A young Mr. Gilbert: “Here we Energetic HAPPINESS African- go! It looks amazing!” and joyful American couple Host: “Exactly. It music (The Gilberts), totally opens it up. We the host of the gave it a fun vibe. show “Hack Clearly this is the Job,” and the room people wanna shooting team, hang out in.” smile and laugh.

3. Miller Lite: Victims

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts showing a rainy day and a sad middle-aged man holding a bottle and looking through a window. The following shots feature young men and women with sad facial expressions, each holding a bottle of beer and looking at it. These shots are synchronized with the male voice-over’s explanation of their depressed state. These people are victims of taste loss. They cannot taste their beer. After the discussion of the nature of taste loss, the voice-over calls for everyone to pick up great Miller Lite.

424

Table 3.1. Metaphor: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS loss of taste for beer → unhappiness/sadness

Table 3.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Close up: Six Male voice-over: DRINKING bottles of “You pick up great BEER Miller Lite in tasting, less filling the ice Miller Lite.” The container. captions: “Miller. Good call.” Target: Sad looking Male voice-over: Sad tunes HAPPINESS young and “These are the silent middle-aged victims. The victims professionals of taste loss. and workers Man in a blue shirt: I wanna taste my beer. I can’t. Man in yellow: “What is taste loss?” Male voice-over: “Taste loss happens when you can’t taste your beer and the results are devastating.”

4. Budweiser: Wild West

Phenomenological description of the commercial

In the Wild West, a rough and dangerous-looking cowboy arrives in a town to the sounds of suspenseful tunes. The next shot shows the Budweiser Clydesdales galloping in the desert. The cowboy enters a saloon where the music stops and the frightened patrons’

425 gaze follows each movement of the cowboy. He demands a Bud; however, the bartender timidly explains that he ran out of it. At the moment when the cowboy reaches for the handle of his revolver, the delivery man enters with a case of Budweiser beer. Getting a bottle of beer, the cowboy unexpectedly starts singing the song “Tiny Dancer.” The final shot shows the patrons, bartender, and cowboy singing together, dancing, and hugging each other.

Table 4.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS absence of beer → aggressiveness obtaining beer → becoming friendly

Table 4.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The Budweiser The caption: “Grab DRINKING Clydesdale some beer.” BEER hitch, a case of Budweiser beer. Target: The dangerous- Cowboy: “Give me The song “Tiny Tense HAPPINESS looking cowboy a Bud.” Dancer” sounds is prepared to Bartender:”We just give rise to use his gun, the ran out.” joyful strained faces Cowboy: “Really.” music. of a bartender and saloon patrons. The smiling faces of the cowboy and the crowd, people embrace each

426 other, dancing and singing together.

5. Budweiser: Stranded

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a group of young and mid-aged male and female passengers from a crushed plane on a beach helplessly sitting and looking around. A female passenger interrupts this depressed atmosphere by announcing their salvation with the help of the plane’s radio equipment that she finds. The passengers remain sad and indifferent. The next shot features a male passenger who happily announces about his finding a cart full of Budweiser beer on the plane. Instantly the depressed atmosphere changes to an atmosphere of happiness and excitement.

Table 5.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer in difficult situations → solving problems

Table 5.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The plane’s Male passenger: DRINKING beverage cart full “Everyone listen up. I BEER of Bud Light. found the plane’s Four bottles of beverage cart. It’s full Bud Light of Bud Light.” covered with icy Pilot: “Here we go.” droplets. Male voice-over: “Choose the right taste of Bud Light.”

427 Target: The young and Male voice-over: It’s Screams of HAPPINESS mid-aged male a sure sign of a good excitement. and female time. Here we go. Joyful passengers from The caption: “Here we dance the crashed plane go.” music. smile, dance, hug each other, and jump up out of joy.

6. Budweiser: Bridge

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial shows a young man running fast along an empty street. He enters a café full of indifferent looking male and female customers. The featured character has a very concerned expression in his face. In the café, he cries out: “The bridge is out.” The customers do not react and continue eating. However, the customers leave the café on his appeal: “But the Budweiser delivery truck is on the other side. Come on.” A large crowd of people runs to the broken bridge to the sound of an energetic march. The people construct a bridge out of their bodies. The Budweiser truck rides on top of the bodies of the people who are smiling and happy. The last episode shows an excited group of people. Each person is holding a bottle of Budweiser beer in the hand.

Table 6.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS overcoming obstacles to obtain beer → doing the impossible absence of beer → absence of happiness

Table 6.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

428

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The caption: Man: “Because of it DRINKING “It’s what we the Budweiser truck BEER do” against the delivery is on the red background other side.” of the brand name. Target: The male and Man: “The bridge is Rhythmic HAPPINESS female out. Come on. march. individuals Everybody land the A collective collectively use hand. All right guys, groan. their bodies to we are all set. Bring replace a you across. Let’s go. washed-out Go, go. Yee.” bridge The images of excited, happy people sharing beer.

7. Bud: Wheel

Phenomenological description of the commercial

In the Stone Age a group of cavemen push a stone container filled with Budweiser beer and ice up a hill. They are frustrated because the cooler is heavy, and they are late for a party. Another caveman appears announcing that he invented a wheel. However, the cavemen misuse a wheel by setting the cooler on it and carrying it on their shoulders. At the party, one of the cavemen is shown upset because he smashes a bottle of Budweiser attempting to open it with a stone opener.

Table 7.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS absence of beer → absence of happiness delivering beer → making technical inventions

429 Table 7.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A stone The caption: “Keeps it DRINKING container full of coming.” BEER Bud Light in ice. The close up: A bottle of Bud Light and a glass full of beer. Target: Unhappy faces The caveman: “We Rhythmic HAPPINESS of cavemen never make it to low register party." "Wheel suck!" music Another caveman screams: “Bottle opener suck!”

8. Bud Light Beer: Ability to fly

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial starts with the image of a bottle of Bud Light and the male voice- over’s account of abilities it gives. The next shot shows a young African-American male professional flying in the sky among the clouds and laughing with a bottle of But Light in his hand. Suddenly a jet appears and sucks him into its engine. The next shot shows a wave of beer accompanied with the voice-over explanation that “The ability to fly is no longer available in Bud Light. The endless refreshment remains.” The final shot depicts the protagonist sitting at the airport next to another man still holding his beer in the hand.

Table 8.1. Double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and

HAPPINESS IS UP.

Source Target Source BEER → HAPPINESS ← UP consuming beer → experiencing excitement ← flying in the sky consuming light beer → experiencing happiness ← being light

430 consuming light beer → experiencing happiness ← not gaining weight

Table 8.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS UP.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: BEER Close up: A Male voice-over: bottle of “Bud light is brewed Budweiser beer to give you everything and a glass of you want in a beer: Budweiser beer. never ending refreshment, superior drinkability, and now the ability to fly.” Source: UP A flying young Ha-ha-ha. Look at me. African- I am flying. American professional Target: An excited Man: “Ha-ha-ha. I Laughing HAPPINSS young African- can’t believe this. American Maan. This is professional awesome. Look at the cloud.”

9. Miller Lite: Bar stool

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a young man moving toward a light at the end of a dark corridor.

He sees the sign “Beer Heaven” over a door. The man enters what looks like an ordinary bar with young male and female customers. He is perplexed at hearing his name from the bartender, and, finally, at seeing a bottle of beer that moves in his direction on its own.

Upon inquiring about the location, the bartender explains to the man that it is heaven. The ensuing scene shows the man leaning back and accidentally hitting a server carrying a tray with four bottles of beer. The bottles land unbroken on the floor, whereupon he smiles at the server and she returns his smile.

431

Table 9.1. Double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and

HAPPINESS IS UP.

Source Target Source DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS ← UP drinking beer in heaven → experiencing happiness ← being in heaven

Table 9.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam:

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS UP.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: Serving beer to Bartender: “[…] DRINKING bar Perfect BEER protagonists. combination. Taste Close up: the and refreshment. upper part of a […]” Miller Lite bottle with a cloud of mist over it. Source 2: UP The sign: Bartender: “Mark! Intriguing “Beer […]You’ve been (suspenseful) Heaven.” A expected.”Male music. self-propelled voice-over: “Only bottle of one beer is good Budweiser. enough for Beer Heaven. Miller Lite. The ultimate lite beer.” Target: Smiling faces Rhythmic HAPPINESS of the bar tunes. patrons.

432 10. Miller Lite Beer: Downpour

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot begins with young men playing baseball when it starts raining. One player stops playing because he is upset about the rain. After realizing that it’s raining beer, he becomes excited and happy. The following shots feature young men collecting beer into different containers, drinking beer out of a fountain, licking a car wet with beer, laughing, and raising hands out of excitement. The spot ends with the man announcing this good news to the patrons drinking Miller Lite in a local bar. The news is accepted with indifference. At this moment the male voice-over comments: “Maybe your light beer should taste more like … . Great tasting less filling. Miller Lite.”

Table 10.1. Metaphorical chain: HAPPINESS is BEER and BEER IS RAIN.

Source Target /Source Target RAIN → BEER → HAPPINESS raining → abundance of beer → excessive happiness enjoying rain → drinking much beer → experiencing excessive happiness

Table 10.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphorical chain: HAPPINESS is

BEER and BEER IS RAIN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: RAIN It rains. Man: “It’s raining.” Music imitating falling drops of rain. Target /Source: Young men Man 1: “Beer? Beer! BEER (baseball players, This is beer. Beer is professionals, falling from the sky. and people on It’s raining beer.” the street) collect Man 2, 3, 4: “Beer.” beer into Male voice-over: different Maybe your light beer

433 containers, drink should taste more like beer out of the Man 5: Beer fountain, and lick Male voice-over: a car wet with Great tasting less beer. filling. Miller Lite. Close up: an The caption: “A good oversized bottle call.” of Miller Lite and a glass of beer. Target: Laughing men, Expressing HAPPINESS raising hands out excitement of excitement. with overall happy screaming.

11. Bud Light: Dog Sitter

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a young professional leaving for a trip. In his discussion with a dog sitter with whom he leaves his seven dogs, the man mentions the availability of

Budweiser in the fridge. The next shot shows one of the dogs with a tray containing three bottles of Budweiser opening a door for guests. Other dogs are featured grilling meat, washings glasses, serving beer to guests whom the protagonist invited for a beer party.

The spot ends with the dogs playing cards, while the protagonist cleans the house after the guests.

Table 11.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and

ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS sharing beer → enjoying friends’ company PEOPLE → ANIMALS men → dogs

434 working → catering a beer party acting like men → participating in male activities

Table 11.2. Single-source metaphoric amalgam: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and

ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A full fridge of Dog owner: “Oh. And DRINKING beer. there is a ton of Bud BEER Close up: four Light in the fridge.” bottles of Bud Male voice-over: Light covered “Choose the right with melting icy taste of Bud Light.” drops. The caption: “Here we Young male and go.” female individuals holding a bottle of Budweiser in the hand. Source: PEOPLE Cleaning a Dog owner: Thanks house. again for dog sitting. Dog sitter: No worries. Dog owner: They are really smart. They do whatever you tell them.

Target: Smiling people. Male voice-over: It’s Laughing, HAPPINESS sure a good sign of a rhythmic good time.” background tune. Target: Dogs serving Dog’s ANIMALS beer, grilling roaring meat, washing glasses, playing cards.

435 12. Bud Light Lime: Sphere of summer

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A young male individual in light summer clothing comes out of a building to a snowy winter street holding a six-pack of Bud Light Lime. The man is surrounded with a sphere of summer. His movement along the street immediately changes the surroundings from winter to summer. The consecutive shots feature summer transformations: a man cleaning a car from snow starts opening a convertible; a snow blower turns into a lawnmower. The final shot shows the man with Bud Light Lime reaching a party in the summer sphere. It is synchronized with the voice-over’s comment: “Bud Light Lime. It’s a summer state of mind.”

Table 12.1. Double-source metaphoric amalgam AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS BUD

LIGHT LIME and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A SEASON.

Source Target Source A SEASON → AN EMOTIONAL STATE ← BUD LIGHT LIME winter → a neutral emotional state ← absence of Bud Light Lime summer → a happy emotional state ← presence of Bud Light Lime

Table 12.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam AN

EMOTIONAL STATE IS BUD LIGHT LIME and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A

SEASON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A snowy street, SEASON blowing snow, cleaning snow off a car. People wearing summer light

436 clothes. Source: BUD A young man The caption: “BL LIGHT LIME carrying a six- lime.” Male voice- pack of Bud over: “Bud Light Light Lime. Lime.” About 8 bottles of Bud Light Lime are in the ice container full of ice. Target: AN The neutral Male voice-over: “It’s Fast and EMOTIONAL facial a summer state of joyful STATE expressions of mind.” music. pedestrians in winter time, dancing, smiling young people in the sphere of summer.

13. Coors Light: Code Blue

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Sitting in a bar, a young male professional calls men, possibly friends or acquaintances, and telling them two words: “Code Blue.” The news is accepted with much excitement. The sequential shots show the men stopping their activities – mowing grass, having a haircut, fishing, copying, and attending a meeting, and running hastily to a bar where Coors Light beer is served.

Table 13.1 Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer

437 Table 13.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A young man Fast PRECIOUS operating a energetic COMMODITY mower, a man in music a barber shop, a man operating a copy machine, a man in the boat, three men leaving a meeting and running to a beer bar. Target: Close-up: six Man in the bar: “We The scream DESIRED BEER bottles of Coors have a Code Blue” of Light in the ice (whispering) excitement bucket. Man operating a mower: “Code what?” Man in the bar: “Code Blue!” Man in the barber shop: “Code Blue!” Man operating a copy machine: “Code Blue!” Man in the boat: “Code Blue!” Three men in an office: “Code Blue!” Male voice-over: “The cold activated bottle from Coors Light. The mountains on the label turn blue when your beer is as cold as the Rockies. First brewed Coors Light. The world’s most refreshing beer.”

438 14. Budweiser Beer: Cross-examination

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a court hearing. An attorney cross-examines a plaintiff. After speaking, the attorney throws a bottle of Budweiser beer to the plaintiff, who claims that he cannot move his arm, which had been presumably broken by the attorney’s client. The plaintiff is featured with a cast on his arm and leg and a cervical collar. Despite that, the plaintiff catches the bottle of Budweiser.

Table 14.1 Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer manipulating a precious commodity → manipulating beer consumers acting irrationally to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 14.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The cross- Attorney: “Well, Suspenseful/tension PRECIOUS examination further questions, musical beats COMMODITY takes place in your honor. Audience: a sigh of the court room Lawyer: You say indignation. that my client is responsible for this. You say that you can’t turn your head. You say you can’t bend your leg or even move your arm. Well, I say that you, sir, [throws a

439 bottle of Budweiser] are a liar. Judge: A nice catch.” Target: The plaintiff The logo of DESIRED catches a bottle Budweiser on the BEER of Bud Light. background of the A bottle of Earth. Budweiser.

15. Budweiser FIFA World Cup: Kick

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a penalty in a soccer match. The soccer fans of one team show the image of an attractive woman to a goalkeeper, while the fans of an opposing team use the image of a bottle of Budweiser beer and a full glass of beer to distract a penalty kicker. The goalkeeper ignores the image of the attractive woman. Both the large image of the bottle of Budweiser and a glass full of beer affect the penalty kicker. Focusing his glance on the beer, the soccer player misses a penalty kick.

Table 15.1. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer manipulating a precious commodity → manipulating beer consumers acting irrationally to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (staring, pointing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

440 Table 15.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Soccer fans Male voice-over: The PRECIOUS show two “Well, it all comes scream of COMMODITY distracting down to today’s soccer fans pictures: a penalty kick. Wait. in the young attractive What’s this? It’s the stadium. woman, and a old distracting goal Rhythmic bottle of trick.” increasing Budweiser and melody a glass full of beer Target: The penalty Male voice-over: DESIRED kicker misses a “Oh. There is one BEER kick staring at up with the cold Budweiser Budweiser. Oh, beer. that’s tantalizing. Quite right. […] Yahooo, brilliant.”

16. Bud: Skydiver

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The instructor encourages parachutists to jump off the plane. One diver is scared and cannot jump. The instructor throws a six-pack of Budweiser off the plane to force the scared diver to jump. The parachutist stays on board but the pilot jumps off the plane without a parachute to catch the case of Budweiser.

Table 16.1. Metaphor: DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER desiring a precious commodity → desiring beer manipulating a precious commodity → manipulating beer consumers acting irrationally to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer

441 commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (staring, pointing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 16.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The instructor The instructor: “Go. PRECIOUS throws a six- Are you ready?” COMMODITY pack of The instructor: “Not Budweiser off a even for some Bud plane. A pilot Light?” jumps off the plane without a parachute. Target: A case of Bud The voice-over: DESIRED Light. A bottle “Fresh, smooth, BEER of Bud Light real. It’s all here.”

17. Bud: But he has Bud Light

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a young couple driving on a deserted highway at night. The next shot shows a tall male hitchhiker with a large ax and a six-pack of Bud Light asking for a ride. The couple starts discussing, whether they should give a ride. The woman is against it, while the man wants to stop because of Budweiser. The final shot shows another hitchhiker with a chainsaw and Budweiser to whom the man also wants to give a ride.

442 Table 17.1. Metaphor: DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER acting irrationally to obtain a precious Oobtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (giving a lift) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 17.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Giving a ride to a Woman: “What are Dramatic, PRECIOUS hitchhiker with you doing?” scary music, COMMODITY an ax and a Man: “Should we an owl: hitchhiker with a pick him up. He has whoo, chainsaw on a Bud Light.” whoo, the remote highway Woman: “He has an sounds at night. ax! produced by Man: But he has Bud a chainsaw. Light.” Woman: “And an ax!” Man: “I am sure there is a reason for it. Hey buddy, what’s with the ax? Hitchhiker: It’s a [a long pause] bottle opener.” Man: “Help in.” Man: “Look, he has Bud Light.” Hitchhiker: “And a chainsaw!” Target: A case of Bud Man: But he has Bud DESIRED BEER Light. Light. Close up: a bottle Male voice-over: of Bud Light and “Refreshingly smooth a beer glass. Bud Light. Always worth it.

443 18. Bud: Hidden Bud Lights

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with a young male manager Davis informing the head of a department about using Budweiser beer as a morale booster for employees. The next shot pictures the employees trashing an office attempting to find hidden bottles of Budweiser.

Each found bottle invokes a loud scream of excitement and excessive happiness.

Table 18.1. Metaphor: DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER acting unethically to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 18.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Employees trash Davis: Actually, sir, I Wild PRECIOUS an office looking spent most of mine screams of COMMODITY for Bud Light right here. I have an excitements idea of hiding Bud Light all round in the office, you know, to give the employees a little morale booster. The head of the department: Hmm. Target: DESIRE An oversized Male voice-over: FOR BEER bottle of Bud “Refreshingly smooth Light and a glass Bud Light. Always of Bud Light. worth it.”

444 19. Bud Light: Severance package

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows white-color office employees attempting to get fired because the severance package is a case of Bud Light. The sequence of shots features the unsocial and immature acting of male employees among whom there is one woman. For example, one employee marches naked in front of the department head, who is working at a computer.

Another employee plays a set of drums in the middle of cubicles, while his co-workers covering their ears. The third employee sticks a paper with the phrase “I'm a jackweed” on the back of his boss. The final shot features the employees sitting at a table with cases of Budweiser beer around them.

Table 19.1. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER acting unethically to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 19.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The images of a Wild PRECIOUS shouting naked screams, COMMODITY worker marching noise. behind the boss, another employee playing a set of drums in the

445 middle of some cubicles, another employee riding a motorcycle through the office, playing golf by his desk, putting a sign to the boss’s back “I’m a jackweed,” a woman riding an ostrich. Target: Cases of Bud Employee: “Yeah, but DESIRED BEER Light received as for his severance a severance package they gave package. Four him a case of Bud bottles of Bud Light.” Light in droplets Male voice-over: “It’s of ice. a sure sign of a good time. Choose the right taste of Bud Light. Here we go.” The caption: Here we go.

20. Bud: Busted

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Two policemen detain a group of referees unloading cases of Budweiser from the car. The questions of the policemen about the source of Budweiser and the receipt for the

Budweiser beer scare the referees. They start running away with the Budweiser.

Table 20.1. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER acting illicitly to obtain a precious obtaining desired beer commodity → ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state

446

(desire)

Table 20.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS A

PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The policemen Policeman: “Good Whistling. PRECIOUS detain a group of evening boys. It looks COMMODITY referees with like you’re grabbing cases of Bud for some kind of Light. party.” The referees lie Referees: “No sir.” to the policemen Policeman: “We have and run away some reports of a with the beer. referee getting the people’s Bud Light and replacing it with Miller Lite.” Referees: “That’s all wrong. That’s absolutely wrong.” Policeman: “[…] I need like to see the receipt for that Bud Light.” Referee: “Receipt. Yee. Receipt. Yee. I got it right … Run.” Target: Close-up: A Male voice-over: DESIRED BEER bottle of Bud “Some people will do Light. anything for the great taste of Bud Light. Fresh. Smooth. Real. It’s all here.”

21. Bud: Beer tree

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A real estate realtor shows a young couple a house. The woman is very displeased with the house; she finds the place dirty and disgusting. However, when the realtor shows them outside, the man sees a beer tree and announces that they are at home.

447 Table 21.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam BEER IS FRUIT and DESIRED BEER

IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Source Target FRUIT → BEER growing on the tree → natural beer fresh from the tree → fresh beer A PRECIOUS COMMODITY → DESIRED BEER making unfavorable decisions to obtain a desiring an endless supply of beer precious commodity →

Table 21.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

BEER IS FRUIT and DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: FRUIT A tree Realtor: “Yes. It’s a beer tree.” Realtor: Nothing quite like a beer straight from the tree.” Target: BEER A tree with Realtor: “Yes. It’s a bottles of beer as beer tree.” fruit Realtor: Nothing quite like a beer straight from the tree.” Source: A Man: “Honey, we are Triumphal PRECIOUS home. music. COMMODITY Target: The man stares at Male voice-over: Bud DESIRED BEER the beer tree. A Light. Fresh. Smooth. close-up: a bottle Real. It’s all here. of Bud Light

22. Budweiser: Abrupt end

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a Budweiser donkey narrating about the race of presidents of beers. In his narration, he announces the end of the race because South African breweries bought Miller Lite. The only eligible candidate for the position is Budweiser beer.

448

Table 22.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER the eligibility for running for the presidency → American beer

Table 22.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Donkey: “Ladies and PRESIDENT gentlemen, the race for president of beer has come to an abrupt end. Hi, I am a donkey. I spoke with the client recently and he told me that Miller is not eligible to run for office in America because they were bought by South African breweries.” Target: The Clydesdale The brand name BUDWEISER hitch

23. Budwiser Beer: Jay vs. Shula

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the logo of Budweiser Select beer, the crown, superimposed on an exquisitely wealthy and stylish hall with people wearing formal dresses and tuxedos. The next shot features two male celebrities, Don Shula, the famous former coach of the Miami Dolphins professional football team, and JayZ, the rapper-entrepreneur, playing a game of American football holographically projected on the table. In this computer sophisticated table football game, they manipulate football players with spoken instructions and hand gestures. Don’s team scores a goal, however, a young attractive

449 woman simulates wind, blowing a virtual ball back from a virtual gate. The final shot shows an oversized bottle of Budweiser Select and the caption: “Bold taste. Clean finish.

Expect everything.”

Table 23.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER the elite → elite beer sophisticated masculine entertainment → sophisticated taste

Table 23.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Don Shula, Male voice-over: PERSON JayZ, and “This game has seen... stylishly dressed a little bit of young people in everything.” a casino. Target: BEER The emblem of Male voice-over: beer “crown,” a “Budweiser Select. bottle of Expect everything.” Budweiser The caption: “Bold Select. taste. Clean finish. Expect everything.”

24. Bud Light: Product placement

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial opens with the scene of shooting a commercial for Budweiser beer. A bottle of cleaner unexpectedly appears in the middle of a shot. This makes the producer angry. His assistant explains the reason for that bottle is placed everywhere as the strategy of product placement. The next shots feature the logo of Budweiser and the images of Budweiser bottles in the hall of a castle, where Musketeers fence to rescue an

450 attractive young woman. The final shot features the Musketeer kneeling in front of the lady, a Budweiser truck driving into the hall, and a medieval knight dressed in armor ornamented with the Budweiser logo.

Table 24.1 Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER knighthood → a masculine beverage

Table 24.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Musketeers The sounds PERSON fence in order to of a rescue a lady. swordfight. Target: BEER An oversized Male voice-over: A truck bottle of Bud “Here the sure sign of horn. Light pictured in a good time. Choose the stained glass the right taste of Bud window. A Bud Light. Here we go.” Light neon sign is on top of the mantelpiece. A Bud Light delivery truck. Three bottles of Bud Light in splashing icy water.

25. Miller Lite: Dating

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the image of a young couple dancing, smiling to each other, and hugging to the tunes of romantic music. While dancing, the man confesses his true love as if to the woman. However, nearly at the end of his confession a bottle of

451 Budweiser beer appears in his hand and it becomes clear that his confession relates to the beer and not to the woman. The woman leaves. The final shot features the man with a bottle of Budweiser in his hand inquiring about a date.

Table 25.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER a beloved woman → favorite beer

Table 25.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A young Man: “What can I Romantic PERSON attractive couple say? I’ve got music. dances and hugs. discriminating taste.” Woman: “It’s true.” Man: “I just. I’ve never thought that I would find the one. You know. And I mean, I found ones in the past that I liked but none that I really loved.” Woman: “Until now?” Man: “We are still on for tonight, right?” Target: BEER A glass of beer Man: “Until now” Fast flowing over. (nodding with his rhythmic A bottle of beer. head). “It’s awesome” music (showing a bottle of beer). Male voice-over: “Do you love the taste of your beer this much?” Male voice-over: Well, you could. Credit great pilsner (???) triple hops brewed Miller Lite. Taste greatness.

452 The caption: “Taste greatness.”

26. Bud Light: Drawing board skier

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial starts with the image of a bottle of Bud Light, glasses, and skiing gloves. The next shot shows a ski resort in the mountains. Two young men on the balcony outside of a café and discuss the drinkability of beer. Each man holds a bottle of beer in his hand. One of the men compares Bud Light drinkability with a skilled skier who jumps over a ski jumping ramp that this man draws. Then this character compares other beers with a low skilled skier who cannot avoid trees that he drew and falls. The final scene shows the same men with two bottles of beer for each.

Table 26.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER High professional skills → Drinkability Low professional skills → Undrinkability

Table 26.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Two skiers ski The sounds PERSON down the slope. of skiing Target: BEER A bottle of Bud Man: “See, Bud Light Light. goes down smooth like this guy over here. Other beers go down like this guy.” The caption: “Discussions on drinkability. The letter ‘I’ is

453 substituted for a bottle of Bud Light. The difference is drinkability.” Male voice-over: “The easy drinking taste of Bud Light. The difference is drinkability.”

27. Miller Genuine Draft Beer: Taxi

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with the image of a taxi labeled as the search for “genuine.”

Consecutive shots feature male passengers in cabs who find a cell phone. These shots are synchronized with the voice-over explanation about the search for honesty that Miller

Genuine Draft beer entails. Cell phones are left in cabs until they are returned to the representatives of Miller Genuine Draft Beer. The man who returns a cell phone is defined as honest. The next shot shows a man who returns a cell phone to the representative of Miller Genuine Draft Beer in a bar. This man is announced to be genuine. The final shot includes the image of a bottle of Miller Genuine Draft Beer on a black background.

Table 27.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER honesty → genuine beer

Table 27.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A middle-aged Male voice-over:

454 PERSON man returns a “Miller Genuine Draft cell phone to its is on a search for owner. genuine. Today we left cell phones in the back of the cabs until someone returns them.” Target: BEER A bottle of Male voice-over: Miller Genuine “From that straight Draft. The from the cab taste caption: “Reach reach for genuine.” for genuine.”

28. Beer: Dog

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features three men repairing a car. A little white dog appears on the premises. One of the men starts talking to the dog in a feminine way. At this moment an oversized bottle of Milwaukee’s light beer falls on the man plunging him into the ground.

Table 28.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER masculinity → real taste of light beer femininity → light taste of light beer

Table 28.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Two young Man: “Look at this PERSON men fixing a little dog. Look at car. One young this fluffy little man talking to a doggy. Come here. I dog as to a rub your little belly. woman. Yee.” Male voice over: “A man should act like a man and …”

455 Target: BEER An oversized Male voice over: The sound bottle of “… light beer of Milwaukee’s should taste like dropping a light beer beer.” heavy The caption: object. “Milwaukee’s best light. “

29. Miller Genuine Draft Beer: Dancer

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a yellow robot transforming into a young man dressed in yellow and black while dancing a break dance to techno music. The final shot shows a bottle of

Miller Genuine Draft beer.

Table 29.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER pursuit of perfection → perfect taste a valuable experience → an enjoyable experience

Table 29.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The Male voice-over: Techno- PERSON transformation “Every step you get music. of a dancing better ...” robot into a The caption: male break “Experience is dancer. golden.” Target: BEER A bottle of Male voice-over: Miller Genuine “…like beer cold filtered four times.”

456 30. Bud Light: Fishing

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial opens with two young men fishing in a boat. The bottle of

Budweiser appears from above hanging on a thread. One fisherman grabs it. He immediately disappears being pulled up. The consecutive shots show other people grabbing a Budweiser bottle and being pulled up, e.g., a young woman taking the

Budweiser bait, ignoring a marriage offer from a young man, a young African-American grabs Budweiser waiting to cross a road, a man is pulled across the office, another man is pulled up through a chimney. The final shot features two fish dressed in something that look like diving suits, fishing for people using Budweiser beer as bait and taking pictures with them as if they were fish.

Table 30.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: BEER IS A DESIRED OBJECT,

PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS, and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE.

Source Target A DESIRED OBJECT → BEER lure → desired beer ANIMALS → PEOPLE fish → beer drinkers baiting → grabbing beer ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire) PEOPLE → ANIMALS fishermen → fish

457 Table 30.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

BEER IS A DESIRED OBJECT, PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS, and ANIMALS ARE

PEOPLE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: A Beer used as The caption: “Always DESIRED bait. worth it.” Male voice- OBJECT over: “Always worth it.” Source 2: Fish 1: “I think they ANIMALS are really baiting today, Zoreck.” Fish 2: “Yes, it’s all about the lure.” Fish: “Hey dude, take my picture.” Source 3: Two young men Fishman 1: “They are PEOPLE fishing. really baiting today, Dan. Fishman 2: It’s all about the lure.” Target 1: BEER Many six packs Male voice-over: of Bud Light. “Refreshingly smooth Close up: An Bud Light. oversized bottle of Bud Light and a glass of Bud Light. Target 2: Four young men PEOPLE and a young woman grab Budweiser beer. Target 3: Two fish fishing. ANIMALS

31. Foster's: Fish market

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A journalist makes a report on a special fish market where employees usually throw fish to each other. His report is interrupted by fish thrown at him. After the third fish, he starts fighting with a male employee who threw fish at him. In the middle of their

458 fight, two cans of Foster’s beer is lowered down from above on a thread. The men stop their fight and grab the beer. The final shot features them shaking their hands at the bar, each holding a can of Foster’s.

Table 31.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam: BEER IS A DESIRED OBJECT and

PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS.

Source Target A DESIRED OBJECT → BEER lure → desired beer ANIMALS → PEOPLE fish → beer drinkers baiting → grabbing beer ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire)

Table 31.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

BEER IS A DESIRED OBJECT and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Two men DESIRED stopped fighting OBJECT upon seeing cans of beer. Source: A can of Foster’s ANIMALS beer is let down on a thread. Target 1: BEER Two men, each Foster’s brand name. holding a bottle of beer. Target: PEOPLE Two men, each grabbing a can of beer.

459 32. Budweiser: Clydesdale circus

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows the romantic love story of two Clydesdale horses. The circus moves to another place. The horse, Daisy, a circus actor, is taken away from the horse she it loves. The consecutive shots feature the male horse overcoming travel obstacles, e.g., mountains, rivers, a heavy traffic street, in order to reunite with his beloved. The final shot shows Daisy leaving the stage seeing her beloved approaching the circus. The two horses leave into the night. The image of the Budweiser beer is shown against the background of a nocturnal starry sky.

Table 32.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam: BUDWEISER BEER IS A ROMANTIC

LOVE STORY and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS.

Source Target A ROMANTIC LOVE STORY → BUDWEISER BEER unordinary love relationships → unordinary attitude toward Budweiser beer PEOPLE → ANIMALS romantic lovers → horses romantic love relationships → unordinary relationships among horses

Table 32.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam:

BUDWEISER BEER IS A ROMANTIC LOVE STORY and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A stallion moves The word “love” on A love song Rhythmic ROMANTIC across a valley, a the curtains in the music. LOVE STORY river, a golf field, circus. Romantic runs across a city Man 1: “Daisy, Daisy. music. street, jumps Say goodbye to lover over a canyon. boy. Bye-bye The image of a Romeo.“ heart and on Man 2: “I didn’t know curtains in the that Daisy was

460 circus. dating.” Source: PEOPLE The social practice of loving, kissing, uniting. Target: Budweiser logo. The caption: “The BUDWEISER great American BEER lager.” Target: The ANIMALS horses rub with their muzzles as if kissing each other.

33. Budweiser Beer: Clydesdale team

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the selection of a Budweiser Clydesdale for an annual

“hitch.” The Budweiser hitch driver apologies to the horse Hank for choosing another horse for the hitch. The next shots show Hank being trained by a Dalmatian dog. The horse practices carrying, pulling heavy objects and running. The shot ends by selecting

Hank to be in the Budweiser hitch.

Table 33.1. Metaphorical chain: ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE and BUDWEISER BEER IS

ANIMALS.

Source Target/Source Target PEOPLE → ANIMALS → BUDWEISER BEER a highly qualified being qualified as the great specialist → being qualified for a hitch → American beer

461 Table 33.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphorical chain: ANIMALS ARE

PEOPLE and BUDWEISER BEER IS ANIMALS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: PEOPLE The social . practice of training and coaching. Target/Source: The Clydesdale Man: “The final Sad music ANIMALS horse is trained horse for this year giving rise by a Dalmatian hitch team is Thunder. to triumphal dog. Maybe next year, fast tunes. Hank.” Man: “Welcome on board, Hank.” Target: The caption: “The BUDWEISER great American BEER Lager.”

34. Miller Lite Beer: Lite across America

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial features a live chain constructed by the consumers of Miller Lite beer. The chain is shown going across the territory of the USA, from one coast to another coast, across metropolitan areas, forests, and mountains. The male announcer goes along the chain carrying a bottle of Miller Lite beer as if it were a flag, while commenting on the event. In the final shot, the bottle of Miller Lite is superimposed on a blue flag blown by the wind.

Table 34.1. Metaphor: MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG.

Source Target A NATIONAL FLAG → MILLER LITE uniting people of a nation → uniting beer drinkers into a nation the symbol of a nation → the symbol of the nation of beer drinkers

462 Table 34.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor MILLER LITE IS A

NATIONAL FLAG.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The flag waving The announcer: “Join NATIONAL in the wind. together across this FLAG Primarily young great nation. From people of both coast to coast, over genders, of the hills and prairies. different social Harry, is that you? layers: Across land. United professionals, by great taste through sportsmen, hold green forests. That’s each other’s good air. Major hands in a live metropolitan areas. chain across the Across rivers and USA. streams. Through the mountains. [..] Standing side by side from sea to shining sea.” Target: A bottle of The announcer: “All MILLER LITE Miller Lite on Americans are the background choosing the great of a blue flag Miller Lite. 2.5 waving in the million just the last wind. year. Imagine 2.5 million new Miller Lite drinkers.”

35. Bud: Reception

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with five young men standing next to a gazebo, where Budweiser bottles arranged in a pyramidal configuration similar to a pyramid of glasses into which champagne is poured. One of them wonders how long the wedding procedure will last.

The other man replies that everything has been taken care of. A man in a cowboy hat conducts the wedding procedure quickly, in a way similar to an auction. After the procedure, the guests rush to the gazebo with beer.

463 Table 35.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE.

Source Target A SPECIAL BEVERAGE → BEER champagne → Bud Light Beer

Table 35.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A SPECIAL

BEVERAGE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A wedding The performance of a SPECIAL reception. wedding ceremony. BEVERAGE Arranging bottles in a pyramidal configuration similar to a pyramid of glasses, into which champagne is poured. Target: BEER A pile of ice into Guest 1: “How long is which bottles of this gonna last?” Bud Light are Guest 2: “Oh, we took placed. An care of it. And away oversized bottle we go.” of Bud Light and Guest 1: “How much a glass full of do I owe you?” Bud Light covered with water drops.

36. Bud: Endorsement

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features the shooting of a commercial, in which the main protagonist of the comedy “Semi-Pro,” Jackie Moon, is advertising Bud Light. He is interrupted by the director of the shoot because he uses the vocabulary of wine in his endorsement of beer.

464 Table 36.1. Metaphor: BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE.

Source Target A SPECIAL BEVERAGE → BEER wine → Bud Light Beer

Table 36.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A SPECIAL

BEVERAGE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Jackie Moon: SPECIAL “Magical blend of BEVERAGE barley hops and delicious alcohol.” Shooting man: “It’s not wine.” Jackie Moon:” It makes a perfect Valentine gift for the ladies.” “Refreshes the palate …” Target: BEER Jackie Moon Male voice-over: holds a bottle of “Bud Light keeps it Bud Light. coming.” Close-up: A bottle of Bud light and a glass of beer.

37. Bud: Ability to talk to animals

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the close-up of a bottle of Budweiser beer inclined to the right and being rotated. The next shot shows a young male professional entering a kitchen, where he starts talking to his dog. The dog annoyingly requests sausage repeating the words “sausages, sausages” in a language that the man understands. Then he gets a bottle of Budweiser beer from the fridge. The next shot shows this man talking

465 to a squirrel behind the window who replies to him in a rude way. The spot ends with the image of a bottle of Bud Light and a glass full of beer.

Table 37.1. Metaphor: BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT.

Source Target A MAGIC OBJECT → BUD LIGHT BEER imparting magic powers → imparting endless satisfaction with qualities

Table 37.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BUD LIGHT BEER IS A

MAGIC OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A talking dog The man: “Hey there, MAGIC and a squirrel. boy, how was your OBJECT day?” The dog: “Sausages, sausages, sausages, please, sausages, sausages, sausages, sausage, sausages, sausages, sausages.” The man: “Okay. A good talk.” Male voice-over: “… and now the ability to talk to animals.” Target: BUD A bottle of beer Male voice-over: LIGHT BEER and a glass full “Bud Light is brewed of beer. to give you everything you want in a beer.” The caption: “Keeps it coming.”

38. Bud: Breathe fire

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the close-up of a bottle of Budweiser beer inclined to the right and being rotated. The next shot features a young man and woman having a

466 romantic dinner in a nearly dark room. The man lights candles by breathing fire.

Suddenly a white cat appears. The man starts sneezing, with fire destroying the dinner and burning the cat’s fir. The spot ends with the image of a bottle of Bud Light and a glass full of beer.

Table 38.1. Metaphor: BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT.

Source Target A MAGIC OBJECT → BUD LIGHT BEER imparting magic powers → imparting endless satisfaction with qualities

Table 38.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BUD LIGHT BEER IS A

MAGIC OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The man lights Male voice-over: “… Light music MAGIC candles breathing and now the ability to OBJECT with fire. The breathe fire.” man sneezes with fire. Target: BUD A bottle of beer Male voice-over: LIGHT BEER and a glass full “Bud light is brewed of beer. to give you everything you want in a beer.” The caption: “Keeps it coming.”

39. Budweiser: Mini-mouth

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows people with deformed mouths sipping cocktails through straws in bars and restaurants. Their mouths are deformed to the extent that they can only produce sipping actions. These shots are synchronized with the male voice-over’s narration about a drinking disorder caused by the constant sipping action. Then a young man is shown in

467 a hospital setting being examined by medical experts. The spot ends with the caption

“Drink Bud.”

Table 39.1. Metaphor: BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE.

Source Target MEDICINE → BUDWEISER being sick → sipping cocktails curing a disease → drinking Budweiser

Table 39.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BUDWEISER IS

MEDICINE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Young and Male voice-over: Slow and MEDICINE middle-aged “There is a growing suspenseful male and female epidemic and no one music. individuals have is safe. One out of deformed every four people will mouths. be affected by FFDD or foo foo drink disorder. And it could affect you. FFDD manifests itself in many ways. And today we will be examining the symptom known as mini-mouth syndrome. Scientists have discovered that the continual sipping action on those extremely small foo foo drink straws have devastating consequences.” Target: Male voice-over: “Say BUDWEISER no to foo foo drink sip and have a Bud.” The caption: “Drink Bud.”

468 40. Miller Lite: Beach

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features the Miller Lite Training Academy, where a female drill sergeant trains young attractive women wearing one-piece swimsuits to be lifeguards, or Lite guards in this case. The women are trained to rescue men from making “unmanly choices.”

Table 40.1. Metaphor: MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER.

Source Target A LIFE SAVER → MILLER LITE BEER lifeguard squad → liteguard squad a drowning person → a man consuming light beer a Lifeguard → a woman substituting light beer with lite beer rescuing a drowning person with a life → providing a man with lite beer saver

Table 40.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor MILLER LITE BEER IS A

LIFE SAVER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A LIFE Young attractive The sergeant: “… we Chanting. Energetic SAVER women are train our ladies to music with trained to be rescue men from rhythmic lifeguards making unmanly beats. choices. This summer we’ll be ready. We prepare them physically and mentally.

Target: MILLER The brand label, The sergeant: “Here, LITE BEER bottles of beer, the Miller Lite six-packs of Training Academy beer. …” “We rescue men from drinking light beer with less taste. In

469 doing so, we save their summer.”

470 Appendix C

Ukrainian Vodka Commercials

1. Vodka Miahkov: Facets (Водка Мягков Грани)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The initial shots depict a bottle of Miahkov Vodka being inclined at a certain angle and turning around showing its faceted side that is converted into a staircase, on which a young man runs up. The following shots feature this man in an office, kicking a ball on the soccer field, and sitting on a couch with his male and female friends. The spot ends with the image of an oversized bottle of Miahkov Vodka, next to which the caption

“Новий Магков – грані твоєї душевності.” (New Miahkov – the facets of your soulfulness.) is given.

Table 1.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Source Target A MAN → VODKA soulfulness of a man → vodka

Table 1.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A MAN A young man is The voice- shown as going over: “Наша upstairs, opening цікавість поспішає a window shutter вперед. А мудрість (screen), kicking дарує гармонію. Ми a ball into a goal, вміємо перемагати і sitting with his душевно friends on a відпочивати в couch компаніїї друзів. Наш характер – це безліч різних граней.

471 Але саме в них наша суть.” (Our curiosity rushed forward. And wisdom gives harmony. We can win and rest soulfully in the company of friends. Out character includes many facets. Our essence (core) lies exactly in them.) Target: VODKA A bottle of The voice- Miahkov vodka. over and the caption: “Новий Магков – грані твоєї душевності.” (New Miahkov – the facets of your soulfulness.)

2. Nemiroff: Great Britain (Nemiroff Великобритания)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with shots moving rapidly showing many bottles of Nemiroff vodka. The subsequent shot features a young attractive woman in a hotel lobby coming to the registration desk where an attractive young man, Mr. Nemiroff, is checking in. On the counter one can see his Ukrainian passport and a gift bag with the inscription:

“Nemiroff.” Looking at Mr. Nemiroff, the woman tells the butler that she would like to see him in her suite. The final shot features an oversized bottle of Nemiroff against a black background on which the names of different countries are written in red. The silver caption “Nemiroff обраний світом” (Nemiroff, chosen by the world) is superimposed on the country names.

472 Table 2.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Source Target A MAN → VODKA being attractive → being in demand in different countries ↓ Metonymic reduction Part (a woman) for whole (The Great Britain)

Table 2.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A MAN A young, Woman: “Я б Tango attractive, stylish залюбки зустрілася с music. man, a young, містером Nemiroff у attractive, stylish своїх апартаментах.” woman (I would love to meet Mr. Nemiroff in my suite.” Butler: “Містер Nemiroff, як завжди, має успіх.” (Mr. Nemiroff, as usual, succeeds). The caption: “Great Britain, Nemiroff export.” Target: VODKA The close up: The voice over: many bottles of “Nemiroff став Nemiroff. популярним у 52 країнах світу, серед яких і Великобританія. Nemiroff обраний світом” (Nemiroff has become popular in 52 countries of the world, including Great Britain. Nemiroff, chosen by the world). The caption: “Nemiroff обраний світом” (Nemiroff, chosen by the world).

473 3. Nemiroff: America (Nemiroff Америка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a moving line of Nemiroff vodka bottles that ends with the caption: “Nemiroff. Export.” The next shot features a manager giving instructions to a novice bartender about serving celebrity customers without any reactions on their famous faces. The middle-aged man comes up to the bar counter and asks for Nemiroff vodka.

Then his face is shown in between two lines of Nemiroff vodka. The final shot shows a bottle of Nemiroff vodka against a black background, on which the names of countries are written in red.

Table 3.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Source Target A MAN → VODKA being famous → being popular

Table 3.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A MAN A male celebrity. Manager: “У нас тут чимало зірок. Не реагуй на відомі обличчя. Поважай їхнє приватне життя. Зірки люблять [...]” (We have quite a few stars here. Don’t react to their famous faces. Respect their private life. Stars love […]). Target: VODKA Many bottles of Customer: “Nemiroff” Nemiroff. Bar tender “Будь ласка.” (Welcome). Customer: Дякую. (Thank you). Male voice-over:

474 “Nemiroff став популярним у 52 країнах світу, серед яких і Америка.” (Nemiroff has become popular in 52 countries, including America.)

4. Nemiroff: Nemiroff Night

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A sequence of fast moving shots features modern cities superimposed by the image of an oversized bottle of Nemiroff vodka to fast energetic music. The final shot shows the caption Нове обличчя світової горілки. Ти обрав. Світ підтримав. (The new face of world vodka. You chose it. The world has supported it.) next to the bottle and the globe.

Table 4.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Source Target A MAN → VODKA being modern → being in the world market

Table 4.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A MAN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A MAN The male voice-over: Fast “Світ навколо нас instrumental змінюється. І зараз music. швише ніж будь- коли. Сьогодні і завтра Nemiroff встановлює стандарти, яким слідують інші. Саме тому Nemiroff сучасний зaвжди.

475 Зустрічайте, новий Nemiroff. Нове обличчя.” (The world around us is changing. And now faster than ever. Today and tomorrow Nemiroff has been setting standards that others follow. This is why Nemiroff is always modern. Meet new Nemiroff. ) Target: VODKA An oversized The male voice-over: bottle of “[…] світової Nemiroff at the горілки. Nemiroff. Ти background of a обрав. Світ large modern підтримав.” ([…] city. world vodka. You have chosen it. Nemiroff. The world has supported it.)

5. Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka (Водка Біленька Мажорка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a hybrid image of a bottle with a human face and limbs named Mazhorka vodka. Mazhorka boasts about the expensive jewelry and accessories it has, while complaining about being lonely and unhappy. The next shot features a group of six middle-aged men sitting at the table served with food and vodka and the hybrid image of Bilen’ka vodka who enjoys socializing with the men.

Table 5.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A WOMAN.

Source Target A WOMAN → VODKA female moral qualities → the quality of vodka female appearance → the price of vodka being appreciated → being consumed

476 Table 5.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A WOMAN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Six middle-aged Man 1: “Яка ж ти WOMAN male струнка та модна professionals are стала. Просто клас.” sitting at a table, (How slim and stylish toasting, eating, you have become. It is and having just stunning.) dushevnyi Man 2: “Але як і (soulful) раніше, щира та conversation. чесна.” (But just as before, you are sincere and honest.) Man 3: “За те і поважаємо.” (We respect you for that). Target: VODKA A bottle of Male voice over: Ukrainian Bilen’ka vodka “Біленька. Якість music and Mazhorka вища за ціну. Тепер vodka with в новій формі.” human limbs. (Bilen’ka. The quality is higher than the price. Now in a new form.)

6. Vodka Bilen’ka: Magician (Водка Біленька: Фокусник [Magician])

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a circus trick with a magician sawing an attractive young woman in a box in half. After sawing the box, the magician puts one box labeled as quality on top of another one labeled price. The quality part includes the woman’s upper part of her body. The price part contains her lower half. The next shot shows the magician putting the quality box on top of the price box, combining them into a single box again. The woman appears from the newly constructed box.

477 Table 6.1. Single-source metaphoric amalgam VODKA IS A WOMAN and GOOD IS

DOWN and GOOD IS UP.

Source Target A WOMAN → VODKA female appearance → the quality of vodka UP → GOOD the upper part of a body → the high quality of vodka DOWN → GOOD he lower part of a body → the low price of vodka

Table 3.6.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS A WOMAN and GOOD IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: A A magician Circus WOMAN performs the music trick of cutting a box with an attractive young woman in it in half Source 2: The bottom box DOWN labeled price. Source 3: UP The top box is labeled quality Target 1: A hybrid: a Male voice-over: VODKA bottle of vodka “Біленька with a face and преставляє. Горілка limbs – це зaвжди ціна та якість.” (Bilen’ka presents. Vodka is always quality and price). Male voice-over: “А коли горілка біленька, якість в неї завжди вища за ціну.” (But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, quality is higher than the price.) Target 2: GOOD Male voice-over: “А коли горілка біленька, якість в неї

478 завжди вища за ціну.” (But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than the price.) Target 3: GOOD Male voice-over: “А коли горілка Біленька, якість в неї завжди вища за ціну.” (But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than the price.)

7. Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet (Водка Біленька: Балет)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial features a ballet performance, in which a duet performs “Swan

Lake.” The male dancer wears a blue outfit with the white label “price” on his chest. The ballerina’s dress is white with the blue label “quality” across her breast. The dance ends with the male ballet dancer lifting the ballerina up. The final shot features a bottle of

Bilen’ka Vodka and the caption: “Біленька. Якість вища за ціну.” (Bilen’ka. The quality is higher than price).

Table 7.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam VODKA IS A BALLET DUET and

GOOD IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP.

Source Target A BALLET DUET → VODKA ballerina → quality of vodka male ballet dancer → price of vodka UP → GOOD being up in a duet → the high quality of the vodka DOWN → GOOD being down in a duet → the low price of the vodka

479 Table 7.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS A BALLET DUET and GOOD IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: A A ballet duet: an Music. BALLET DUET attractive young Applause. woman with voluptuous breasts and a young man. The audience. Source 2: The male dancer The label, price, is on DOWN lifts the ballerina the male dancer’s up. chest. Source 3: UP The ballerina is The label, quality, is lifted up across the ballerina’s chest. Target 1: A hybrid: a Male voice-over: VODKA bottle of vodka “Біленька with a face and преставляє. Горілка limbs – це зaвжди ціна та якість.” (Bilen’ka presents. Vodka is always quality and price). Target 2: GOOD Male voice-over: “А коли горілка біленька, якість в неї завжди вища за ціну.” (But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than the price.) Target 3: GOOD Male voice-over: “А коли горілка Біленька, якість в неї завжди вища за ціну.” (But when the vodka is Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than the price.)

480 8. Vodka Bilen’ka: Parade (Водка Біленька Парад)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a military parade, in which soldiers (slices of bread and pickles) march in front of their commander-in-chief (a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka). The commander-in-chief greets his soldiers who reply back. The spot ends with the caption:

“За вітчизну! Рідненькі.” (For the Motherland! My dearest friends!)

Table 8.1. Metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE MILITARY PEOPLE.

Source Target MILITARY PEOPLE → VODKA AND ZAKUSKA a military commander → vodka directing a military parade → directing ritualistic consumption of vodka solders → zakuska ceremonial marching → ritualistic consumption of vodka with zakuska

Table 8.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA

ARE MILITARY PEOPLE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Ceremonial Vodka: “Раз, раз, раз, Military MILITARY marching два, три. Рівняйсь. march PEOPLE Струнко. music Здрастуйте, солдати.” (One, one, one, two, three. Straighten up. Attention! How do you do, soldiers?) Bread and pickles: “Здраем, желаем, товариш генерал.” (How do you do, comrade general?) Male voice-over: “За вітчизну! Рідненькі!” (For the Motherland! My

481 dearest friends!) Target: VODKA A bottle of AND ZAKUSKA Bilen’ka vodka, slices of bread and pickles.

9. Vodka Bilen’ks: Meeting (Водка Біленька: Встреча)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a meeting of four friends (a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka, two pickles, and a slice of bread). The pickle that comes first is concerned about being late.

The next shot shows other “friends” coming. The final shot includes “the friends” and the toast: “За зустріч, Рідненькі!” (To our meeting, my dearest friends!)

Table 9.1. Metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE FRIENDS.

Source Target FRIENDS → VODKA AND ZAKUSKA meeting with friends → consumption of vodka with zakuska

Table 9.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA

ARE FRIENDS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Pickle 1: “Hhh, hhh. FRIENDS Невже спізнився?” (Am I really late?) Pickle 2: “О, привіт.” (Oh, hi.) Pickle 1: “О, а де ж третій?” (Oh, where is the third one?) Pickle 2: “Так, домовлялись поруч з біленькою.” (We have agreed to meet

482 next to Bilen’ka). Bread: “Та, я вже тут.” (I’m already here.) Bilen’ka: Як справи, хлопці? (How are things, guys?) Male voice-over: “За зустріч, Рідненькі!” (To our meeting, my dearest friends!). Target: VODKA A bottle of Bilenka vodka. AND ZAKUSKA Bilen’ka vodka and zakuska.

10. Vodka Bilen’ka: Pickle (Водка Біленька Огурчик)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The first shot features the label on bottle of Billen’ka that grows into a bottle, onto which a pickle jumps. The final shot shows the pickle leaning to the bottle, while sighing endearingly, and the caption: “Біленька … така рідненька.” (Bilen’ka … so dear to me.)

Table 10.1. Metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE LOVERS.

Source Target LOVERS → VODKA AND ZAKUSKA a beloved woman → vodka a loving man → zakuska close relationship between lovers → consumption of vodka with zakuska

Table 10.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA

ARE LOVERS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Leaning on a bottle of Male voice-over: Ohhh LOVERS Bilin’ka as if it were a “Біленька така person. рідненька.” (Bilen’ka … so

483 dear to me.) Target: Bilen’ka vodka and a Bilen’ka vodka. VODKA AND pickle. ZAKUSKA

11. Vodka Uliublena: Salt (Водка Улюблена Соль)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a middle-aged truck driver talking about his family to his young colleague at the end of a workday. The next shot shows the bottle of Uliublena vodka and zakuska set on a table at a picnic. The commercial ends with the image of Uliublena vodka positioned next to the caption “Улюблена, справжньому козаку до смаку.”

(Uliublena, to the taste of every Cossack.) synchronized with Ukrainian folk music.

Table 11.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A FAMILY.

Source Target A FAMILY → VODKA love for your family → love for vodka

Table 11.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A FAMILY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Middle-aged truck FAMILY driver: “До понеділка. Отак і виходить. Прадід сіль возив, дід, батько, а тепер і я.” (See you on Monday. It’s like this. My great grandfather delivered salt, my grandfather too, and now I do too.) Young driver: “Велика родина.”

484 (A big family.) Older driver: “Справжня, козацька. Улюблена.” (A real Cossack [family]. A Favorite). Target: VODKA The image of a Male voice-over: Ukrainian folk bottle of “Улюблена, music Ulyublena справжньому vodka. козаку до смаку.” (Uliublena, to the taste of every Cossack.)

12. Vodka Olimp: Poseidon (Водка Олимп Посейдон)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The shot features a middle-aged man playing billiards. At the moment he is thinking over his next shot, the man is depicted holding his billiard stick vertically while standing next to a triple-branched candelabrum. The fusion of these objects allows the viewer to see the god Poseidon holding his trident.

Table 12.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A GOD.

Source Target A GOD → VODKA perfection of a god → the high quality of vodka

Table 12.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A GOD.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A GOD A man in his 50s Male voice-over: Solemn with a billiard “Боги серед нас.” music. stick positioned (The gods are among as a trident. us.) Target: VODKA The logo of Olimp (the brand Olimp vodka. name).

485 13. Vodka Olimp: Nike (Водка Олимп Ника)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features an attractive young woman riding a motorcycle. When she stops at a red light next to the bus, she takes off his helmet. The next shot shows the bus moving, revealing the view of a statue with wings. The fusion of the statue and the woman with long beautiful hair shows her as the goddess Nike.

Table 13.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A GODDESS.

Source Target A GODDESS → VODKA perfection of goddess → high quality of vodka

Table 13.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A GODDESS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A An attractive young Male voice-over: Solemn GODDESS woman, goddess Nike “Боги серед music нас.” (The gods are among us.) Target: The logo of Olimp Olimp (the brand VODKA vodka. name).

14. Horilochka: Picnic (Горілочка Пикник)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a car with a trailer driving in the countryside to loud joyful music. In the car there is a man and three young women. In the trailer, five young men are shown with three boxes of vodka (25 half-liter bottles each, the total is 9.9 gallons) and ham (a hind quarter) hanging from the ceiling. They stop by a river for a picnic. The final shot shows nine people enjoying vodka with food.

486

Table 14.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS more vodka → better life

Table 14.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Nine people The brand name: DRINKING consume vodka Horilochka VODKA with zakuska.

Target: Smiling, Man 1: “Після Fast, HAPPINESS laughing, and п’ятидесяти життя rhythmic, dancing. тільки починається.” and joyful (Life only starts after music. 50 [grams of vodka].) Man 2: “А у мене після ста.” (For me life starts after 100 grams). The caption: “Там, де весело.” (There [where] it’s fun).

15. Horilochka (Горілочка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial shows a wedding car with the just married couple driving along the road to loud joyful music. A trailer with the brand name of Horilochka vodka written on it is connected to the car. When the car and the trailer stop, three men get off the trailer carrying three boxes of vodka (25 half-liter bottles each, the total is 9.9 gallons).

487 The consecutive shots show bottles of vodka being grabbed fast from the table, toasting glasses of vodka, and dancing people.

Table 15.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS more vodka → a better attitude toward people Table 15.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: People consume The brand name: DRINKING vodka with Horilochka VODKA zakuska. Target: Smiling, Man 1: “А наречена Fast, HAPPINESS laughing, and вродлива.” (And the rhythmic, dancing. bride is pretty). and joyful Man 2: music. “Приваблива.” (Attractive). “До вродливої їй ще грамів двісті.” (She’ll start looking prettier to me after 200 more grams of vodka [four more shots]).

16. Vodka Bilen’ka: Two villages (Водка Біленька Два села)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with an announcer commenting on two wedding reception in two

Ukrainian villages: the village of Сумне (Sad) and Розгуляєвкa (Cutting Loose). The next shot shows two long tables at which people are sitting. In the village of Cutting

Loose, the table is full of Bilen’ka vodka and zakuska. People are shown smiling and

488 singing. In the village of Sad, only expensive Kruten’ka vodka is on the table, but no zakuska. The people at this reception are silent and sad.

Table 16.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS vodka with zakuska → experiencing excitement vodka without zakuska → experiencing sadness

Table 16.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: People sit at the The voice-over: “Там DRINKING tables, eat, toast. щедро накрили VODKA One table has стіл.” (The table is vodka and laid generously). The zakuska. The voice-over: other one does “Біленька. Чесна not. якість. Чесна ціна.” (Bilen’ka. Honest quality. An honest price). Target: Guests laugh. The voice-over: Screaming Joyful, HAPPINESS Accordion and “[…]ще довго “hor’ko” (the energetic violin playing. будуть згадувати це signal for the just music. веселе свято.” ([…] married to kiss they will remember each other.) this joyful holiday for a long time).

17. Vodka Vdala (Водка Вдала)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Two men are shown on a beach sitting next to a coffee table, on which there are two glasses, an ice container, and a bottle of vodka. When one of the men puts ice into the glasses and he is about to pour vodka, a third man appears with a surprised facial

489 expression. The men put ice back into the ice container and join the third man. They drink vodka together by a bonfire, while having zakuska and socializing.

Table 17.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS drinking vodka in the Ukrainian way → experiencing excitement and masculinity

Table 17.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Three middle- Male voice-over: DRINKING aged men “По-нашому, по consume vodka чоловічому.” (In our with zakuska way, in a man’s way). “Торгівельна марка Вдала” (The trade brand Vdala). Target: Dancing, Male voice-over: Fast, joyful HAPPINESS laughing. “Вдалого літа music. мужики.” (A successful summer for you guys).

18. Nemiroff Delikat: A Hotel suite (Nemiroff Delikat: Отельный номер)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a young man coming to private premises. Seeing his wife talking over the phone in the living room through a half-open door, the man undresses completely and jumps in the room with a happy face holding a bouquet in his hand.

Suddenly he sees two more women in the room. The final shot features the main character dressed in a bathrobe and three women drinking Nemiroff Delikat vodka.

490

Table 18.1 Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS drinking soft vodka → handling an embarrassing situation

Table 18.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Three young Male voice-over: Neutral DRINKING women and one “Nemiroff Delikat instrumental VODKA young man sit on […].” music a couch holding glasses of Nemiroff Delikat Vodka in their hands. Target: The image of a The caption: “М’який Fast HAPPINESS man hugging a підхід до Delikatних instrumental woman made of ситуацій” (A smooth music water approach to delicate situations).

19. Nemiroff Delikat: Bar (Nemiroff Delikat Бар)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

In a bar a young man stares flirtatiously at an attractive young woman sitting at a table. She stands up and approaches the man. She appears much taller than he. The man orders Nemiroff vodka.

Table 19.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA.

Source Target DRINKING VODKA → HAPPINESS Drinking soft vodka → Handling an embarrassing situation

491 Table 19.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A man orders a Male voice-over: DRINKING bottle of “Nemiroff Delikat VODKA Nemiroff Delikat […].” Vodka. Target: The image of a The caption: “М’який Fast music. HAPPINESS man hugging a підхід до Delikatних woman made of ситуацій” (A smooth water. approach to delicate situations).

20. Bilen’ka UFO (Біленька НЛО UFO)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with the scene of four middle-aged men sitting at a table in a gazebo. On the table, one can see two bottles of Bilen’ka vodka and generous zakuska.

Suddenly the UFO lands in the garden. Three female aliens join the men. This supernatural event does not distract the men from their activity. Moreover, they treat the aliens as if they were regular people.

Table 20.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT.

Source Target A STRANGE OBJECT → VODKA UFO → Bilen’ka surprise at encountering a UFO → surprise at the combination of the low price and high quality of vodka

Table 20.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A STRANGE

OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic

492 Source: A UFO, 3 female Male voice-over: Crashing STRANGE aliens “Навіть якщо на sounds. OBJECT нашому городі впаде літаюча тарілка, нас це не здивує.” (Even if a UFO falls into our garden, we won’t be surprised). Man: “Ракета. Пальне. Космос.” (Rocket. Fuel. Space). Target: VODKA Two bottles of Male voice-over: Ukrainian Bilen’ka vodka “Адже нас уже music on the table. здивувала Біленька. […] Біленька, якість вища за ціну” (We are already surprised by Bilen’ka. Bilen’ka, the quality is higher than its price).

21. Vodka Bilen’ka: Outerspace (Водка Біленька Космос)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a bottle of Bilen’ka vodka and a pickle in outer space. The pickle contacts Bilen’ka vodka, as if it were a spaceship.

Table 21.1 Metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE SPACESHIPS.

Source Target SPACESHIPS → VODKA AND ZAKUSKA Making contact in outer space → Consuming vodka with zakuska

Table 21.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA AND ZAKUSKA

ARE SPACESHIPS.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The view of the Pickle: “Земля, Outer space SPACESHIPS Earth from outer земля, прийом. Як sounds. space. чуєш мене? Бачу

493 НЛО. Та ні, це вона наша. Біленька” (Earth, Earth, Can you hear me? I see a UFO. Oh no, it’s one of ours, it’s Bilen’ka). Male voice-over: “Є контакт, Рідненькі!” (We have contact, my dearest friends!) Target: VODKA A bottle of The brand name: AND ZAKUSKA Bilen’ka and a Bilen’ka vodka. pickle.

22. Tselsii: Samurai Sword (Цельсий Самурайский меч)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with fast moving shots of a bottle in a temple. The next sets of shots feature a small Japanese temple with blossoming trees and a Samurai sword inside of it. The commercial ends with the close-up image of Tselsii Vanilla vodka.

Table 22.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT.

Source Target A UNIQUE OBJECT → VODKA uniqueness of a Samurai sword → the unique taste of vodka

Table 22.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE

OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A Samurai The chime UNIQUE sword in a of a bell. OBJECT temple. Target: VODKA A Bottle of The caption: Tselsii. “Цельсій. Ваніль. Інший” (Tselsii. Vanilla. Different).

494 23. Vodka Olimp: New Olimpus (Водка Олимп Новый Олимп)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The alternating shots feature a group of designers designing a new bottle for

Olimp vodka, the distillery producing vodka and a group of builders designing and constructing an immense soccer stadium. The commercial ends with the builders sitting at a table, on which there is a bottle of Olimp vodka and zakuska, while watching a soccer game that is taking place in the newly constructed stadium.

Table 23.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT.

Source Target A UNIQUE OBJECT → VODKA a unique stadium → a new-quality vodka designing a unique stadium → designing a bottle constructing a unique stadium → producing a new quality vodka

Table 23.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A UNIQUE

OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Stadium Male voice-over: “І Solemn and UNIQUE designers and ви, щоб збудувати triumphal OBJECT builders, унікальний стадіон, music. designing and працювали день і constructing a ніч. […] і ви stadium. піднялись на вершину успіху.” (And you, to construct a unique stadium have been working day and night. […] and you have achieved the pinnacle of success). Target: VODKA Vodka Male voice-over: “Усі Solemn and designers, досягнення мають triumphal designing a спільні риси. Щоб music. bottle, producing створити якісно

495 vodka. Builders новий олімп, ми sit at a table and доклали максимум consume vodka зусиль. Ми досягли with zakuska високої мети [...]. (olives, Ми створили якісно vegetables). новий Oлімп для тих, хто знає смак справжніх досягнень. Якісно новий олімп” (All achievements have common features. To create a qualitatively new Olimp we put in maximum efforts. We have achieved a high goal […]. We have created a qualitatively new Olimp for those who know the taste of real achievements).

24. Vodka Olimp: The pinnacle of quality (Водка Олимп Вершина качества)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The consecutive shots feature the Eiffel Tower, Big Ben, the Statue of Liberty, and an oversized bottle of Olimp vodka; these are all synchronized with the voice-over’s comments about their symbolic meaning.

Table 24.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam VODKA IS A SYMBOLIC OBJECT and GOOD IS UP.

Source Target A SYMBOLIC OBJECT → VODKA symbolic cultural artifacts → Olimp vodka symbolizing social values → symbolizing the quality of vodka UP → GOOD high constructions → high quality of Olimp vodka

496 Table 24.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT and GOOD IS UP.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: A The Eiffel Tower, Big Male voice-over: “Як UNIQUE Ben, the Statue of Ейфелева вежа є OBJECT Liberty. єталоном вишуканості, Біг Бен – символом стабільності, а статуя свободи – незалежності” (As the Eiffel Tower is the benchmark of refinement, Big Ben is a symbol of stability, and the Statue of Liberty is the symbol of independence […]). Source2: UP High constructions Male voice-over: “[…] вершина якості української горілки.” ([…] the pinnacle of quality). Target 1: An oversized Male voice-over: “[…] Solemn VODKA bottle of Olimp так і Олімп є music. безперечним взірцем бездоганної прозорості, смаку і нового дизайну української горілки. Олімп – вершина якості української горілки” ([…] so Olimp is the indisputable model for perfect transparency, taste, and a new design for Ukrainian vodka). Target 2: Male voice-over: “[…]є GOOD безперечним взірцем бездоганної прозорості, смаку і нового дизайну […]” (the indisputable model for perfect transparency, taste, and

497 a new design […]).

25. Vodka Blahov: Gold diggers gold rush (Водка Благов Золотоискатели Goldrush)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features two jeeps driving across an open area. They stop by a mountain river. Three men get out of the jeeps and prepare everything for camping out. One of the protagonists puts a bottle of Blagov vodka into the river where he finds a nugget of gold.

The men sit around a bonfire and toast with their glasses of vodka. The final shot shows the bottle of Blagov vodka in the river next to a huge nugget of gold.

Table 25.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT and

MALE FRIENDSHIP IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT.

Source Target A PRECIOUS OBJECT → VODKA desiring a precious object → desiring vodka ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) stands for an emotional state (desire) A PRECIOUS OBJECT → MALE FRIENDSHIP a material value → a moral male value enjoying material values → enjoying vodka with friends

Table 25.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT and MALE FRIENDSHIP IS A PRECIOUS.

OBJECT

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1and 2: A The nuggets of Male voice- PRECIOUS gold in the river. over: “Там OBJECT знаходиться

498 справжнє золото […]” (There is real gold there). “[…] важливі тільки реальні цінності.” ([…] only real values are important). Target 1: The image of the Male voice-over: VODKA bottle of Blahov “Новий Благов. Vodka is located Варто переконатись. in a river by a Справжня чоловіча large nugget of горілка.” (New gold. Blahov. It is worth it to be convinced. A real man’s vodka). Target 2: MALE Four men shake Male voice-over: FRIENDSHIP hands, sit around “Подорож до іншого a bonfire, toast краю. Там, де країна with glasses of справжніх чоловіків vodka. […]”(A trip to a different land. Where the land of real men is). “[…] справжня чоловіча дружба, тому що бути чоловіком і другом – це сила, надійна сила, що єднає тебе, дає нове життя, життя по-новому, по-справжньому, по- чоловічому.” ([…] real men’s friendship. Because to be a man and a friend is strength. Reliable strength that unites you, gives a new life, a real [life], a man’s [life]).

499 26. Vodka Uliublena: Plumber (Водка Улюблена Сантехник)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a Cossack-looking plumber showing a repaired bathtub to his client (a middle-age woman). Satisfied with his job, the client praises it and offers him lunch. The plumber explains that this is his favorite job. The next shot shows both the plumber and the client sitting at the table while enjoying Uliublena Vodka with zakuska.

The spot ends with the image of a bottle of Uliublena vodka and the caption: “Улюблена,

козаку до смаку.” (Uliublena, to a Cossack’s taste).

Table 26.1. Metaphor DRINKING VODKA IS A FAVORITE ACTIVITY.

Source Target A FAVORITE ACTIVITY → DRINKING VODKA enjoying your favorite job → enjoying your favorite vodka

Table 26.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DRINKING VODKA IS A

FAVORITE ACTIVITY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A plumber (a Plumber: “Приймай FAVORITE middle-aged басейн, xазяйка.” ACTIVITY man) shows the (Check the pool, outcome of his Ma’am) work ho his Client: “Яка робота!” client (a middle- (What a good job!) aged women). Plumber: “Так моя ж улюблена.” (It’s my favorite [job]). Target: A bottle of Male voice-over: Ukrainian DRINKING Uliublena vodka. “Улюблена, national VODKA cправжньому козаку music до смаку.” (Favorite, to a true Cossack’s taste!)

500 27. Vodka Baika: Cossacks non-Christians (Водка Байка Козаки Бусурмани)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The animated spot features a fish story about Cossacks’ defense of Ukraine from invaders defined as non-Christians. After the group of six Cossacks defeats the enemy, the enemy attempts to conquer the Cossacks by poisoning them with vodka with horseradish. The non-Christians lay a table with vodka saturated with horseradish and a great amount of zakuska. The Cossacks consume this vodka with zakuska, while the non-

Christians abstain from drinking. After consuming the vodka, the Cossacks exhale fire and burn the enemy. The final shot features a bottle of Baika vodka and the caption:

“Отака байка. Байка гострохрінова. Чув?” (That is a baika (a fish story). Horseradish

Baika. Have you heard it?)

Table 27.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A FISH STORY.

Source Target A FISH STORY → VODKA enemy → non-consumers of vodka enjoying a fish story about destroying an enemy → consuming spicy (sharp) vodka with zakuska

Table 27.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A FISH STORY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A FISH Male voice-over: STORY “Отака байка. Байка гострохрінова. Чув?” (Horseradish Baika. Have you heard it?) Target: VODKA Consuming Male voice-over: Sounds of Baika Vodka “Пішли бусурмани punching, with zakuska. на нас війною. Але hitting козаки є козаки. Здалися бусурмани.

501 Викинули білий прапор, накрили поляну і про хитрощі не забули. У горілку хрін кинули, щоб, значить, отруїти козаків. Сіли за стіл. Бусурмани поналивали, а самі не п’ють, бояться. А козаки раз і все випили. Більше бусурманів у нас не бачили. A козакам до смаку припала гостра горілка з хріном.” (Non- Christians (originated from the Persian word: muslim n (мн.) i.e., Muslims) started a war against us. But Cossacks are Cossacks. The non- Christians (Muslims) surrendered. Showed a white flag, set a table but did not forget about their tricks. They put horse radish into the vodka to poison the Cossacks. They sat at the table. The non- Christians (Muslims) poured [vodka into their glasses] but they were not drinking it, they were afraid. But the Cossacks gulped down [their glasses of vodka]. Since then no oney saw the non- Christians (Muslims) at our place. And the Cossacks have developed a taste for spicy vodka with

502 horse radish. That is a Baika (a fish story).

28. Vodka Baika: Cossacks Moscow (Водка Байка Козаки Москва)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The animated shot features three Cossacks competing with three Oprichniks in drinking vodka under the table. The fifth bucket makes neither the Cossacks nor

Oprichniks intoxicated. One of the Cossacks decides to put some cracklings into the vodka. This makes the Oprichniks intoxicated immediately. The final shot features a bottle of Baika vodka and the caption: “Отака байка. Байка шкваркова. Чув?” (That is a Baika (a fish story). Cracklings Baika. Have you heard it?)

Table 28.1. Metaphor VODKA IS A FISH STORY.

Source Target A FISH STORY → VODKA enjoying a fish story about winning a → consuming vodka with zakuska competition

Table 28.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A FISH STORY.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A FISH The caption: “Отака STORY байка. Байка шкваркова. Чув?” (That is a Baika (a fish story. Cracklings Baika. Have you heard it?) Target: VODKA A bottle of Baika Male voice-over: Vodka. “Пішли до опричників царських і стали з ними по- культурному, по- масковськи

503 соревноватися, хто більше вип’є. Перше відерце, третє, п’яте, а опричники досі тверезі. Тут один козак виняв із-за пазухи шкварки і кинув їх у горілку. Опричники після цього зразу п’яні стали, а козакам до смаку прийшлася горілка з шкварками” (They went to the tsar’s Oprichniks and began to compete with them to see who can drink more in a civilized, Moscow way. The first bucket, the third, the fifth, but the Oprichniks are still sober. Then, one of the Cossacks took pieces of cracklings out from under his shirt and threw them into the bucket of vodka. After that the Oprichniks got drunk immediately, but the Cossacks liked vodka with cracklings).

29. Vodka Baika: Cossacks tavern (Водка Байка Козаки Шинка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The animated story features a story about three Cossacks visiting a tavern, where they are served foreign distilled vodka. After consuming it, they beat the owner of the tavern for serving the wrong vodka. The next shot shows the Cossacks being served

Ukrainian vodka and a great amount of zakuska. The Cossacks consume vodka with

504 zakuska while flirting with the woman who serves them. The final shot features a bottle of Baika vodka and the caption: “Отака байка. Байка абсолютна. Чув?” (That is a

Baika (a fish story). An absolute Baika. Have you heard it?)

Table 29.1. Metaphorical chain VODKA IS A FISH STORY and HAPPINESS IS

VODKA.

Source Target/Source Target A FISH STORY → VODKA → HAPPINESS an absolute fish story → Ukrainian Absolute Baika Ukrainian happiness Vodka → telling an absolute fish consuming Baika Ukrainian experiencing Ukrainian story → Absolute Vodka → happiness

Table 29.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphorical chain VODKA IS A FISH

STORY and HAPPINESS IS VODKA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A FISH The caption: “Отака STORY байка. Байка абсолютна. Чув?” (That is a Baika (a thin story. An absolute Baika. Have you heard it?) Target/Source: A bottle of Baika Male voice-over: VODKA Vodka. Absolute “Замовили горілку. Baika. А їм принесли якусь водку диждотну дистильовану. Козаки понюхали її та випили. Що далі було?!” (They ordered vodka. But they were brought some digot distilled vodka. The Cossacks smelled and drank it. What happened next?!)

505 “А не треба продавати якийсь шмурдяк. Три дня ключниця горілкою абсолютною поїла козаків, а козакам до смаку прийшлася абсолютна горілка.” (One should not sell some shmurdiak (low quality vodka). The female servant was giving the Cossacks absolute vodka for three days and the Cossacks liked the taste of it). Target: The tavern owner Male voice-over: “Як Crashing HAPPINESS is thrown out of той шинкар sounds the tavern and вижив?!” (How did then pulled in. the tavern owner survive?!)

30. Vodka Leader (Bодка Bожак)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The commercial starts with a panoramic view of a forest. The next shot features a wolf carrying her cubs to a safe place. In two final shots, one can see an adult wolf watching its territory standing on a high cliff and the glowing bottle of Vozhak vodka against a black background.

Table 30.1. Metaphor VODKA IS AN ANIMAL.

Source Target AN ANIMAL → VODKA the leader of a wolf pack → the leader in a vodka market

Table 30.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS AN ANIMAL.

506

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN A wolf and her The caption “Вожак. ANIMAL cubs. Тримай свою територию” (Leader. Hold on to your territory). Target: VODKA A glowing bottle The brand name. of Vozhak vodka.

31. Vodka “Prime”: Restaurant (Водка “Prime”: Ресторан)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A middle-aged professional attempts to choose the most suitable tie among the ties he has, the best car at a car dealer’s, and a woman from three young attractive women sitting with him at a table in a restaurant. When a server asks what vodka the protagonist would like to order, he promptly chooses Prime vodka without hesitation.

Table 31.1. Metaphor VODKA IS THE MOST SUITABLE OBJECT.

Source Target THE MOST SUITABLE OBJECT → VODKA choosing the most suitable object → Choosing Prime vodka

Table 31.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor VODKA IS A SUITABLE

OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A middle-aged Male voice-over: Slow music SUITABLE professional “Яку ж краватку OBJECT looks at ties, обрати? Сіру, чи cars, and girls. може темно-синю? Хм. Яку машину обрати? Велику та потужну, чи більш економічну? Яку дівчину обрати? Ольга – дуже

507 витончена. А Ирина – яскрава та весела.” (What tie to choose? Gray or dark blue? Hmm. What car to choose? A large, powerful, or economical one? What woman to choose? Olha is very refined. But Iryna is conspicuous and joyful). Target: VODKA The waiter brings Male voice-over: a bottle of Rime “Горілку, будь ласка. vodka. Яку бажаєте? Prime. Кращий вибір зробити легко. Prime означає кращий.” (Vodka, please. Which would you like? Prime. It’s easy to make the best choice. Prime means the best).

508 Appendix D

Russian Beer Commercials

1. Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie: Life acquires a taste (Золотая Бочка Разливное: Жизнь обретает вкус)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The shot starts with a scene on a beach visualizing three chaise-lounges around a table, on which there are three dimpled mugs and a tape recorder. The cooler full of

Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie beer is set next to the table. In the subsequent shots, two bottles of Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie beer is picked up from the cooler to relaxing music, poured into the dimpled mugs, and a toast ensues. The next shot features a raft, on which a beach scene takes place, with the raft moving down a river in the direction of a bright sunset. The shot ends with the image of a bottle of Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie beer and two dimpled mugs, next to which is the caption: “Еще один повод чаще

встречаться” (One more reason for meeting more often).

Table 1.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer with friends → enjoying a meaningful life ↓ Metonymic reductions: Actions (pouring beer into glasses, toasting) for agents (male individuals) and objects (chaise- lounges) for agents (male individuals)

509 Table 1.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Three coasters Male voice-over: DRINKING with the brand “Пиво свежее, BEER name of Zolotaia хмелевое, полнота Bochka вкуса, уникальный Razlivnoie beer. купаж нескольких A cooler with 15 сортов солода. bottles of beer. Золотая Бочка Toasting with Разливное и друзья. dimpled mugs of Новое Золотая Бочка beer. Разливное.” (The beer is fresher, made of hops and the unique blending of several kinds of malt. Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie beer and friends. New Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie beer). Target: Relaxing on a Male voice-over: “В HAPPINESS raft. любые времена можно наслаждаться жизнью, когда рядом друзья […].”(At any times you can enjoy life, when friends and new Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie are near). Male voice-over: “Жизнь обретает вкус.” (Life acquires taste). “Еще один повод чаще встречаться.” (One more reason for meeting more often).

510 2. Baltika №3 – A Classics (Балтика №3 – Классика)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The sequence of shots features a moving train, a car, and a construction elevator.

In each vehicle, a phone calls, to which male voices reply agreeing to meet with an old friend who unexpectedly arrives. The next sets of shots visualize leaving the work place, changing a route, and arriving by taxi to a beer bar. The final shots show three glasses of beer and a bottle of Baltika №3 beer, next to which is the caption, “Классика каждой

нашей встречи” (A classic of each our meetings).

Table 2.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer with friends → enjoying mutual understanding ↓ Metonymic reduction Belongings (a bag, a phone, gloves) for an owner Controlled (a car) for a controller (a driver) Action (speaking over a phone) for agents (male individuals

Table 2.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING

BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Three glasses of Male voice-over: “И DRINKING beer and a bottle встречаясь за BEER of Baltika № 3. бокалом классического пива Балтика № 3.” (And to meet to have a glass of classic Baltika № 3). Target: Man 1: “Привет, HAPPINESS гостей не ждете?”

511 (Hi, are you waiting for visitors?) Man 2: “О, понял, заканчиваю работу. Считай все в сборе.” (Oh, I got it, I’m leaving work. Count everybody in the group). “Серега, угадай, кто приезжает?” (Seryoga, guess who’s coming?) Man 3: “О, уже лечy. Без меня не начинать.” (Oh, I’m already outta here. Don’t start without me). Male voice-over: “Мы в России понимаем друг друга с полуслова.” (In Russia, we understand each other at half a word). Male voice-over: “[…] мы понимаем, что наше общение больше, чем просто слова. понимаем друг друга с полуслова.” ([…] we understand that our communication is more than words). The caption: “Классика каждой нашей встречи.” (Baltika №3. A classic of each our meetings)

512 3. Klinskoye: Strength in communion (Клинское: Сила в общении)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with the panorama of a large industrial city on a gray cloudy day followed by rapid sequential shots showing a small green train going up to the top of a mountain on a bright sunny day. Suddenly the train is pulled down by a large heavy weight with two stickers: one says “a hard job” and the other “the boss is a beast.” The next shot shows three bottles being taken from the cooler in the train and opened. Beer flows up like a fountain from the bottles. After three glasses of Klinskoye beer are raised in a toast, the weight explodes, letting the train proceed up to the top of the mountain.

The spot ends with the scene of a picnic on a mountain illuminated by bright rays of sun.

One can see four bottles of beer raised in a toast, four chaise lounges set in a circle, and a cooler full of beer in ice.

Table 3.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer with friends in difficult situations → overcoming life impediments ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (riding a train, opening bottles, toasting) for agent (male individuals)

Table 3.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Eight bottles of Male voice-over: DRINKING Klinskoie beer in “Для начала BEER the cooler. Клинское открыть. Opening bottles, Ведь Клинское – это toasting. отличный вкус,

513 натуральный, свежий и чистый.” (To start open the Klinskoye. Klinskoye beer has an excellent, natural, fresh, and pure taste). “Клинское светлое – сила в общении.” (Klinskoye – strength in communion). The caption: “Клинское – сила в общении.” Klinskoye – strength in communion). Target: The train goes up Male voice-over: Stretching HAPPINESS the mountain. It “Собрались с string is stopped by a друзьями провести sounds give weight with two пикник на высоте. rise to stickers: “a hard Природа, горы, joyful fast job” and “the пиво. Едем на легке. sounds of boss is a beast.” Но Паша загрузил. music. The Как же быть?” sounds of (We’ve decided to explosion. have a picnic with The friends on the top of a exclamation mountain. Nature, of mountains, beer. excitement. We’re traveling light. But Pasha’s given us a load). “С друзьями легче по жизни движение.” (It’s easier to move in life with friends).

4. Tolstiak: Day of a Radio Amateur (Толстяк: День радиолюбителя)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The protagonist narrates about his friend Lyonya, a radio amateur, and the decision to congratulated him on the Day of a Radio Amateur is synchronized with images of a typical Russian residential building, the a radio amateur’s room, and radio

514 equipment. The next shots displays a scene in the courtyard of the building: a table with a newspaper, dominoes, a two-liter bottle of Tolstiak beer poured into three dimpled mugs, toasting, and a huge satellite dish on the roof, a gift from friends. The final shot displays the scene of having beer in Lyonya’s room and talking to aliens. These events are accompanied by joyful music and male laughter.

Table 4.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS sharing beer with friends → helping friends ↓ ↓ Metonymic reduction Metonymic reduction Objects (a radio set, checkers) for agents (male Action (laughing) for an agent (male individuals) and actions (pouring beer into individuals) glasses, toasting) for agents (male individuals)

Table 4.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS

DRINKING BEER

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: An oversized Male voice-over: DRINKING bottle of beer. “Толстяк – это по- BEER Pouring beer into взрослому, dimpled mugs мужики!” (Tosltiak – and toasting with this is the grown-up them. way, guys!) Target: Giving a satellite Male voice-over: “И Joyful HAPPINESS dish as a gift. появилась идея – music поздравить нашего друга с Днем радиолюбителя. Hад идеей работали обстоятельно.” (And an idea to congratulate a friend on Day of the Amateur Radio Operator came. We worked on this idea

515 thoroughly). Aliens: “Земляне.” (Earthmen). Man: “Земляне – это мы ж мужики.” (Earthmen – these are us guys).

5. Carlsberg: SOS

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Two helicopters are shown flying approaching an island announcing seeing shipwreck survivors and the beginning of a rescue mission. The dramatic music gives rise to joyful music synchronized with the images of a cooler full of Carlsberg beer, a tent, stools, and soccer gates descended upon by rescue squad helicopters.

Table 5.1 Metaphor: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS providing beer → rescuing the stranded ↓ Metonymic reduction Aftermath of an event (shipwreck) for the stranded.

Table 5.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A cooler full of The caption: DRINKING Carlsberg beer. “Carlsberg. Пожалуй BEER лучшее пиво в мире.” (Carlsberg. I’d say it is the best beer in the world). Target: A bar counter Dramatic HAPPINESS under a tent, a and tense soccer field, a music gives

516 yacht, and a hut. rise to joyful and relaxing music.

6. Beer: A young woman has gained weight (Beer: Девушка набрала вес

Phenomenological description of the commercial)

The scene of a beach is shown from the inside of a stylish beach house synchronized the male protagonist’s narration about extra weight gained by his girlfriend in a dramatic voice to slow heavy beats of music. The next shot features two glasses of

Foster’s beer toasting and transforming into the beach. The final comments of the protagonist: “Вес отложился в правильных местах” (The weight has been gained in the right places) coincides with a bra shown being hung on a bamboo fence in a changing area. The spot ends with a bottle of Foster’s and the caption: “Закон Foster’s. Лови

позитив” (Foster’s Law. Catch the positive) to rapid, energetic and joyful music.

Table 6.1 Metaphor: HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer → acquiring a positive attitude toward life ↓ problems Metonymic reduction Action (toasting) for agent (male and female individuals)

Table 6.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Toasting with The caption: DRINKING two bottles of “Foster’s. Лови BEER Foster’s beer позитиf.” (Foster’s Law. Catch the

517 positive). Target: The image of a Male voice-over: Sad musical HAPPINESS red bra, a beach “Твоя девушка tunes give on a sunny day. прибавила в весе. rise to Закон жизни. Вес joyful fast отложился в musical правильных местах beats. (a bra is shown)[..] Лови потив.” (Your girl friend has gained extra weight. Life’s law. The weight has been gained in the right places).

7. Three Medvedia: Strap (Три медведя: Лямка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a picnic on a riverbank near the forest. The actions of picking up bottles of Tri Medvedia from the river water, turning skewers with shish-kebobs placed over a fire, throwing female clothing items and a pair of sunglasses on a rag, hanging tops of bathing suits on the armrests of chaise lounges are synchronized with the conversation of men discussing a fabulous life.

Table 7.1. Metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER.

Source Target DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS drinking beer with women → enjoying a fabulous life ↓ ↓ Metonymic reduction Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing bottles, pouring beer into Action (laughing) for agent (male individuals) glasses) for agent (male individuals) and object (bathing suits) for (women)

518 Table 7.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor HAPPINESS IS DRINKING.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: Three bottle of Man 2: [..] DRINKING Tri Medvedia “Шашлычок, BEER beer in the river. Mедведи холодненькие.” (Shish-kebobs, cold Medvedi). Male voice-over: “Пиво Три медведя – сказка для взрослых.” (Tri Medvedia beer is a fairy tale for adults). Target: Having a picnic Man 1: “Эх, хорошо Laughing HAPPINESS on the bank of a у нас в лесу. “(Well, river on a sunny it is so nice in the day. forest). Man 2: “Прям сказка.” (It’s just a fairy tale). Woman: “А солнышко какое! Лучше любого солярия. Миш, лямочку мне на спине опусти, а то от нее полоска останется.” (And the sun is better than any solarium). Man 1: “Да, мужики, такую лямку я тянуть согласен.” Yes, guys, I agree to pull such a strap). The caption: “[…] сказка для взрослых.” (a fairy tale for adults).

519 8. Beer: Samara – add some sun (Beer: Самара - Добавь солнца)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens up by showing three cars moving on a highway against the background of a gloomy industrial city on an overcast day. The farther the cars move away from the city, the brighter it becomes. When the cars arrive at a dacha located on a riverbank, the sun shines brightly and rapid, rhythmic music gives rise to slow, relaxing tunes. A series of shots displays a trunk full of bottles of Samara beer and a soccer ball, three fishing lines thrown into a river as if someone is fishing, many skewers of shish- kebobs on the grill, a rolling soccer ball, a net sack of three bottles of Samara beer lifted from the river, and a table covered with food. Two final shots display toasting three dimpled mugs with beer and a bottle of Samara beer and a dimpled mug of beer set on the grass against the background of a sunset superimposed with the caption: “Довавь

солнца!” (Add some sun!)

Table 8.1. Double source metaphoric amalgam HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and

HAPPINESS IS THE SUN.

Source Target Source DRINKING BEER → HAPPINESS ← THE SUN unavailability of beer → a neutral emotional state of beer ← an overcast day drinkers availability of beer → a happy emotional state of beer ← a sunny day drinkers ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (driving, fishing, toasting) for agent (male individuals)

520 Table 8.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and HAPPINESS IS THE SUN.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A trunk full of Male voice-over: “А DRINKING beer. Pouring куда ж без нашей BEER beer into dimpled Самары? Пиво-то mugs. Toasting свое, родное. with the dimpled Самара.” (Where to mugs full of go without our beer. Samara? This is our native beer. Samara.) Source: THE The sun shines. Male voice-over: SUN “Довавь солнца!” (Add some sun!) Target: Driving to a Male voice-over: Fast, HAPPINESS dacha, fishing, “После трудовой energetic playing soccer, недели лучше всего music gives sitting at the на природу. В этом rise to table. деле главное joyful, времени не терять, relaxing да основательно tunes. подготовиться. Тогда и отдых в радость.” (After a working week it is great to go a picnic. In this endeavor, the main thing is not to lose time and to suitably get prepared. Therefore, relaxation becomes joyful).

9. Beer: Zolotistoe (Beer: Золотистое)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a set of slow moving shots displaying the front page title of a newspaper article relating to Siberian Crown Golden Yellow beer, a pince-nez laid out on a book, a watch, and a bottle of beer on a table accompanied by slow rhythmic and playful music, the beats of which are synchronized with sunbeams jumping on the

521 various objects. The scene takes place in a stylish premise. Meanwhile one can hear a male voice enquiring about Siberian Crown Golden Yellow beer overlapped with another male voice calling men by their names and patronymic with the inviting intonation, laughter, and interaction of a group of people. The final shot displays three glasses of beer and a bottle, on top of which the brightly shining sun is set as if a crown. The caption: “Там, где живет солнце” (There, where the sun lives) is given next to this image.

Table 9.1. Metaphoric chain BEER IS THE SUN and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Source Target/Source Target THE SUN → BEER → HAPPINESS playing with golden sun drinking golden beer with rays → friends → enjoying life ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (pouring beer into a glass) for agent (male individuals). Objects (a book, a newspaper, a pince-nez, a watch) for agents.

Table 9.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain BEER IS THE SUN and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: THE Bright sunbeams Male voice-over: SUN playing on “Если солнце different objects. предлагает игру поддайтесь соблазну.” (If the sun offers to play a game, yield to temptation). The caption: “Там, где живет солнце.” (There, where the sun lives).

522 Target/Source: Pouring beer Male voice-over: DRINKING into a glass. “Легкий игристый BEER вкус пива Сибирская корона Золотистое просто создан для ярких солнечных дней. Сибирская корона Золотистое.” (The light playful taste of “Siberian Crown Golden Yellow” beer has just been created for bright sunny days) Man 1: “Господа, слышали про новое пиво, Сибирская корона Золотистое?” (Gentlemen, have you heard of “Siberian Crown Golden Yellow”?) Man 3: “Павел Андреевич, Петр Петрович.” (Pavel Andreyevich, Piotr Petrovich). Target: A stylish large Male voice-over: Laughing HAPPINESS house. “Радуйтесь жизни.” (Enjoy life). Man 2: Хорошо-то как! (It’s so good).

10. Don: The South is there, where Don Is (Дон: Юг там, где “Дон”)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The sequence of shots features a Northern landscape of the White Sea transformed into a Southern landscape of the Black Sea and a hut on a snowy shore converted into a beautiful mansion on a picturesque embankment with the appearance of a bottle of Don beer. These shots are synchronized with slow music that gives rise to energetic and joyful tunes. The final shots feature opening a bottle, pouring beer into

523 glasses, and a table set with three glasses of beer, a beer bottle, shish-kebobs, and vegetables.

Table 10.1. Double source metaphoric amalgam AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS DON

BEER and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A PLACE.

Source Target Source A PLACE → AN EMOTIONAL STATE ← DON BEER North → a neutral emotional state ← absence of Don beer ↓ Metonymic reduction An agent (people) for action (socializing) South → A happy emotional state ← presence of Don beer ↓ Metonymic reduction An object (food and beverage) for action (treat with food and beverages, soulful conversation)

Table 10.2. The multimodal manifestation of the double source metaphoric amalgam AN

EMOTIONAL STATE IS DON BEER and AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A PLACE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The view of a Male voice-over: PLACE hut on a shore “Если бы Дон covered with оказался на севере, snow is replaced то север немедленно with views a стал бы югом. Белое panorama of the море стало бы Crimean shore. Черным, […]” (If the Don had appeared in the North, the North would become the South. The White Sea would become the Black Sea, […]) Source: DON An oversized The caption: “Юг BEER bottle of Don там, где Дон! “(The

524 beer South is there, where the Don River is!) Target: AN The table served Male voice-over: Slo EMOTIONAL for three people. “безлюдный берег “ w music STATE (a shore empty of gives rise to people) energetic Male voice-over: “И and joyful тогда в душевной tunes. компании я угостил бы тебя прохладным, освжеющим пивом Дон, фирменным пивом юга.” (And then in a soulful company I would treat you to chilled, refreshing Don beer, the trademark beer of the South).

11. Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor just beer (Балтика 3: Это не просто море и не только пиво)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts by featuring three young men sitting at a table playing with the model of a yacht. In the next close-up shot, beer poured into a glass is transformed into a wave on the sea, in which a stylish yacht moves quickly. The protagonists are shown steering the yacht together. This scene is synchronized with fast, joyful music and the voice-over comment about Baltika 3 beer. In the final shot, one can see the protagonists sitting at the table enjoying beer and conversing.

Table 11.1. Metaphoric chain BEER IS A PERSON and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Source Target/Source Target A PERSON → BEER → HAPPINESS strong men → beer for real friends → enjoyment of life

525 Table 11.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain BEER IS A PERSON and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Three young Male voice-over: Fast and PERSON men are shown “Это дух свободы, joyful sitting at a table, сильный характер, energetic sailing on a крепкая дружба и music. yacht. One man готовность прийти gives a hand to на помощь. […] . another man. Сила яркого характера.” (This is the spirit of freedom, a strong character, strong friendship and the readiness to help). Target/Source Pouring beer Male voice-over: The sound BEER into a glass, “Балтика – не просто of flowing toasting with море и только пиво.” liquid. glasses full of (Baltika – this is beer. neither just the sea nor just beer). Target: Smiling. Male voice- Fast HAPPINESS over: “Это energetic наслaждение and joyful жизнью.” (This is the music. enjoyment of life).

12. Beer: the UFO (Beer: НЛО)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts by showing Peruvian pictograms lying on a table accompanied by music from X-Files. The male voice invites viewers to go to a wheat field with friends to investigate strange things happening in the field. The two final shots feature toasting dimpled mugs in the wheat field and the oversized image of Tolstiak beer and a glass set on a table against the background of a wheat field. The caption: “С Толстяком не

соскучишься!” (You won’t get bored with Tolstiak beer) is located next to the images.

526 Table 12.1. Metaphoric chain BEER IS A PERSON and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Source Target/Source Target A PERSON → BEER → HAPPINESS a trustworthy friend → good beer for friends → the enjoyment of friendship ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (speaking) for an agent (a male individual)

Table 12.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain BEER IS A PERSON and HAPPINESS IS BEER.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Peruvian Male voice-over: Music from PERSON pictograms. “Толстяк X-Files The site in a рекомендует. Если movie. wheat field рядом с вами where a crop происходит нечто circle of wheat таинственное, я appears on the рекомендую ground. Three разведать paths lead to it. обстановку: выйти в поля с друзьями и […] Ну мужики за разведку. А чем мягче разведчику, тем дольше он просидит в наблюдении, и тайное станет явным.” (Tolstiak recommends. If something mysterious is happening at your place, I recommend you examine it: go to the field with friends and […]. So, guys on reconnaissance. The softer it is for a scout, the longer he can be at an observation post. And the mysterious will become clear.) Target/Source: A Bottle of Male voice-over:

527 BEER Tolstiak beer and “[…] новым пивом a glass of beer. Толстяк Пшеничное Нефильтрованное, из отборной пшеницы с очень мягким вкусом.” ([…] with new Tolstiak Wheat, Unfiltered beer made of selected wheat with a very soft taste). On the label: “Пиво для друзей.” (A beer for friends). Target: Male voice-over: “С Joyful HAPPINESS Толстяком не dance соскучишься!” (You music. won’t be bored with Tolstiak)

13. Beer: Dal’nii Vostok (Beer: Дальний Восток)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

A series of shots displays landscapes of the Russian Far East and panoramic views of cities, ports, and highways in the Far East. The final shots feature two toasting glasses of beer labeled with the acronym DV that stands for the Far East in Russian and an oversized bottle of Dal’nii Vostok beer and a glass of beer against the panoramic view of a nighttime city.

Table 13.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER uniqueness of people from a unique region → unique beer ↓ Metonymic expansions Place (the Far East) for agents (the residents of the Far East) Action (driving car, trains, sailing ships) for

528 agents (the residents of the Far East)

Table 13.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The views of the Male voice-over: PERSON Far East (Russia) “Дальный Восток – это 36% территории нашей страны” Это жизнь в уникальном крае, на берегах 5 морей. Дальный Восток – это 7 миллионов открытых и тружелюбных людей. Это готовность 365 дней в году прийти на помощь или поддержать теплую компанию. Дальни Восток – это ты и твои друзья” (The Far East constitutes 36% of the territory of our country. It is a life in a unique region located on the shore of five seas. This is seven million sincere and hard working people. This is the readiness to give a hand or join warm company 365 days a year. The Far East is you and your friends). “[…] дальневосточный характер.” ([…] the Far Eastern character.) Target: BEER Two toasting Male voice-over: glasses of beer. “Дальный Восток – A bottle of DV это ДВ, пиво ДВ beer. […]” (the Far East is DV, DV beer).

529 14. Shihan beer: Eagle

Phenomenological description of the commercial

Mountainous views of Bashkiria shown at a bird’s sight alternate with close-up images of Shihan beer bottles. These scenes are synchronized with the conversation of three men about Bashkiria as if it were a person. The spot ends showing three toasting bottles of beer replaced by the image of a bottle, a glass of beer, and a dish with shish- kebobs on a table under a tree against the background of a mountain.

Table 14.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER uniqueness of people from a unique region → unique beer ↓ Metonymic expansions: Place (Bashkiria) for agents (the residents of Bashkiria) Action (talking, laughing, toasting) for agents (the residents of Bashkiria)

Table 14.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A The views of Man1: “Эх знаете PERSON Bashkiria много, где был …” (Well, I have been to many places…) Man 2: “… а в Башкирии все ж лучше. (… but Bashkiria is better). Man1: “Да. У нас особый край, со своим характером. С одной стороны, свободный как птица в полете” (Yes, our region is special with

530 its own disposition. On the one hand, free as a bird in flight). Man 2: “А с другой стороный, осовательный как гора в сердце Башкирии” (On the other hand, it is solid as a mountain in the heart of Bashkiria). Man 3: “А главное гостеприимный. Шихан – пиво с нашим характером.” (but most important [Bashkiria] is hospitable. Shihan is beer with our disposition). Target: BEER Five bottles of Man 3: […]. Шихан – Shihan beer. пиво с нашим характером.

15. Beer: The paradoxes of a Russian genius (Beer: Парадоксы русского гения)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot starts with a close-up image of a book titled Siberian Crown. The paradoxes of a Russian genius. The book opens showing the map of a battle for Moscow during the French invasion in the War of 1812. On the map, the image of the Kremlin ignites, symbolizing the deliberate surrender of Moscow to the French army by the

Russian general Mikhail Kutuzov. The next shot features the renewed Kremlin on the civilian map of Moscow synchronized with the voice-over’s comment: “Кто бы мог

подумать, что сдав Москву без боя, можно выиграть войну” (Who could ever think that one can win a war by surrendering Moscow without a battle for it). The final several shots feature Sibirskaia Korona beer and a view of Russian Siberia.

531 Table 15.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER a Russian genius → the best Russian beer ↓ Metonymic expansion Action (a military strategic move) for an agent (a male individual)

Table 15.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A map of the Male voice-over: PERSON battle for “[…] представляет Moscow in 1812. серию “Парадоксы русского гения.” ([…] presents a series of books The Paradoxes of a Russian Genius”). “С потерей Москвы не потеряна еще Россия. Михаил Кутузов. Кто бы мог подумать, что сдав Москву без боя, можно выиграть войну” (The loss of Moscow is not the loss of Russia. Mikhail Kutuzov. Who would ever think that one can win a war by surrendering Moscow without fighting for it). Target: BEER A bottle of Male voice-over: Sibirskaya “Сибирская корона Korona beer and […]” (Sibipskaia a glass of it. Korona […]) “Кто бы мог подумать, что родиной пива, которым гордится вся Россия, станет Сибирь. Сибирская корона. Есть пиво в

532 своем отечестве” (Who could think that the motherland of beer, of which all of Russia is proud, would become Siberia. Sibirskaia. There is beer in our Fatherland). The caption: “Есть пиво в своем отечестве.” (There is beer in our Fatherland).

16. Arsenal’noe: Rally (Арсенальное: Ралли)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a rally race, in which the car with the label “Arsenal’noie” wins.

The next several shots feature toasting dimpled mugs full of beer, opening a bottle of beer, and pouring it into a goblet. The shot ends with the image of a bottle of Arsenal’noe and the caption: “Пиво с мужским характером” (Beer with male character).

Table 4.16.1 Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON

Source Target A PERSON → BEER a winner → the best beer for real men ↓ ↓ Metonymic expansion Metonymic reduction Action (motor racing) for agent (male Action (opening a bottle, toasting) for agent individuals). (male individuals).

Table 16.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Moto-racing, Male voice-over: The sounds PERSON toasting with “Стремление к of a car dimpled mugs победе в характере engine.

533 full of beer. каждого мужчины. Exclamation Winning a race. Когда мы s of добиваемся своего, happiness. мы отмечам это […].” (The pursuit of victory is in the character of every man. When we achieve what we want, we celebrate it […]). Target: BEER Five bottles of Male voice-over: “[..] The sound of Arsenal’noie это пиво с flowing beer. насыщенным liquid, вкусом, достойно toasting with наших побед. dimpled Арсенальное. Пиво с mugs. мужским характером.” ([…] this beer with a rich taste is worthy of our victories. Arsenal’noie is a beer with male character).

17. Bochkariov: No one can overtake us (Бочкарев: Нас не обойти)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot opens with the scene of an Australian icebreaker lowering a small submarine under water to investigate underwater shelf deposits. The submarine transmits a message that it sees a Russian beer bar on a ship called “Bochkarev” under the water.

The spot ends with the image of a bottle of Bochkarev beer and a glass of beer on a table next to a round porthole and the caption: “Нас не обойти!” (No One Can Overtake Us).

Table 17.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER impressing by achievements → impressing by quality

534

↓ Metonymic reduction Controlled (ship) for a controller (male individuals).

Table 17.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A A large Male voice-over: The song “To Light PERSON Australian “Подо льдами those, who are in instrumental icebreaker moves Арктики несколько the sea” by the music. in the Arctic. держав пытаются group “The Time Small первыми заявить Machine.” submarines свои права на examine some подводный шельф.” area underwater. (Several countries attempt to be the first to claim their rights to shelf deposits under the ice of the Arctic Ocean). Man1: “Аппарат, доложите, что в зоне видимости.” (Submarine, report on what is within your area of visibility). Man 2: “Есть.” (Yes Sir). Man1: “Аппарат, аппарат, что вы видите перед собой?” (Submarine, submarine, what can you see in front of you). Man 2: “Я полагаю, это русские, сэр.” (I think, these are Russians, Sir). Male voice-over: “Удивлять и быть первыми – это по- нашему. […] Нас не обойти!” (To surprise and to be the first is our way […].No One

535 Can Overtake Us” The caption: “Нас не обойти!” (No One Can Overtake Us). Target: BEER The Russian bar Man 2: “Это русский “Bochkarev” бар.” (It’s a Russian under the water. bar). Male voice-over: “Бочкарев.” (Bochkarev).

18. Zolotaia Bochka: Two instead of three (Золотая бочка: Два вместо трех)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot entails a sequence of shots that shows two things instead of three: two musketeer swords referring to the three musketeers, two bogatyr helmets relating to the three bogatyrs that occurs in folklore epic tales regarding Kyivan Rus, and two pairs of oars referring to the novel Three Men in a Boat (To Say Nothing of the Dog). The final shots feature two toasting glasses full of beer and a bottle of Zolotaia Bochka beer and the caption: “Для твоих друзей ты незаменим” (For your friends you are irreplaceable).

Table 18.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER being an irreplaceable friend → irreplaceable beer ↓ Metonymic expansion Action (fencing, riding a horse, rowing with oars, toasting) for agent (male individuals). Metonymic reduction Objects (clothing) for agents (male individuals)

Table 18.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Two swords, two Caption: “Два The sound PERSON helmets, two hats мушкетера.” (two of fencing,

536 and oars. musketeers) horse “Два богатыря.” hooves, and (Two bogatyrs) clinking. “Трое в лодке не считая собаки.” (Two in a Boat without a Dog. To Say Nothing of the Dog). Male voice-over: “Если бы у твоих друзей не было тебя, это была бы совсем другая история. Золотая бочка. Для твоих друзей ты незаменим.” (If your friends did not have you, it would be a completely different story, Zolotaia Bochka. For your friends you are irreplaceable). Target: BEER Three glasses of Male voice-over: beer. A bottle of “Золотая бочка.” Zolotaia Bochka (Zolotaia Bochka). beer.

19. Belyi Medved’: Tsunami (Белый Медведь: Цунами)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot features a Russian bath house (sauna) on a riverbank. One can hear male voices asking for more heat or beer and see moving birch switches used for beating each other in the sauna. After the request, a large wave covers the sauna and recedes. At that moment an oversized bottle of Belyi Medved’ beer appears on a wooden path leading to the sauna, and then it is placed at its doorway. The final shots feature five toasting dimpled mugs with the brand name of the beer on them, a close-up of the bottle on the

537 riverbank, and the caption: “Достойная компания” (worthy company) superimposed over it.

Table 19.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER being a worthy(fit) member for male company → being an appropriate beer for men ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (beating with a birch switch, jumping into a river, pouring beer into glasses) for agent (male individuals).

Table 19.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Activities Male voice-over: “[..] Sounds PERSON common for a достойная produced by Russian sauna: компания.” the beating each ([…]worthy company) switches. other with birch Man 1: “А ну-ка Joyful switches, прибавь еще.” music. jumping into (Would you add Ohh. cold water. anything else?) Laughing. Man 2: “Хорошо прибавил.” (You have added well). Target: BEER A bottle of Belyi Male voice-over: Medved’ beer. “Белый медведь Toasting with […]” (Belyi Medved’ glasses full of […]) beer.

538 20. Staryi Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft: “Soft” is already in the city! (Старый Мельник из Бочонка Мягкое: «Мягкое» уже в городе!)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a flying barrel packed with bottles of Staryi Mel’nik beer that individually jump off with parachutes and land in a city. At the landing sites, soft armchairs appear around bottles of Staryi Mel’nik under large sun umbrellas.

Table 20.1. Metaphor BEER IS A PERSON

Source Target A PERSON → BEER soft landing of a parachutist → the soft taste of beer

Table 20.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A PERSON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Jumping with a Male voice-over: PERSON parachute and “Первый пошел, landing. второй пошел.” (The first one, go, the second one, go). Female voice-over: “Дамы и господа встречайте […]” (Ladies and gentlemen meet […]). Target: BEER Bottles of Staryi Female voice-over: Soft Mel’nik beer. “Дамы и господа instrumental встречайте новое music разливное пиво Старый Мельник из боченка Мягкое. Устраивайтесь поудобнее и попробуйте новый сорт разливного пива Старый Мельник с мягким бархатным вкусом. Старый Мельник из

539 боченка Мягкое уже в городе.” (Ladies and gentlemen, meet the new draft beer Staryi Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft. Make yourselves comfortable and try a new kind of draft beer Staryi Mel’nik with a soft (smooth) velvet taste. Staryi Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft is already in the city). The caption: “Мягкое уже в городе. Бар везде, где ты.” (Soft is already in the city. A bar is everywhere, where you might be).

21. Bockarev Beer: Can't stand up

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot shows a stylish bar, where all the shelves are covered with bottles of beer without a brand name. The bottles fall on the floor without having any force exerted on them and break, splashing beer around to dramatic music. The final shot features a bottle of Bochkarev beer standing on a table.

Table 21.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam BEER IS A PERSON and DESIRE IS

UNBALANCED POSITION.

Source Target A PERSON → BEER having attractive features → new attractive properties of beer UNBALANCED POSITION → DESIRE losing balance → desiring new qualities of beer

540 Table 21.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

BEER IS A PERSON and DESIRE IS UNBALANCED POSITION.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: A Male voice-over: PERSON “[…] изысканный вкус, превосходная форма.” ([…] a sophisticated taste, an excellent form). Source 2: Falling down Male voice-over: UNBALANCED bottles. “Есть вещи, POSITION перед которыми просто не возможно устоять: […].” (There are things, before which one cannot maintain balance: […]) Target 1: BEER A bottle of Male voice-over: Bochkarev beer. “Совершенно новый Бочкарев.” (Completely new Bochkarev). Target 2: DESIRE Tragic symphonic music.

22. BagBier: Abacus (BagBier: Счеты)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The view of an old German city opens the commercial. The story about the invention of an abacus by German scientists is accompanied by the images of food in a kitchen. The spot ends with two toasting dimpled mugs of beer, a bottle of BagBier, a

541 dish with shish-kebobs, and the caption: “Все по науке. Натюрлих. Bagbier.”

(Everything according to science. The German words “Natürlich” “BagBier”).

Table 22.1. Metaphor BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION.

Source Target A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION → BEER significance of an invention → significance of beer

Table 22.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC

INVENTION.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source A The drawing of Male voice-over: Medieval SCIENTIFIC an abacus. “Немецкие ученые musical INVENTION издавна славились tunes. своими научными открытиями. Пятнадцатый век изобретены первые счеты, которые вывели науку на принципиально новый уровень. Это достижение положило начало целой череде великих научных открытий.” (German scientists have been famous for their scientific discoveries since olden times. In the 15th century the first abacus was invented, that brought science to a completely new level. This achievement gave start to an entire chain of great scientific discoveries).

542 Target: BEER A bottle of Male voice-over: Bagbier two “Все по науке. glasses of Натюрлих. Bagbier.” Bagbier, and (Everything according shish-kebabs. to science. The German words “Natürlich” “BagBier”).

23. Beer: Understanding (Beer: Понимание)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot represents a news broadcast show that opens with the image of a turning globe superimposed with the news ticker “Новости ярфизики” (News of Yarphysics).

Yar beer is shown experimented on in a physics laboratory. The opened bottle of Yar beer transmits a charge to two glasses of beer of different shapes that begin to move around each other, touching with their sides as if kissing and covered in condensation.

This image of kissing has superimposed on it the caption “Только после 18.” (Only after

18). The final shot reveals the brand name and the caption “Энергия в мирных целях.”

(Energy for peaceful purposes) against a black background.

Table 23.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam BEER IS A PARTICLE

ACCELERATOR and EMOTIONS ARE ELECTROMAGNETIC FORCES.

Source Target A PARTICLE ACCELERATOR → BEER affecting objects → affecting beer consumers of both genders ↓ Metonymic expansion Product (beer) for a consumer (a beer consumer) ELECTROMAGNETIC FORCES → EMOTIONS attracting physical objects → attracting beer consumers of both genders to each other

543 ↓ Metonymic expansion Action (touching) for emotion (love) Change in body temperature (rising temperature) for emotion (love).

Table 23.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

BEER IS A PARTICLE ACCELERATOR and EMOTIONS ARE

ELECTROMAGNETIC FORCES.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: APARTICLE A physics Male voice-over: Musical ACCELERATOR laboratory. “Росийские accompaniment ярфизики создали typical of жидко-топливный Soviet news ускоритель broadcasts. взаимопонимания.” (Russian yarphysicists have created a liquid-fuel accelerator of mutual understanding). Source: The physical “Он пропускает ELECTROMAGNETIC contact of two искру между FORCES objects. разнополыми Steamed объектами, glass. наполняя их силой притяжения, и может вызвать тепловую реакцию, особенно сильную при оголенных контактах.” (It transmits a spark between subjects of opposite genders by filling them with a magnetic force, and it can initiate a thermal reaction that becomes very strong when the electrodes are bare). The caption:

544 “Энергия в мирных целях” (Energy for peaceful purposes). Target: BEER Two glasses Male voice-over: of different “Ярпиво.” (Yar shape full of beer). Yar beer. Target: EMOTIONS Male voice-over: “[…] взаимопонимания.” ([…] mutual understanding). The caption: “Только после 18.” (Only after 18).

24. Beer: A Chain (Beer: Цепочка)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot represents a news broadcast show that opens with the image of a turning globe superimposed with a news ticker “Новости ярфизики” (news of yarphysics). Yar beer is shown experimented on in a physics laboratory. The bottle of Yar beer pours beer into the glasses set in a circle. They begin to incline toward each other one by one transmitting energy. The final shot reveals the brand name and the caption “Энергия в

мирных целях” (Energy for peaceful purposes) against a black background.

Table 24.1. Single source metaphoric amalgam BEER IS AN ELECTRIC

SUPERCONDUCTOR and EMOTION IS AN ELECTRIC CHARGE

Source Target AN ELECTRIC SUPERCONDUCTOR → BEER conducting an electric charge between conducting a positive emotional state between objects → beer consumers ↓ Metonymic expansion Product (beer) for a consumer (a beer consumer)

545 AN ELECTRIC CHARGE → EMOTION a positive electric charge → positive emotional state

Table 24.2. The multimodal manifestation of the single source metaphoric amalgam

BEER IS AN ELECTRIC SUPERCONDUCTOR and EMOTION IS AN ELECTRIC

CHARGE.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source 1: AN A physical Male voice-over: Musical ELECTRIC laboratory. “Росийские accompaniment SUPERCONDUCTOR Ярфизики typical of разработали Soviet news полулитровые broadcasts. проводники.” (Russian yarphysicists have elaborated half- liter conductors) Source 2: AN The physical Male voice-over: ELECTRIC CHARGE contact of “Благодаря им objects. заряд положительной энергии легко идет по цепи, не встречая никакого сопротивления, и передается от одного к другому пока цепь не замкнется. Энергия в мирных целях.” (Due to them a charge of positive energy goes along a chain easily without any resistance, and the charge is transmitted from one to another before the chain is connected. Energy for peaceful purposes). Target 1: BEER A circle of The brand name

546 about 16 “Ярпиво.” (Yar glasses of Yar beer) beer. Target 2: EMOTION Voice-over: “[…] заряд положительной энергии […].” ([…] a charge of positive energy).

25. Ovip Lokos: In the name of goodness

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The close-up of a gigantic bottle of Sokol beer starts the shot. The bottle produces a laser beam that destroys an unearthly evil depicted as metal balls on a leg. After the beam touches the balls, they open showing black curly wires. Each ball becomes surrounded by bottles of Sokol beer. The event is commented on in a song about a universal battle.

Table 25.1. Metaphor BEER IS WEAPON.

Source Target WEAPON → BEER defending the good → bringing benefit to consumers

Table 25.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS WEAPON.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: The beam of Female voice-over: Song: “[…] тебя WEAPON light destroys “[…] во имя добра. на вселенскую unearthly Повторяю во имя битву.” ([…] objects. добра.” (In the name you into a of the good. I repeat, universal battle). in the name of the good). Target: BEER An oversized Female voice-over: bottle of Sokol “Овип Лoкос […]” beer. ([…] Ovip Lokos).

547 26. Bear

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The shot features a group of four middle-aged men sitting at a table, drinking beer. One protagonist narrates a hunting story about hunting a large bear, the rug made of the bear’s skin lying on the floor. Several drops of Ochakovo beer spilled on the bearskin rug resurrects the bear. The bear touches the shoulder of the narrator as if requesting his attention. The four friends jump through windows and run quickly, followed by the resurrected bear to fast and energetic music.

Table 26.1. Metaphor BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID.

Source Target MAGIC LIQUID → BEER revitalizing dead creatures → exhilarating beer consumers

Table 26.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: MAGIC The protagonist Slow LIQUID spills Ochakov suspenseful beer on a music gives bearskin rug. The rise to fast bear comes back and to life. The energetic protagonists start tunes. jumping through windows in order to run away from the resurrected bear. Target: BEER Four middle- Male voice-over: Fast joyful aged men imbibe “Историю эту music. beer at a table, рассказал нам Иван while listening to Сергеевич за a story about бутылочкой пива hunting a bear. Очаково. Пиво Очаково

548 приготовлено без консервантов и пастеризации. Сограняя полезные свойства, оно по- праву именутся живительным.” (Ivan Sergeevich told us this story while having a bottle of Ochakovo beer. Ochakovo beer is produced without preservatives and pasteurization. Preserving its beneficial properties, this beer is called life- giving rightly). The caption: “Очаково – живительное пиво.” (Ochakovo – life- giving).

27. Green Beer: Green for you (Green Beer: Green Beer - Тебе зеленый)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The shot reveals a series of rapid shots featuring a green traffic light, a poster for the Green beer brand, a car filled with balls, signs “open” lighting with green, a guitar, bottles of green beer, green lights at a beer party, a refrigerator and a cooler full of beer, and toasting with beer bottles.

Table 27.1. Metaphoric chain PERMISSION IS GREEN and BEER IS PERMISSION.

Source Target/Source Target GREEN → PERMISSION → BEER a green traffic light → the permission to start the permission to start moving → drinking beer

549 Table 27.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphoric chain PERMISSION IS

GREEN and BEER IS PERMISSION.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: GREEN A green traffic The caption: “Тебе light, the sign in зеленый” (Green is green: “open.” for you). Source/Target: Opened doors. PERMISSION Target: BEER A cooler full of Screams of Green beer. enjoyment. Toasting with Loud and bottles of Green fast music. beer, and glasses.

28. Beer: Festival (Beer: Фестиваль)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The first shot features the Kremlin in Red Square followed by views of Russia and scenes of arranging a large-scale concert stage. The second series of shots shows a crate of Baltika №3 beer, the opening of a bottle of it, and the toasting of three bottles.

The shot ends with an oversized bottle of Baltika №3 beer shown against the background of concert lights and the caption: “Балтика №3. Там, где Россия” (Baltika №3. There, where Russia is).

Table 28.1. Metaphor BEER IS A CONCERT.

Source Target A CONCERT → A BEER the complexity of arranging a concert → the simplicity of arranging beer drinking enjoyment of a concert → enjoyment of beer drinking

550 Table 28.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A CONCERT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A Arranging a Male voice-over: Screams of CONCERT scene, adjusting “Чтобы собрать excitement. microphones and тысячи людей announcing the вместе, надо удачно beginning of a выбрать место, concert. построить грандиозную сцену, собрать декорации, профессионально настроить звук, установить качественный свет и обьявить начало концерта” (In order to gather thousands of people together, it is necessary to choose a proper site, to construct a grand stage, to create stage scenery, to adjust the sound professionally, to set up quality lighting, and to announce the beginning of the concert). Target: A BEER A crate of beer Male voice-over: “А (20 bottles for чтобы собраться three people). вместе надо раз, два, Opening a bottle три. Балтика три. of beer. Toasting Там, где Россия.” (In with three bottles order to get together, of beer. one, two, three are needed. Baltika №3. There, where Russia is).

551 29. Beer: Much good news (Beer: Полно хороших новостей)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The serial of shots featuring news about the highest skyscraper, a high-level meeting of political leaders, and the auction sale of a fifty-year-old vintage wine is juxtaposed with shots showing the meeting of friends in a Russian sauna, at which they enjoy Yar beer. The final shot shows a bottle of Yar beer and a glass of it on the table and the caption: “Ярпиво. Полно хороших новостей.” (Yar beer. A lot of good news).

Table 29.1. Metaphor BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT.

Source Target AN INTERSTING OBJECT → BEER news about world events → good beer

Table 29.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS AN

INTERESTING OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN Three pieces of News broadcast: INTERESTING news: the “Скоро завершиться OBJECT construction of a строительство skyscraper, a самого высокого high-level небоскреба. Вчера meeting of мировые лидеры politicians, and провели встрече без the auction sale галстуков. На of wine. aкционе было продано вино пятидесятилетней выдержки” (The construction of the tallest skyscraper will be completed soon. Yesterday political leaders had a high- level meeting without ties on. At the auction,

552 a fifty-year-old vintage wine was sold). Target: BEER Five bottles of Man: “Ха-ха. Вот мы Relaxing Yar beer. в бане с друзьями music. такую встречу провели (Ha-ha-ha. Well, we had such a meeting with friends in the bathhouse). Man: “Ну и выдержка. У меня хорошее пиво долго не задерживается” (What a vintage. Good beer does not last long at my place). Male voice-over: “Ярпиво. Полно хороших новостей.” (Yar beer. A lot of good news).

30. Beer Sibirskaia Korona Lime (Beer: Сибирская Корона Lime)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The shot starts with the image of a criminal case about the secret consumption of

Sibirskaia Korona Lime beer by the Russian elite. To investigate a case, a detective goes to the Lime Grove where the Russian elite from Moscow imbibe this beer in a luxurious mansion, takes pictures of the beer, and tastes it. The final shots features the case file, a bottle of Korona Lime beer, a glass full of it, and the caption: “Все за нее” (Everything for it).

Table 30.1. Metaphor DESIRED BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT

Source Target AN INTERESTING OBJECT → DESIRED BEER an object of a criminal investigation → secretly consumed beer

553 ↓ Metonymic reduction Action (grabbing) for emotion (desire)

Table 30.1. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor DESIRED BEER IS AN

INTERESTING OBJECT.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: AN A royal crown, Male voice-over: Light INTERESTING the stylish “Той весной весь music. OBJECT mention. столичный бомонт съезжался в лаймовую рощу, подальше от посторонних глаз. Мне было поручено выяснить повод сего тайного собрания.” (That spring the elite from Moscow went to the Lime Grove in order to be far from strangers’ eyes. I was assigned to investigate a reason for their secret meeting). Target: About five Male voice-over: Это DESIRED BEER bottles Cibirskaia же новый сорт. Corona Lime and Сибирская Корона glasses full of Лаймъ. Чтобы beer. выполнить поручение до конца, я просто обязан его попробовать.” (This is a new type. Sibirskaia Korona Lime. In order to complete my assignment, I just must taste it.) The caption: “Все за нее.” (Everything for it).

554 31. Beer: An umbrella (Beer: Зонт)

Phenomenological description of the commercial

The spot alternates the images of Russian trucks and cheese, Russian canals, the

Russian naval fleet, palaces, highways, and resorts with images of a glass of Baltika beer, the beer being poured, a blue flag with the brand name and logo. The close-up of the beer superimposed with the caption: “Балтика – сделано в России” (Baltika – made in

Russia).

Table 31.1. Metaphor BEE IS A NEW RUSSIA.

Source Target A NEW RUSSIA → BEER being proud of a new Russia → being proud of Russian beer ↓ Metonymic expansion Products (trucks, channels, Navy Fleet, cheese, palaces) stand for the producer (Russia)

Table 31.2. The multimodal manifestation of the metaphor BEER IS A NEW RUSSIA.

Modality Imagistic Verbal Auditory Sonic Source: A NEW The images of Male voice-over: RUSSIA Russian trucks, “Сегодня гордиться cheese in cheese машинами могут не storage, Russian только немцы, а Navy, canals, a сырами не только palace, французы, давно highways, есть каналы лучше resorts. голландских, флот больше английского и дворцы живописнее итальянских. Мы точно не знаем, чем завтра будет гордиться Россия: своими дорогами, может умами,

555 самыми красивыми курортами или самым популярным российским пивом. В любом случае мы будем гордиться тем, что вместе создаем сегодня, потому что мы создаем новую Россию” (Today not only Germans can be proud of their trucks, and not only the French can be proud of their cheese, canals that are better than the Dutch ones, a naval fleet that is larger than the British one, and palaces that are more beautiful than Italian ones have existed for a long time. We do not know for sure of what Russia will be proud tomorrow: its highways, maybe brains, the most beautiful resorts for the most popular Russian beer. In any case we will be proud of what we have been creating together today because we have been creating a new Russia). Target: BEER A glass of Male voice-over: Baltika beer “Балтика – сделано в России.” (Baltika – made in Russia).

556 Appendix E

Conceptual Metaphors

Table 1. Conceptual metaphors in American beer and vodka commercials.

Beer Vodka BEER/VODKA IS A PERSON BEER IS A PERSON VODKA IS A PERSON BUDWEISER BEER IS A ROMANTIC STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A CELEBRITY LOVE STORY and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS PEOPLE (S) → ANIMALS (T/S) → SMIRNOFF VODKA IS A PERSON OF BUDWEISER BEER (T) NOBLE BIRTH BELVEDERE VODKA IS A MYSTIFYING FEMALE CUPID (S)→ A LOVE INSPIRER(T/S) → PINKY VODKA (T) SMIRNOFF VODKA’ S REPUTATION IS GOLD SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT(S) → SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON(T/S) → SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC VODKA (T) BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS A CARPENTER LEVEL Distinct metaphors HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER DRINKING BEER (S) → HAPPINESS(T) ← Up (S) RAIN (S) → BEER (T/S) →HAPPINESS (T) HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE A SEASON (S) → AN EMOTIONAL STATE (T) ← BUD LIGHT LIME (S) DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY BEER IS FRUIT and DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE

BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE

MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER

AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT

557

WORLD ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ATHLETIC INDIVIDUAL ABSOLUT VODKA IS A CELEBRITY ABSOLUT VODKA IS A LOVE STORY CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS AFFECTION AFFECTION → CURRENCY IN AN

ABSOLUT WORLD ← FORCE

A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS VODKA PRODUCTION IS AN ARTISTIC EVENT ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUT MOON IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD VODKA IS A SOCIAL ENTITY THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN (S) → THE RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS (T/S) → THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS (T) GREY GOOSE VODKA IS A HIGH LIFESTYLE RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA IS APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR VODKA IS AN APPEALING OBJECT STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT THREE-O VODKA IS AN OBJECT OF

SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION and THE

TASTE OF VODKA IS

558

PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES

HANGAR ONE VODKA IS AN AMERICAN FOLK TALE VODKA IS A RUSSIAN AUTHENTIC OBJECT and IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL VODKA IS AN EXOTIC ENTITY VODKA IS AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE and GUSTATORY PERCEPTION IS SEEING AN OBJECT PURITY IS WHITE and SMIRNOFF PURE VODKA IS A HERD OF WHITE HORSES and IMPURITY IS BLACK and IMPURITY IS A BLACK WOLF Note: umbrella metaphors are given in bold.

Table 2. Conceptual metaphors in Ukrainian and American vodka commercials.

Ukrainian American VODKA IS A PERSON VODKA IS A MAN STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A CELEBRITY VODKA IS A WOMAN SMIRNOFF VODKA IS A PERSON OF NOBLE BIRTH VODKA IS A WOMAN and GOOD IS BELVEDERE VODKA IS A MYSTIFYING DOWN and GOOD IS UP FEMALE VODKA IS A BALLET DUET and GOOD IS SMIRNOFF VODKA’ S REPUTATION IS DOWN and GOOD IS UP GOLD VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE MILITARY SMOOTHNESS OF MOVEMENT(S) → PEOPLE SMOOTHNESS OF A PERSON(T/S) → SMOOTHNESS OF CIROC VODKA (T) VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE FRIENDS BEING GOOD IS BEING BALANCED and LEVEL VODKA IS A CARPENTER LEVEL VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE LOVERS VODKA IS A FAMILY VODKA IS A GOD CUPID (S)→ A LOVE INSPIRER(T/S) → PINKY VODKA (T) VODKA IS A GODDESS VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT STOLICHNAYA VODKA IS A STRANGE OBJECT VODKA IS A STORY

VODKA IS A FISH STORY HANGAR ONE VODKA IS AN AMERICAN A FISH STORY (S) → VODKA (T/S) → FOLK TALE HAPPINESS (T) VODKA IS AN ANIMAL VODKA IS AN ANIMAL THE RIVALRY BETWEEN MEN (S) → THE

559

RIVALRY BETWEEN NONHUMAN BEINGS (T/S) → THE COMPETITION BETWEEN VODKAS (T) PURITY IS WHITE and SMIRNOFF PURE VODKA IS A HERD OF WHITE HORSES and IMPURITY IS BLACK and IMPURITY IS A BLACK WOLF VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT VODKA IS A UNIQUE OBJECT VODKA IS AN EXQUISITE LANDSCAPE and GUSTATORY PERCEPTION IS SEEING AN OBJECT Distinct metaphors HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A PERFECT WORLD VODKA AND ZAKUSKA ARE ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ATHLETIC SPACESHIPS INDIVIDUAL VODKA IS A SYMBOLIC OBJECT and ABSOLUT VODKA IS A CELEBRITY GOOD IS UP VODKA IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT and ABSOLUT VODKA IS A LOVE STORY MALE FRIENDSHIP IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT VODKA IS THE MOST SUITABLE CURRENCY IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS OBJECT AFFECTION DRINKING VODKA IS A FAVORITE AFFECTION → CURRENCY IN AN ACTIVITY ABSOLUT WORLD ← FORCE

HAPPINESS IS DRINKING VODKA A REAL PHYSICAL CONFLICT IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD IS A MOCK PHYSICAL CONFLICT ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUTE OBJECT ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS ABSOLUT RASBERRI VODKA IS STREET ART and FLAVOR OF VODKA IS THE CONTROLLED MOTION OF COLORED FORMS VODKA PRODUCTION IS AN ARTISTIC EVENT ABSOLUT VODKA IS AN ABSOLUT MOON IN AN ABSOLUT WORLD GREY GOOSE VODKA IS A HIGH LIFESTYLE RESPONSIBLE CONSUMPTION OF VODKA IS APPROPRIATE SOCIAL BEHAVIOR

560

VODKA IS A RUSSIAN AUTHENTIC OBJECT and IMPORTANT IS CENTRAL THREE-O VODKA IS AN OBJECT OF SCIENTIFIC INVESTIGATION and THE TASTE OF VODKA IS PHYSICAL/EMOTIONAL STATES

Table 3. Conceptual metaphors in Russian and American beer commercials.

Russian beer American beer HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and DRINKING BEER (S) → HAPPINESS (T) HAPPINESS IS THE SUN ← Up (S) THE SUN (S) → BEER (T/S)→ HAPPINESS RAIN (S) → BEER (T/S) →HAPPINESS (T) (T) A PERSON (S) → BEER (T/S)→ HAPPINESS HAPPINESS IS DRINKING BEER and ANIMALS ARE PEOPLE AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS DON BEER and A SEASON (S) → AN EMOTIONAL AN EMOTIONAL STATE IS A PLACE STATE (T) ← BUD LIGHT LIME (S) BEER IS A PERSON BEER IS A PERSON BEER IS A PERSON BEER IS A PERSON and DESIRE IS BUDWEISER BEER IS A ROMANTIC UNBALANCED POSITION LOVE STORY and PEOPLE ARE ANIMALS PEOPLE (S) → ANIMALS (T/S) → BUDWEISER BEER (T) DESIRED BEER IS AN APPEALING OBJECT DESIRED BEER IS AN INTERESTING DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS OBJECT COMMODITY BEER IS FRUIT and DESIRED BEER IS A PRECIOUS COMMODITY BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT BEER IS MAGIC LIQUID BUD LIGHT BEER IS A MAGIC OBJECT Patriotic theme BEE IS A NEW RUSSIA MILLER LITE IS A NATIONAL FLAG Distinct metaphors BEER IS A SCIENTIFIC INVENTION BEER IS A SPECIAL BEVERAGE BEER IS WEAPON BUDWEISER IS MEDICINE PERMISSION IS GREEN and BEER IS MILLER LITE BEER IS A LIFE SAVER PERMISSION BEER IS A CONCERT BEER IS AN INTERESTING OBJECT BEER IS AN ACCELERATOR and EMOTIONS ARE ELECTROMAGNETIC FORCES

561

BEER IS AN ELECTRIC SUPERCONDUCTOR and EMOTION IS AN ELECTRIC CHARGE

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States: Y&R Chicago Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Miller Lite: Bar stool [Television commercial]. (2008). United States: Bbh New

York Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Miller Lite: Beach [Television commercial]. (2011). United States: Draftfcb

Chicago Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Miller Lite: Dating [Television commercial]. (2009). United States: Draftfcb

Chicago Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Miller Lite: Victims [Television commercial]. (2004). United States: Y&R

Chicago Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 3, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Ukrainian vodka commercials

Bilen’ka UFO (Біленька НЛО UFO) [Television commercial]. (2008). Ukraine:

РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

594 Horilochka (Горілочка) [Television commercial]. (2008). Ukraine: B.i.t.a.

Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Horilochka: Picnic (Горілочка Пикник) [Television commercial]. (2008).

Ukraine: B.i.t.a. Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Nemiroff: America (Nemiroff Америка) [Television commercial]. (2005).

Ukraine: Jbkb Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Nemiroff: Delikat Bar (Nemiroff Delikat Бар) [Television commercial]. (2010).

Ukraine: Mccann-erickson Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011,

from http://www.coloribus.com/

Nemiroff Delikat: A Hotel Room (Nemiroff Delikat: Отельный номер)

[Television commercial]. (2010). Ukraine: Mccann-erickson Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Nemiroff: Great Britain (Nemiroff Великобритания) [Television commercial].

(2005). Ukraine: Jbkb Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Nemiroff: Nemiroff night [Television commercial]. (2007). Ukraine: Provid

BBDO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

595 Tselsii: Samurai Sword (Цельсий Самурайский меч) [Television commercial].

(2004). Ukraine: Jwt/ravi Ukraine Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka “Prime”: Restaurant (Водка “Prime”: Ресторан) [Television

commercial]. (2007). Ukraine: Think! Mccann Erickson Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Baika: Cossacks Moscow (Водка Байка Козаки Москва) [Television

commercial]. (2006). Ukraine: Jwt/ravi Ukraine Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Baika: Cossacks non-Christians (Водка Байка Козаки Бусурмани)

[Television commercial]. (2005). Ukraine: Jwt/ravi Ukraine Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Baika: Cossacks tavern (Водка Байка Козаки Шинка) [Television

commercial]. (2005). Ukraine: Jwt/ravi Ukraine Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: Mazhorka (Водка Біленька Мажорка) [Television commercial].

(2006). Ukraine: Adventa Communications Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: Pickle (Водка Біленька Огурчик) [Television commercial].

(2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

596 Vodka Bilen’ka: Outerspace (Водка Біленька Космос) [Television commercial].

(2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: Parade (Водка Біленька Парад) [Television commercial].

(2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: Two villages (Водка Біленька Два села) [Television

commercial]. (2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: Ballet (Водка Біленька: Балет) [Television commercial].

(2007). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ka: The magician (Водка Біленька: Фокусник [Magician])

[Television commercial]. (2007). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Bilen’ks: Meeting (Водка Біленька: Встреча) [Television commercial].

(2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Blahov: Gold diggers gold rush (Водка Благов Золотоискатели

Goldrush) [Television commercial]. (2005). Ukraine: Adventa LOWE

Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

597 Vodka Leader (Bодка Bожак) [Television commercial]. (2005). Ukraine: Adell

Saatchi & Saatchi Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Miahkov: Facets (Водка Мягков Грани) [Television commercial]. (2005).

Ukraine: Euro Rscg Kiev Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011,

from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Olimp: New Olimpus (Водка Олимп Новый Олимп) [Television

commercial]. (2007). Ukraine: Think! Mccann Erickson Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Olimp: Nike (Водка Олимп Ника) [Television commercial]. (2004).

Ukraine: Adventa Communications Advertising Agency. Retrieved May

4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Olimp: Poseidon (Водка Олимп Посейдон) [Television commercial].

(2004). Ukraine: Adventa Communications Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Olimp: the pinnacle of quality (Водка Олимп Вершина качества)

[Television commercial]. (2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Uliublena: Plumber (Водка Улюблена Сантехник) [Television

commercial]. (2006). Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 4, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

598 Vodka Uliublena: Salt (Водка Улюблена Соль) [Television commercial]. (2006).

Ukraine: РА TABASCO Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011,

from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vodka Vdala (Водка Вдала) [Television commercial]. (2007). Ukraine: B.i.t.a.

Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 4, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Russian beer commercials

Arsenal’noe: Rally (Арсенальное: Ралли) [Television commercial]. (2009).

Russia: Young & Rubicam Moscow Advertising Agency. Retrieved May

6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

BagBier: Abacus (BagBier: Счеты) [Television commercial]. (2009). Russia:

LOWE Adventa Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Baltika 3: This is neither just the sea nor just beer (Балтика 3: Это не просто

море и не только пиво) [Television commercial]. (2007). Russia:

Ogilvyaction Russia Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Baltika №3 – A Classics (Балтика №3 – Классика) [Television commercial].

(2009). Russia: РА Great Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 6, 2011,

from http://www.coloribus.com/

Bear [Television commercial]. (1970). Russia: Y&R Moscow Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

599 Beer: Sibirskaia Korona Lime (Beer: Сибирская Корона Lime) [Television

commercial]. (2007). Russia: LOWE Adventa Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: A Chain (Beer: Цепочка) [Television commercial]. (2005). Russia: Euro

Rscg Moradpour Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: A young woman has gained weight (Beer: Девушка набрала вес)

[Television commercial]. (2006). Russia. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: An umbrella (Beer: Зонт) [Television commercial]. (2006). Russia.

Retrieved May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Dal’nii Vostok (Beer: Дальний Восток) [Television commercial]. (2006).

Russia. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Festival (Beer: Фестиваль) [Television commercial]. (2005). Russia.

Retrieved May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Much good news (Beer: Полно хороших новостей) [Television

commercial]. (2006). Russia. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Samara – add some sun (Beer: Самара - Добавь солнца) [Television

commercial]. (2007). Russia: Magic Box Advertising Agency. Retrieved

May 6, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

600 Beer: The paradoxes of a Russian genius (Beer: Парадоксы русского гения)

[Television commercial]. (2005). Russia. Retrieved May 6, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: the UFO (Beer: НЛО) [Television commercial]. (2005). Russia. Retrieved

May 7, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Understanding (Beer: Понимание) [Television commercial]. (2005).

Russia: Euro Rscg Moradpour Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 7,

2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Beer: Zolotistoe (Beer: Золотистое) [Television commercial]. (2005). Russia.

Retrieved May 7, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Belyi Medved’: Tsunami (Белый Медведь: Цунами) [Television commercial].

(2008). Russia: Родная речь Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 7, 2011,

from http://www.coloribus.com/

Bochkariov: No one can overtake us (Бочкарев: Нас не обойти) [Television

commercial]. (2009). Russia: Publicis United Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 7, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Bockarev Beer: Can't stand up [Television commercial]. (2008). Russia: Publicis

United Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 7, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Carlsberg: SOS [Television commercial]. (2009). Russia: Rapp Collins Moscow

Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 7, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

601 Don: The South is there, where Don is (Дон: Юг там, где “Дон”) [Television

commercial]. (2009). Russia: Magic Box Advertising Agency. Retrieved

May 7, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Green Beer: Green for you (Green Beer: Green Beer - Тебе зеленый) [Television

commercial]. (2009). Russia: Instinct Advertising Agency. Retrieved May

8, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Klinskoye: Strength in communion (Клинское: Сила в общении) [Television

commercial]. (2009). Russia: LOWE Adventa Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 8, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Ovip Lokos: In the name of goodness [Television commercial]. (2005). Russia:

Родная речь Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 8, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Shihan beer: Eagle [Television commercial]. (2008). Russia: Znamenka

Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 8, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Staryi Mel’nik from a Small Barrel Soft: “Soft” is already in the city! (Старый

Мельник из Бочонка Мягкое: «Мягкое» уже в городе!) [Television

commercial]. (2008). Russia: Родная речь Advertising Agency. Retrieved

May 8, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Three Medvedia: Strap (Три медведя: Лямка) [Television commercial]. (2009).

Russia: Publicis United Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 8, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

602 Tolstiak: Day of a Radio Amateur (Толстяк: День радиолюбителя) [Television

commercial]. (2007). Russia: LOWE Adventa Advertising Agency.

Retrieved May 8, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Zolotaia Bochka Razlivnoie: Life acquires a taste (Золотая Бочка Разливное:

Жизнь обретает вкус) [Television commercial]. (2009). Russia: JWT

Russia Advertising Agency. Retrieved May 8, 2011, from

http://www.coloribus.com/

Zolotaia Bochka: Two instead of three (Золотая бочка: Два вместо трех)

[Television commercial]. (2009). Russia: JWT Russia Advertising

Agency. Retrieved May 8, 2011, from http://www.coloribus.com/

Vita LARYSA BOBROVA

Education Ph.D. in Applied Linguistics, The Pennsylvania State University, August 2013 Ph.D. in Comparative-historical Linguistics and Typology, The Donetsk State University, Ukraine, June 2000 BA and MA equivalent, Teaching English and German as Foreign Languages and Linguistics, The Horlivka State Pedagogical Institute for Foreign Languages, Ukraine, June 1991

Research and teaching interests Conceptual Metaphor, Multimodal Metaphor, and Cognitive Semantics Second Language Acquisition, Pedagogy, and Assessment Metaphor in Language Teaching and Learning, Metaphorical Competence

Selected publications Bobrova, L. & Lantolf, J. P. (2012). Metaphor and pedagogy. (CALPER Working Paper Series, No. 11). The Pennsylvania State University: Center for Advanced Language Proficiency Education and Research. Lantolf, J. P. & Bobrova, L. (2012). Happiness is drinking beer: A cross-cultural analysis of multimodal metaphors in American and Ukrainian commercials. International Journal of Applied Linguistics, 22(1), 42-66. Bobrova, L. (2011). Translating prose rhythm as a factor in intertextuality in Yuri Andrukhovych’s novel Perverzion. The Ukrainian Quarterly, LXVII(1-4), 135-148. Bobrova, L. (2009). The “heart” as poetic metaphor in Antonych’s The Grand harmony. The Ukrainian Quarterly, 65(3), 255-271.

Awards Recipient, Superior Teaching and Research Award, The Pennsylvania State University, Spring, 2013. Recipient, Gil Watz Award for Outstanding Graduate Student in Applied Linguistics, Center for Language Acquisition, The Pennsylvania State University, Spring, 2013. [One of two awarded]