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A preliminary field-report on the BOn communityof the Songpan area of North SichJ.l.a!h
J.F Marc Desjardins
East Asian Studies, McGili University, Montreal. October 1993
liA Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master in
Arts in East Asian Studies, McGili Un iversity. Il
© J.F. Marc Desjardins. 1993. Nome uP, Jar 1) Il;",, .J .1-' .~,JI~·.LC_____ ,.- ____,.--:- ______O/SScrfalton Ahsfracfs Infernaflona/,s arranged by broad, general sublect categories Please select the one sublect wh,ch mast nearly descrlbes the content of your dissertatIon Enter the correspond mg four-dlg.t code ln the spaces provlded 1"-U "--b1"-----'21"'---'u 1 U· M-I SUBJECT TERM SUBJECT CODE
Subjed Categories THE HUMANI1'IES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES COMMUNICATIONS AND THE ARTS P,yrhology 0525 PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION AND Anc.ent 0579 Ar< ,,,,,., I",e 07')9 ReGd'llg 0535 THEOLOGY Med,eval 0581 Modern Ar' H,,''''y Ù l77 Rc.I,gIOUI 0527 PIlIlOIophy 0422 0582 Cm",,,,, Ü'fOO SClen(['1 0714 Religion Black 0328 !Al",,, 0178 Secondory 0533 General 0318 Alrrcan 0331 r 035/ SOCIal SClen((~-s 0534 ASla, Austral.a and Oeeanla 0332 m" A", 8lb"col Stud,el 0321 Canod,on 0334 Infnrmo!trJIl ()( IPrlU' 072'"! Soclology 01 0340 Clergy 0319 Jou",oll\'" 0'191 Spf'Clol 0529 0320 Eurapean 0335 Hllto') 01 Lahn Amerreon 0336 l tl HCJry f)( ICHC f· 0199 Teorher T,wnmg 0530 Phllosophy of 0322 M(J,,~! (()ff1rnurllc(Jllljfl~ 070~ rechnology 0710 Theology 0469 Middle Emtern 0333 Mu,,, Od13 TC'lts und MeD~lJrempnl~ 0288 UnIted Slotes 0337 Hlstory of SCience 0585 ~J)(~( Il { ornmUnI(( 111011 01159 VOUJIlonol 0747 ~O(lAL SCIENCES Th •• "t,., 0465 Arnerlcan Stud,es 0323 Law 03
THE SCIENCES AND ENGINEERING BIOLOGICAl SCIENCES GeodelY 0370 Speech Pothology 0460 Englneenng Aq"",ltu,,' Geology 0372 TOXicology 0383 General 0537 (;Cllt'IClI Od73 Gcoph/llc; 0373 Home Economlcs 0386 Aerosp'a~e 0538 AC!'Ollomy 0285 Hydrology 0388 Agrrcultoral 0539 Allu",,1 lultu,,, ond Mon!'rology 0411 PHYSICAl SCIENCES Automollve 0540 Nulrrtron 0475 Polcobolony 0345 B,omC'.:J.col 0541 Pure Sciences Cherrlcol 0542 Aru",.,1 f'olhulmty 0476 PoleOf'cology 0426 Chemlltry foml "lll"IH,t' nnd Pal~onlol09Y 0418 c.v" 0543 General Od85 Eled, oilles and Electrrcal 0544 r" hllol0'lY 03:9 P'lleolOology 0985 Agncultural 0749 1"",,") o"d w"":,IL' 04/8 PolynolotJY 04;>7 Heu' and Thermodynam.es 0348 0 Analyllcol 0486 Hydraullc 0545 Plollt l "IIIJll' 047 Phyllcnl Geogrophy 0368 Blocliemlltry Od87 Od80 Phyllcol OcconoglCIphy 0415 Industrral 0546 rl'JIlll'uthlll"lIY InorgonlC 0488 1'11I'" l'hy,",I'~IY OBI7 Morrne 0547 7 NucTear 073e Moterrols SCience 0794 Rtlflll!' M(IIHhjt'01t'nl 0 17 HEAUH AND ENVIRONMENTAl Orgonlc 0490 w"".llttIHllll''I
A field-report on the Bon community of Songpan. MaF' of Songpan Prefecture
LEGEND - Road , -~ + 1 ~ il Bon mona"ery Nyingrna temp e \)il" 'l'l,,, ,_•• \~~ (f) Gelug monastery è Sakya monastery ile\c:.~ =------~---
~\ Songpan \ Derge '9 0 1 Barham \. 0 0 @ \) Nyarong Xlaojln Chengdu \ (Xlnlong) ( ) (o 0 R,atang Kangdlng Chongqln0 "',"
,. ),/~, " ':'. J",'~ ~ 1- _~\ ,-, '\ ", ," " '", ",.'\ 1...J, \. "- .J i."• Il '..,\y /','", \. \. \ f t ~.~ " ,_. ,) '- ~"\ 1 /' Sichuan Province .~ \ .... , , '., ~ -< 1 1) i,) .. Table of contents
Ab~tracll'Résumé ...... 1 Preface ...... 2 Notes on transliteration and spelling ...... :...... 3
Intr()duction ...... ,...... 4 Object of the present essaye ...... S Initial goal of the research in Sichuan...... S Previous research ...... 6 Location of the area of research ...... 8
Chapterl The ancient Bon religion ...... , ...... "...... 10 The "idea" of Bon as universal teachings ...... 10 The first religions in Tibet ...... Il Known practices of the early Bonpos ...... , ...... lS The Everlasting Bôn .... ,...... 17 Contemporary B6npos ...... 20 Definition of Bon ...... 22
Chapter 2 The Songpan area and the establishment of Bon ...... 23 Historical presence of lamaism in the Songpan prefecture ...... 2S Main events from local historical chronicles ...... 27 Before Liberation ...... 31 The Cultural Revolution ...... 35 Reconstruction and the new policies regarding religion ...... 36 Administration ...... ,...... 39
Chapter 3 Places of worship of the Bonpos in Songpan ...... 42 Temple and Monasteries ...... 42 Ph ysical settings ...... 42 Ufe in the Monasteries ...... 46 Holy caves and mountains ...... ".... 47
Ch,)pleJ 1 4 Religiuu~ lire ...... "...... 51 MOOdstic life ...... SI Daily aclivilies ...... S3 Festivals and communal ri tuaI Offerings (cho-ga )...... S3 The 'chants ...... , ...... S3 Sludies ...... ,...... 58 Hernlitage and nunnery ...... 61 Physical settillgS ...... ,...... 63 COlltenl plative praclices ...... 64 MagicaJ. aud Salvation Practlces by monks...... 73
CllapleJ' 5 Contributions of laymen and S~cu!ar La!ua~ to the pl~actice rjf BOil ...... 'j 5 Practices of th.e lay LaInaI) ...... 75 Layluen's following and support of religion ...... 79
C<.)IIClusioll ...... 82 Bibiiograplly ...... BC) AI,pelldix.. ,...... 91
Illustrations and tables
Ma.pûf SOllgpaIl...... F""011 tlspiet:e Table 1...... 26 Table 2...... 33 Table 3...... 38 1 Abstract
The following essay is the result of approximate!y two years of research and fieldwork on the Bon religious community of the Songpan Prefecture in the Sichuan Province, People's Republk of China. The research was carried on between September 1991 to Spring 1993. The candidate uses translations of Tibetan Bon historical texts and information provided during field work by Bonpos informants to summarize the view of the Bonpos and contra~t it with the historical data available in Western wri tings to establish a provisional definition of Bon. Translations from a Chinese historical report on the major events of Tibetan religion in Songpan from the period preceding Liberation to today's situation follow . with descriptions of Bon monastk settlement$ and places of pilgrimage. A summary description of the major Bon religious and meditative practices with references to their corpus of ritual manuals and main commentaries used by monks and hermits thcn conclude the exposition of modern Bon religion as it is presently practiced in Songpan.
Résumé
Cette étude est le résultat d'environ deux années de recherches sur les Bonpos de la Préfecture de Songpan dans la province du Sichuan en République Populaire de Chine. Le travail de recherche fut effectué entre les mois de septembre 1991 et mai 1993. Le candidat utilisant des traductions de textes tibétain historiques ainsi que des données venant d'informaleurs Bonpos résume la vision de ceux-ci en les contrastant avec les données historiques de manière à former une définition provisoire du Bon. Des traductions de rapports historiques chinois sur les évém~ments principaux touchant la religion tib~taine depuis la période précédant la Libération jusqu'à aujourd'hui sllivent et sont complétés par des descriptions de complexes monastiques et de lieux de pélerinages. Une description des pratiques contemplatives et rituéliques Bon avec réf€">rences aux manuels rituéliques et leurs commentaires utilisés par les moines et i2S ermites viennent conclure cette exposition sur la religion Bon mader ne te1t2 qu'elle est présentement pratiquée à Songpan. 2
Preface
This essay is submitted to the McGill University as a thesis in partial fulfilln1ent for a Master in Arts degree in East Asian Studies. 1 would Iike to thank my Thesis Director, Or. Kenneth Dean, for his continuing support throughout my two years in China while conducting field-work in Sichuan, People's Republic of China and also for his constructive criticbm and help during the redaction of this paper. Many thanks also to the then acting Director of East i\sL ..... Studies, Grace Fong for her help in granting me a scholarship that enabled me ta complete my research. 1 owe special gratitude to the following persans: The Reverend A-g.yung Lan~a, of Xinlung (Tib.: Nyarong) Prefecture, the Reverend Namkha Gyaltsen, of Nangzhi Monastery in Aba Prefectu. e, Loxio of Songpar., Oujita of Shanba village, Ak.u Xiuwang, the master of g.Yung-drung Kha, and the members of the g.Yung-drung Kha Hermitage. Also the abbot of the dGa'-mal Monastery, Aku Papa and his assistant, Aku Nana and the general cooperation of the monks of this monastery. 1 am also deeply indebted to LUC-André MandeviIle, Anna Verilli, Kasang Phuntshok, Dawa, the staff of Sichuan University Religious Studies and particularly its D. -ector. Dr. Qjng Xitai and the Vice-director, Prof. Yang. Finally, 1 wish to express my thanks to Chen Biyun for her continuing support and patience thraughout the two years in China.
Montreal, September 1993. J.F. Marc Desjardins ------_.. __ .
3
Notes on transliteration and spelling
The Library of Congress system of transliteration has been used for Tibetan words throughout this essay. The pinyin system of transliteration is used for Chinese words. As a fuie, when a Tibetan or Chinese term is introduced, it will appear in italics only in the first instance. The Tibetan bon term will be spelled Bon for convenience's sake since it is c10ser to its phonetic rendering in Song pan and in the Ti betan dialects of Amdo and Kham, the most widely understood dialects in the Tibetan areas of Sichuan, Qinghai and many parts of Tibet. Proper names will generally appear in normal script unless they are in Tibetan for which a spelling doser to its pronunciation will be given with the Tibetan transliteration in brackets. Introduction
Erik Haarh rightly remarked in the introduction of his study on the Tibetan Yar-Iung Dynasty1 that the misconceptions created by the I1rst scholars on Tibetan History and Culture relative to the barbarisl11 of the Tibetans before the introduction of Buddhism has hindered reSC,lrrh on the other aspects of Tibet not related to Tibetan Buddhism.2 Thus, Buddhism became the main subject of scholarly research and pursuits. Studies on the early history of Tibet were consequcntly mainly based on the Buddhist Historical Chronicles. The study of indigenous culture and religious traditions not directly linked to the then prevalent religion lagged behind. As a result, the religion of Bon which pnxlated the introduction of new religious ideas From lndia was neglected ~lIld materials that could have been collected during the first contacts of t he West wi t h Tibet were not sought. The study of Bon, a religiou~ system whirh has persisted up to the present, has been neglected until the pionecring efforts of modern scholars. Very little anthropological data is avail.1ble a<., to the practices and beliefs of the Bonpos (Le. followers of Bon). Wc~lern collections of original texts and material of the Bonpos prior 10 t he 70's have been unfortunately scarce and have not been studied exhauslively. The amount of scholarly articll2s and books on the subject are, ur to the present, far outnumbered by published materials on Tibetan Buddhism. It is partly for these reasons that this essay has been wri tten and to cantribute, in a very Iimited way however, to this new area of rcsearch which is the Bon culture of the Tibet. Until the return of Dr. Samten G. Karmay ta his native land of Songpan in 1985, there has been no visit by
1 Haarh Enk, The Yar-Iun Dvna>t)!, Copenhagen, 1969. 2 Ibid., p.ll. 5 western scholars after Liberation which have contributed to further our knowledge of Bon.3 ln fact, there are no studies available on the Bonpos in contemporary China. Object of the present essay. Having conducted fieldwork in Songpan for abo~t a year (starting Spring 1992 to Spring 93), 1 have tried to present my observations in a somewhat coherent manner on the contemporary practices of the Bon and on their history from the period immediately predating Liberation to today. This report will also include descriptions on the functioning of a Bon monastery and an attempt to describe the curriculum of the practices of the Bonpo Lamas with references to the texts of these practices and their commentaries. This, in the hope of contributing basic knowledge which would help laying the ground for future research on the pantheon and ri tuaI practices of the modern Bonpos in contrast to the ancient beIiefs and practices attributed to them. Initial goal of the research in Sichuan. It was in the summer of 1990, during my first visit to China that the decision was taken that 1 should go to Sichuan to find out whether the Taoists of Sichuan were once again becoming active. The same research was done at the beginning of the 80's in the Fujian area by my thesis director, Prof. Kenneth Dean. Since then, the apparent freedom of religious practice in the People's Republic of China, has shown itself to be more th an mere political talk. For in Fujian, we can now see in most of the villages of the Minnan area, many small temples dedicated to the local divinities. Taoists are now involved once again into the performance of the jiao ritual, in funeral rites and sometimes also in the miscellaneous magic al sm ail rites (xiao fa ) that once were thriving practices in old China. After having reached Sichuan, despite my best efforts, 1 wasn't able to find any evidence that suggested a similar resurgence of the popular cults among village communities. Many friends and informants have told me that the lay Taoist priests were still there but that the authorities
3 Although, Karmay has yet to produce a comprehensive report on his findings of 1985, he nc\'ertheless has included in his study of rDzogschen a photograph of a Bon Thangka, taken during his visit. Karmay, S.G.,1988, frontispiece and description pp. 203-5. His description is unfortunately too cr)'ptic to provide signifkant information. During my stay at g.Yung-drung Kha, 1 have aiso t..lken a photograph of a similar thangka. See Appendix on photographie matcrial collccted. 6 would not yet permit the reopening of local temples and the practice of ri tuais by Jay Taoist priests. The situation in the Taoist mor.asteries though is much more enviable. The Taoists of Qjngcheng Shan have opened a school for their pupils. The curriculum is a one year course of study of the books that are considered to be basic for the Lungmen sect of the Chuanzhen Taoist Order.4 The masters of the mountain are already thinking about expanding this course to about three years in imitation of the curriculum that is now followed in the Bai Yun Guan of Beijing. The Taoist centers in Sichuan are now very active. They still have masters weil versed in Inner Alchemy (Nei Dan ), jiao ritual, QiGong, Martial Arts and the meditations using the Taoist Registers and talisman of divinities and spirits (Fu Lu). Shortly after my arrivaI at the Sichuan University, 1 met a young Tibetan who has an unc1e who is a Bonpo. It was only in February 92, that 1 finally was able to meet his uncle. It was through him that ail 1I1y contacts with the Bon community evolved. 1 learned that under the policy of the freedom of religion, the minorities of the Sichuan province enjoyed a greater freedom of religion than their Han counterparts. This Bon religion had long been for me a subject of interest since a number of years. Having studied Tibetan on an empirical basis for a number of years, 1 managed to acquire material in Ti betan on the Bon and also to have basic exchange with their Lamas. Since not much was available for the research on the popular cuits of the Han in contemporary Sichuan, 1 decided to pursue my field research on the Bon. Previous research. Prior to the major publications of The Nine Ways of Bon 5, which is a partial translations of the gZi-brjid by Snellgrove in 1967 and of A
41 found the list of books to be studied by the Taoists of that ~cct in the Bai yun guan of Beijing. This list seems very similar to the course given at the Chingcheng Shan school. It can be seen in one of the Ibiyun Guan exhibit halls. It goes as follow: 1) Gao Shang Yu huang ben xing ji jing, 2) Tai 5;hang Chuan Zhen Zao Xuan Gong Ke jing; 3) Tai Shang Chuan Zhen Wan Xuan Gong Ke jing: 4) Tai Shang San Gong Bao jing; 5) Tai Shang Bei [Jou Yan ,'>'heng Zhen Jing; 6) Yuan Shi Tian Zun Shuo Bel Fang lhen Wu Miao fwg; 7) l'ai Shang Wu Dou Jin Zhang Shou Sheng Jing. 5The Nine Ways of Bon, Excerpts from gli-brjid cdited and translatcd hy David L Snellgrove, Oxford University Pre~s, 1967. 7 Treasury of Good Sa,yjnas 6 by S.G. Karmay (1972),our knowledge of Bon was based mostly on Buddhist historical accounts. Although there has been one translation of a Bon Sutra on the Nagas entitled Das weisse Nâga• Hunderttausend by A. Schiefner in 1881 7 and a partial translation of the gZer-mig by A.H. Francke8 [containing an account of the Life of gShen rab, the acknowledged founder of g.Yung-drung bon (the 'Everlasting' Bon')], critical western studies remained largely repetitive narration of the Buddhists sources. As examples of these, Chandra Das contributed a few articles on Bon, from 1881 onwards, using as primary sources the writings of the Buddhist monk Chokyi Nyima.9 The results of Hoffman's studies condensed in his The ReJi~ions of Tibet10 also relied heavily on these " subjective Buddhist accounts. With the coming of Bon Tibetan refugee to India in 1959, new material became available. This led to Snellgrove's and Karmay's translations. The publication of the Ph.D. dissertation of Erik Haarh11 brought a new understanding of the relationships of the early Tibetan political structure with the Bon priesthood and the subsequent changes in culture and religion. It contributed greatly in defining antique Bon. Tucci's account of Bon12 was written bef0re Snellgrove's partial translations became available to him and thus contains many inaccuracies. Proper appraisals of Bonpos ritual texts and other Scriptures remained ta be do ne. Studies by Per Kvaerne on one system of Mental Teachings of the
6This is a partial translation of a book on the History of Bon, the Legs-bshad mdzod written by bKra-shis rGyal-mtshan (1859-1935). Karmay, S.G., The TreasuO' of Good Sayim:s: A Tibetan HistoO' of Bon, London, 1972. 7A. Schiefner, 'Über das Bonpo-Sûlra: Das weisse Nâga-Hunde!"ttausend', Mémoires de l'Académie de St. Pétersboun:, VIle Série, 28:1, St. Petersburg, 1881. 8Francke, A.H., 'gZer-mig, a Book of the Tibetan Bonpos' in Asia Minor, 1924, 1926,1927, 1930 and 1939. 9These studies have been collected and recently republished by Alaka Chattopadhyaya in Tjbetao Studies: Sarat Chandra Das, Delhi, 1984. lOHelmut Hoffman, The Reli2ions of Tibet,(English trans .. of Die Reliiionep Tjbets, first pub. 1956) London, 1961. Il Haarh, Erk, 1969. 12(;iu~cppe Tueci, Walther Heissig, Les reli2ioPS du Tibet et de la Mon~olje, (Ir"cnch lrans. of Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei, Stuttgart, 1970), Pans, 1973, Chap. 7. 8 B6n13, Death Ritual and iconography 14, the Bon Canon 1 S, and other aspect of B6n16 contributed to fill this gap and generate new interest in Bon Studies. Samten G. Karmay has con tri buted further by giving an abstract of the Bon Tradition in his A General Introduction to the Histoey and Doctrines of Bon 17 which is unfortunately tao brief and a catalog of one Japanese University's collection of Bon material. 18 These may serve to bring sorne general overview of the field but a vast amount of research on contemporary praclices rernains to be conducted. It is hoped that this thesis will provide sorne valuable information on this aspect. Location of the area of research This research was conducted from September 91 to March 93. My main area of research was in the open (Kai Fang) prefecture of Songpan, North Sichuan. The main site was the dGa'-mal monastery (Chinese: Ga !vii Shi ) and a hermitage on the mountain behind it, g. Yung drung Kl1a. 1 paid five visits and the duration of my stays lasted from 3 days to 3 weeks. Longer periods of time proved to be unmanageable due to interferences from the Songpan police. Tibetan research is still treated with caution by the Sichuan authorities because of its potential political ramifications. Ta prevent a Foreign researcher from conducting research in an area, the local police often require extensive formalities that requin! approval From the provincial central governrnent. The Sichuan Provinciô 1 Foreign Affairs Office is very reluctant to let such guests roam freely even in Open Areas and the permissions are usually denied. For those reasons, this report may lack a certain methodological approach and thoroughness in its content. 1 think, nevertheless, that the information given on the actual physical conditions, ritual and meditations practices of the contemporary
13Kvaeme, Per, 'Bonpo Studies; The A-f(bd Syslem of Meditation, in KaHash Vol.1, No. 1, Kathmandu, 1973, pp.l9-50 and Part 2, vol. 1., pp. 1.47-331.. 14Kvaeme, Per, Tibet Bon Reli~ion; t\ oealh Ritual of the Tlbclan Boopos, Iconography of Religions, Section XII: East and Central Asia, l'a~cklc Thirteen, Teiden, 1985. lSKveame, Per, The Canon of the Tibetan Bonpos in Indo-Iraoiao jQurnal ] 6, 1974, pp.18-56; 96-144. 16See appended Bibliography on Kvaerne, Pero 17Kannay, S.G., A General Introduction to the Hi~toO' and Doctrines of Bon, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, no ..H, Tokyo, ] 975. 18Kannay, S.G., A Catalo2ue of Boupo Pubhcations, 'Ihe Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, 1977. 9 Bonpos is worth sharing since far too little on this topic has been mentioned or described in Western writings. The goal of this short report is ta give an overview of the way Bon is practiced among today's followers of this ancient religion in the Songpan Prefecture. For this, 1 shaH first briefly summarize (chapter one) the view of the Bonpos on their religion and contrast it with known facts on Bon as theyare scattered throughout academic articles, books on Tibetan religion, historical records and other materials. New findings (although minimal and not yet fully analyzed) will be incorporated. 1 shaH then recount what available records of the Songpan area have reported from the period of the building of the first Lamaist Temples to the present (chapter two). Then, the religious organizations of temples, monasteries and hermitage will be described along with brief descriptions of the religious practices of the specialists (chapters three and four). A survey of the layrnen's use of this compendium of beHefs and practices is given (chapter five). The conc1usi0n will then raise sorne still unanswered questions and point to future research yet to be done. Historical references to the Bonpos of Songpan are very hard to find and not particularly reliable. Until very recently the Chinese did not establish any difference between the various sects of Lamaism and any mention of a Lamaist temple on their part are generally open to further investigation. Tibetan sources are equally scarce and, although 1 was told of two books 011 the history of the Bonpo on the Aba district, 1 have not been able to consult them. 19 As far as ancient Tibetan history is concerned, the retelling of past events cornes mostly from secondary sources or from local oral traditions narrated by informants. Until clear indisputable historical references can be found, 1 suggest we consider the present information as having nonetheless a "cultural" value for it represents shared and valued memories of the Songpan corn munity mernbers.
19A book was written on the confliets of the Bonpos and the Buddhists by the former head-teacher of the dGa'-rnal Monastery, Kesang Dargyas ( sKaJ-bzang Dar-rgyas ) (1925-19897). It was published by the dGa'-mal monastery in a very unsophisticated fashion. 1 have no dates for its publication. The other has just been written by Bya-'phur Nam-mkha rGyal-mtshan, a reincarnated lama of the sNang-zhig Monastery in Aba Prefecture (xian) on the history of the Bônpos of the Aba prefecture under the following title: 2Shen bstan 2sal ba'i s~ron me. This one will be printed in 1993 or beginning 94 but 1 don't know the publishing house. 1haven't been able to obtain any of these. 10
ChapterOne The ancient BOn religion.
The "idea" of Bon as universal teachings. Bon is known generally as being the indigenous religion of the Tibetan people. Most of the Tibetans would agree with that general statement. The modern Bon scholars and practitioners link its origin to a historical kingdom known to the Ti betan by the various names of Zhang zhung, 'Ol-mo lung-ring, sTag-gzig, f~tC .. They locate it in the western part of Tibet proper, if not even more to the west, which has made some European scholars identify it with Persia20. There is now growing evidence that the kingdom of Zhang-zhung was located in Western Tibet inc1uding Gilgit, Khotan to Mustang (north-south) and advancing in Tibet eastward ta the gNam-mtsho Lake. 2I This "temporal" source of Bon, origin of the Ever-lasting Bon (g. Yung-drung Bon) that dispensed its teachings throughout the worlds for the Enlightenment of Sentient Beings, has since become a mythical place. Its teachings spread from Zhang-zhung directly to India, China, Tibet and various other kingdoms.
"If the doctrines of Bon had not existed in China no one could have attained realization of the Enlightenment (i.e. before Buddhism reached China).2211
"whenever the doctrines of Bon spread to Tibet, India, or China, most of them reached those countries from Zhang-zhung, for many of the 1
20STag-gzig is aiso the Tibetan name for Pcrsia. For a discussion on the location of Zhang-Zhung, see; Tucci, Giuseppe, Preliminary report on two scientific Expeditions in Nepal, Roma, 1956. and Haarh, Eric, "The lhang zhung Language", Acta lutlandica XL:l (=llumanilics Series 46), /\arhus Copenhagen, 1968. The ancient kingdom of Guge in the western part of modem Tibet next to Ladakh appears to be more likely as having becn a part of the Zhang-zhung kingdom. Ancient SlUpa with Bon chararteri<,tic~ have been found with written inscription in the Zhang-zhung language. AlI this dated first century A.D.. See Giacomella Orofino, East and West, 1<)91. 21Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, Snow Lion, New York, 1993,p. 144. 22Kannay's translation of Trashi Gyaltsen in: Karmay, 1972, p.26. 11 tcxts show their origin by giving sorne Zhang-zhung words at the bcginning. Sorne other texts were translated frorn the languages of lndia, China, Surn-pa, and Me-nyag into Tibetan23, as we know from the fact that they begin in these languages,24"
The Bbnpos give to their teachings the character of universality and thus may recognize them among teachings of other religion. The Prajfiaparamita25 has found its way into the main Canon of the B6n, the "Kangyur" (collection of Sutras), and the main texts on medicine and astrology are from China26 . With time, Bonpos have developed their religion much along the tine of their main rivaIs in Tibet (i.e. the Buddhists). The garb of the Bon monks is almost identical to that of their opponents and their main tenets, ri tuaI practices and temples appear almost indistinguishable to the uninitiated. They relate their ancestry to Zhang-zhung as weil as to the first legendary kings of Tibet. The Bbnpos maintain that the First Spread of the Bon Doctrine to Tibet occurred before the reign of the first king of Tibet, gNya'-khri sTsan-po,27 The main founder of Bon from Zhang-zhung, sTon pa gShen-rab Mi-bo-che, visited Tibet only once and gave the teachings on the invocation of gods, exorcism and offerings28. Ail the subsequent writings of the Bonpo refer to him as tneir main Teacher (stan-pa). The doctrine was also propagated from the first king onwards due to the disciples of gShen-rab, coming from Zhang-zhung29 and later through master-disci pie transm issions.
The first religions in Tibet. The Tibetan records generally agree as to the attribution of the protection of the Chab-srid ('Royallegitimacy') of the first kings of Tibet
23Hold characters are mine. --)4 Ibid.,. p.22. 2SSee appendix under the headings of the Collected Works of mNyam med Shes rab rGyal-mtshan. ')6 - Kannay, Samten G., 1972, p.23-4. 27Kannay, S.G., Ibid., p. 28. For a chronology on the early kings of Tibet, there are no dates available before the 33rd king of Tibet, Srong-btsan sGam-po (629- 650). 28Kannay, p.30. 29Kannay, pp30-61 12 to the Bon priest.3D The first kings of Tibet where assisted by Bon shamans (bon gshen). The first seven kings were attached to the Sky by a dMu rope (dMu-thag ) linking them permanently to Heaven. They did not die but returned to Heaven, from where they originally came, when their heir attained majority (Le. when he was able to freely mount his horse). The world was made of three Realms. The Sky (gNcun ) linked with the Bird Clan lineage of the first kings and was populated by gods (Lha ).31 The kings were sons of the (Celestial-)gods (Lha-sras ).32 The second part of the world was the intermediate surface of the Earth (bar or Sa ), inhabited by the Flesh-eaters(Le. man) and the bTsan, a species of demons inhabiting the air. Their ruler was, by divine right, the king as bTsan-po. The underground (sPu-yul also 'og) was the third realm, where fish, Naga (klu ) and the dead (mTshun) lived. Their ruler was again the sovereign in his quality of sPu-rgyal (king of sPu).33 The Bon priests protected the realm against the chthonic powers of the underworld by "closing the gate of the earth" to the 'Dre and Sri demons whose main purpose consisted in eating human children and wreaking havoc upon the surface of the earth.34 The shamans (gShen) constituted the link between the divinities of the Sky and the masters of the bTsan. The first seven kings, from gNya-khri-bTsan-po to Sribs-khri-bTsan-po were procreated by the Bônpo celestial divinities.35 To the practices of the se shamans is attributed the first stage of Bon, the 'jal-bon .36 The eighth king, Grï-gum-bTsan-po, severed the dMu ·::orci in a battle and became thus the first king to die on earth. This initiated a second development of Bon.
"The second (stage was) the 'Khyar-bon: Because the Bon-pm; of Tibet did not know how to perform the Gri-bshid of the king Gri-gum btsan-po , three Bon-pas were called in from Kashmir, 'Bru-sha, and Zhang-zhung to (perform) the Gri-shid : 30Erik Haarh, 1969, p.l02-7. 31Ibid., p.17-B. 32Ibid. 331bid. .'~4 Ibid.,. p.103. .·~S Ibid.,. p.lOS. 361bid. 37Haarh's translation of the Grub-mtha' shel-gyi-me-Iong; Ibid., p.l13. ------ 13 This is the time of the first practice of the Dur-bon (the Bon of the Tomb, Le. funerary practices)38 that became the prevalent teachings of the Zhu family (see below). The role of the Bon gShen was then to suppress the bgegs, other evil manifestations of the subterranean demons.39 'Khyar-bon means the "deviant" form of Bon. They were named this by the Buddhist chroniclers for they were seen as a perversion of the original Bon, the prevalent religious practice in Tibet at that time. The successor of Gri-gum-btsan-po was sPu-de--gung-rgyal and the coming of gShen-rab (from now on Shenrab) to Tibet is sa id by the Buddhists t0 have occurred during his reign.40 The four teachings of the Bon of Cause41 (rGyu 'i-bon ) were taught and the Everlasting Bon (g. Yung drung Bon) was propagated.42 ln fact, Bon per se, may not have existed prior to Gri-gum-btsan-po but most probably, appeared during the reign of his successor sPu-de gung-rgyal. The tradition of the Celestial origins of the first kings and their unequivocal following of the Celestial Bon tradition is probably a later addition by the Bonpos: "to main tain the existence of a prima.ry form of Bon".43 The Bon of the period of sPu-de-gung-rgyal probably absorbed the pre-Bon indigenous practices and beHefs of the time.44 These Pre-Bon beHefs were animistic in nature. The universe was divided in two realms: the realm of the living (gSon-po) inc1uding men (mi) and that of the underworld ('og) the realm of the dead (mtshun ).45 The spirits of the ancestors in the Realm of the dead (sPu-yul ) di\'ided into t'NO groups, male and female, and are represented into the persons of the King and the Queen.46 The King cornes from sPu-yul (Le. the realm of the Dead). 38 Ibid., p.lll. 39Ibid., p. 111-2. 40Ibid., pp. Il 0-1. 4lScc below for a definition and description. 42Ibid., p.l03. 43Ibid., pIOS. 44Ibid., pp.III-3. 4SIbid .• p.17. 46Ibid.• p.226. 14 The main divinities were the Te or The, the spirits of the dead roaming freely among the living.47 The gate -;f the dead that connects with man's do main was open. The Te. living among human and the dead in the underground were devoid of Life power (bld). 48 Te I 4?Ibid., p.l? 48Ibid. 49Ibid., p.2l8. 50lbid., p.18. 51Ibid., p.161 and 216. 52Ibid., p. 161-2. 53For a narrative of the origination of the world from eggs: Karmay, 1975, pp.191-96. 54Ibid., p.llt. 15 In the historical records, two other specialization of the Ron priesthood aiso existed. They are known as sgrung and Ide'u (riddle).55 sGrung (tale or story tellings6) is related to the bards of ancient times who narrated myths and legends. They were the bearers of their ancestors' historical deeds. The story of King Gesar of Lings7 is very much in this same line of tradition which endures to this day in the streets of Lhasa and throughout present Tibet. The importance of the shaman in the constituency of thE: state becomes therefore more apparent, furthermore the government of the country was under the control of a trinity. Under the domination of the son of the gods (lha-sras, i.e. the king), the head priest (gshen-dnyan ) on the right and the minister on the left added prestige and counsel to the ruler of men.s8 Known practices of the early Bonpos. What we know of 'Jol Bon before that time amounts to very little. That which was recorded in the historical annals are rnostly found in the Buddhist annals. Bonpos were considered hereties engaged in animal and human sacrifices for the propitiation of local deities. This, as weIl as the alleged practice of black magic, constituted the main excuse for their persecution by the Buddhists till 1959. Humans were believed to becomE. spirits after death. Sorne of them could be reborn in human form once again. Four seasonal rites were celebrated in which animais were sacriflced. The animais were vivisected and it is not unlikely that the innards were examined for omens. There were rites for the dead where humans and animais were sacriflced. When kings were buried, man)' members of their household also accompanied them in the sepulcher. Those are not unlike ancient Imperial Chinese rites of burials where treasures were buried along with relatives and servants of the deceased. Trees and crops were also burnt as offerings to spirits and mountain deities. The rites of ransom were already corn mon practices, that is, when SSThe primary meaning of lDe'u is riddle. The art of 'speaking in riddle' was a \Vay of recording histcry and the administration of counsel. Stein, R.A., Recherches sur l'épopée et le barde au Tibet, Paris, 1959, ppA26-37. S6Ibid. S7For a study of this 'épopée' see: Stein, Rolf A.,L'épopée tibétaine de Gesar dans sa version lamalQye de Hm:, Paris, 1956. 58r:rik Ha~rh, 1969, p.108. 16 living beings or their effigies made of barley flour in the reformed Bon (Le. g.yung-drung bon also adopted by their Buddhists counterpal ts) were sacrificed in eXf:hange for the recovery of the person afflicted with disease or spirit p0.5session.59 Divination, praying for rain or othet' blcssings were also part of the functions of the Bon priests60. Not much is Ir.nown on their actual beliefs and lheology, The carly Bonpos were concerned with the powers of the body-fluids of beings. Blood and plants extraction (as poison or used in medicinal preparations) were thought to carry a particular life-force which was used lO interact w:th gods and demons ( 111a-'dre ) and acquire their cooper.. llion b 1. We know that their early conceptions of the deities purported that gods created events and mastered destiny. At that time the conccpt of Cyclic Existence (samsara) had not yet entered the Bon doctrine. Deitie~ were thus what today's Bonpo scholars would term "mundane". There were no distinctions between deities being Enlightened and deitles l110ving the world (i.e. creating events). The Gods were creators of the world and were its inhabitants. This world was also populated with numerous entities of the most malevolent nature.62 From very early on, the Sonpos had already developed a system of priesthood (gShen) with specialization in the performance of various rites63. Family lineages are known to have specialized in different types of ri tuaIs and teachings. From the examination of non-Buddhist elements and continuing trends in later Bon, we may come to have a hetter knowledge of what early Bon was. We can safely assert that the office of a gShen was partly hereditary, for the Bonpo trace the source of their teachings to six family-lineages. Today, the main tutelary dcity of a given 59The earliest record of the use of ran~om known to me IS to be found in the Dunhuang documents and particularly in the funerals rcrorded by a ccrtain sNyoms dGe-dpal. Marcelle Lalou has do ne a translation of il ln her 'UiwcJ Bon-po des funérailles royales' in [ournal Asiatigue. 1952, pp.:H7· 361. Sce p.356 in this context. The text can be th us dated as far as the Tang if nol earIier. 60Nebesky-Woskovich in his Where the Gods are Mountaio~, New York, 1 The Everlas ting Bon. The Buddhist historical chronic1es set the appearance of the new Bon, known as g. Yung-drung Bon during the reign of the eighth king, Gri gum bTsan-p064. Gri-gum bTsan-po is also known (among Bonpos) as the first who persecuted Bon. This fact was not reported in the Buddhist chronicles. The dMu family lineage of bTsang (based in 'Bri-mtshams65) specialized in the teachings of the sPyi-pungs 66 and the cuits of the subterranean deities, the klu (Naga).67 From the Bru lineage came the knowledge of cosmogony and philosophy68. The Zhu family specialized in thè rites of the dead ('dur bon) and Mental Teachings.69 To the sPa family is ascribed the early transmission of the Tantric Teachings.70 The Cl4Karmay, 1972, pp.2-3 it IS during the reign of Gri-gum that the first rites of cvoration of the deads ( 'dur-bon) appeared for legend says that Gri-gum in a battle severed the dmu cord that kept him in permanent cor tact with heaven. Bccausc of this, from then on the Tlbetan kings had to be buried instead of asccnding to the Hcavens when thcir time was up. bSSouth of Shlgatse and north of the Sikkimese l'rontier city of Gangtok. See map in Appendix ln Karmay, 1972. bClThe Pyi-pungs arc a set of three major div inities widely worshipped by the Honpos. l'hcir origin is to be traccd ta the imtial Bon tnpartite divisions of the world: Heaven, the surface of the earth and the Underworld. The divinites of the Tantric 'Thrce Cycles of the Propagation of sPyi-pungs (spyi-pungs bsgrag-pa skor-gsum) are: IHa-rgod thog-pa ,dBaJ-gsas rngam-pa and gTso mdlOg mkhd'-'gymg . Thcsc Tantrie teachings were propagated by IHa-gshen Yongs-su D.lg-pa in the lands of the Celestial Gods, by Klu-grub Ye-shes sNying-po in the lands of the Nagas, and rGyal-gshen Mi-lus bSam-legs in the lands of men. None of the ritual te',:ts of the sPyi-pungs l'an be dated before the 10th Century A.D .. Karmay, 1972, pp.xxi-xxiii, 15 n.3, 45 n.2. Karmay, 1975, p.197. More studies remam to be done on the nature and functions of these thrce dcitics. b7For a good acccount of these lineages see; Karmay, S. G., 1972, pp.3-14. b8Studies of tater Bon texts on cosmogony may provide a glimpse of what the main helicfs of the early Bonpos may ha"e been. See for instance the texts transmitted through the Bru lineage lJ1 Karmay pp.8 and 139 for texts rcferences. 69Ibid., pp.8-9 dnd 136-7. 70Ibid., pp.9-10 and 135-6 18 rMe'u lineage included scholars who systematized Bon teachings and practiees. Scholastie studies, Metaphysical Teachings. rulcs of discipline ('du/-ba ), the Mental teachings of the Great Perfection (rDzogs-chen ) ,1I1d the studies of the Tantric cycles were collected and expoLlnded by famoLls Masters of this family lineage.71 Finally, the Khyung line,lge in Khyung po divided into three branches. black, yellow and white.72 li n fort un,Hely, these are tittle known and 1 was unable to ascertain the nature of t heir specifie transmitted teachings. These six family lineages encompassed most of the g.Yung-clrung Bon teachings. Today, Bonpos can authenticate their family ! raditions by referring to the origin of these family transmitted lineages. Most of the knowledgeable Bonpos that 1 have encountered were able to spC'cify from which of those six lineages the tradition of their main practiees originated. Today however, a given lama can profess teachings from more than one of these six different lineages. Elements of their specifie relation to eilher of the se can be traced by the lama's family tutelary deity or practice. There are two main classifications of Bon practices of which the second is subdivided into three. The flrst system is of the Four Gates and the Treasury making the fifth ( sgo-bzhi mdzod-lnga ): 1. The White Waters (Chab-dkar ); esoterie teachings of the Tantras. 2. The Black Waters (Chab-nag ); lore or narratives (gzhung) and rituals. 3. The 'phan Country: exoteric teachings and discipline ( 'du/-ba ), the Bon Sutras. 4. The Master (dpon-gsas ); Oral and Mental Teachings. 5. The Summit (mtho-thog ); the Essence common to all the other vehicles (sPyi-rgyugs. It is the 71According to A-Yong Lama, this lineagc is closely hnkcd with the mona~tery of sManri, which was the main ('enter of learning of the Bonpos from the 1()th Cent. to 1959. The famous Shardza lama, ShcHab (;yaltscn wa~ rcgarded as being a late forebearer of lhe rMe'u lineage. Personal communicalHm from A-Yong Rimpoche, December,1992. 72Ibid., pp.11-3. 19 Treasury and the teachings of the Great Perfection and the other Mental Teachings.73 The second system is the Nine Ways of Bon (bon kyi theg-pa dgu ) subdivided into the three sections74: A) The Ways of Cause (rgyu'i theg-pa ): 1. The Way of the gShen Prediction 75{ phywa-gshen theg-pa ); divination, astrology, magical rituals and (aboriginaI76) medicine. 2. The Way of the gShen Visual World (snang-gshen theg-pa ); Exorcism, suppression of demons and vampires, ransoming demons of ail sorts and offerings to divinities, local gods etc .. 3. The Way of the gShen of Illusion ('phrul-gshen theg-pa ); Elimination of enemies by magical means. 4. The Way of the gShen of Existence (srid-gshen theg-pa); Means of Salvation in the Intermediary State (bar-do) between death and rebirth. B) The Ways of Result ( 'brags-bu'i theg-pa): 5. The Way of the Virtuous Followers (dge-bnyen theg-pa ); General rules of conduct. ï3Kanncy, Samten G., 1975, p.178. See also Snellgroove, David, 1980, pp.16-19 for a better discussion on this. Also Kvaerne, Per, 1974 ,pp.24-27. 74This system has three versions. The Southern, Northem and Central l'reasures (lho bydng dbus gler). They are different traditions of expositions of the Nine Ways. The study and translations of Snellgroove in his Nine Ways of Bon, pertains to the Northem Treasure school (see note 24). Of the other 1WO, there has been no studies done in western languages. Karmey in his "A Catalogue of Bonpo Publications", Toyo Bunko, 1977, p.171, mentioned a work of Trashi G}altsen (shar-rdza'i bkra-shis rg>aJ-mtsan ), from his compendium Jung rig mdzod, the book Jung rig rin-'o-che'i mdzod bJo gsaJ snying gi nor (voJ.S, section Cd of the Complete works of Shardza Rinpoche. China, no date given and edition anon)mous, see Tibetan Works Bibliography of this monograph) where these three traditions are explicitly anaIysed. Their study could bring much understanding on the formation of religious and monastic institutions of Hon. This may certainly be linked to the propagation of tcachings from the previously mentionned six original family Iineages of the Bonpos. 7SFor convenience sake, 1 will be using Snellgrove's translations of the Nine Ways. His exegcsis ran be found in his work, Nine Ways of Bon, pp.9-13. 7°1 use the terms"arboriginal medicine" as referring to the Ancients' practice of mcdicine that inc1uded the use of herbaI, mineraI and animal derived rnedkinal preparations, massage, scarification, diet etc ... and also rituals bd\C\ cd to cllhance health. Those are very much like what one may find in 1rddiuonal Chmese medicine as was common among Taoists of Old China. The B,nnpos believe that their knowlcdge of medicine and astrology was ultimately coming from Zhang-zhung but was first brought to China and subsequently tG Tibet. Karmay, Sarnten G., 1972, pp.23-6. 20 6. The Way of the Great Ascetics (drang-srong theg-pa ); Vinaya rules. 7. The Way of Pure Sound (A-dkar theg-pa ); Basis principles of Tantric practices. 8. The Way of the Primeval gShen (ye-gshen theg-pa ); Tanu'ic practices of the Anuttarayoga-tantra types including Generation Stage (skyes-rim ) and Completion Stage (rdzogs-rim ). C) The Great Perfection (rDzogs-chen): 9. The Supreme Way (bla-med theg-pa ); the Teachings of the Great Perfection as being the culminating point of an ascetic's career. The elaboration of the Nine Ways clearly shows a graduai path leading from lower forms of practices, the Ways of Cause, to the higher forms, the Ways of Result. Although, a graduai training of the acolytes leading from levei one to nine might have existed in former times, the present curriculum of studies, as will be demonstrated latter, does not showany indication that such is the case in the Songpan area or anywhere else. This emphasizes a certain degree of specialization from different classes of priests (gshen), and is related to the above mentioned six family lineages of the early Bonpos. The fourth Way of the gShen of Existence for example is specifically referred to as the 'dur-bon (evocation of the soul of the dead) methods of the Zhu family lineage.77 This nine stages classification refers to practices and not to meditative states or stages along the path leading to Salvation such as the Buddhist counter-part of the nine steps of a Boddhisattva, the nine "Vehicles"78 Contemporary Bbnpos Bon is alive and well in contemporary China and is currently undergoing a renewal after the destructive years of the Cultural 77Karmay, 1972, p. 8-8, 136-7. 78Among Bonpos, it is believed that with the proper performance of one of the Ways, it leads to one of the higher Ways of Results. This i~ In a less philosophical manner a ladder leading to Enlightenrncnt but has no references to the Boddhisattva's graduai path. For the Nyingmapa's description of their Nine Bhumis, see Hoffman, H., 1961, p.65; for the dGelugspas' Nine Mental Abidings (sems gnas dgu ) sec: Lati & Inch6 Rimbochay & Zahler & Hopkins,Meditatiyes States, Wisdom Publkalion, London, 1983, pp.S4,58-72. 21 Revolution. Under the supervision of two sPrul-sku (reincarnated lama), A-yong Rinpoche of Nyarong (chi.: Xinlong xian) and Oanba Nyima of Ngari, the Bon Kangyur (Bôn Collection of Sutras) has already been recollected and reprinted twice. The Bon Tengyur (Bon Collection of Commentaries) is currently being collated for next year's printing. Monasteries ail over Tibet, Sichuan and Qinghai are now being rebuilt and monks are trained in monastic discipline, rituals and contemplative practices. 500 year old traditions of public ritual dances ( 'chams) are being performed. Manuals and textbooks are being reprinted on a small scale. Former Bon monks forced to marry during the Cultural Revolution are now practicing openly or going back to their former monasteries. Many of them are sending their children to the monasteries to get a religio11s education or a career. Offering ri tuais, circumambulation of holy sites and rituals for more mundane goals are openly performed without significant opposition from the Chinese au thori ties. Recently, the Chinese government did allow researchers (Chinese and Tibetan) to open research centers dedicated to the study of Tibetan Culture and shows, in certain Tibetan inhabited regions, a most surprising openness. The entire curriculum of pracdces of the contemporary Bonpos rely on the recorded tradition of teachings transmitted through family lineage and personal instructions from lamas and eIders Scriptures from the Kangyur contain many references to now forgotten lore, and the commentaries on the practices are far from complete as regards the sum of intricacies of the ri tuaI gestures, yogic exercises and essential visualizations. Thus, a researcher has to use every means available to record the se in order to begin to fathom the components of the world-view of the Bonpos. Commentaries that breach the traditional silence of secrecy regarding Oral Transmitted Teachings are to be found in the Complete Works of Shardza Rinpoche, Tashi Gyaltsan79 (bkra shis rgyal mtshan ) (1859-1935). He was the foremost scholar of Bon in recent times and spent his time practicing, teaching and writing. He possessed a formidable knowledge of the practices and gave in his writings very explicit 79For a short biography in english, see: Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen, 1993,pp.17-29. 22 expositions of these. Caiisthenics and other exercises are described in detail when it cornes to yogic practices and visualizations. Hand mudras (phyag-rgya) and other "oral" knowledge are also described. Most of the main masters in post-revolution's Sichuan were students of Shardza Rinpoche's disciples. His works are now common among the young monks of Songpan and the Bonpos of the Kham area (West Sichuan). 80 Definition of Bbn. In view of Erik Haarh's reconstruction of the Yar-Iung dynasty, it is not unreasonable to believe that the very first religious concepts and ri tuaIs of the Tibetans were latter absorbed by Bon. The additions made by the Bonpos to the original system of belief of the inhabitants of the Yar lung valley did not replace the latter system. The first form of Bon in Tibet was thus a concoction of foreign beHefs and practices mixed with local indigenous elements. The transforrned religion became Tibetan in character and was closely related to the local system of government. 1 do think therefore that the original Bon in Tibet can be defined as the indigenous religion of Tibet, for it contributed largely in shaping the identity of the Tibetcln nation. The formation of the myth casting Bon priests (gShen ) as guardians of the Royal house's legitirnacy (Chab-sris) recorded in most of the latter Tibetan historical chronicles attest to this unequivocal acceptance of Bon by the Tibetans as their first religion. However, the later reformed Bon, known as the Everlasting Bon (Le. g.Yung-drung Bon) was strongly influenced by Buddhism and reshaped their system of religious beliefs by adding much of their opponents' teachings. Buddhist Sutras were incorporated into the main Canon. In sorne Bbn Sutras, ancient names of div inities and demons appear but the 1 modern Bonpo scholars are no longer able to interpret them. During the translation of the texts used by Snellgrove to write his Nine Ways of Bon, there were many "ndent words that even the best of today's Bonpo scholars could not identify.81 Pre-Buddhist elements in Bon texts are numerous but have been incorporated into systems resembling those of the Buddhists.82 The Tantric Bon cycles, although being centered around 80References to his Complete Works will be found throughoutthis report. See also the Index of his Works to ascertain sorne of the practices of the Bonpos of Songpan and give access to scholars for further researh. 81 Snellgrove, 1967, p. 2 82Ibid., p.19-21. 23 indigenous mountain deities83, have a rather Buddhist appearance in practice, philosophy and ri tuaI performance. Besides Bon divinities, one Buddhist Yidam is also worshipped as a Bon deity.84 But modern Bon which has manifestly tittle to do with its ancient Tibetan pre-historie ancestor cannot be rightly classified as a Buddhist perv.ersion. Modern Bon remains a distinct religion in the eyes of its followers and despite aIl the similarities which would make it become a peculiar branch of Tibetan Buddhism, it remains a genuinely indigenous religion. Its deities and worship ri tuaIs are manifestations of Tibetan outlook on life and values. To counter the question of how much Buddhist is Bon, one may ask how much Bon is Tibetan Buddhism? The present essay, however, does not intend to answer this pa1·tieular question but will endeavor to ascertain, in a humble way, the nature of the modern Bonpos' activities. Chapter Two The Songpan area and the establishment of Bon. The Songpan prefecture85 (xian) of the Sichuan Province is located at about 334 km to the north-west of Chengdu, the provincial capital. It is a mountainous area where the highest peak, Xue Bao Ding, towers 5,588 meters above sea level. The population in 1987 was estimated at 59,544. Those of Han ethnicity numbered 31,520 persons. There were also 19,960 Tibetans, 6,536 Hui and 1,522 Qjang. 6 persons were of unspecified ethnie background.86 The Han population is mainly located in the Songpan87 83 Kannay, 1975, p. 198. 84lbid. 8SThe Sungpan Prefecture is in the Tibetan Autonomous Administrative District of Aba (aba zangzu z;zhi zhou) and is distinct from the Aba Prefecture (xian) north-west of Songpan. 86 A-ba Zan~ zu zi zhi di min~ shou ce, zhou di ming bang gong shi bian yin, 1987, p.38S. The dates of the census are not specified in this publicati0n. 87The prefectural town of Songpan is according to several infonnants at about 2,000 meters above sea level. This is consistant \Vith the graduaI elevation of 24 town itself and the villages in the valleys along the southern road to Chengdu. The Hui are settled along the same path with the addition of a few villages in the northern vicinity of the main prefecture town. The Tibetans live on the mountains close to the main township and in the more remote valleys. The farther one goes north. east or west from the administrative town, the more one meets Tibetan settlements and vittages. This is a pattern that 1 noticed in the other predominantly Tibetan area of Xiaojin.88 The area was known for its timber and the abundance of pine trees whence its denomination89. It was a meeting point for the Han, Tibetans and Qiang90. Its north-west area borders on the high Tibetan grasslands which were part of the Amdo province of pre-revolution Tibet. There. nomads have been living in tents up to the present time where they exchange milk and animal products with the inhabitants of the Songpan the ground from 1082 mtrs at the south to 3,000 mtrs for the northcrn part. Ibid.pp.388-9. 88Xiaojin is a small prefecture to the northwcst of Chengdu. Il is in the Jinchuan area and was part of the former Tibetan kingdom of r(iyal-mo-rong. During the 18th Century A.D., there was a major rebellion of the Tibetan against the Chinese which was latter known as the Jinchuan War ( 1746-49 and 1771-76). One of the largest Bon monastery of China, g.Yung-drung l.ha-~ding, was located in the Jinchuam area. As a result of tl,e war, il was dcstroycd under imperial order and a Gelugpa monastery was constructed on i ts location with partial Imperial financial assistance. My visit to Xiaojin, in October1991was precisely to try to find this Ron monastcry. It wa~ unsuccessful. On the Jinchuan War and the persccution 01 the BC)J1pos, ~cc: Patrick Mansier, La guerre du jinchuan (rGyaJ-rong): Jon ('onlc\lc poJllico religieux in Tibet: civilisation ct société, Fondation Singer-Polignac, Paris, 1990, p.125-42. 89Here are the different appellation of Songpan throughout hi~tory; Yu (;ong Uang Zhou, Zhou Di Qjang Di. From 116-111 RC, it was known as Ihi Qjan Di Dao. From the Latter Han period to the Jin Dynasties as Shcng Qjan Xian. Ihou dynasty: Fu Zhou and Jia cheng Xian. In 618 AD it was known a~ Jia chcng Xian and Song Zhou. In 1379, the two names of Song Zhou and Pan Ihou wcrc used till in 1387 the name Songpan was adoptect. In 1563 the term Xian wa~ changcd for Wei (i.e. Songpan Wei). The classification of Wei was modificd for Ding, thus Songpan Ding. During the Qjanlong era (1760), its ~tatus was formally elevated to Songpan Zhilti Ding and since the third year of the Rcpublit (1914), the modem appelation of Songpan Xian has remained. A-ba Lan" zu Li Lhi di min" shou ce, zhou di ming bang gong shi bian yin, 1987, pp.386-7. 90In the very early days (i.e. Han dynasty), thc arca was mostly populatcd by the Qjang minority. It was in fact often refcrred to as the Land of the Qiang (Qjang di). Ibid., p.386. The Zhenjiang administrative-village (I(iang ) in the southem part of the Songpan Prefecture on the main road to Chcngdu i<; ~till surrounded by Qjang minority villages. The Qjang are of distant Tibctan descent. 25 prefecture. The northern part of the prefecture is predominantly Tibetan, speaking a mixture of the Amdo dialect with a local dialect. It is mainly there that the Bon pos are to be found. Historical presence of lamaism in the Songpan prefecture The oldest known Tibetan Buddhist Temple to have existed in the prefecture is at Anhong country-village (xiang). It is said that during the 8th century, the disciple of Padmasambhava, Vairocana, went to the area and built a temple.91 Because there were many Chinese (Han) in the area, the following at the temple was not very numerous and the temple fell into decay. During the Yuan dynasty, it is said to have been rebuilt on the . same location. Its members did not exceed a thousand in number. In 1165, a certain Gengka lama, of the Nyingma sect, renovated it and built two other temples in the village of Yancong, in the neighboring xian of Qjngyun. These three temples fell into obsolescence due to the overwhelming presence of the Bonpo. There are no reports of strife between the two sects that 1 could find. Today, only the Yancong Temple remains with the members of the village as the only Nyingmapas in the Prefecture92. The oldest Bon Temples of Songpan are the Duitle Temple in Shuijing xiang founded in 1069 and the Jioachang TenJple (founded in 1087) in Hongtu xiang.93 There is no specification as to whether they were Temples (lHa-khang ) or monasteries. But, we know for certain that they were monasteries before Liberation and are now in the process of being rebuilt as such.94 ln 1229 AD, a disciple of the famous Sakya lama Phags-pa, went to the foot of Xuebao Ding and founded the Buddhist Temple of Shangnami village (tib.: mkhang chung stod-pa ) after which he left for the northern pf(!fecture of Ruoergai in the grasslands to found the other temple of (")~ .. 9S '-<.J 11. 91 This information is coming from a small pamphlet published by the Retigious Affairs Bureau of the Songpan Prefecture, the Son2pan ZanK Zhuan Foiiao Gaikuan2, 1987 p.2. 92lbid. 93Ibid., p. 55. 9-lSee table 2 below. 95Ibid., pp. 1-3. ------ 2b A disciple of Tsong Khapa96, Chagu Awang Zaba97 , in 1411 went to Maoergai and seduced by the beauty of the site and its .lbundance ln wood decided to settle and built a temple, a library and a school. The Gelugpa developed a grand following over time and they now outnumber the t\Vo other Huddhist sects of this area. ln 1~87, the inventof)' of the Maoergai Temple showed that it encompassed lU mu of land and included different temples of aU sizes, library and lodgings. L~ 1 buildmgs in ail. There were 3,LYl artifacts, statues, paintings (thang-ka) and ri tuai implements. The library possessed two copies of the Buddhist Kangyur98 and one of the Tangyur.99 The actual number of monks is unknown. Table 1 Chronologicallist of the Lamaist monasteries' ye:lfS of foundation 100 Monastery Sect Location name or l'earor Founder roundation DUlhe Bon ShUlJlIlg xlUng, Gcdcng Jmncun 1tl6Y ShUltong VIllage Jmochang Bon Honglu ~laJlg. Apn Naduo IOX7 Chang( '!)wo \'II. Yanchong Nymgma Anhong \Iung. *BUlru Zana llh_\ Yanchnng VII Nam. Bon Dazhal '(Iang. ShenJI Nlmale IloY Shang Nanll VII ShangNlha Sakya DUl.hru "ang. GaAmo 122lJ Shang Nlha VII. Shanba Bon Shunba '(Iang. Jmwa Jlaneun 1.!6S Shanba VIllage 96Tsong Khapa alias Losang Dragpa (1357-1419) was the founder of the Gclug sect of Tibetan Buddhism. He was a reformer that, \'Vith the creation of a new ~cct, had as his main objective the reestablishment of the monastic rules and regulations of Buddhism in all their original integrity. On the life of Tsong Khapa, see: Thurman, R., The Life and Teachines of Tsong Khapa, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala, India, 1982, pp.3-46. The Gelugpa sect known in the West as the Yellow Hat Sect remains the largest up to now. From its beginning to the Liberation, it held the political rule of Tibet. 97This is a sinicized name. 1 do not know the correct Tibetan name. 98Kangyur (bKa'-'gyur) means "the word [of the Buddha)s". It refers to the Collection of Sutras or di~('our('es of the Ruddha. The 80n Kangyur is the r.olJection of the edicts and enunciations of Shenrab, the alleged founder of Hôn. The Buddhist Kangyur is the Collection of the Words of the Buddha Shakyamuni. These are two distinct collections. For a brief study on the BOn Kangyur, see Per Kvaerne, 1974. As for the Buddhist Kangyur, see Alexander Csoma de Koros, Ana1y!»is of Kangyur, Calcutta, 1836-1839, reprint Del;hi, 1982. 99Songpan Zane Zhuan Foiiao Gaikuang,1987, pp. 9-10. 100fuid., pp.42, 55. 27 dGa'.mal Bon ShUljmg xlang. Renqmg Jlancun 1355 Anbl village Kaya Bün Xlyun ~Iang. Shcnwa Rcnqmg 1375 Kaya village Maoergal Gelug Shangbazhal ':Jang. Wanggu Ahuo 1411 Suhua village Nalun Bdn XlabaLhru xlang. Nlma zhc 1415 Naluo village Yuanba B(ln Yuanba ,(Iang. DclaoJlaneun 1475 y uanba village Hou'ihl Gclug MUni xlang. Kedcng Jlaneun 1663 Yuanhan vll1ag~! Xlaoooo Gelug Anhong ,(lang. Luorang Kuba 1695 XlaoOOo village Lmbu Bon Yuanba ,(Iang, Dcngbl Jlaneun 1805 Llnbo village Longdou B(ln XmoxlOg ,(lang. KC/hong PcngcJlo 1815 P1ngan village *Although Vairocana is said to have fouded this temple in the 8th century, it was later rebuilt in 1163 by an unknown lama. Vairocana remains the alleged founder of the temple. Main events from local historical chronicles,lOl The Bonpos were very much present during the time of the foundation of the Gelug monastery. The Yellow Hats appear to have been in charge of the administration of the Maoergai region since they were in charge of the collection of taxes. After Chagu Awang Zaba established his monastery under the injunction of Tsong Khapa, he delegated his powers to Dongge Luodeng Jiancuo who remained at the Maoergai monastery. The Gelugpa lama began his preaching and after a month had made no progress and received no new disciples. Blaming his misfortune on the Bonpos, he levled heavy taxes of grains, milk, fire wood etc..... One day, a Bon monk presented himself to beg charity and recite scripture. He apparently entered the temple and stole sorne belongings or artifacts. Afterwards the main door was kept locked. In the temple, there were piles of dried wood and fire caught, reducing many rnonks ta ashes . Only three of them managed to escape over the wall. They ran for more than a 11102 , and on a stone, sat cross-legged 'lIld uttered a malediction. The curse was that if Bon scriptures were not recited in the Maoergal temple and the drums of the Bonpos were not heard, the mountaln will then collapse, 101Unless otherwise noted, the following accounts come from the Sonipan Zani Zhuan Fojiao Gaikuani,1987. This report on Songpan's religious history does not reveal its sources. Since it was made by th~ Religious Bureau of the Songpan Prefecture and for internal circulation, 1 consider the integrity of the informations provided as being reliable enough. So far, this has been the most reliable source on Songpan's religious history. lO:!O.5 kllomclcr. 28 jackal and wolves will eat humans and whoever will be left living will die of the plague. One of the monks went to the Daxing valley, c1imbed a precipice, dug a hole in the cliff and spent there the rest of his life under wretched conditions. The second went to the woods of a nearby mountain and was not been heard of ever since. The third ran on a dangerous road where he fell on a stone and died. 1 03 When Dongge Luodeng jiancuo learned of these events, he lead a group of soldiers to the south to attack the Bon monastery of Luowulun. When he reached the destination, he saw one lama with tongues of f1ames issuing from his mouth, smashing rocks with his hands, chopping cypress trees with his feet, tearing his hair and riding a whirlwind. The Gelug lama was dumbfounded, and quickly left. 104 After many years had passed and that the rei ncarnation of Dongge Luodeng Jiancuo had occupied his seat in the Maoergai temple, it is said that he went to the neighboring area of Yindun. There, he dug the ground and built a chamber where he spent days and nights cursing the Bônpos,lOS In 1879, a few Bonpos of the Rewu valley, because of inauspicious portents, took arms and decided to eradicate Buddhism. They aimed at the destruction of the Gelug Temple of Maoergai. The monks of the Hai Monastery heard of this, blocked the way with a rampart of stones and retreated to the bridge of Suhua in the middle of the plain. The next day, soldiers of the Bonpos' side attacked them. The landlord of Suhua, greatly alarmed, convened a meeting during the night and sent a messenger on horse to get help. The next day, soldiers with muskets arrived at the shore of the Suhua bridge and attacked the rival band of soldiers. The Bonpos of the Rewu valley, ~eing outnumbered, f1ed and dispersed in the Long Valley and the incident was closed.106 In the Spring of 1933, the Gelugpa of the Songpan region decided to build a Stupa and put Mani stones107 on the mountain of Xuebao l03Ibid., p.6. l04Ibid., p.7. 105 Ibid. l06Ibid. l07These are stones carved with the mantra of the deity of compassion, Avalokiteshvara (tib. Chenrezig). The mantra reads: 'Om Mani Padma Hum' and is identical to the Chinese's spell of the deity of Compassion, Guanyin. The Bonpos have their own vt.rsion of it which is cali the Matri, mantra of the Byams-ma and goes like this: 'Om Matri Muye Sale 'dru'. 29 ding 108. This was decided with the help of Dongruo lama of the main Gelug center in Gansu who was supervising ail the other monasteries of the southern part of the then Amdo province of Tibet. More than 30 slabs of stone and 3,000 silver dollars (yuan) were prepared. The financial burden would be shared by ail. A certain Wu Dangxiao together with the B6npos opposed this for they believed it could harm their community and bring misfortune. The Chief of the Songpan garrison then ordered Wu Dangxiao ta convey the news. Wu Dangxiao told the Gelugpas that the money needed for the construction had not been received and that they should go ta Gansu to find a way to resolve this matter. An envoy was sent but the main instigator of the project, Dongruo lama had entered the mountain to perform a strict retreat.109 Three years latter, in 1936, Dongruo lama reappeared and went ta pay his respects to Rongde, the landlord of Daxing.1 10 Together, they decided to send a delegation of 34 people ta Chengdu and obtain formaI approval for building a Buddhist Pagoda on Xuebao Ding. The delegation came back with the following words of the governor of Sichuan, Wang Zanzhu: "We agree ta the construction of the Buddhist Pagoda on Xuebao Ding and order Tang Shangzhu to be il>. charge of the solicitation and collection of the money and provisions for the Pagoda; (And) at the completion of the work on the Pagoda, to erect a stele to explain (its need and function of) protection." 111 Tang Shangzhu with his family attended the ceremony of laying the foundation stone. During the fourth lunar mon th of that year, many disciplC!S of the Gelugpas attended a religious ceremony at the Temple of Shaobao. Members of Bon communities blocked the road and fighting broke out. 108Xuebao Ding is the highest peak of the Sungpan prefecture. It towers 5,588 met ers high and has always been a sacred mountain to the Bonpos, being the abode of one important mountain deity of the region. 1091bid. 110Da~ng xiang, in the south-\\cstern part of the Songpan Prefecture. Before überation, it was under the control of a landlord who had jurisdiction over 48 military stockades. Source; A-ba zam~ zu zi zhi di mina shou ce, zhou di ming bang gong shi bian yin, 1987, p. 401. 111Sonapan Zana Zhuan Foiiao Gaikuaoa, p.8. 30 One man was beaten to death and one woman was stripped naked. She ran back home and committed suicide. Rongde then petitioned the head of the prefecture, Sha Tiewan who quickly apprehended the culprits and settled the case. 1 12 Since their accession to political power in the lSth century, the Gelugpas have had little tolerance for the Bonpos. Bon monasteries have beep seized, exterminated or converted. The Gelug monastery of Labrang (Xiahe) of the Gansu province apparently forbade the neighboring Bon monastery of the prefecture of Dongren (south of the present Qjnghai province) to confer ordination ceremoniesl13. According to some of my B6npo informants, they believed that the Chinese appellation of Black Religion (Hei jiao ) ascribed to them originated among the members of that Yellow Hat monastery. The Bonpos of Dongren xian are, up to this day, renowned to be skilled sngags-pa (Tantric magicians) and allegedly used black magic repeatedly against their persecutors. During the Qjng dynasty, the Imperial government never really made any difference between the different sects of lamaism. They universally called a Tibetan monk a lama and used the generic term of Lamaism (Lama jiao ) in regard to ail the religious manifestations of their western neighbors. The Yellow Hats, being the temporal and spiritual authorities of Tibet, appear to have exploited, in sorne circumstances, the ignorance of the Chinese in this regard. Posing as the "official" form of Tibetan Buddhism and affirming therefore their authority on the matter, they used the armies of their allies to further their political aims. 114 It is certainly not a coïncidence that there have been repeated conflicts in the past between followers of Bon and of the Gelugpas. in Songpan 112Ibid.,p.8. 113This has been explained to me by two diffcrents Bonpo informants. One is Phya-pur Namkha Gyaltsen, a Reincarnated lama (tib.,sprul-sku, ('hi., huo 10 ) of the sNang-zhig monastery in !he Aba Prefecture. The othcr is 1.., a B6npo of Songpan with many connections with important Bon lamas in China as welI as in India. 1 have found no records or dates rcferring to this incident auached by Bônpos to the Labrang monastery. 1141 am grateful for this information to Prof. Roger Grcatrex of Lund University. The article in which he discusses the political implications of the Jinchuan wars and the politicaI manipulations of the C;elugpa authoritics to replace a fonner Bon monastery for one of their own i~ to appear in Proceedinas of the AUiust 1992 Conference of tbe International !v>~oC!auon of Tjbetan Studies, Oslo, 1993. The article is titled: "/\ brief Introduction tn the Firstjinchuan War (1747-1749)". 31 Before Liberation Before February 1950, when the Red Army entered Songpan and took effective comma:1d of the area, the Tibetan Lamaist Temples and Monasteries were tightly linked to the local poIitieal structure of their locality. Every tribe, however smalI, was tied to a monastery (or many) and had to pay allegiance to the local Land Lord (tu shi) in the form of taxes. During festivities, the Land Lord and his family would give major contri butions to the monastery and interaction between him and the religious dignitaries was very dynamic. The tradition among Tibetan families was that each family had at least one of its sons in the clergy. The dominant figures of the main monasteries were more often than not, relatives of the Land Lords. 1 1 5 Their prosperity was thus tightly connected with the control exercised by the main head of the district and the Chinese saw this situation as constituting a potential setback to their reforms. The overbearing influence of the clergy on the population made religion a major key of control. The initial policies of the Communists in 1950 were: "Inside the People's Republic of China: people (and) minorities are aIl equal. It is forbidden to discriminate (among) national minorities and to oppress national minorities! (We) oppose Ethnie Nationalism and Feudal Ethnie Nationalism!" and "Religious beliefs are Free!" 116 Representatives from the Maoergai Monastery, Linpo Monastery, Xiaobao Monastery, Yuanba Temple and other monasteries went to Beijing the same year as representatives and upon their return were nominated as officiais of the Religious Affairs Bureau of the Songpan Prefecture.ll 7 Land Reforms in Songpan started in 1955. In the former regime, monasteries possessed large fields for the upkeep of their inhabitants and the work of tilling the soil was contracted out to the local peasants. The latter, toiling under heavy taxes, often resorted to borrowing the money and food From the monasteries. The loans were given with high interest rates. When the reforms began, in order not to upset the fragile allegiance of the monasteries to the new govemment, ard on the 24th of July 1956, 115 Sooi:pao Zaoa Zhuao Foiiao Gaikuao~, p.17. l 16See Ibid., for Chinese text. in Soo~pan Zani: Zhuao Foiiao Gaikuan~, p.23. 117Ibid. 32 it was decided not to touch any of the monasteries' holdings. The word of order was that Land Reform was Peoples' business and that mon.lsteries had nothing to do with it. Usury loans would not be touched and the government engaged itself to help the pe.1sants who wanted to pay bac\'" in full their loans. 9,327,531 yuan were given to the peasants to repcly their 10ans. The land was re-divided in regard to the number of heads per familyand the monks were attributed lots that would be tended by their family.118 Today's system of land allocation still follows the same principles. In the Songpan Prefecture, 4 mu 119 of land are attributed per head. Sorne Party cadre wanted to completely eradicate the monastic institutions since they were also major land owners. They also strongly opposed the recitation of scriptures for monetary gain. They created dissension to such an extent that Songpan's government issued an order to ail the merr,bers of the Party to accept the policy of April l6th 1956 of the Government of the Aba District. It briefly stated that as long as the monastjc institutions would not support the Landlords or aet Iike them, the monks would be free to go out, recite scripture, and accept money for it,120 The Landlord:; were losing their domains (if not their heads) and many of them put pressure on their religious relatives to stir up some resistanoe. f\s a n~sult, revolts broke out during the Summer of 1956 involving the Abbot of the Gelugpa Maoergai monastery, the former local Landlord and several important monks. The former Landlord of the neighboring Prefecture of Heishui, Dawa Achu Nima and others from the Rewu and Muni valleys joined and 13 regions (xiang ) of the Prefecture were in an uproar. The group of rebels accounted for more than 2,ÜOO with 1,1 70 pieces of arms of aIl kinds. 121 On August 1956, the soldiers of the PLA entered the Prefecture and took six months to quell the rebellion. Order was reestablished by the Summer of 1957.122 118Ibid., p.27-8 1190ne mu equal 0.0667 hectares. 120Jbid., p.28. 1211bid., pp.29-30. 122Ibid. 33 At Liberation, the population of Tibetans was 16.435. most of them fervent believers ln Lamaism. The participation of the Tibetan clergy in the administration of the Prefecture became a reality. But there were also many monks who decided to pursue more mundane studies and upon graduation from the South-west Institute of Minorities in Chengdu or other Institutions, went back to Songpan to become government officiaIs. But the participation of monks in public affairs and the opportunities of pursuing non-religious careers did not deplete the number of monks in the monasteries. Although the learned Tibetans had in fact another choice of career than the harsh life of a monk, there was no significant changes in the population of the monasteries between 1950 and 1957. We may suppose that the religious fervor of the Tibetans remained constant in spite of the reforms and new optnings for better lay cafeers. 1do not for the moment pretend to answer this question sinre no available evidence allows us to confirm ur deny any reasonable explanation of the fact that may be offered. Table 2 POL'u,!lëliQn §lng holgings Qf th~ monasteries of the SongQSll Prefectur~.123 Mona..,- Sect n nI n 01 n 0\ n of Profcs- Prores- *Lama *Lama Hold- tenc!'l head- head- .1dmml'i admmls sional o;lon.11 1950 1957 mgsm monk... monks tmtor lratorl9 monksl monksl mu 1950 1957 1950 57 950 957 M.1ocr- Gelug JO 4 Il Il 459 470 none none 20,000 g.u XIJU Gelug 10 fi 3 3 102 96 none none 7,900 000 Huu ,hl Gclug 3 2 2 2 98 95 none none Il,333 Yan N)lg- 1 none none 48 43 1.800 Chllng mol Sh.u1g- Sa")a fi 4 2 2 52 45 34 33 6, 123This chart is taken from Songpan Zang Zhuan FoUao Gaikuang, 1987, p.31. This pu blication being an official internal document for the Aba District Government makes it somewhat acceptable for getting a demographic sample. The rcliability of Chinese 'Official' document is often of questionable integrity. lIowever, tbis and the other chans lhal ru e specificaly coming from this source and presented in this report remain quite convincing when one corroborates these figures with the reports of different informants of this Prefecture. 34 Jtao- Bon 4 3 3 3J33 chang Kaya Bon 1 M 7 14 3.5.55 Namt Bon 1 1 7 5 JO :!.IMO Dwhe Bdn 3 5 5 40 34 (;0 K.()()() Long- Bon 1 t t 10 .531 tou *Lamas are religious specialists attached to a monastery and may reside \\ithin the monastic compound but are not necessarily monks. Starting Winter 1958, the 'Oppose the Four" canlpaign (si fan) started in Songpan. The objectives in regard to the Tibetan clergy was ta quell the possible rebellions at the source, ta enforce obedience to the laws of Communist government, to eliminate privileges and to stop exploitation and all forms of delinquent behavior)24 Pre-Liberation Lamaism was regarded as an embodiment of Feudalism. The recent uprisings involving important members of the c1ergy only benefited the Party members who eartier wanted the monastlc institutions to be abolished. Leniency was no longer tolerated and soon witch hunts were under way. Lamaism, with its different stations of office, its former involvement in usury, its power of punishment, and privileges above the law were ta be purged by intense sessions of ideological reformatlon. At first, the members of the Party among the populace, although acknowledging the criticism imputed ta the clergy, were reluctant to stop and reform religious activities and affairs (zong jiao de hua dong).l25 In February 1958, seances of self-criticism and self-examination were held. Sorne members of the Party with local peasants went to Houshi, Kaya and Yanba monasteries to convict sorne monks responsible of offenses committed before or after überation. In other temples, religious 124Ibid,. p.33. 12SIbid. 35 artifacts and weapons were seized and destroyed. The weapons that had been used to punish or kill were brought to the police station for safe keeping. Monks from other Prefectures had to go back to their families and a total of 893 monks from Songpan went back to their homes. Oanba Cizhong, one of the headmonks, with sorne 17 monks from Maoergai went to Yuanba Temple where they were hired to work at physicallabor at a rate of 7 yuan per month. 126 The Reincarnated Lama of Linbo, Jianke lama, together with other prominent figures, went to the capital of the Aba district (Barkham) to work in the government as consultants, researchers, doctors etc .. .127 With the exceptions of the two Gelug monasteries of Maoergai and Yuanba, most of the other monasteries were, before the fourth of January 1959, seriously damaged or destroyed. Those were converted into schools, hospitals, warehouses etc,128 There are no accounts for the years 1959 to 1966. The Cultural Revolution 1966 was the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. During these times, there was a systematic destruct!on of everything pertaining to religion. AlI the monks had to return home. Former hndlords and their family members together with reincarnated lamas (spruJ-sku, chi. huo-fo), monks and lamas of aIl stations were criticized over and over again. These sessions lasted for months and the criticized had often to line up in the cold of winter to take there turns again at being vilified. Many were broken and sorne among the lamas committed suicide, died of injuries intlicted during the sessions, and sorne were coldly murdered.129 Of the 15 main Temples and Monasteries that existed prior to the Cul tu raI Revolution, only one known to me survived; the Bon Nami monastery.130 In 1957 there was an epidemic of leprosy in the valley. 126 Ibid., p.3S. 1271bid. 1281bid. 129Ibid.,p.36. 130ln the SOm!pan Zana Zbuan FoUao Gaikuana, 1987, p.36, it is mentionned that aIl the 15 rnonasteries were destroyed. However, during my stays in Songpan, at lcast three different unrelated informants mentioned that the Nami monastery bad not been destroyed for the above mentionned reason. There is another rnonastery that apparently survived intact but the informant 36 When the red guards in 1966 were going to invade the site, a passing Tibetan told them that there was still an epidemic in the valley. Consequently, the monastery was spared from their visit. A few years ago however, the temple was torn down, for the monks judged it to be too old. It is still in the process of being reconstructed. The dGa'-mal monastery which used to have about 200 monks was leveled to the ground. Its reconstruction, which started in 1980 is now almost completed. The Shanba monastery's (tib.: skyang tshang dgon-pa ) reconstruction ceremony was conducted only during the Tibetan New Year of 1985. Most of the other monasteries and temples of the Prefecture are presently being very slowly rebuilt due to financial constraints. In most of them, onlya care-taker lives in the premises and the young Bon monks prefer ta attach themselves to the now more important monasteries of dGa'-mal, Rimpon (Duiheshi) and Taji131 . Reconstruction and the new policies regarding religion. When China began to open to the world after the 1 1th Congress of the Communist Party in 1979, adoption was made of allowing the freedom of religion to Tibetan inhabited terri tories. From 1980 to 1986, decisions were made to participate financially in the reconstruction of the 15 monasteries and temples of the Songpan Prefecture. The four monasteries of dGa'-mal, Houshi, Kaya and Maoergai were the first to be granted their former status in April 1980. The other eleven were reinstated From June 1983 to the end of 1987. The funds were collected From donations and 424,000 yuan were contributed by the Chinese government. The total sum came up ta 609,000 yuan. 408,500 yuan were given ta the Gelug Maoergai monastery, 9,500 to dGa'-mal, 3,000 to Haushi and 3,000 ta Kaya. Indemnities were paid ta individuals who suffcred badly From the Cultural Revolution and salaries were given ta the persons in charge of reconstruction and administration of their local monasteries. 132 was not sure of its name and 1 think that he was refering to Nami or to sorne small remote Iha-kang (prayer haIl). 131 This Bon monastery is in the Nanping Prefecture, north-caM of Songpan on the road to the famous scenic spot of Jiuzaigou. There is a fairly large number of Bonpos there that often visit dGa'-mal, the g.Yung-drung Kha hermitage and the monasteries of Zocrgai Prefecture. 132Sonapan Zan" Zhuan FoUao Gaikuana,pp.37-8. 37 On November 1981, the Bureau of Buddhist Affairs was created with 1 5 persons representing the·ir monasteries. Their role was to coordinate the implementation of governmental policies.133 This Bureau is still active and is under the juIisdiction of the Songpan Bureau of Religious Affairs. This, in turn, is under the guidance of the Communist Party of Songpan and the Peoples' Government of Songpan. Upon completion of the main temple of the monastic compound, permission is then given to perform festivals and other accepted public activities. Each monastery has its administrators and committee made of locallay members and monks. The Maoergai and dGa'-mal monasteries have from Il ; (J 13 members and the others have from 3 to 5 mem bers. The B6n monastery of dGa'-mal has the following directives: "To work at the appointed task till support is gained and there is credit; to fix a time where accounts will be made public; to observe strictly the discipline of the monastery; not to confer religious vows on a person below 18 years of age; ail the monks of the monastery can go out to other monasteries to recite scriptures; in nonmal times, monks can go back to their families to .lssbt in productive works; monks should respect and guard religious vows and religious principles; to handle affairs according to proper procedures; monks cannot use the ensignia of the monastery and go outside to colleet funds; and etc ... ,,134 ln 1986, when all the 15 monasteries were officially reopened (kaifang), there was to be 865 persons associated with them.135 133Ibid.,pAO. 134lbid.,pAl. 1351bid. .U~ Table 3 Ust of the allocation of professional ffiQD_ks and monastic [aciliti~~Lln 1987.136 Ml- Sc,~1 Lama R('tn- *CI('- Lndg- n nf Nuns n of +nol Suple Date nru;- C.lmat .. hcs mg 1nha- Monk Monk mcn- 01 tery cd capa- bllanl sub- -I~ laI) reopc- Lama city total ~ears lod- nmg gll1gs dOa'- Bon 3 7 HX) 74 20 102 15 2K Apnl mal I()K(~ Shan B(1I1 30 5 K9 10 X4 June 00 IlJR..~ Lmbo Bon 30 15 93 14 7K June 19K3 Dwhe Bon 30 69 10 OK May Il)K5 Yan- Bon 30 3 49 9 46 June 00 IlJR..~ Narm Bon 5 15 14 Aug- u.. t 1(JX4 Shang Sa- 30 40 15 :!o 35 .luite mba ~')'a 1(JR..1 Yan Nymg 10 5K K 57 J\ug- chong ma U<;1 19K4 Xlao Ge- 30 21 21 7 June bao lug 19K3 Hou Ge- 40 32 32 7 Apnl sin lug IlJKO Long Bt1l1 5 7 Aug- lou u.. l 19tW Jlao B(1I1 2 5 2 32 9 June cha- 1(JR..1 ng Kaya 5 3 20 14 Apnl I()K() Mao- Ge- 2 1 13&rhis table doesn't reflect the acmaI situation of the monasteries. Many of the below mentioned monasteries presently only have their main prayer hall. The rest of the buildings and lodgings will be constructed when funds and needs will arise. The numbers are specifies of buildings and inhabitants that will be permited to live within the periphery of the monastery. They refJect plannings done by the Religious Bureau of Songpan. These numbers have been taken from SQnapan Zana Zhuan Foiiao Gaikuang, 1987, p. 42. 39 * The Geshes (dGe-shes ) are educated monks who received this title after completing a course in philosophy and religious scholastics in a monastic college. It is the Tibetan equivalent of our Doctor in Divinity.137 +Monks un'1er 18 yeaI"S of age are students sent by their parents to undergo a religious education mainJy to eventually become a professional monk. These children, from age 9 to 18, dress like novice monks. (See below.) Administration Since the 'reopening' of the monasteries and the subventions for their reconstruction, the main policy regarding the financing of Lamaist institutions was to leave it to the adherents of the faith. The monasteries have no longer the rigbt to own lands. Their members have the right to go out and receive money from the recitation of script ures, the performance of religious rites and the selling of talismans. In genera1, monks in large monasteries like dGa'-mal and Maoergai contribute to the general treasury by adding their small gains from these "professional" activities. The monastery of dGa'-mal, being also an "Open area for tourists" (including foreigners) bas a smal1 shop at Us entrance and sells tickets to tour groups, tourist goods and other religious items for the faithful. These activities can generate smalt sums sufficient for food and minor expenses. from 1985 to 1986, dGa'-mal receipts from visiting tour groups was about 5,500 yuan.l38 For a rnonastery of more than 75 monks, conducting classes, and printing books for internai use, ail the while undergoing major renovations, tbese meager amounts are far from adequate. 137Sce Tucci, 1973, pp.48,99,1S 1. 138S011CPan Zani Zhuan FoUao Gaikuanc. 1987, pAS. 40 The large festivals that attract numbers of visitors also constitute means to help tp~ financing of the monastery. These activities as weil as patronized ri tuais can bring in substantial amounts. There are no other subventions from the government unless the location is classified as a historical site.139 The monks (over 18 years) depend mainly on their family contributions for their sustenance. But it is also very common to find young aspirants from Il to 17 years oid who live in the monastery studying Tibetan language, and the religious curriculum of their sect. Many of them were sent by their parents without resources and it becomes the responsibility of the Abbot to see to their lodging, food and clothing. They share a roof, food and classes together and wear the regular novice garments of their Order. Their living conditions are more often than no t, quite precarious. Many lamas aiso tutor a young relative, giving them instruction, food and shelter. The young nephews, in return, are expected to help with menial tasks 1ik,~ preparing food and etc. The remains of pre-Liberation forms of monastic organizations are to be ,een in the Abbot Institution (mkhan-po ), and the organizations of the College (gling) and Superintendent (gnyer). The latter's office has been reduced to the supervision of the monastic compound's infrastructure and the cumulating tasks of accounting, c00rdinating major events (festivals) with the Abbot, renovation, construction, and other administrative tasks. The phan-ch un dge-rgan (Preceptors) 140 who, in former times, went to collect contributions among the faithfui and principal contributors are no longer extant. The rights of soliciting donations or conducting lucrative business outside the monastery have been, canceled. The daily Tea Offerings (rgyun-ja ) of former times are gone. There are no Daily Offices conducted in the main temple. The reasons for this may be the lack o~ available resources and organization to support this event on a yearly basis. The :nonks rely mostly on family provisions and monasteries can no longer support the costs of feeding the monks wi th 139Ibid.,p.44. 140For a good resume and example of a Bon monastic system of organization see: Per Kvaeme, "Administration d'un monastère Bon-po" in IQurnaI AsiatiQye, 1970, pp.187-192. There is little diffel ence betwccn the Bc>n system of monastic organization and those of the Gelug s-xt. J;or the latter sec: Tucd, G., 1973, pp.178-87. 41 Tsam-pa and tea every day. There exist facilities in dGa'-maI for cooking and storing food. The Abbot may have wanted, at sorne point in time, to resume the old daily rituals but again, the lack of resources seems to be the main reason for its coutinued abandon. The Abbot is responsible for accomplishing ail the formalities outside the monastery with the local governmental authorities. He is the only one that can speak to local authorities on behalf of the monastery. The institution of the Reincarnated Lamas (spruJ-sku ) is still extant but its power and influence has been greatly diminished. In former times, the sanctity, spiritual authority and prestige that a sPrul-sku conferred to a monastery was tantamount to temporal influence and power. The authority of the 'Living Buddha" (chi.: huo-Fu) was decisive in resolving conflicts and generating enthusiasm among the Tibetan tribes of former Tibet. They were next to, if not above, the local Lords in the balance of power. They formed a separate institution in monasteries and their role was to cor.f~1 Initiations and to deal with local politics,141 Many of them have be'~n forced after Liberation to "officially" deny the reality of their office. \lowadays, the sPrul-sku mostly continue to confer Initiations and Spiritual ~~idance with a much reduced dramatic effe<..t on his followers. Sorne of them like A-Yong Lama of Nyarong are engaged in collecting rnanuscripts and reprinting them as weil as opening religious schools. Where influence has been preservE.'d \Vith the Communist Government, they act as mediators when friction appear between local factions or when new policies are irrelevant,142 In short, it is my belief that the small population of monks in rnonasteries, the lack of resources due to the inability to generate the wherewithal, has much to do with the disappearance of many traditional monastic institutions. The impossibiIity of owning land and generating revenue from it further contributes to the extreme paucity of the population of the monasteries. Although there appears to exist a willingness to expand and revive the old custorns of the Daily Liturgies Office, the Offering of Tea to the monks and the performance of Offerings (cho-ga) or reguh ; communal rites, there is not, at present, enough infrastructure support to allow for it. 1 ~ 1Sec Sonapan lana lbuan FoUao Gaikuaoa, p.l 9-20. 1~2These informations, 1 gathered when associating with A-yong Lama for c~tcndcd period of times during sorne of bis long stays in Chengdu. 42 Chapter Three Places of worshlp of the Bônpos ln Songpan. Whoever has the good \ortune to wander in the countryside of the Northern v~.lley of Songpal t in the company of an old monk of the area can learn about the many holy places hidden in nature and their history. There, mountains are divine abodes and grottoes are sanctified sites made so by various renowned Bonpo sages. Small mounds of earth or of sacred stones catch the eye, overhang villages and protect them against pernicious influences. Sources of warm suifuric waters and springs appeared subsequent to miracles performed by genies, saints and enlightened lamas. To the local B6npos who believe that they have always been there, the existence of those sites is as old as the men and their related myths. These constitute ages-oid reminders of the purity and power of their ancestral religion. MOt:lntains, rocks engraved with peculiar inscriptions believed to have appeared spontaneously, grottoes with faces of Oakinis magically manifested, are among the numerous holy sites regularly visited by the Bonpos and their lamas. The description of each of these with a narration of its related legend would unfortunately surpass the scope of this essay. We will however begin with the manmade si tes, the focus of contemporary Bcnpo activities. Temple and Monasteries a) Physical settings In 1987, there were officially 10 Bon temples and monasteries h· activity out of a total of 15 Lamaist Temples for the whole Prefecture. 143 Since then, many more temples (lha-khang) have been appended to small villages. These temples are different from monasteries and hermitages. They are essentially constituted of one large room with altars, statues and 143Son2pan Zan2 Zhuao Foiiao Gaikuao2, p.42. 43 paintings and they are used for communal worship sessions and magically oriented rituals such as Bringing wealth rites and the like. Many of these were erected without the formaI approval of the local authorities. The Songpan authorities are very tolerant in this regard as long as there are no open conflicts of interest between communities, and as long as the purchase of the materials conforms to the regulations on wood cutting and professional craftsmanshi p. ln the past the main Bon center of learning in the area was the Shanba Monastery (skyang tshang dgon-pa ) at Shanba village in the Northern valley. This monastery used to give classes on Bon basic . religious principles and philosophy. It was a l'rimary training center for monks. Those who were willing to continue their studies went to bigger centers of learning like sManri and g. Yungdrung Ling in the vicinity of Shigatse, Tibet.1 44 Today, only an old monk is living there as caretaker. Eight kilometers north up the valley, the main active center is to be found in the enclosure of the dGa'-mal Monastery (dga '-mal dgon-pa , chi.: Gami shi). The original monastery was founded in 1355 by Renqing Jiancuo (Rin-chen rGyal-mtshan).1 45 It was completely destroyed during the Cultural Revol ution and reconstruction started at the beginning of the 80's. In today's compound, we can find another temple called Garni xiao xi tian shi. It was created around 1985 as a "composite" monastery, regrouping young monks from all over the Songpan Prefecture, in order to gather enough pupils and "heighten" the level of studies and develop it as a main center of leaming. Both Temples within the dGa'-mal Monastery compound have separate activities but have one common administrative unit. Theyalso have a separate calendar of festivities and apparently, sorne ritual traditions. 144-rhese studies abroad were carried on till the Cultural Revolution. Today, the postulants for the degree of Geshes, in imitation of their former peers, go to the Bon monastery of Aba Prefecture, sNang-zhi Gonpa or to the sManri monastery in Tibet. 145, could not get more information on this lama. Tibetan lamas can tr.lùition.lly be known by several names and tides thus making identification \ cry ùlfficult. One of the best means is to find the list of the lineage of rcligious transmissions or of the abbots. None of them were available. 44 The main building is still receiving finishing touches. Sculptures are being carved by professional Chinese (Han) artisans and three fifteen feet bronze statues are currently in the finishing process. The Bon monasteries that 1 visited were alllocated in the immediate vicinity of a village and in the valleys. The typical setting of a Bon monastery is very similar to a Gelug one. The main temple is in the center of the complex with a court at its front for the performance of ritual dances and other various grandiose ceremonies. The main temple is two or three stories high. The first fIoor is the main hall where ritual offerings and ceremonies are conducted. These halls can be large enough to contain two to three hundreds monks. The second tloor contains the Protectors worship Hall (srung-ma'i /ha-khang) and is rarely open for visitors. AlI around the main Temple structure, dispersed in a somewhat haphazard fashion, are small individual dweltings for the monks erected with the available local materials. Such constructions are generally undertaken by the families of the monks according to a similar pattern. Within a sand compacted wall-enclosure, the one storey house is divided into three or four main rooms. One serves a~ a kitchen, one as a bedroom, one for food storage and miscellaneous things and the last, if any, as a library and guest room. A typical dwelling covers about 40 square meters and most of them have wooden frames. The space within the walled enclosure is partially used for gardening or left untouched with a corner for lavatory. AlI around the monastery's main temple and the exterior fence of the whole compound, it is very common to have rows of prayer-wheels. The Bonpos circumambulate their holy sites counter-clockwise, in the direction opposite that of the Buddhists. The characteristics of Bonpos architecture can be seen in the shape of their Stupa and towers. In Songpan, however, 1 couldn't find any remains of the triangular shaped ritual towers. Although there are supposed to have been some146, nobody could show me any. The characteristics of the Bon Stupa are: a trident with a flaming sword in the middle sitting on the top of the structure instead of the sun and moon of the Buddhists along with the typical counter-clockwise s;Jinning swastika of Bon. Sometimes the internaI parts of the base of the Bon Stupa were 1461n the Son2Qan zan2 chuan [oHao 2ai kuan2, p.8, there i~ a mere mention of them without specifying where they were to be round. 45 used as a temple.1 47 Evidence of the antiquity of such Bon Stupas has been found in Ladakh and the Karakoram .148 No such Stupa remains to be seen in dGa'-mal today. However, one contemporary example of this early style of religious monument overlooks the trail to Rimpon Gompa. It con tains rolls of Bon prayers and mantras. At the g.Yung-drung Kha hermitage in a small cavern that is now enclosed within the newly built temple, there is a Stupa encasing the remains of Nga-dbang rNam-rgyal (died 1973 n, the former Master of Lama Aku Xiuwang who succeeded him as Master of the site and the attached nunnery. This Stupa was entirely constructed by Aku Xiuwang and is adorned with the flaming trident at its apex, with decorative figures of snow lions and Garuda bird (tib.:khyung ) as well as other auspicious signs made of embossed tin. The burial traditions among Songpan's Bonpos is that of ground burial in contrast to the "celestial burial" of those in Tibet or in Kham.1 49 Graveyards are not ta be found within the precinct of the monasteries with the exceptions of Fun~rary Stupa as exemplified with g.Yung-drung Kha. There is at the back of dGa'-mal a small graveyard very similar to those of the Sichuanese Chinese. They consist of small mounds of stone adorned with a funerary stele naming the deceased. When Kasang Tagye, the head Teacher at dGa'-mal died in 1989 (?), his body was buried within a Stupa shaped stone mound. His remains are to stay there for a few years until they are exhumed ônd then cremated with the exception of his skull and other bones which will then be encased into a Stupa. Buddhist and Bon monasteries in other Prefectures often have rows of Funerary Stupa usually in the immediate vicinity of the monastic compound. Worshippers 147The lerm g.yung-drung in Tibetan means svastika and by implication of its symbolism is somelime translated as 'E"erlasting'; whence, Everlasting Bon or Svastika Bon, both being acceptable translations of g.yung-drung bon. 1 have seen one such structure of a Stupa where the base was being used as a Chapel in the adjoining Prefecture of Hongyuan. There was no indication of the monastery as being Bon and 1 rather suspect that this tradition has been adopted also by the Gelugpas in the Amdo regions. I-t8Jettmar, Karl, Between the Gbandara and the Silk Road: The Rock CaryjnKs of the Karakoram HiKbway, Mainz: Verlag Phillip Von Zabem, 1987, illustration 14; also AntiQyities of Nortbern Pakistan,Jettmar, Karl, editor, f\lainz: Verlag Phillip Von Zabern, 1989, vol.1, platesS-6 and Orofina, Gi.lcomclla, East and ~,1 991. 149A-Yong Lama of Nyarong lold me tbat "Celestia' Burials" are generally pcrformed in bis Prefecture with the exceptions of tHgh lamas. 46 circumambulate them while reciting the Bon Matri mantra or the Spell of rNfJmpar rGyalma if Buddhists. Other lay graveyards are not centers of worship and are in fact seldom visited by the locals. Only the gCod-P~1. the Bon Tantric adepts of the "Self-cutting" ritual have started to frequent these places again for the sake of their religious practice and their quest for Enlightenment. b) Life in the Monasteries Before Liberation, the social order of life was such tl1<\t in a given family with two sons, one of the se would become a monk. When there were three sons, two of them would be sent to the monastery for a religious career. The family of the monks would be responsible for providing the necessities of Iife and many m::mks from less fortunate households would become attendants to mor~ educated lam~lS i Il exchange for teachings, food and lodging. A num ber of monks were also engaged in trading on their own behalf or for the mona~tery's saJ...e. Monks who went to another monastery to pursue their studies went generally back ta their "Mother" monastery after an absence of three years. Among the Bonpos, long pilgrimages were also very com1110n. During my stay at the g.Yung drung Kha hermitage, 1 met two old ,Bonks who made a three year pilgrimage of the Bon holy sites ail over Tibet and Qinghai. During these periods, the)' would go out alone, carrying Iittle food, subsisting on donations and small gains from the performance of ri tuaIs. They walked from the beginning to the end nf their peregrinations. Their road took them to Gyarong150, Khyungpo151, the mountainous range of Animachen152 in today's Qinghai province, Ngari, Lhasa, g.Yung-drung 153 Ling and Manri, Kailash, etc ... 150ln Gyarong, thE're used ta be one of the most important Bon m()na~tcry, the g.Yung-drung lHa-sding. There, the Bon Kangyur wa~ prinlcd and ilS woodblocks for printing were stored. (Sec Karmay, 1972, p.xi.) It was destroyed at the end of the Jinchuan wars in 1776.  GeIug m()na~lery was built in its place. (Patrick Mansier, 1991). 1S lIn the region of Khyungpo In Northcast Tibet, therc are many placc~ sacred to the Bonpos. Many proeminent masters of Bon have hvcd and laught there. It is the seat of the three Khyung lincagc~ of tcaching\. In the IIhtory of Bon of Tashi Gyaltsen translatcd by S. Karmay, thcre are at Ica." 1 '5 maMer sages who belonged to this lincage. 1 refer the readcr~ to thi~ work. Karmay. 1972, pp. 1 1-13, and p.355 after the headings beginning with Khyung-po (,.,). 1 S2Animachen in the south of the Qjnghai prOVince, in the territory of the Goloks, and is sacred to Bonpos as one of the abode of the Tantnc uelty Ma rgyud. There is a cave which is a secret entrance to the 'Pure land' of Ma- 47 Besides occasional visits to their family and leave for pilgrimage or studies, the expected activities of a monk were: to enter into retreat several times every year, to read scriptures and perform ri tuais for lay members of the community, study of scriptures, and general participation in the activities of the monastery. In sorne small mona;iteries and hermitages with an emphasis on meditation practices, aIl the members were expected to sleep in the sitting posture in their meditation boxes, and not to approach fire during the winter. They were closely supervised by their masters for complying in carrying out at least two to three sessions of meditation daily. Contemporary activities in dGa'-mal monastery are less stringent. Although young monks have to study and learn by heart numerous basic scriptures, prayers and ritual practices, they do so under the disinterested guidance of a tutor who is often also a relative. There is no tight control on the performance of yogic exercises or strict sleep restrictions. Sacred dances are also on the curriculum and every year, a few days before the festivals, the young monks have to rehearse for three to five days. Only the best will be allowed to participate and dance in the sacred area. Holy caves and mountains Behind the dGa'-mal monastery, there is a sacred mountain dedicated to the Tantric divinity Ma-rgyud.1S4 This mountain is regarded rgyud. This mountain is the ph}sical manifestation of the deity's mandala. But it is also sacred to the Buddhists. 1 believe however that this mountaneous range has a long history and that the latter adoption of the Buddhists has been one among the many incorporation of Bon holy sites into their repertory of holy places. St!e Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Tjbetao Sacred Panees, (posthumous publication) Mouton & Co.,The Hague Paris, 1976, p.lO. 153The importance of these sacred places is similar to the previous notes on (~y.tnmg, Khyungpo and Animachen. For the reader who wishes to know more, 1 refcr him to the Indexes of Karmay, 1972. For the reader of Tibetan, sec g.Yun2-drun2 bon-gyj dstan-pa byung-ba beod-pa by dPai-dan Tshul khrims, 1966, Bonpo Monastic Center, Dolanji, H.P., India. 154Ma-rgyud is a Yidam of the 7th and 8th vehicle of Bon, the A-dkar Thegpa (see chapter one above, section on Everlasting Bon). It is a Mother Tantra. This Tutelary Divinity has 7 heads, sixteen hands holdings skull cups filled \Vith the hearts of the gods and the bloods of ail beings, and eight legs tramping on the eight objects of desire. There are 360 minor deities inhabiting his celestial palace. The teachings related to Ma-rgyud are connectcd with the Mental Teachings of rJogschen. The main Sadhana for his worship ;s titled: The Sadhana of the 360 deities of Ma-rgyud (ma-I)'gud lha ,çUm-brg~\ à-drug-cu'i brgub-pa ) in 197 folios. For a complete Table of content 48 as a physical manifestation of one of the Celestial Palaces of Ma-rgyud , it constitutes an abode for the Dakinis (tib.: mKha-'gro-ma ), Celestial Faines, Keepers of the Secret Teachings of the Tantras. There are 24 of these sacred places throughout Tibet Iinked to this particular Tantric Cycle. On this mountain, close to the sunlmit, there is the mKha-'gro 'Ug dong, the cave of the Owl-face Dakinis. There, close to the roof of the small cave, is the face of an Owl-face Dakini. Everyone believes that it spontaneously manifested in the rock. The shape of its body can already be guessed upon close examination of the rock wall below the head. The Bbnpos of Songpan believe that with time, the entire body will manifest itself in its entirety. During my last visit to dGa'-mal (end of April 1993), 1 visited this cave and 1 must say that the head of the Dakini could be seen very clearly. There were no typical marks indicating the use of a chisel. The face is slightly bigger than human size and is a cJear depiction of those Owl-face Dakinis that can be seen on Tibetan Thankas. These caves are doors leading to the Celestial Palace hidden in the mountain and communicate by mysterious ways with ail the other 23 holy sites and ultimately with the Pure Land of Ma-rgyud. These concepts are similar to the 'Celestial Cavern" (tiandong) of the Taoists. 1 5S There is a Protector (tib.: srung-ma) that also made this cave into his headquarters. The nuns and hermits of g.Yung-drung Kha always recite prayers and give offerings to him on an almost daily basis to ensure his help for the elimination of obstructions in their practices. Unfortunately, [ could not get a copy of the prayer or that protector's proper name. He was referred to as the Guardian of the Owl-faced Dakini Cave (mkha-'gro 'ug-dong gi srung-ma). of this collection of texts , see appendix under the Ma-rgyud heading. There are also two commentaries that 1was able to obtain on this Tantric Cycle. The first is to be found in Shardza Rimpoche's Complete Works, vol. 14. AlI the texts in this volume are connected to the Ma-rgyud Cycle. For dctalls, !'tee again the appendix. The second commentary is coming from India. Its title is: ma-rgyud ye-shes thig-Ie'i mtchan 'grel thar lam rab gsal. It was written by bsTcn-'dzin rNam-dag, Head-teacher of sMan-ri, Bon Monastic Settlement, Dolanji, India. 1 do not know the date of its publication. 155Maps of these underground entries to the Hcavcns are to be found throughout the Daozang. The Taoists have 36 Cclestial Caverns througout China that are doors to the 36 Heavens. This concept of caves leading lO othcr worlds is common to early mystical and occult systems and can he found also in many other cultures, most particularly with shamanic cuIts or other~ stemming from them. See: Eliade, Mircea, Shamanism: Arcbaic TecbniQuc~ of Ecstasy, (english translation) Princeton, 1964, pp.389. 49 The peak right in front of the dGa'-mal monastery that can be seen only by climbing the mountain behind the dGa'-mal monastery is also renowned as the abode of a particular mountain deity.lS6 The Superintendent of dGa'-mal, Aku Nana explained to me that this deity is a worldly one and not at ail similar to Ma-rgyud. Xuebao Ding, the highest peak of the Songpan Prefecture is also the abode of a Mountain God. These are very much like the sa-bdag (chi.: tudi gong) or local Lord of the Soil. They are regularly propi tiated by Lamas, monks and villagers lo prevent calamities and ehsure the normal and peaceful flow of life. The offerings consist of: Sacrificial Cakes (gtor-ma) molded in the shape of animaIs other kinds of gTorma mixed with milk products, sugar and other . secret ingredients. Grains are also offered accompanied with ri tuaI ululation, prayers and the recitation of mantras. The range of mountains that inc1udes the Ma-rgyud mKha'-'gro 'ug dong mountain is also often circumambulated by the disciples of Aku Xiuwang. The day 1 circ1ed this range, 1 was told by the nun who accompanied me with seven youngsters (ail students of Aku Xiuwang), that she already had made this journey more than two hundred times. Sorne of the small children with us had also done it more than a hundred times. It was part of their religious practice and they would recite the mantras of whatever practice they were engaged in at the time. Most of these however were from the Preliminary Practices (sgnon-'gro). The journey took eleven hours to complete but in better weather, the fastest takes about five hours. This holy mountain range that finishes at dGa'-mal is about 20 km long towards the north. We went along the road to Nanping for three hours before entering the mountains westward along a small river. Along this course we crossed a graveyard where rest the dead of the local villages. On that particular early morning (about 3hOO am). Aku Xiuwang was there with another monk to perform the rite of gCod (for this rite, see below) for a recently deceased member of Anbi village. We crossed also a small stream that began its existence after the entreaty of Dranpa Namkha himself! Several caves in the above towering mountains also attested to the continuing practices of hermits and were dedicated to the most holy saints of Bon like Shen rab, Tshedbang Rindzin and Dranpa Namkha. lSbUnfortunately, 1do not know its name. 50 There is somewhere a large cave that was used r~peatedly for retreat. was told that it is big enough to contain a dozen persons and that there is a small stream in it thus making it perfect for prolonged stays. From dGa' mal northward till we turned into mountain tracks, there was no villages but only two Chincse outposts for road maintenance. Going toward the west along a stream, we came to a stream with warm sulfuric waters. Another manifestation from the Dakinis, according to my guide. There. the disciples of Aku Xiuwang built a Stupa with stones and mud. Matri stones and prayer banners were hung along the face of the surrounding cliffs and several prostration were in order for Wè had reached the other end of the holy range. The southbound tracks brought us to a rock of about five to six meters wide with a hole big enough for a child to crawl into it from one side to the other, another site typical to the sacredness of this extraordinary mountain range. In ail, 1 noted about fifteen such sites of enticing natural charm intimately woven wi th Bon legends. Ranges of this sort are scattered all over the Tibetan lands. In Songpan and throughout the B6npos' lands there exists visible remains of religious practices. Almost universal are the mounds with ri tuai arrows and prayer flags perched above villages. Several times during the year, Lamas of the village with representatives of each house c1imb the mountain right behind their dwellings to burn offerings to the . Local Lord of the Soil and plant arrows to protect fam i1y and village against evil influence. Close to the water source there are also periodical sessions of worship for the Nagas (klu). similar beings to the Chinese dragon-lords controlling weather and wealth. Water powered prayer wheels tuming counter-clockwise also adorn the coun tryside. Although the Chinese have brought a new social system and government to the area, Tibetans have to this day kept alive most of their ancient beUefs and practices. The Tibetans are left very much to themselves when it cornes to subsistence, family life and beliefs. Many of them thus perpetuate religious practices similar to those of their forefathers. Although they have, From very early on, been familiar with trading and more secular activities, the religious aspects of life have definitely not been left aside. After the interruption of the Cultural Revolution, religious complexes like the dGa'-mal monastery did not have the infrastructure to support a larger number of monks. Although there 51 are stiJl sorne empty lots waiting to be occupied by new monks, these will have to rely, as most of them do now, on family support. How the Tibetans shall perpetuate their religious life in the future is impossible to fathom at present. Due to the effects of secularization of modern life and the loss of social and political power of the monasteries, we will probably see a decrease in the percentage of monks out of the total Tibetan population. But since most of the monasteries are still in the process of being rebuilt and despite the scarcity of resources allotted to them, the monasteries will endure as the focus of religion. To what extent they will be able to influence their society is, in this age of overpowering technology, any body's guess. Chapter Four Rellglous Ufe Monastic life The Songpan bureau of religious affairs mostly concentr~te on giving certificates to fully ordained monks (21 years and over). It also processes the applications for the building and opening of temples and regularly briefs the abbots of the monasteries on new policies of the central government. Up to now, there are no certificate for nuns. Former monks that are now married can go back to their monastery to lead again their religious life and periodically return to their family at their own discretion. They may be registered as Lamas. The members of the monasteries come from the immediate area 1 around the monastery and the old monks are outnumbered by the young monks at a ratio of as much as 15 to 1. No doubt, most of the se are sons of former monks and they participate with the formai attire of a novice monk (gTsang-gtsug 157). 157Thcre are twenty-five vows for gTsang-gtsug: The four basic vows (rtsa-ba bLhi ) are: 'To abstain from taking life, To abstain from taking what is not given, To abstain from false speech, To abstain frorn unlawful sexual behavior. The six unvirtuous ways of behaving (mi-dge-ba-drug): Avoidance of idle speech; Avoidance of bad language; Avoiding causing division among people; Avoiding wicked thoughts about others; Avoiding poisoning the mind with evil intentions; Avoiding abandoning one's religion. Then: Not to drink akohol; Not to eat meat; Not to eat garlic; Not to take food after midday; To avoid sitting 52 According to the Vinaya rules of Bon, a monk is a true monk. He cannot engage in sexual relations. The going back and forth to the wife and children would apparently be in flagrant violation of religious vows. The old monks don't seem to mind this breach of Vinaya rules and blame this on the marriages they were (presumably) forced to contract during the Cultural Revolution. The level of discipline seems qui te Jax in Songpan. But there are also many married lamas that wear the traditional garb of the monks. Many monks of the dGa'-mal monastery and from the Aba Nangzhi monastery openly condemn this breach of the Vinaya. In general, however, the Bonpos rernain very tolerant on this point and consider the married monks to be as virtuous and sincere praclitioners of the religion as the others. In Bon as weil as in the ancient sect of Tibetan Buddhism (i.e. the rNying-rna-pa ), there are sorne lay lamas called sngags-pa, Tantric Magicians. They are entitled to their own code of religious dress which vary in small degree from that of the monks. They are supposed to be specialists in Tantric Yogie practices, in rnagical rituaJs, and have the right lf to a sangs yum, a If secret mother , a female partner for the yogic and ritual performance of the sbyor-ba (Joining). The basic principles of this practice are that one must, prior to the performance of these yogic feats, have achieved a complete control of the psychic arteries and can direct the Breath (tib.: rlung; chi.: qi ) into them. Then one has to master the Vajroli rnudra, a method of sperm retention and "recuperation" demanding control of the pelvic and abdominal muscles. Only then, one can, with full confidence, engage into the sexual act, using the bliss generated to melt the winds (rlung) into the Central (Yogie) Channel and attain Samadhi. In Songpan, and among the Tibetans, there are very few individuals that can maintain a secretive Iife. That is to say, everyone knows the on high seats; To avoid using colourful seat coverings; To avoid jewelled and decorated seats; Not to accept gold or silver; Not to use ornaments or pcrfumcs; Not to participate in worldly celebrations and festivals; He will cut his hairs and finger nails; He will keep clean and wash himself regularly; Ile will carry and use only the personnal items of a monk; He will wear only his monastic robes; He will use his new (religious) name.' From Tibetao (i-Yun"-Drun,, Bon MonasteQ' in India, published by Bonpo Monastir Centre in rollaboration wilh Tadeus Skorupski, Dolanji, India, October, 1983, pp. 14-6. "he Thrcc vows of Upasaka, Novice and monks and of the Tantric path arc all explained III the Vol. Cha (6) of the Complete Works of Shardza Rimpoche under the rubric sdom-gsum (Three Vows). See bibliography. 53 business of each other and consequently, the training of each and every religious praetitioner. The married lama are nevertheless given the benefit of doubt by the community as to their expertise in these yogic exercises. Dailyactivities The most exacting tasks on a daily basis are for those engaged in studies. Ali the monks get up before sunrise and have to perform the daily recitation of their main tutelary deity (Yidam). More often than no t, these come from the family lineage of the monk and Hot from a special initiation typically conferred bya high lama. Then cornes the recitation and study of the texts being taught at the college. Classes then start around nine until noon where everyone retires to eat and rest or review what was learned. Classes then resume at 3hOO PM to end at 6hOO. After supper (if any, for sorne monks still refrain from eating after noon) mostly made of tsampa and butter tea, the monks engage in miscellaneous activities and resume their rcutine at around nine with the recitation of their daily praetices related to their Yidam or the propitiation of a Proteetor of the Faith, etc ... Those not engaged in studies, usually have sorne commitments, given by the Abbot, to aceornplish sorne menial tasks on behalf of the monastery. Otherwise, everyone is left to busy themselves with their own chosen object of pursuit. When sorne activities engaging ail members of the monastery come up, ail have the duty to attend. Each and everyone have to follow at their own pace and to the best of their ability the quest to Enlightenment. Sorne monks go out irregularly to attend activities in other monasteries, to recite seriptures on command, or to perform rituals for the laity. Festivals and communal ritual Offerings (cho-ga ). The 'chams. Dr. René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz in his posthumously published Tibetan ReUaious pances158expected that the "modern" B6npos, in imitation of the Buddhists, would have Saerf.'d Dances (chams) but never successfully managed to verify this by attending to the Danees or by lS8Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de, Tibetan Relhdous Panees, edit. by Christoph von Fùrer-Haimendorf, The Hague, 1976. 54 acquiring Bon dance manuscripts,l59 Sonpos have had ri tuaI dances for magical purposes from their very beginnings. before Suddhism was even introduced into Tibet.160 Their ritual dramas are not an enactment of the life of a holy saint as the Gelugpa dances of the Monlam Chenmo nor the enactment of the life of the Buddha Shakyamuni.161 Instead. theyare theatrical manifestations of the mandala of a specifie deity with its attendants. The sacred circle becomes the sacred realm (sa-bon) of the deity. They are very similar, t~ my knowledge, to the rNyingmapas' Vajrakilaya dances (Phur 'chams) type,162 That is, a dance centered around a Tantric Deity and not on a proto-historical saint and his magical manifestations. For instance, the nine dancing monks wearing animal masks in the Tantric Cycle of dBal-gSas represe:,t the inhabitants of the mandala that encirc1es dBal-gSas. The elements of the universe become manifested into attendant-deities that then become actors in the games of the Yidam. extension of his fancies. For the Bon Tantric way is to transform the everyday life into the joyful games of the God. 163 It is to act with the awareness of the delusory nature of the realm of the living. Deeds become acts of indulgence extending into liberating acts (Le. deeds that do not produce karmic effects in the realm of samsara).164 159Ibid., p.9. 160See Lalou, Marcelle, 1952, pp.337-361. 161Whether there was 'chams or not in India at the lime of lhc introduction of Buddhism into Tibet has not yet been proven by anyone. Therc arc suppositions based on ethnographie datas from Northern Nepal but nothing conclusive relating to an 8th Century A.D. rilual Tantric Danccs wilh masks and dramas. When Buddhism came to adopt Bon practices in ordcr to make it more 'acceptable'(sic) to Tibelans, numerous local Bon divinitics wcre incorporaled into the Buddhisl pantheon. Sorne Bon magical and rcligious practices were also assimilated and the masked dan ces for ail wc know may have also followed the same fate with Buddhist modifications. On the data l'rom Nepal see: Pignède, Bernard, les Gurum~s. une populatioo himalayenoe du Népal, Mouton, The Hague, 1966, pp. 323-4, 363-5. On the adoption of the mariage rite by the Buddhists see: Karmay, S.G., 1975, pp.207 -13. 162See Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de, 1976,p.11-34 . 163Snellgrove, David L., 1967, pp.1 71-2. 164Although the Tantric philosophy of the Bon is similar to that of the Buddhists. the Bonpos have in fact two sets of Tantras. The unes of the gSas Khar are more mundane in nature. Deities like dBaI-gSas, Phur-ba, gSan~-dra etc., are classified as sKye-rim which is generaly translated among the Buddhists as Generation Stage. This refers to the process of crcatmg in one's own mind the transfonnation of the self as the body, ~peech and mind of the divinily. These Yidam are used by the Bonpos mostly to gel lhings donc. They can be not only protectors, but do deeds of magic, that is, exorcism, placation of demons, destruction of one"s enemy and fulfill wishe~. The Buddhist intluence 55 The different cycles of dan ces are in fact, parts of the different offerings and ways of worship of the particular deity of the enacted Tantric Cycle. The different scenes are the manifold applications originating from the teachings. They are magical procedures. Worship and actions of the gods interact with each other. Results follow adoration. These two apparent antagonistic ways of seeing the Yidam (i.e. as an "Above-worldly-concerns" Deity versus the "Fulfiller" of mundane wishes) are very present among the Bonpos. Most of them see in their family Tutelary divinity a protector that can fulfill the wishes and needs of the family (deeds of magk) but also could give salvation (deeds of Redemption) from the bindings of sam sara if one would propitiate it with proper method and intention. During the fall 1992, 1spent sorne time with a Bon sPrul-sku, Sharpur Namkha Gyaltsen, frorn the Nangzhi monastery of the Aba Prefecture. We spent sorne time together discussing the Yidarn . He told me that before Liberation, there used to be a conflict between the Bonpos and the Gelugpas in his home valley. Soldiers from the neighboring Landlord who was a Gelugpa were going to invade their territory and construct a Gelug monastery in their rnidst. The Bonpos of his valley joined together to repel the invaders. He told me that at that time his father with a few related lamas spent several days propitiating the farnily Yidam, Tag-Ia Me-bar (sTag-Ia Me-'bar ).165 When the Bonpos went to attack the opposing faction, there were many supernatural phenomenon can be seen in the philosophy of the interaction between wisdom and method and the notion of Voidness (shunyata) that is also present. Those Yidam do not have manuals for the perfonnance of yogic feats Iike rTummo (psychic heat), Phowa (transfer of consciousness) etc.. They belong to the seventh way of Bon and their actions are mostly concemed with the second and third ways. Although there is a philosophical basis specifying the use of those Yidam to attain Enlightenment, what 1 have seen among today's Bonpos as to the use of the m, stays of a very practical nature. It is a somewhat 'personnal' god. The second type of Yidam are those of the Completion Stage, rDzogs-ri, and belong tü the eight way. rMa-rgyud is of this c1ass. Bonpos use this one for more yogic and ascetic practices. Much remains to be said on this topie but the scope of this thesis doesn't permit further elaborations. See Snellgrove, David L, 1967, pp.2S-115, 171-189. 165There are two Tag-Ia Mebar. One is a historical character who was a priest (gShen ) a disciple of Shenrab. The other is a divinity with three forms, white, black and red according to the nature of his activity. The red form, called Red Razor is a doctrinal weapon used against the Buddhists in time of war. The white is rertainly used for purification and the black for fierce actions. Karmay, 1972, p. 45 n.2. 56 ascribed to Tag-la Mebar. The invasion was repeIIed successfully. This cIearly demonstrates the attitude of the Bonpos towards their divinities. They are protectors and take great care over the welfare of their worshippers in this particularly mundane world. Another friend's father from Songpan told me that after his coming back from India where he spent 20 years, fleeing from the Communist Invasion, he started to recite daily the Sadhana (sgrub-thag ) of Srid-pa Gyal-mo to eliminate poverty. He added that before long, his sons found good opportunities to start a business and since then, they have managed to acquire a good fortune through trade. The Bonpos are known among their opponents as being ski lied in magic, particularly black magic. In the 18th Century, during the Jinchuan rebellion in the neighboring regions of rGyalrong, there was an Imperial Decree condemning the black magic of the Bonpos against the Imperial armies.166 In the Tantric Cycles, there are also ri tuais of a very ancient character. In the Cycle of Ma-rgyud, there is a rite called "Offerings to the Earth" (sa'i cho) in seven parts. These seven parts ail have appellations concerning the different process of cultivating the soit: to tilt the earth (sa 'dul-ba ); to break (or to tread) the earth (sa 'chag-pa); to press into the earth's power (sa dbang-du bsdu-ba); to develop the earth (sa slong-ba ); . to discipline the obscurities of the earth (sa'i sgrib-pa sbyang-ba); to finalize (?) the treasure of the earth (sa gter gzhug-pa ); and to examine the solidity of the earth (sa sra brtag-pa).167 These sections are to be perfonned with offerings of sacrificial cakes (gtor-ma), dance s, chants and praise. There can be no doubt whatsoever concerning the popular origins of this elaborated rite which may have formed, in ancient times, an integral part of se ason al celebrations among the agrarian cIass of Ti betan society. Although it was Iinked to a Tantric deity that belongs to the eighth \Vay of Bon and, in this context, loaded wlth esoteric meanings, we can only conclude that the Tantric symbolism ascribed to these rites is a 166Mansier, Patrick, 1990, p.132. 167This text is to be found within a compendium of rituals for the propitiation of the Tantric deity rMa-rgyud. In my collection, it is folio 833 to 847 and the text is titled: rgyaJ-ba rgya-mtsho'i las lshogs sa'i chcrga'i Jag-Jen gter 'phreng. See the appendix at the end. 57 tater addition and that their original meaning must have been of a far more practical nature. The calendar of collective activities at the dGa'-mai monasteries goes as follow: 1) Losar (Tibetan New Year), from the 8th day of the first Tibetan Lunar Month to the 18th, recitation and enactment with sacred dances of the Tantric Cycle of Waser (dbal-gsas ) by the monks of the Oid dGa'-mai Monastery. The tradition of the steps, movements and music of this particular monastery are said to be at least 500 years oid. 2) Towards the end of the third lunar mon th, there is a seven day recitation of the Tantric Cycle of Phurba (dbal-phur) that excludes sacred dances. 3) Monlam, fifth lunar month, from the tenth to the fifteen; recitation and dramatic enactment of the Waser Tantric Cycle by the monks of the dGa' mal xiao xi tian monastery. 4) During the tweIfth lunar month, there is another recitation of the Tan tric Cycle of Phurba. The exact date of performance may vary from one day to another for there are now two to three other Bon monasteries that celebrate the ri tuai dances at about the same dates. The abbot of one monastery may thus decide to delay the openings of a festival in order to wait for the end of the celebrations of another monastery. There are now, three Bon monasteries that perform the Sacred dances in the Songpan Prefecture. There are the two dGa'-mal monasteries at the above men tioned dates. During those times, there are gatherings of about 500 monks and from 1 to 3,000 laymen. The Rimpon Gompa's (orsnang zhig dgon-pa, chi.: Duihe shi) major celebration happens from the 23rd of the 3rd lunar month to the lst of the 4th month. There are about 3,000 people generally attending this celebration. There are about seven yearly recitations of Scriptures with 58 performances at this monastery, and a few hundred people are said to attend. 168 As far as 1 know, there are no regular assemblies on a lllonthly or yearly basis. The regular Offerings sessions to Tutelary divinities or to the Protectors of the Faith are mostly conducted on an individual basis. Assemblies for the Ordination of monks, graduations, Initiations etc. are conducted as the need arises. Small groups of monks nlay also get together for a few days in order to recite scriptures at the solicitation of lay members. Individuals may leave the premises of the monastery for short periads to visit their families. During the harvest season, very few monks are left for mast of them return home to help. Studies ln 1989, dGa'-mal Monastery lost its main master (slob-dpon), Kasang Dargyas (skaJ-bzang dar-rgyas). He was one of the most famous Bon masters of the Aba region. Born in 1925 at Tazhai village, he entered the Linpo Manastery in 1939 and studied the Tibetan language and Bon Scriptures. From 1943 to 1945, he entered the mountain for a retreat and from 1946 ta 1948 returned ta his mother monastery ta teach scriptures. ln 1951 he went ta the Gelug Monastery of Labrang in Gansu (Xiahe) where he studied philasophy until 1955.169 From 1956 to 1960, he stayed at the Bon learning center of g.Yung-drung Ling 170, in Central Tibet, ta perfect his knowledge of Bon and there he acquired the dcgree of Geshes (Doctar in Divinity). In 1961, he went back ta Linpa and during the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution, he was forced to go back to his home where he became a shepherd and later an official in charge of food supplies. From 1978 to 79, he went ta the Aba Dudeng Monastery ta 168Material on Rimpon Gonpa cames from the Son"tJan zan" chuan !oiiao "ai kuana, p.12-3. During my last visit ta Songpan during the Spring 1<) 171The only book of his that 1 managed to acquire was given ta me at Rinpon Gonpa by an old disciple of his, Khro-wo bKra-shis. The book is entitled: ~ dk.!c man-pa'j Jo-œ,l'US ke-ha-ka'j phcenSl (The Rosary of Kehaka, Historical Chronicles of the White Hat), not dated,68 pages. It was handwritten, phOlocopied and then bound. 172Those are similar in topies to the Tibetan Buddhists' five sciences that can be cxpanded into 10, exactly as described ta me by a young Bon monk and former student of Kasang Dargyas, Dre'u Bongze, 24 years old. 1 73The B6npos have absorded the Prajnaparamita scripture from the Buddhists aIIcging that the historical Buddha Shakyamuni was the Brother of gShenrab and lh.lt his teachings were worth integrating into Bon. Namkha rGyalmtshan of the Aba Nangzhi Monastery has studied the Prajnaparamita for two years in Beijing .lt the Institute of Buddhist studies under dGelugpa scholars. 60 numbers at a time. Many books are nov! coming From Tibet and India. Handwritten books are still common among the laymen who concealed them during the Cultural Revolution. A friend of mine, who's younger brother is the master of the g.Yung-drung Kha Hermitage. showed me Ll set of Sutras that has been in his family for several generations. The books were fairly bulky (about 25 cm by 70 cm, Tibetan traditiondl folio types) and the handmade paper was very dark and manifestly of great antiqllity. 1 was told that they were about 400 years old. The priee of these manuscripts are now running very high. The actual priee of a not 50 old handwritten book is about 1.50 yuan per page. A normal book can cost from 500 yuan to a few thousands. The main books studied were: The 'Dul-ba Rinpoche on the Vinaya ruIes, the mNyam med bka '-'bum, a miscellaneous collection on philosophy, ethies, meditations etc., bsDus-grva, rTad-rigs and the Ph~lr phyin (Prajnaparamita) Sutra for philosophy, logic and tllctaphysics. Of the initial group of students of Kasang Dargyas, thirtcen are currently doing the third year of a Three year retreat of the Great Perfection practices. They are living in retreat within a special compound at the back of the monastery's limits. None of them can leave the compound and only a caretaker, the main master, Aku Trimed from Zoergai and a teacher are r....llowed in as well as special guests. During my first visit to the monastery, [ was briefly allowed to meet them in the special room of Ayong lama. The visit was sanctioned by one of their teachers, Aku Shesrab on the ground of my keen interest for the rDzogschen meditations techniques and as a personal disciple of A-yong lama. Each monk had a small room for himself of about six cubic meters. They gathered together for the performance of Offering rituals (cl1o-ga) and instruction sessions174. Food for sllstenance and other nceds was provided at aIl times by the family of each monk. Another former student went up the mountain to the gYung-drung Kha Hermitage where he is currently learning the meditatlon and yogic technique of Bon ascetics under the tutorship of his unc1e, the master of the Hermitage. He believes that he will be able to finish the training of his uncle in eight years. 174rrhe curriculum of this particular practice will be given latter al lhe section on the meditation practices of the hermits. 61 Tade, known to ail as the best student of Kasang Targyas among the young pupils, is now studying with a Geshes from the sNangzhi Monastery of Aba and hopes to become Geshes in a few years. Hermitage and nunnery Monasteries are centers of learning and have strong commitments, reliance and interaction with the lay community. Nunneries and hermitage have altogether another vocation. They are places where meditative practices are taught and performed. The nuns have no other activities but to engage in a strenuous course of ascetic practices. In nunneries, there are no colleges, no sacred dances or other activities open to the public. The social interaction of the nuns are closely monitored and their social status and influence is therefore almost non-existant. A nunnery is essentiahy a hermitage. On the summit of the mountain and at an elevation of about 4,000 meters behind the dGa'-mal monastery, is located the Hermitage and Nunnery of g.Yung-drung Kha. There, about 40 nuns live in seclusion under the direction of the meditation master, Aku Xiuwang ( dBang-rgyal Grag-pa; religious name: Tshul-khrims rNam-dag). He is at the same time, spiritual guide, teacher of the Tibetan language, of yogic practices, and the administrator and supervisor of the whole community. His group of students is composed of the nuns, his nephew Dre'u Bongze (24 years old), two old monks ( one of over 60 years old and the other over 50) and a group of seven youngsters from 6 to 15 years old. There are also some other disciples from the Nanping Prefecture who stay with him during the summer to perform retreats and occasionallay disciples that come to receive initiations and teachings. Aku Xiuwang is a successor of Nga-dbang rNam-rgyal and g.Yung drung Nyi-ma rGyal-mtshan, both disciples in the transmission lineage of Shardza Rimpoche. He has been living at g.Yung-drung Kha for the last 19 years. He buitt a Stupa for the remains of his master who died more than 10 years ago and then allowed nuns to return to the site to pursue their religious life. Like his principal master, Nga-dbang rNam-rgyal, he acted as head of the nunnery and nine years ago started to accept disciples and train them. He tcaches small groups and presently has about four of them, a11 pursuing roughly the same curriculum at different levels of their training. 62 Aku Xiuwang began his training during the Cultural Revolution. His master who made g.Yung-drung Kha his dwelling never took a wife and posed as a physician in Tibetan and Chinese Traditional Medicine. He took Aku Xiuwang under his protection alleging that the young man was to become a doctor. In fact, he trained him in the meditative tr aditions of Bon, teaching him the practices of the rDzogschen Cycle, sny.:m-rgyud. gCod, gSas-khar mchog-lnga 175 and the practices of rTummo, etc. During his apprenticeship, he used to go very late at night when ail would be sleeping, hiding an oillamp in the long sleeve of his Tibetan garb to circumanbulate the mountain. He told me that during those times, a Tibetan caught in religious practice faced dire ordeals that often ended with death. There was very little to eat but tsampa and a little dried meat from time to time. There was also almost no fuel for the winter and he with his master used to keep warm with the practice of rTummo. After the death of his master, he remained the only occupant of the little mud built hut in the small cavern of the mountain where he made the Stupa for his lama. He lived most of the time in the mountain, coUecting herbs for his medicinal potions and practicing meditation. He went down to his brother's house in Anbi Village only upon request for medical assistance or to the township when required by his local work unit. In 1984, he began ta take students. He had three nuns of about 20 years old and two married men from Hanpan Villare, bath former monks of dGa'-mal in their teens. After completion of their studies and practices, where everyone remained on the mountain for extended periods of retreal lasting sometimes up to three years, the two lamas went back to their village. They are now lay lamas, wearing the garb of lama and conducting rituals for their community. Once a year, from the Il to the 1 5 of the 8th Tibetan Lunar month, aU the major disciples of Aku Xiuwang get togelher to recite the Sadhana and Offering Prayers (cho-ga) of Ma-rgyud. This in honor of Nga-dbang rNam-rgyal who had Ma-rgyud as hi~ main Vidame Aku Xiuwang's main Yidam which cornes from his family lineage is gSangs drag, one of the rnost corn mon in the Songpan area. 17SThe practices with other related notes on the Bon pantheon will be dealt with in the next chapter. 63 i) Physical settings The seulement is on the southward face of the mountain that bears the same name as the hermitage and is located at about 30 meters from the summit. ft is surrounded bya small forest of cypress from which ail the members of the community get their fire wood and the cypress leafs to burn as morning offerings to the local deities. The small house of the master is beside the shallow cave that con tains the Stupa of Nga-dbang rNam-rgyal. In front of the Stupa is nowa small temple, whose construction is still under way. In front of it is a two room house that will be used for retreats in the dark of the rDzogschen Cycle. At my first visit, what served as temple was a room made of mud, a pathetic frail construction covered with a leaking semblance of a roof. Its construction, started in June 1992, was almost completed by the Spring of '93. AIl residents live in small individual huts. They are made of wooden pillars supporting the roof and the walls are made of dried waved shrubs that are then slowly covered with mud. The average area of each "house" is of about 12 cubic meters. They are in general divided in two rooms, one for meditation and the other for daily acti.vities. The meditation room contains a wooden box of a cubic meter in size that serves as seat. A small table is always added to it for the books and ritual implements and a drum (the traditional instrument of the Bonpos) is suspended above it with ropes. Besides the seat, there is always just enough room for the prostrations and on the facing wall are the bookshelves and a smalt altar with sacrificial cakes and offerings. Thangkas, posters and photographs are usually hung from the roof beams. The room is very small and is rarely higher than 2.1 meters high. The living room, contains a bed, wooden boxes of provisions and a fireplace made of mud, cement or of scrap metai. None of t'1e huts that l've seen were insulated against the cold and considering the precarious state of the lodgings, all the hermits must be well trained in the rTummo meditational practices. 1 noticed that several of the children and many nuns at the hermitage had the marks of frostbite. There is one person per lodging. The general conditions of living are much worse than those in the monasteries or in normal Tibetan houses. Salubrity is of a most precarious nature. Of the 40 nuns, half of them are between eighteen and thirty years old. The status of a nun is often lower than the ordinary status of a 64 Tibetan lay woman (except in the case when a holy woman becomes endowed with meditative accomplishments). Of the few nuns that 1 was able to interview176 , who were already experts in meditation, most of them had to flee from home to become hermits. They were ail motivated by the desire to become sages. Their families generally' strongly oppose this and regular heartbreaking visits are normal components of the beginnings of a womanls religious Iife. Only time makes this state of things acceptable to the nunls family. In certain cases, a nunls father may also be a lama. Lamas are spiritual counselors and experts in certain practices of Bon. To be a lama, it is not compulsory to be a monk. The daughter of a former student of Aku Xiuwang is nowa nun at the hermitage. There is a nun who was married and left on the account of having what she called a bad husband. But she maintained that although she could have gone back to her family, she much preferred to lead a religious life. The period of novitiate lasts for about three years. During that time, the woman studies the Tibetan language and learns how to recite scriptures. If the novice cannot bear the hardships of the anchorite's Iife, she just goes away. The master usually understands this for it is expected that only one out of three candidates will be able to make it through. There are no special tests other than living conditions of a particularly harsh nature. One senior nun told me that the first three years were the hardest, for after that, one gets used to it and the pleasure derived from the scripture P!citations and meditations is ail that can make one happy. The gerlerallevel of education among Tibetan girls is astoundingly low. Most of them cannot speak Chinese and of ail the fort y nuns at the hermitage, only two attended middle school (chi.: zhong xue). They were actually the only ones with whom 1 could converse with in the Chinese language. The rest speak the local Tibetan dialect of Songpan. ii) Contemplative practices 176The rules of discipline impose on them to avoid meeting strangcrs and non relatives. 1 started to know a few nuns only after a prolongued ~ojourn al the hennitage. The nuns that 1 met were mostly his senior sludenls who at lhat time were not engaged in retreat and were on cooking dut y and olhcr services upon their master. 65 Life in the hermitages is the heart of the Bonpo's contemplative teachings. Ali the great master-sages of Bon spent sorne time as hermits. The higher ways of Bon are to be realized in solitude. The curriculum of the disciples of Aku Xiuwang is entirely made of the teachings of the Seventh to the Nine Ways of Bon177. They are similar to those that are taught in the monasteries in regard to the deities, Tantric Cycles, and the Great Perfection, but differ in regard to the advanced yogic practices that are taught only during retreats. Metaphysical speculations are not to be sought in a hermitage but in the monastic college. Bon meditative practices are very Iittle known outside their communities. Serious amounts of research and studies shaH be required in order ta further our knowledge of them. 1 will rherefore mostly provide a brief description of the curriculum of a single particular community of Bonpo hermits providing herewith the necessary references sa as ta enable future researchers to have a basic idea of the fundamental material. Aku Xiuwang has summarized his teachings to me in the following way. They are essentially the practices of: A-khrid, Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin , Bod-yuJ-rna , rDzogs-chen , bDe gshegs 'dus-pa ,sNyan rgyud and mKha 'gro gCod. 178 The students of g.Yung-drung Kha, after having learned how to recite scriptures and the basics of Tibetan language, start their training with the Preliminary practices (sngon-'dro') common to both Buddhists and Bonpos. There are nine Preliminary Practices among the Bonpos. They consist in the graduaI performance of one hundred thousand times of the folkwing mantras and recitations: 1). Taking refuge (skyabs-'gro ).1 79 2). Generation of the Purpose (sems-skyed ).180 177See the above section on Everlasling Bon. 178See below. 17CJThe mantra is aImost identical to the Buddhists', replacing Dharma (chos ) by Bon and Sangha by Sattva (sems-dpa~. It then goes like this: bla-rna la skyabs-su mchi, sangs-rgyas la skyabs-su mchi, bon la skyabs-su mchi, sems dpa' la skyabs-su mchi. '1 take Refuge in the Lama, 1 take Refuge in the Buddha (i.e. the Bon Enlightened One; sTonpa gShenrab ), 1 take Refuge in Bon, 1 take Refuge in the Boddhisattvas (or Pure Hero, the community of the practitioners of Bon).' 18(~'his mantra is to be found in the sngon-'gro'i ngag-'don bslab gsum rin chen 'dren-pa'i shing rta, of Shardza Rinpoche's Complete Works, vol. 10, folio 287h, lines 2-3. 66 3). Hundred syllable (mantra); yig-brgya.1 81 4). Offering of the Mandala.182 5). Supplication to the Guru (gsol-'debs ) 183. 6). Prostration (phyag ). 7). Visualization of the Light-syllables mantra (sa-le 'od ).184 8). Ma-tri mantra,185 9). The mantra of the white A (A-dkar ).186 These practices are to be done everyday until completion and at the traditional times of three or four sessions (thun) dail.> .187 The text to be recited is the Man-ngag rin-pa-che A-khrid sngon-'gro man-cial yan-Iag bdun-pa188 in 30 folios. The mantras are not written in the text and have to be recited at fixed places during recitation. The first five preliminary practices are the first to be performed as a set. The prostration are done 181See man-ngag rin-po-che A-khrid lhun mtshams bco-lngs-pa'; sngnon 'gro'i bsags sbyangs skor gyi sgom-rim thar lam myur bgrod, SharUza Rjnpoche's Complete Works, vol. 10, folio 3S9a, lines 4-6, rom h.wo dmu m la han ... to ... phad phad. This text is to be redted in complement to the main /\ khrid text. This, is sometime recommendeU by Aku Xiuwang to sorne of bis disciples but in general, the main text with the recitations of mantra are deemed to be sufficient. 182The verses of the Mandala Offering are in sngon-'gro'i ngag-'don b ..,/ab gsum nn-chen 'dren-pa'i shing rta, Shardza Riopoche's Complete Worh, vol. 10, folio 288a, Hnes 5-6, from E ma 'byung Ide'i to bzhes-.'W g.ml. 183The Taking Refuge, Hundred Syllable mantra, Offering of the Mandala, Guru Yoga (gsol-'debs ) and Prostrations are similar to the Preliminary Practices of the Buddhists and specialy the Kagyupas and the Nyingmapas. See Hanson, Jud~th, The Torch of Certainty. Shambala, Boulder, 198 J ; for an exegesis of the above. The Bon mantra is in sngon-'gro'i ngag-'don hslah g.'iUm rin-chen 'dren-pa 'i shing rta, of Shardza Riopoche's Complete Works, vol. 10, folio 288b, lines 5-6 From spyi gcug ta byin gyi rlob!i. 184'A Ovm Huvm Av A dkar sa le 'od A yang Ovm 'du'. 1 ùon't want to ri~k any translation for it is in the Zhang-zhuog language. 185This is the 'UniversaJ' mantra of the Bonpos. Sec note 46. 186'A dkar A rmad du tri su nag-po zhi zhi mal mal sva-hva ". Aho in Zhang zhung language. 187The members of the hermitage were following this schcdulc;.from 4h30 (AM) to 7hOO was the first session; From 9hOO to 12h00 the morning one and the two others were between 15h00 to 6hOO and 21 hOO to the end of the cycle of dat!) practices according ta each individuals. 188This text was written by rGyaJ-ba gYung-drung and no dates are glven. Shardza Rinpoche has also rewritten this text adding more pa~~age~. It can he found in his Complete Works as Man-ngag rin-po-che A-khrid sngon-'gro 'i tshig-bshad byin rlabs sprin dpung, vol. 10, folios 328-339. ---~~~~~~~~~~------ 67 separately and the others have specifie visualizations. The Matri mantra can also be done while circumanbulating holy sites, Aku Xiuwang gives the Oral Transmission (Jung) and Oral Commentaries and supplements these with extensive readings from the bKa '-Jung rgya-mtshol89 of Shardza Rinpoche which is an extensive commentary on the Preliminary Practices of the A-khrid System of meditation. These practices take about a year to complete at a normal pace but can be done within 6 to 8 months with intensive sessions. The A-khrid System 190 of Mental Teachings is attributed to dGongs mjod Ri-khrod Chen-po (1036-1096) also known as the Hermit of rMe'u, Dam-pa Ri-khrod-pa or Dam-pa .191He was from the rMe'u family lineage and also appears in the Revelation Lineage (snyan-rgyud ) of the Mental Teachings which stems from the Bru family-lineage. He devised this system from the Bbn Tantra of Khro-bo 192 ultimately linked to sTon-pa gShen-rab Mi-bo and it constituted a systematic method of meditation leading to Liberation (Thar-pa). His system was divided into 80 sessions of practices, each lasting about one to two weeks, th us called 'The Eighty Retreats of A-Khrid' (A-khrid thun mtshams brgyad-cu-pa ).193 Later those were compressed into 30 sessions by A '-zha BIo-gros rgyal-ntshan (1198-1263) and finally, again reduced to 15 by Bru rGyaJ-bag.Yung-drung (1242-1296).1 94 The system of A-Khrid that is currently taught by Aku Xiuwang relies greatly on the work of Shardza Rimpoche and his bKa'-lung rGya mtsho and relies upon the 15 sessions practice (A-Khrid thun-mtshams bjo-JNga ). 189The full tille is man-ngag rin-po-che A-khrid thun mtshams bco-lnga-pa'i sngnon-'gro'i khrid-rim bka'-lung rgya-mtsho, in his Complete Works, vol. 10, folios 1-274. 19G-rhis tradition has been studied by Per Kvaerne in Kailash, 1, no.l (Kathmandu, 1973) with the tille of: 'Bonpo studies: The A-khrid system of Meditation " (part 1) pp.19-S0 and with the same title (part 2) in Kailash, 1, no.2, pp.247-332. 191Kannay, s.G., 1972, p134 n.2. 192This might be the Khrod rgyud in the sPyi spungs zhi dzungs dang khro gzungs, Kangyur 171, vol. Tsha, Tantra section. Il is a Hidden Treasure text (gIer-ma) discovered by gShen-chen Klu-dga', (996-1035). Khrod-bo dBang chen (also Khrod-bo gTso-mchog mkha'-'gying one of the five divinities of the gSas- palace is also a common Yidam in Songpan. Ibid.,p. 4S n. 2. 193Karmay, S.G.,1975, p.2IS. 194Ibid .. 68 The other Preliminary Practices are done in a more informai manner. The circumambulation of the mountain and of the holy range of mountains are activities that every disciple is expected to perform and theyare always accompanied by the recitation of one of the above mentioned mantras. The performance of the Guru worship Session (bla-ma nal-Jor) is held on a daily basis for several months. Later, a concise practice of the gCod accompanied by studies of the books on the basics of meditation 195 are added. This Guru Yoga is, in the A-khrid Tradition, linked to the practice of the contemplation of the Tibetan letter A. 196 The next cycle (at this particular hermitage) starts with a short retreat of 49 days of the Long Life Ritual. The main text USLJ. is the Tshe sgmb of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin197. In the Bon Tantric Cycles and ritual cycles, the practice of the Long Life rite is almosl universal. Most of the divinities have their own Long Life practice as weil as Fire Offering ritual (Homa, tib.: sbyin-sreg ), rites for increasing wealth(srid-pa ba-gar gyen sel ) and for the elimination of hindrances (sel) 198. Upon completion of this retreat, the Cycle of the Bon Master Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin as Bod-yuJ-ma 199 becomes the main practice with a retreat that can easily last for more than a year.200 This practice includes the performance of sorne Mental 1950nce again there is guided study with Aku Xiuwang of the !\-khrid Cycle and its commentaries such as the dngos-gzhi, vol. Da, Book Ka of Sh,udza Rinpoche's Complete Works and other works in the same collection. 196The letter A in the Mental Teachings is a symbol representing the permanent basis of the universe, often compared to the ~ky and i ts cmpliness yet being elusive in its content and purity Iike the mind (bJo). Pcrsonnal instruction by Aku Xiuwang FaU 1992. 197This set includes the foUowing booklets: n'he-dbang lhug-sgrub mchog 'dus kyi dbang-khrid 'chi-mcd bdud rtsi'i char rgyun in 1<) folios; dug phyung dang dag tshang tshen khrus db us phyogs in 16 folios; kun b7~mg rgyal 'dus kyi sgrub gzhung gser gyi me-lOg phreng-ba in 1 7 foho~; Tshe-dhang mcho sbyin 'dus kyi nyer mkho'i Jag-Jen bdud-tSl'l bum bzang in 21 folios; 1:<;he dbang mchog 'dus tshe yi bsgrub-gzhung bya-ri-ma in 10 folios; and laslly Tshe-dbang mchog 'dus kyi las-tshogs nye-bar mkho-ba'i gnod b/a ,.,mg 'l hi ba bJu-ba'i thabs 'chi zhags gcod-pa'i ra/-gri in 19 folio~. 198For a good description of the se see: Snellgrove, David L, 1<)80, pp.43-97. 199Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin was according to Bonpo historians the son of another famous Bon scholar of charismatic power, Dranpa Namkha who Iivcd during the reign of the King Khri-srong IDetbtsan in the 8th cenlury. llis twin brother is believed by Bonpos to have bccn Padmasambhava (!). See Karmay, S.G., 1972, p.xxxii, note 4. 200According to Aku Xiuwang, Bo-yul-ma can he taken as onel~ main yidam and it is a major introduction to the Mental Tcarhings of the sNyan-rgyud 69 Teaching meditations of the sNyan-rgyud tradition as well as Completion Stage yogic practices of Psychic Heat Yoga (rTummo), Light ( 'od-sel ), Pho ba 201 etc ... The essentials of the sNyan-rgyud teachings of Aku Xiuwang are mostly taught during the performance of Bod-yul-ma. This curriculum is already far beyond the normal endeavor of any ordinary monk for masters skilled in these ways always demand extended periods of retreat and most of the monks do not seek such a spE!cialization. The Bod-yul-ma Sadhana, though, is of a relative sirnplicity when compared with the other texts of the gSas-khas mchog-lnga. It is not per se an ordinary Yidam but a form of Guru Yoga that, as was explained to me by Aku Xiuwang, can be considered as one's main practice. The cornplexities related to other divinities like the gSas-khas rnchog-lnga come from the many preliminaries prior to the main practices of mantra recitations and visualizations, the intricacies of their mandala and t heir attendant- div inities who each have their own mantras, forms, etc.. Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin was a historical character and not a divinity. His practice is usually given through Initiation and is optional, thus following lama Iineages rather than family ones. It was also one of the main regular practices of Shardza Rimpoche.202 Tradition. The set of texts used at this hermitage is generaly titled: bod yul ma'i sgrub-thab, in 78 folios. One of the texts is entitled sNyan rgyud rin chen sgron gsaJ gyi phrins in 28 folios. There are also the: tshe dbang bod J ul ma'i tshogs kyi shog chung dbu phyogs in 15 folios; rin-'dzin mkha-'dro'i hsk.mg bshar (1 most probably bshad) mun rned snang gsal in 12 folios and lastly srid-rgyal rna-mo dpon g.yog gi bsgrubs in 8 folios. In this set, there are lose leaves witH mantras, torma offerings and prayers to be recited intermitantly throughout the different practices. This was described to me by the main adrninistrator of dGa'-mal, Aku Nana, as being a very simple practice but with far reaching results and that it was systematicaly practiced by all who wanted to perform a long retreat of 3 or more years. 201 For a translation of the Buddhists' Six Yoga of Naropa which are very similar to sorne of the Bon technics of Turnmo, etc., see: Eva..'1s-Wenz, W.Y., Le. l"oKa tibétain et les doctrines secrètes ou Les Sept livres de la SaKesse du Grand Sentier, (french trans.) Paris, 1977, pp. 180-258. 2020n the CUITent poster of Shardza Rimpoche distributed among followers of this lincage, thcre is the depiction of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin on the upper right portion of the painting. This space is traditionaly ascribed to the main divinity (Yidarn) on which the Lama relied in his life-time. Sorne lamas may havc many of these. In the case of Shardza Rimpoche, we see Tshe-dbang Rin 'dzin and Margyud as his main Tutelary divinities. 70 After completion of the above performance, the student will start the practice of the gCod. There are four category of gCod in 86n203. These are: Zhi (Peaceful) , Khro (Fierce) , rGyas (Abundance) and gSang (Secret) gCod204 . They relate to specifie cycles of Tantric deities. prominently Dakinis (mKha '-'gro-ma) in the case of th~ gSang gCod which is the also the specialty of the hermits in g.Yung-drung Kha. The rite of gCod which is performed during this training is the long form (in opposition to the concise ritual mentioned above) that takes a whole day, divided into the four traditional sessions, to perform. After a retreat of about one and a half year, sorne students, considered particularly apt at this form of practice, are taken by Aku Xiuwang to cemeteries and holy sites throughout the regions of former Western Tibet (Kham) and Southern regions of Ç'1 nghai.20S Before Liberation, these places were traditional grounds Wl ere gCod-pa (practitioners of gCod) gathered to 203These four categories were given to me by A-Yong Rimpochc ,md also mentionned to me by Aku Xiuwang. Unie is known about this system of four pantheon of divinities associated with four differenl types of gCod. 1 am not ar~e presently to give more details, further studies and comparision will nccd to be conducted for a satisfying understanding of this question. 204 ln the Index of the Kangyur and Tengyur of Nyi-ma bsTan-'dt.in translated by Per Kvaerne, in the Tengyur, section gCod , T 218's lirsttcxt is: lbi œ,yas dban~ &Sum-~yi ~çod-Wams whirh can be roughly translated as: "Commentaries on the gCod of the three (practices of ) Parifying, Incrcasing (and) (Over-)powering"; in Per Kvaeme, 1974, p.136. There is mention of three of these as powers. These in fact refers to known magical praclires of the Tantras, the Four Magical Acts of: i) zbi ,pacifying disturbing occult influences; ii) rgyas, to increase wealth; iii) dbang, to expc\, wllh manifestation of occult power, hostiles influences; iv) dr.lg, to acquire the fierce and violent power of the Angry-diviniues. Tucci, Giu5eppe, 1<)7 3, p.59. Here drag correspond to Khro , and dbang to gsang. Most of the Yidam in Bon have these four actions imbeded into the corpus of thcir ntu.tl lexls. Thcsc are specific magical rituals performed only when the needs arise. S.(;. Karmay gives the same four names as Tucci to classify the Bon gCod. Karmay, S.(;., 1977, pp.90. 205So far, only one student, a nun of about 28 years old had this opportunity. She went with Aku Xiuwang for more than a year to different places of 'power' like cemeteries, charnel grounds, and holy caves where they daily performed the full rite of gCod. The places where Aku Xiuwang and his diSCiple went were not disclosed to me. The esoteric nature of the Bonpo~' praClire makes inquiry sometimes very difficult. Traditionaly, if one wants to study a particular set of Tantra or other advanced practires, one flrst has lo go through a formal Initiation ceremony (dbang ) and then ran look at the material. When 1 went to Shanba village to con suit a book on rituah 01 the Phur-ba cycle, 1 was asked whether 1 had receivcd the Initiation or nol. Only after proving that 1 had received the Oral Transmission (Jung) from a reknown Bon Lama from Aba Prefecture was 1 lent the tcxt for consultation. Informations are not freely given. 71 perform the rite. There are visualizations, dances and songs to memorize and the purpose is to "slay" ego-clinging in order to reach a state of pure contemplation.206 The name of the collection of Bon gCod used by Aku Xiuwang is known as the mKha'-'gro gsang gCod sgrub skabs cha-lag dang bcas. It has 358 folios ~(ld more than 30 sections for prayers, explanations, initiation, Sadhana, etc .. 207 The literature of gCod is vast and its popularity raised it to the standard practice status for advanced practitioners of Lamaism. Now, ail ~he sects of Tibetan Buddhism have developed their own lineage of gCod and Bônpos have also their own sets of Revealed texts (gter-ma). Further studies need to be made before any assertion can be made on the historical development of the Bon gCod ,208 The next step in the curriculum of g.Yung-drung Kha is the practice of rDzogs-chen. Spring and Summer are times when the students concentrate on the contemplative meditations. The Fall and Winter are for the yoga of "Psychic Heat" (rTummo) that last for a hundred to two hundred days, depending on the ability of the pupil, and the other yogic technique of meditation on Light ( 'od-zer), etc. Aku Xiuwang teaches the bde gshegs 'dus-pa version of rDzogs-chen. It consists in seeing in the body the different mandalas of the Peaceful divinities (zhi-lha,), the Wrathful divinities of the gSas-palace (gSas-mkhar mchog-lnga ), the circles of the Dakas (male fairies) and Dakinis (mkha'-'gro 'khor) and the circle of the Protector of the Faith Srid-pa rgyal-mo. These respectively 20680n gCod have not yet been translated into western languages. However, an available translation of the practice with commentaries of the Buddhist gCod can be found in: Evans-Wentz, W.Y., 1977, pp. 281-336. 207Here is a Iist of 31 booklets and main sections constituting it; gsang gcod yid nzhin nor-bu'i zin-ris, f. 1-11; bar-phud, 12-15; nskang-ba, 16-36; sgrub- th.lb.." 37-56; li-ka'i dmigs-pa, 57-60; khyung-bsgrubs, 61-64; sa-chog, 65-68; burr.-pa bca'-thabs ,69-73; dug-phyung, 75-79; bgegs-gtor, 80-81; gser-skyems ,82; rgyan-bgod (7) 83-6; mnan-pa , 87-91; rang-lus tshogs-'bul ,92-101; gsol 'debs , 102-108; yi-dam bskyed-rim , 109-20; srid-rgyal skyabs-sems , 121-123; skyabs-sems, 124-34; zhi-rgyas dbang-drid, 135-203; gzer-bu ,204-47; bskang chung, 248-54; dbaJ-mo'i bskang-bshags, 255-62; bskang-ba , 263-68; rgyun khyer, 269-72; gdams-pa zab-mo, 273-8..J; 'bum-bskul, 285-92; g.nad-'dus, 293- 306; sbyin-sreg 307-28; gtso-mchog, 329-36; lag-Ien sgrubs-thabs, 336-41; gcod-khrid, 342-58. 208For a historical analysis of the Buddhist gCod lineages see: Gyatso, Janet, "The Development of the Gcod Tradilion" , in Soundinas in Iîbetan CiyiIization, Proceedings of the 1982 Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies held at Columbia University, Delhi, 1985, pp.320-341 72 correspond to the heart region, the head, the abdomen and the pelvic area. This particular set is related to the Nam-mkha' 'phruJ mdzod tradition which aiso came from Tshe-dbang Rig-'dzin.209 It is, according to Karmay, almost identical to the Sems category of rDzogs-chen teachings of the rNyingmapas.210 The texts used come again from the Complete Works, of Shardza Rimpoche dealing with the Nam-mkha' mdzod , vol. 8 and 9.211 bde gshegs 'dus-pa is a major practice at g.Yung-drung Kha. During the FaU 1992, there were about six nuns in retreat practicing that particular corpus. Sorne of them were already in their third year of :)ractice and a longer period of practice is clearly encouraged by their master. When more advanced practices are SOUghl, Aku Xiuwang will teach Ma-rgyud to chosen disciples. Ma-rgyud was the Yidam of his own master and considered to be a higher practice than the Yidam of the gSas-palace. Ma-rgyud is thought of as having a special relatior:ship with rDzogs-chen and texts of the Completion Stage of Ma-rgyud are extant, whirh is not the case for most of the other Yidam.212 Once, a monk from dGa'-ma! tûld me that Ma-rgyud was a practice transcending the mundane and had to be practiced in solitude. The other Yidam, like gSang-drag, could be worshipped white having a normallife, that is eating meat, drinking bcer etc., for they were helpers in the world and could relate to his worshippers in ail situations. Ma-rgyud is a vehicle for the attainment of Enlightenment and does not relate as much to the world but rather brings his worshipper to transcend it. A-Yong Rimpoche does agree on this last 209Kannay, S.G., The Great Perfection: A Philosophical and Meditatiye Teaehin" in Tibetao Buddbism, Leiden, 1988, p.202. 210Ibid .. 211 The vol.8 deal mostly witb instruction and prerepts. Vol. () rontams the lcxlS for recitations. See Appendix. 212The meaning of this is tbat Yidam like Phur-ba , gS'ang-drdg , dHaJ-gSas do not have rtsa-rlung (yoga with special empbasis on making tbe Brcatb, rlung , enters the 'psychic' veines). Ma-rgyud has it whkh makes ils aS1>oCÎation with the Completion Stage praetices (rDzogs-rim). Many lamas will not agrcc with this technical separation of Generation Stage and Completion Stage. They as sert that tbey are in faet identical and that Complction Stage is only an emphasis on more defined visualizations coupled wlth yogit gymnastics. 1 would ratber argue that a Yidam like Phur-ba for instance which d()C~n'l bave any rtsa-rJung md tbat eonrentrate on deeds of magic i~ dcfinitcly of a different class tban the one whicb, Iike Ma-rgyud , not only ba~ the Generation Stage process of meditation (and thus ran also perform dccds of magic) but has also rtsa-rJung texts. 73 statement but, Ma-rgyud being his own personal Yidam since early childhood, relates to him in a more informai way. He still daily recites the invocations of this Yidam whether living in Kangding, in Chengdu, or in his monastery of Nya-rong. When it comes to having magic do ne on a worldly basis, A-Yong Rimpoche will propitiate Sri-pa rGyal-mo, the major Protector (srung) of Bon, associated with rDzogs-chen and under the authority of Ma-rgyud. The influence of Ma-rgyud is that one transforms daily reality into the abode of the god. Sounds heard are the sounds of the man tras of Ma-rgyud. Deeds performed are acts done wi th the awareness of being indivisible with the deity which "possesses" his worshipper. Actions thus become deeds of the god. People and objects within the sphere of vision are considered as beir.gs and things inside the mandala of Ma-rgyud. Bodily sensations are decoded with special significance according to the set of correspondences established on the basis of the symbolism of the Tantric Cycle of Ma-rgyud. Aku Xiuwang does not usually confer Initiations besides those of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin such as the Long Life or the Bod-yul-ma.213 Most of his major disciples have traveled in the region to request Initiations or have received them when they were given in dGa'-mal. Initiations are traditionally given by high lamas such as Reincarnated Lamas, Abbots or sLob-dpon (head-teacher). iii) Magical and Salvation Practices by monks. Monks often go to villages upon request in order to perform ceremonies. These are mostly recitations of scriptures such as the Long Life practice for the sick and Oeliverance rituals for the dead. In certain cases, a High Lama can be invited for a Death Ritual. When such a religious figure performs, the rite may then be more than a mere recitation of scripture but becomes a ritual of Initiation on the Oeliverance From the shades of the Intermediary States between each rebirth,214 The texts used by Aku Xiuwang are titled: Klong rgyas and gtung bsug dang A 213Aku Xiuwang every year during the 5th Tibetan Lunar month, from the 5 to the 15, gives the Initiation of Bod-yul-ma. Upon request he also gives Yidam Initiation of the .5Kyes-rim class such as gSmg-drag of which a friend of mine gave me a recording. The date was not specified. 214Per KV.lcrne has written a succinct but very adequate description of such a rHual that "'J.S performed in India, October 13th 1981, by the Head of the Bonpos, Sangye Tenzin Jongdong a native of Shanba Village in Songpan. K\ acrne, Per, 1985. 74 dkar sdu bsngaJ. Unfortunately, 1 was unable to identify or consult it any further. The monks also regularly practice Offerings to the Protectors with fire called "Mass Offerings of Food" (bsang mchod 'bul). The rites are performed early in the morning, often before sunrise. 1t consists of the burnt offerings of tsampa, grains, Sacrificial cakes (gtor-ma) and shrubs of cypress trees accompanied with scripture recitations From the corpus of the petitioned Protectors. The essentials of Burnt Offerings are as follow: in the fire the vision of the deity is generated and the fire transforms the :~dibles of this world into the "astral" world of the gods. A belief common in China where offerings to the dead and the gods are also done through fire. These rites are performed before a retreat or after ils completion, several times during the year, for different purposes such as seeking supernatural help for protection or wealth increase. Another ritual performed by Lamas, monks or laymen un a regular basis is the "Posing of the Arrows" (mda'). The Sadhana of the Yidam of the family is performed and then a special text215 on the mda' is read. These arrows are made of painted wood and are usually fairly large. 1 have seen several of these (from two to three meters high) on earth mounds or cairns on summits overlooking villages, monasteries and hermitages. The principle is to activate the Protectors into using "poisonous arrows" against enemy of the Bon Faith, to eliminate the noxious influences of the demons ('dre) and prevent calamities. The recitation of the mam-par rgyaJ-ba'i mda (the Sutra of Nampar Gyalwa) is also a means to generate auspicious events. During the posing of the roofs pinnacle ornament216 or the consecration of a Stupa or temple, the entire Sutra is read with the accompaniment of Tibetan oboes and trumpets, cymbals, conch sheIls, bells, drums and chants. Stupas are also filled with the mantra of Nampar Gyalwa and its recitation during circumanbulatlOns is a common way of worship. 21SNot yet identifieù. 1 rely on this on the informations of Dreu Bongzi, a young monk of 24 years of age, nephew of Aku Xiuwang and who is pr(:.,ently staying at g.Yung-drung Kha and going through the complete curriculum of Teachings of his uncle. 216This is a bell shaped metalic ornament hlled with printed mantra~ of Nampar Gya1wa. It is a common ornement on LamaiM templc~. 75 Chapter Pive Con tri butions of laymen and Secular Lamas to the practice of BOn. Practices of the lay Lamas. gto-bcos (magic spells and rites) are sometimes performed by monks but not on a uniform basis. The workings of magic are generally left to specialized magicians(sngags-pa) whose trade remains in the family. A Bonpo friend of mine who is stationed in India toid me of his family practices and regular employment of these magicians. In his village, every year there is an epidemic of b2d-bugs. During these times, his family always employs an itinerant Bonpo sorcerer who cornes to conduct a gto ri tuai with burnt offerings. He said that after his performance, bed-bugs disappear From his house but still remain in other houses of the village. Neighbors go to get sorne dust From the externai walls of his family's house to spray into theirs with the hope of eliminating the problem. ln Songpan, lay Lamas have these tasks at hand. It is their function to perform the gto-bcos when invited to. Manuals of magical rites are numerous but due to the misdeeds of recent history in Songpan, they are now relatively rare. What is left was hidden during the troubled times and are now zealously kept within the family shrine. These manuab were kept and transmitted within the family. And only those families with a long commitment with tradition and a long involvement in religious life managed to secure, them during the times predating Liberation. Today, to consult these texts is quite difficult. They are not easily lent to outsiders and are also kept as trade secrets. The method of their performance has to be learned From one who knows the practices and a thorough familiarity with the rituals is required. Prior to one's involvement in those, one also must have performed a retreat with the basic recitation of a hundred thousand mantras of one's main tutelary divinity. In today's Songpan area, t herr are no sngags-pa. Al though the lay Lamas of Songpan ,1re the main perfolmers of the magic al rites, they usually only engage in minor rites and do not practice spells of a destructive nature. They do the Arrow Ritu~ll for the welfare of their small community or other minor 76 blessing rituals for animaIs, land and people. There is also no weather maker in Songpan. The only ones that appear to have the ability to practice rites of destruction and weathermaking are Aku Xiuwang and maybe the present Abbot of dGa'-mal. The latter's main Yidam is dHcil Phur, whose main function is the subjugation of an opponent under one's power which would make Aku Papa qualified for this type of fierce magical practice. Both, Aku Xiuwang and Aku Papa, however have very little regard for this type of practice which they regard as Lower forms of Bon. They refer to them as technics of the Bon of Causes (rgyu'i tl!cg-pa ) which belong to the 2nd Way of Bon. Both specialize only in the highel' Ways of Result ('brags-bu'i theg-pa) and rDzogschen. There is one family of sngags-pa in the North-western neighboring Prefecture of Hongyuan but 1 have never had the opportunity of paying them a visit. Apparently, families of Bon magicians and weather-makers are to be found in Qjnghai, Dongren Prefecture. One of the practices that is performed and of which 1 have seen indications is the offering of ransom for the protection of cattle and domestic animais. During a visit in the end of the Summer of 1992 , on my way to g.Yung-drung Kha, l happened to stay at a friend's house in a neighboring village of dGa'-mal. My friend, a former monk of the monastery, who took wife during the Cultural Revolution, was printing sorne charms with wood blocks on pieces of c10th of about 15 centimcters wide and 40 centimeters long. He was preparing for the performance of a gto-bcos next day at the neighboring village of Hanpan. rhe~e charm~ were to be consecrated in a ri tuai for the blessing of hon,es which, in his quality of Lama, together with some other colleague practi tioners, he was asked to perform. He told me that they will invoke their tutelary deity, which in this case was gSang-drag , offer a ransom and then con,>ecrate the talismans. Tibetan are known to have protectors for dOl1le~tic "mimais known as Phyugs Iha spun bdun (the Seven brothers, God~ of the Cattle))l? One of these seven brothers is the God of the Hor,>(~~ (r(a Iha). The essentials of the performance of this ri te is to give offering~ to the Horse-God and to offer a ransom ta bribe the would-be malignan l ,>pirits 217Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de, Demon> anJ Oracle> of 'Ilhet, (;ra/, !\u,>tria, 1975, p.306. 77 and secure the animals,218 This ransom is made of tsampa mixed with butter, milk and cheese (the three whitE!s) plus white and brown sugar with honey (the three sweets). The dough is then molded into the shapes of horses (rta-g!ud). Being on my way to g.Yung-drung Kha and pressed for time, 1 could not attend the ri tuaI. However, about 10 days later, while in Hanpan for some business, 1 saw a few horses running out of a corral with new printed charms fastened to their mane. Afterwards, starting to pay more attention to domestic animaIs, 1 often noticed yaks and horses in different regions of Aba District (zhou) adorned with such talismans. The Traditional four actions of paci(,:~ng, increasing, suppressing and empowering can be usually found in the ri tuaI manuals of most Yidams. A gCod text centered on the Yidam Dakini Thugs-rje mKha '-gro 219 given to me by A-Yong Lama during the 92-93 winter, has the following interesting sections (among others) : the "Contemplative practice" (bsgrub-gzhung) of Thug-rdze mKha'-gro to bring about union with her (f. 131-162), the "Propitiation of the Red Srid-pa rgyal-mo" (dmar srid rgya!) which is the attributed protector of these gCod teachings (f. 163-178), a Long Life practice called "the Sap of Life" (tshe-bcud) (f.181- 190), and "increase in wealth" (gyang-'bod) (f.191-206), "concentrations ofSpells" (zlog-pa'i ting-'dzin) for repelling Evil Spells (f.207-213), "subjugation of the Sri deviIs" (sri 'du!) (f.235-260), a ritual for a Sky burial ceremony (dur gcod), the "Reversing Torma" (gtor bzlog) (f.215- 221). This particular text seems to refer to the use of a tonna to be hurled against opponents to inflict them harm. Bonpos are known for their use of 201', a magical deviLe more or less in the shape of regular sacrificial cakes «(or111 ... t). These were thrown in the direction of enemies in order to inflict them harm of ail kinds, including death. Nebesky-Wojkowitz has cataloged nine types of zor. 270 [n Bonpos' history, the life threatening sickness of the king Khri-srong IDe-btsan and the occurrence of many -) 18 IbIU., p.361. 21 ()Slw IS .tlso "nown by many other names according to \',hICh divinity she bewmes the consort. She is a 1 ...tiry, gU.lrdI.ln of the secret tearhings of Bon n1.lgic. 111Î~ .lhm e gi\ en n.une is asrribed to her when she is the 'mistrcss of the C.1Mle c.llled gS:/s-Kh.lr Ihi ha ' with the full name of "/1JUgs ne byam ma sk.\ c 'gm gw-h.l'/ Ill.!. Ibid., p.317. l'he gS:/s-Khar L'hi ba h translatcd as the l'r,lI1q1l11 Idl\ IIlllle~J of the gS.lS-pal.lce. 2L(llhIJ., p.3'i-l-8. 78 calamities in Tibet were caused by the use of similar magical devices hurled against him by the Bon sage Gyer-spungs sNang-bzher Lod-po in retribution for the murder of the last King of Zhang-zhung, Lig-mi-rgya. ordered by the Tibetan king.2 21 Weather-makers concentrate on the cult of the water spirits, the Nagas (klu), believed to be responsible for the weather,222 They usually live in ponds, lakes, and rivers and close to other water sources but can also inhabit black rocks or trees close to a weIl. Although Weather-makers are absent in Songpan, people still worship the klu. A friend of mine who lives in a small Tibetan village on the summit of a mountain about seven kilometers north of the main Prefectural town has shown me a spot under a pine tree where his family and the other villagers maJ..c offerings to the Naga. Evidence of the popularity of this cult is manifest in the Northern valley where prayer flags in numerous locations can be seen close to the river or to the water source of the village. The main script ures for lhcir worship are the White, Black and "Variegated-color" Compendium of the Naga (Klu 'bum dkar-po, nag-po and khra-bo).223 1 did not ascertain the role of the Bonpo lay lamas in the worship of the Naga. But from the knowledge of their active participation in most of the other religious activities, we may infer that they also carry on thc~c rites. As shown previously about the participation of lay Lama~ in the an nuaI recitation of the Ma-rgyud Offering ri tuaI at g.Yung-drung Kha, their active participation doesn't only extend to attending the religious celebrations of their spiritual masters but it also enrai1~ engaging in ritual performances at the festivals of the dGa'-mal monastery. During the 'chams dances of Spring 1992, 1 have seen many of these Lama~ playing drums or other musical Instrument on the musician's tribune. i\lthough the dancers were aH young monks, the assembly in the main Temple reciting the scriptures was composed of lay Lamas and monks. The final procession on the consecrated ground of the courtyard ~ummoned ail the monks and lamas that attended the ceremony thus incorporating into one body the monks of dGa'-mal, the religious dignitaries and monb from 221 Kannay, S.G., 1972, pp.97-9. 222Nebesky-Wojkowit~, 1975, p-!-() 7. 223The Bon Sutra on the Cult of the Nagel that wa\ tran~lateù hy a. Schle/n<:r in 1881 is thought by Per Kvaerne to be the White CompendIUm (klu 'hum dkar-po ). See Kvaerne, Per, J 974, p. J 02. 79 other monasteries and the lay ritualistic specialists, all wearing the formaI gown of their order with insigna of ranks and status. My friend Lama frorn the Anbi Village, Drubgyal Va, who also has a son in dGa'-mal told me that he usually not only attends the Ma-rgyud ceremony at g.Yung-drung Kha but the different recitations of Tantric Cycle like Phur-pa, etc. as weIl, at dGa'-mal. Secular Lamas not only have strong ties and involvernent among their own lay community rnembers but also with the religious institutions. Laymen's following and support of religion. The rites performed during the festivals at dGa'-mal are very specialized and esoteric to most of the lay population of the surro'lndings, but the attendance is high. 3 to 4,000 persons annually attend. Although most of thern are contend to watch the dances, sorne others may contribute a great deal to the survival of the monastery. It is during these three to five days of religious activities that major financial contributions are made. The donor is formally escorted between two monks wi th a player of Tibetan Obot'· (gya-ling) preceding them to the tent of the Abbot where he will hand in his contribution. Ceremonial scarf (Khata) are offered, refreshments and cookies served. A special blessing of the Abbot is given and afterward small talks is made until another donor is brought in. The Dance festival is not the only opportunity to receive donations. Throughout the year, visitors often come to pay their respects to the Abbot and sorne also make a pledge of financial support. When major reparations or improvements are needed, lay members of the administrative committee who keep the community informed go to request financial help. They may also find new sponsors. Their role is essential to the survival of thE monastery. ln ordinary times, one finds mostly the elderly engaged in the circumambulation of the monastery. Eider women are usually accompanied by their daughters, grand-daughters or the son's spouse. The abbot still maintains his role as counselor in daily affairs and it is not uncommon to see some head of family going to him to ask for suggestions in their worldly affairs. Spiritual guidance remains also a matter of concern among the laity. What is even more surprising is to meet members of other lamaist confessions among the disciples of Bon masters. 80 During my first visit to g.Yung-drung Kha, Aku Xiuwang gave the Long Life Initiation of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin to three lay disciples. They were women of about sa years of age and had already completed the performance of the Preliminary Practices under Aku Xiuwang's tutelage. One of them was From a Bonpo family. The two others were Gelugpas. In the area, what is mostly looked upon when it cornes to choosing a master for one's spiritual endeavor is the reputation of the master rather than his sect of origin. Aku Xiuwang being renowned as a master with expel'tise in meditation and yoga, has acquired quite a following in the neighboring Prefecture of Nanping. Despite his harsh manners and conservative ideas that provoked many criticisms from the monks of dGa'-mal, he is known for his thoroughness in training and has the admiration of many high Reincarnated Lamas such as A-Yong Rinpoche and others. The young lay Bonpos do not seem to participate very actively in the religious practices. In fact, the awareness of being Bonpo, instead of Buddhist, is remarkably low. The level of education is also very low. The girls seldom attend Middle school and remain at home helping in domestic tasks until they get married. The level of education of the boys is a tinle better. But the main problem resides in the lack of schools in the rural areas. The closest Middle Sehool to the Anbi village, for instance, is at about 10 kilometers. There are no buses or other public transportation that couid transport the ehildren daily to their school. The Songpan Prefecture is quite remote. Publie roads are dangerous and often destroyed during the Spring and the Summer rains and waters from the melting glaciers. The laek of transportation is one of the main problcms of this Prefecture. Peasants use regularly small tractors to get to the market of Songpan but ehildren have very !ittle opportunity to visil the Prefecture town. During one visit to Anbi, the two Iiule girls (aged 9 and 13) of a friend, were preparing to go to Songpan with their mother for the first time. The eIder daughter (about 19) never went to Chengdu. This situation, explained my friend, is very comrnon. Children stay in their villages, visit friends in the neighooring villages or go to watch the herds in the mountains. For most of them, this is aIl that they are able to see in their lifetime. Sorne prospering Tibetan merchants of the regioJl, about thrce years ago, coneerted their efforts and with sorne of thcir available capital had a special High Sehool built. Tibetan children From differcnt regionr, of the ------ 81 Prefecture are placed in this school by their parents in order to, complete the normal Chinese High School curriculum, study the Tibetan language and culture. The children study various subjects related to their culture that includes traditional dances and arts, history of Tibet and its religion. 1 am still not certain as to how religion is taught. One of the patrons of the schùol, who is a B6npo, told me that since many children were either Bonpos or Buddhists, the approach to the teaching of religion is ecumenical in essence. The main reason behind the building of the school was the preservation and transmission of Tibetan culture. 82 Conclusion The Yar-Iung dynasty marks the beginning of Tibetan civilization and culture. The cradle of the Tibetan civilization was.located in the Yar lung valley and the surname IDe characterized the rulers of this small kingdom.224 By the study of the early historical records, we can assert that Bon, as it later became known, appeared during the reign of Gri-gum btsan-po. The Buddhist records mention three successive st~lges of Bon. The brDol-bon during the time of Khri-lde-btsan-po (the sixth after Nya khri-btsan-po) involved the subjugation of the demons of the UndelWorld ('dre-sri). Then came the 'Khyar-bon at the time of Gri-gum btsan-po with the apparition of the 'dur-bon or funerary rituals. And lastly ("..1n1<.' the bsGyur-bon in three steps. The first period was marked by the apparition of a Bon-po wearing the turquoise blue color to which is ascribcd (by the Buddhists) the borrowing and plagiarism of the Buddhists Sutr.. 1S into Bon Sutras. To the second period at the time of Khri-song bDeb-btsan, is attributed the transformation of the Buddhist terminology into Bon terminology. The third involved the reformation and first compilation of the Bon scriptures by gShen-chen klu-dga'.225 This reconstruction was the main model used by Western scholars and based on Buddhist accounts. Stein, for instance, thinks that the Bon of the anClent t imes of the first kings of Tibet was completely different , having no hi~torical connection with the later Bon that persisted to this day.22ü The other view propounded by Haarh and Karmay i~ of a continuing tradition from ancient times to the present that, originally, absorbed the pre-Bon betiefs and practices into its body of beliefs and arJded the tripartite divisions of the world with its relevant practices. Although, parts of the Bon teachings came from a neighboring kingdol11 (namely: Zhang zhung) which was later partly absorbed into Tibet,227 it wa,> clo~ely associated with the Royal house of Tibet and became the keeper of the Chab-sris ( the Royal Dominion) until its replacement by Buddhbm during 224Stein, R.A., "lïbetica Antiqua V", BIJLO vol. IXXXIII, 1()RH ,pAL --=>Ibid.,)7- pp.31-2. 226Despite the use of similar tcrms, ancient Bon ha .. for him nothing ln corn mon \\>ith the l:verlJsting Bon. Ihld., pp.L7-)(). 227Stein, Rolf A., La civilisation 'i'Ibétame, (R(~éditJon revue et augmen tée de l'édition de 1962), Pans, 1981, p.U. 83 the reign of Khri-song bDeb-btsan in the 8th century. The Everlasting Bon (g.Yung-drung bon) as we know it today, is a later creation. Although, the Bonpos can retrace the spiritual ancestry of their teachings up to the early Bonpo families of the time of the Ninth king of Tibet (Gri-gum btsan-po), most of the texts used and includ~d into the body of their canonical, or ritual corpus, cannot be dated earlier than the 10th century AD.228 The Canonical literature of the Bonpos is divided in two parts; the Kangyur, which is the collection of the Sutras and the Tangyur, a compilation of commentaries. The first codification of Bon texts was made after the discovery of a large body of texts in 1017 AD .. 229 The tentative date of 1450 AD. has been suggested as the time when the final codification of the Canon may have taken place.230 Although Buddhists thernes and elements can be found in Bon Scriptures, there are nevertheless large sections that are of a very ancient nature. The modern Bonpos are hard pressed when it comes to explain or identify various names and words of manifest antiquity. This shows us how much modern Bon has little to do with ancient Bon. Although ancient terms may be often used in modern ri tuaI texts and Sutras, today's performance of ri tuaIs, religious concepts and goals are almost identical in meaning (if not in ritual practice) to that of the Buddhists. This brings us back to the question of how much Bonpo are the Tibetan Buddhists and how much Buddhist are the Bonpos? Unfortunately, we will have to await the reports of studies on the Bon Canons that, as regards the Kangyur, have been available only since the last two or three years.231 More comparative researches will need to be conducted to identify the Buddhist practices that were truly imported to Tibet compared to the ones adapted from Bon by the Buddhists. An exhau~tive study of the Bon pantheon has yet to be undertaken as weIl as 2l8K.lrm,l), 1 <)75, p.18? n()lbid. 23()~\~r K\ ,terne, 1974, p.39. 231 The Bon K,mgyur has only been reprinted in the 1980's under the SUpCT"\'ISlon of A-Yong Rimpoche of Nyarong. The Tengyur is shortly to be puhltshed in China. Prof. S.G. Karma)' in a letter dated Summerl992, men t ionned 10 me that Paris just receivcd one copy of the Hon K.1ngyur From Chengdu. N.lmkh,ti Norbu has .1lso reccÎ\ ed two copies of the S.lme edition that \\.1' ,hlpped tu l1\m 111 1991 From Chengdu by Sharpur Namkha G)altsen of N.mg/hl 1\ lon.l~tef) 111 Aha Prefecture. Another cap) is 111 Lnglatld, maybe one in Non\ \) .1I1d .lle\\ in Indi.l al the Bon t-.lon.lstic Center 111 Dolanji. 1 had the gooJ hll"tune ul bel11g .lble to bring the onl)' \.-.no\\'n complete copy of the Bbn ".mg) ur 111 Nurth Amenc.! ln r-.lontrc.l1 this Spring 1993. 84 scholarly expositions of their main tenets, systems of practice, and philosophy. The debates on whether the original religious traditions of Tibet were Bon or no t, and the subsequent adaptations and transformations of Bon are far From clear. Most of these deb.ltes .1re based on interpretations of the Dunhuang Tibetan manuscripts. In Illy humble opinion, 1 think that the Bon Scriptures (Le. Kangyur and T.lngyul-) need first to be thoroughly investigated before reviving any debates on these questions. When aIl these controversial debates raged. the .11110unt of Bon scriptures in the Western collections was minimal. Since the Bon Kangyur is now available for study, priority should be given to exhaustive research on the Bon Scri ptures. The earliest known presence of the Bon clergy in Songpan is associated with the creation of the Ouihe monastery in 1069 AD .. Since we know that the first compilation of Bon texts was made by gShen-chen klu dga' (996-1035) after 1017, this raises the question of the antiquity of the monastic institutions of the Bonpos. a study that has yet to be done. The monks of the dGa'-mal monastery daim that their tradition 01 ritual dances ('chams) goes back to the early beginnings of their monastery (founded in 135~). The second oldest monastery in Songpan is the Bon Jiaochang shi in Hongtu xiang (founded in 1087). The Nyingma Temple was created 76 years later (1163), the first Tibetan Buddhist presence in Songpan. Research on the Songpan area needs to be furthered in order to seek new materials and evidence on the nature of early Bon practice~ in the area. This might help solve the problem of the antiquity of the Everlasting Bon and whether there has ever been any local indigenous cuits that were later adopted into Bon. Why did the Bonpos continue ta adhere to their religion tor centuries in spite of numerous persecutions? It is cOl11mon be!ief that every Tibetan is a Bonpo at heart. But the answer may be sought in the fact that Bon is a magical tool that helps ta alleviate suffering in the world of the living. Bon provided means that were believed powerful enough to deserve perpetuation to the present time. A Bonpo vi~iting Chengdu during the FaB 1992 told me that Bon was to him an idenl i ty rather than a religion. Buddhism was a religion and a philosophical ~y,>tem wort h studying but added little to identity. Doubtle~sly, many Buddhi'>t') would be outraged by this affirmation. But 1 do think that there mlght he ')()me 85 truth to it. Bon is Tibetan. Reverend Namkhai Norbu in his The Necklace Qf GZJ,232 denQunced the repudiation Qf BQn by the mainly Buddhist Tibetan c1ergy. He maintained that Bon was part of the Tibetan heritage and c10sely related tQ its culture and histQry.233 Buddhists seek Enlightenment and renQunce the world. They have little to do with a definition or reinforcement of self-identity. BQn supplied rites for the reinforcement of the ties within their society as their marriage rituals testify.234 Although Bon always had means (mainly magical) to deal with the affairs of the world, and its philosophical aspect was weak in comparison to its main rival, it was forced (if we may say 50) to elaborate ilS goals and tenets, to fill the gap that appeared with the introduction of the ~tructured Buddhist philosophical ideas in Tibet. The presence of a more weil defined spiritual goal and the L'nthusiasm it generated naturally inclined the Bonpos to reforrnulate and clarify their spiritual goal. Bon is, in sorne ways, a syncretic religion. 1 dQ not think that popular religion and Bon can be separated that easily, as Giuseppe Tucci did suggest.235 BQn is rather more akin to Taoisrn, which in the body of its main literary cQrpus (Le. the Daozang), can be fQund a vast array Qf different subjects like, divination, magic, inner and outer alchemy, astrology, geomancy (feng shui), calisthenics and many more. The philosophical side of Bbn, which tr ansformed many mountain deities into Enlightened Spiritual Seings, may have developed very much along the lines of Buddhism, but that does not mean that there are no other aspects related to that school of thought. 232N.lmkhai Norbu, The Necb.lace of CZl: 1\ Cultural Hjstorv of Tibet, Inf'orm.ltion Office of His lIoliness the D.ùai Lama, Dharamsala, 1981. 2331hlÙ., pp.S-b,8. -.) qK .lrm.l), ll)~/), - pp. _)() .../- 1).1. 23~ l'ued, Il)73, pp.272-3. Sb Bibliography Bacot, J., L'histoire du Tibet, Paris, 1962. 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Gyatso, Janet, "The Development of the Gcod Tradition ", in Soundingf-> in Tibetan Civilization, Proceedings of the 1982 Sem i nar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies hc1d al Columbia University, Delhi, 1985. Haarh Erik, "The Zhang-zhung Language", Acta lu\landica XL: 1 (=Humanities Series 46), Aarhus-Copcnhagen, 19()8. " The Yaf-lun Dynasty, Copenhagen, 1969. " , "The Identity ofTsu-chi-chien, Tibetan "King" who Died in 804 A.D.", Acta Orien talia, xxv (1 -2), pp. 1 21 -70. Hanson, Judith, The Torch of Certainty. Shambala, Boulder, 1081. 87 Helmut Hoffman, The Re1i2ions of Tibet, (english transi. of Die Re1i2ionen Tibets, first pub. 1956) London, 1961. Hogson, B.H., "Translation of a Tibetan Fragment" lournal of the Asiatie Society of Ben~al, 1 832. " , "No' e on the Origi n of the Kalachacra and the Adi Buddha Sys' ms" Ibid., 1833. " . Jrigin of the Sakya Race", Ibid.,1 833. " , "The earliest evidence of the use of the Chinese Sexogamary cycle if Tibetan" ,Tibetan and Buddhist Studies commemorating the 200th anniversary of the birth of Alexander Csoma de Koros. vol.2. (Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica, vol. xxix/2, Budapest: Akademiai Kido, 1984, pp.341-360 + 1 T. jeltmar, Karl, Between the Ghandara and the Silk Road: The Rock Carvin2s of the Karakoram Hi2hway, Mainz: Verlag Phillip Von Zabern, 1987. " , AntjQuities of Northern Pakistan. Jettmar, Karl, editor, Mainz: VerIag Phillip Von Zabern, 1989. Karmay, S.G., The Treasury of Good Sa,yi n2s: A Tibetan History of Bon, London, 1972. " , A General Introduction to the History and Doctrines of Bon, Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, no.3/33, Tokyo, 1975. " , A Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, The Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, 1977. " , The Great Perfection: A Philosophical and Meditative Teachim~ in Tibetan Buddhism, Leiden, 1988. de Koros, Alexander Csoma, Analysis of the Kangyur, 1838-39, reprint Delhi, 1981. Per Kvaerne, Administration d'un monastère Bon-po in Journal Asiatigue, 1970, pp.187-192. " , 'Bonpo Studies; The A-Khri System of Meditation, in Kaitash Vol.l, No. l, Kathmandu, 1973, pp.l9-50 and Part 2, vol. 2, 88 pp. 247-332. " , The Canon of the Tibetan Bonpos in Indo-lr,lI1ian lourtlal 16, 1974, pp.1B-56; 96-144. " , "The Great Perfection in the Tradition of the 1'Ol\p05", in L. Lancaster and W. Lai, eds., Early Ch'an in China ,1Ild Tibet, Berkeley, Buddhist Studies 5 (berkeley: 1983), pp. 367-392, " , Tibet Bon Relhlion; A Death Ritual of the Tibetan Soupas. Iconography of Religions, Section XII: East ,md Central Asia, Fascicle Thirteen, Leiden, 1985. Lalou, Marcelle, "Le culte des Naga et la thérapeutique", in IOUIIMI Asiatigue, janvier-mars, 1938, pp.I-19. " , "Rituel Bon-po des funérailles royales" in JOUI nal Asiatique, 1952, pp.337-361. " , Les (eli~ions du Tibet, Presse Universitairps dt' 1'1 ,tnce, Il)57. Lati & Locho Rimbochay & Zahler & Hopkins, Meditatives ~, WiSÔO\11 Publication, London, 1983. Patrick Mansier, IILa guerre du Jinchuan (rGyal-rong): son contexte politico-religieux" in Tibet: civilisation et société, Fondation Singer-Polignac, Paris, 1990, p.125-42. Martin, Dan, "Bonpo Canons and Jesuit Canons", Tibet lournal. 15:2 (1990). Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René de, Demons and Qrill:les of Tibet, Cra/', J\U~tl ia, 1975. " , Tibetan Sacred Dances, edit. by Christoph von Furer Haimendorf, The Hague, 1976. " , Where the Gods are Mountains, New York, 19')7. Orofina, Giacomella, Sacred Tibetan Teaçhin~s on Death and Liberation, Bridport: Prism Press, 1 990. " , East and West, 1991. Pignède, Bernard, Les Curungs, une population himalayenne du Népal, Mouton, The Hague (Ecole Pratique de~ Haute~ Dude~), ) 9()(). 89 Richardson, H. et Snellgroove, D., A Cultural History of Tibet, Boston, 1986. A. Schiefner, 'Uber das Bonpo-Sûtra: Das weisse Nàga-H underttausend '. Mémoires de l'Académie de St. Pétersbouni!, Vile Série. 28: 1. St. Petersburg, 1881. Shardza Tashi Gyaltsen, Heart Drops of Dharmakaya. Snow Lion, New York, 1993. Snellgrove, David L., Snellgroove, D., Buddhist Himalaya, Cassirer, Oxford, 1957. " , Himalayan Pih~rimaie , Oxford, 1961. " , The Nine Ways of Bon, Excerpts from gZi-brjid editcd and translated by David L. Snellgrove, (republication of Oxford University Press, 1967), Boulder, 1980. Stein, Rolf A.,L'épopée tibétaine de Cesar dans sa version lam31Que de ~, Paris, 1956. " , Recherches sur l'épopée et le barde au Tibet, Paris, 1959. " , Les tribus des marches sino-tibétaines; léiendes. classifications et histoire, Paris, 1961. " , La civilisation Tibétaine, (Réédition revue et augmentée de l'édition de 1962), Paris, 1981 " , IITibetica Antiqua V", BEEEO vol. LXXXIII, 1988. Thurman, R., The Lire and Teachings of Tsong Khapa, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala, 1ndia, 1 982. Tibetan G-Yun2-prun2 Bon Monastery in India, published by Bonpo Monastic Centre in collaboration with Tadeus Skorupski, Dolanji, India, October, 1983. Giuseppe Tucci , Waither Heissig, Les reliiioos du Tibet et de la Mon2oIie, (french trans. of Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei, Stuttgart, 1970), Paris, 1973. Chinese Sources 90 A-ba zan2 zu zj zhj dj mini shou ce, zhou di ming bang gong shi bian yin, 1987. Sonipan Zaoi Zhuan Eoiiao Gajkuani, Religious Affairs Bureau of the Songpan Prefecture, 1987. Tl betan Sources /lKhrod rgyud in the sPyi spungs zhi dzungs dang khro gzungs", .B.Q.n.. Kan2yur 171, vol. Tsha, Tan tra section. i.Yun~-druna boo-iyj dstall:l2.â byuna-ba brio~ by dPal-dan Tshul khrims, 1966, Bonpo Monastic Center, Dolanji, H.P., India. Zh.Ya dkar brtan-pa'j lo-r2Yus ke-ha-ka'j phrem~ (The Rosary of Kehaka, Historical Chronic1es of the White Hat), by sKal-bzang Dar rgyas,not dated, dGa'-mal Monastery, Song pan, P.R. China. 91 Appendlx Bon materials collected in China during the years 1991-93. KangyiJr g.Yung-drung ban rin-po-ch'i bKa' 'gyur (The Precious Everlasting Bon Kangyur). This major corpus of the Bon :Jutras is made of 175 sections in 197 volumes and was printed in Chengdu. The date of the printing is Bot mentioned. According to A-Yong Rinpoche of Nyarong, this set was printed in 1989-90. The volumes are presented in the traditional format of lose leaves (dPe-cha), each measuring Il cm wide by 52 cm large. The print was made by Photostat process and the script is inconsistent in style throughout the Canon. The dBu can script alternates with different dBu med scripts, the cursive handwritten form. The Sutras are divided according to the traditional fashion. The first category (sde) is that of the Sutras (mDo) and has 62 volumes. The second category is that of the Abhidharma, metaphysics ('bum). Its content is made of the sections 63 to 153. The third category is that of the Tan tra (rgyud) and i made of the sections 154 ta 171. The last category made of the sections 172 to 175 is that of the Mental Teachings (rDzogschen and sNyan-rgyud). A complete index of the Bon Kangyur will be published shortly. Its size would be far beyond the range and scope of this essay. The total collection is included within 16 packages each measuring about 52 cm large by 22 cm thick by 35 en wide. This collection was edited by A-Yong Rinpoche of Nyarong in Kr.am. Complete Works of Shardza Rinpoche Shar-rdza rin-pa-che'i gsung-'bum bzhugs-so (the Collected works of Shardza Rimpoche). In 16 volumes, this collection of the writings of Shardza Rinpoche, Grub-dbang bKra-shis rGyal-mtsan Dri-med sNying-po (1859-1935), was nicely printed in the dBu can calligraphy. There is no date and no name of publisher mentioned. It was probably printed in Chengdu during the last five years. This col iection is made of the following books: Volume 1 Section (Ka) dbyioiS rii rin-pa-che'i rndzod gsang-ba nge-pa'i rgyan ces (The Precious compendium of the Knowledge of Space). It is a treatise on rDzogschen in 263 folios. Volume 2 Section Kha dbyings rii rin-pa-che'i rndzod Jam dang 'bras-bu'i khrid (The compendium of the knowledge of the pa th of Space). Part two of vol. l, section Ka. 259 folios. 92 dbyings rig rin-po-che'i mdzod kyi do~ sel mun gsaJ sgron-ma. Folios 260 to 266. Volume 3 This volume is an exposition of the Bon doctrine used in the philosophical debates. It is known as the sde snod mdzod (The Treasury of the Pitaka). Section Ga 'zdig rten snod bcud kyi dzhung. (Lore of the world of animate and inanimate beings). Folios 1-7. sde snod rin-po-che'i mdzod yid bzhin 'byung-ba 'i gter. Folios 8-69. scie snod rin-po-che'i mdzod kyi sa bcad 'phrul gyi Ide mig. Folios 70-98. de saod rin-po-che'i mdzod kyi 'grel-ba gshen-bstaa gsal-ba'i sgron-ma nyi-zJa'i sprin gyi gur khang. Folios 99-391. Volume 4 Continuation of vol. 3. Section Nga de snod rin-ra-che'i mdzod Jas 'bras-bo gsang sngags kyi theg-pa'i 'greJ pa gsang don gsal-ba 'i sgron-ma. F. 1-321. sde snod mdzod kyi dka' gaad 'nad 'ga' zhig dris Ien tshig gsal sgron-ma . F.309-319. Volume 5 The Treasury of Explanations (lung-rig mdzod). Explanations on the Mental Teachings. Section Ca Lune rift rin-po-che'i mdzod blo gsal snying gi nor. F.1-280. Volume 6 This volume is referred to as the Three Vows (sdom gsum ). Its main subject is the explanation of the Three vows; the Virtuous Adherer (dGe-bsnyen ), mon!: (drang-srong ) and Bodhisattva(byang chubs sems-pa ). Section Cha sdom gsum mam-par 'byed-pa'i bka '-brten gyi sa-bcad rig-pa'i sde mig. F. 1-16. theg-pa chen-po'i lam gyi rten gzhi sdom-pa gsum rnam-par 'byed-pa, mu tsugsmar. F.17-44. sdom-pa gsum mam-par 'byed-pa'i gzhung don gsal-bar bye-pa'i 'gral-pa legs bshad 'phrul gyi Ide mig ces. F. 44-329. sdom gsum gyi gtam rgyud ngo mtshar nor-bu'i phreng-ba, dge legs stsol. F. 330-382. Volume 7 Section Ja Legs bshad ri11-po-che'i mdzod dpyod Jdan dga'-ba'i char, partly translated by S.G. Karmay, as The Treasury of Good Sayings, London, 1972. Volume 8 Nam-mkha'i mdzod, a treatise on rOzogschen. Section Ka Yang zab nam-mkha' mdzod chen las bon 'dlill;l mkha '-pa'i mgul rgyan . . F.1-29. Section Kha 93 'ad gsal rdzogs-pa chen-po'i lam gyi rim-pa'i khrid yig kUTJ-tu bz.mg-po'i snyjn~-thje ces. F. 30-76. Translated and commented by Tenzin Namdak under the title of Heart Drops of Dharmakaya, Snow Lion, New York, 1993. Section Kha bstan grags kyi bW! /an drang-par bshad-pa lha mi dgyes-pa 'i 'bel gtam. F.77-117. Section Nga rtsa-rlung gnad kyi zhal shes. F.l 18-130. Section Ca snan-rgyud rtsa-rlung 'khrul-'khor. F. 1 31-139. Section Cha dri med mdo dang swatsacha rigs Inga thugs !je yongs spros kyi sgo nas khan~ brtse.gs mchod-rten bzhengs thans kyi lag-Ien skabs beu-pa. F. 140- 167. swatsatcha rigs Inga thugs rje yongs spros kyi dkyil-chog. F. 168-81. mdo dri med gzi brjid kyi dge-bsnyen theg-pa las phyung-ba'i bde gshegs sku gdung swatsatsha'i cho-ga. F.182-201. Section Ja etams thos rig chen phreng-ba. F.202-239. Section Nya tshog.s 'khor bskor-ba'i rnam bshad mu tig dra-ba. F. 240-252. theg dgu'i grub-mth'i mam gzhag nyung 'dus. F.253-64. Section Ta 'dul-ba mdor-bsdus-pa'i gzhung. F.265-271. dbu-ma bden gnyis gsal-bar byed-pa tshigs-su bcad-pa drug-cu-pa. F. 272- 77. Section Tha Itung-ba bshags-pa'i mdo yi khrid kyi rim-pa sgom thabs gsal-ba'i sgron ma. F. 278-289. Section Da legs bshad lam rim. F. 290-296. Section Ma bde chen zhing sgrub zin ris rig-pa'i me-long. F.297-302. bgyud rim. F.303-310. Section A 1 rdzogs chen rtsis byang. F.311-314. nam mdzod rtsis byang. F. 315-318. Volume 9 Second part of the Nam-rnkha'i rndzod. Section Ka gsol 'debs. F. 1-13. Section Kha kun mkhyen bla-ma 'i gsung rab la 'jug-par bskul-ba 'i gtam ~kal bzang rna ba'i gling-bu. F. 14-21. Section Ga bla sgrub. F.22-38. Section Ca bde 'dus zin ris shel dkar me long. F. 39-51. 94 Section Cha bde gshegs 'dus-pa'i sgrub la!J sngon 'gro sbyor-ba'i bon bdun. F.52-58. Section ja kun bzang lhugs thig gi gsol 'debs byin rlabs kyi gong-bu. F.59-60. rtsa gsum gyi skyabs sems gsol 'deb;:; dbang bzhi'i char rgyun. F.61-64. Section Nya kun bzang thugs thig gi mchod-pa'i rgyan phreng padma'i do shaJ. F. 65- 68. Section Ta rigs Inga bde gshegs 'dus-pa'i sgrub -pa kun tu bzang-po'i thugs thig. F. 69-79. Section Tha bde 'dus. F. 80-82. rig 'dus F.['3-87. Section Da gsas khar mchog Inga'i sgrub. F.88-92. mkha'-'gro J...un 'dus sgrub. F.93-97. Section Na myO:1g grol ri/-bu'i sgrub. F. 98-101. srid-pa'i rgyal-mo'i gsang sgrub dgr srog gcod-pa'i spu gri. F. 102-107. Section Pa IS/JOgs mchod rin chen gter chen. F. 108-110. tshogs bsdus lshogs gnyis mdzod khang. F. 111-112. Section Pa bka' rgyud bla-ma mams la tshogs brgyud-pa rkang thon du 'bul thabs. F. 113-122. Section Ba yan lag bzhi Idan skong-ba. F. 123-126. Section Ma srid-pa'i rgyal-mo ; gsang bskul thog mda' 'bar-pa. F. 127-129. Section Tsa Ita sgom nyams kyis myos-pa'i thol glu rtsa gsum dkyil-'khor dgyes-pa ri mchod dbyangs. F. 130-135. Section Dza zhi rgyas dbang drag dgongs 'dus sgrub-pa. F. 136-143. Section Zha las b:.:hi rgyun Inga'i sbyin-sreg. F. 144-180. Sect;on Za spros bcas dbang chog lung gi sgron-ma. F. 154-180. Section 'A sgros med dbang chog don gsal sgron ma. F. 181-195. Section Ya r.:lb tu spros med dt-ang cho rig-pa'i sgron-ma. F.206-220. Section Sha smon lam sangs rgyas zhing bgrod. F.221-224. Section Sha smon lam yig bzhin kun grub. F. 225-228. 95 Section Sa dkon mchog ra ma da' sbran-pa. F.229-234. Section Ha bar-do'i ngo sprod gser gyi me-long. F. 235-254_ Section A bar-do'i ngo sprod gser gyi me-long bzhugs-par legs-so. F. 255-264. Section Khi byangs-ma'i mandaI bzhi chog. F. 265-269. Section Gi sdom gsum gso sbyong rgyan gyi phreng-ba. F. 270-272. nga bsdoms cho-ga gsar gyi tha rams. F. 273-279. Section Ngi dkun mchog gsum gyi yon tan ryes-su dran-pari mdo. F. 280-283. Section Ci theg le'i mdo. F. 284-287. Section Chi rgyrIn sbyod. F.288-325. Aiso section Ji F. 226-329. Section Nyi rjogs chen sku gsum rang shar gyi dbang bzhi'i zin ris. F. 330-334. Section Ti sdrag dbyangs rgyaJ-mo. F.335-338. Section Thi sdrag dbyaI1gs rgyal-mo'i sgrub chung. F. 339-345. Section Di sdrag dbyangs rgyal-mo'i dbang ka ye-shes dra-ba. F. 346-354. Section Pi smra seng tshe sgrub bdud rtsi bum-pa ri chog khrigs. F. 355-363. Section Phi gzhi gsum zin ris. F. 364-387. Section Bi 'du chOB. F. 388-390. Section Mi Jam khrid mdor bsdus. F. 399-403. Section Tsi zhabs btan. F. 399-403. Section Tshi skub chig lag Jen. F. 404-451. Aiso section Dzi, f. 452-454. Section Kwa bon kyi byung-ba. F. 455-588. Volume 10 (Tha) In this volume are texts on the Preliminary Practices of the A-khrid system of Mental Teachings. man nga rin-po-che A-khrid thun mtshams bco Ing-pa'i sngon-'gro'i khrid rim bka' lune œ,ya-mtsho. F.1-274. bla-ma nal-'byor. F. 275-283. sngon-'gro nga 'don. F. 284-289. yan lag brgyad-pa. F. 292-303. skyabs bgro'i mchod-pa. F. 304-314. 96 byang sdon lag len. F.304-314. byang sems cho-ga. F.320-327. tshig bshad. F. 328-339. sgom rim. F. 340-360. bon gyi dbu 'chad. F. 361-362. rjogs-pa chen-po sku gsum rang shar las rigs drug rang sbyong gi khrid 'khor-ba dong sprugs. F. 363-376. Volume Il (Da) Apart form the first text which is on the A-khrid system, the ,f)ther texts are on the rDzogschen sku gsum Cycle. Section Ka. man nga rin-po-che A-khrid thun mtshams bco Inga-pa'i dngos gzhi'i yang thig rjogs-pa chen-po sku gsum rang shar. F. 1-50. gsol 'debs. F.51-52. Section Kha dzogs-pa chen-po sku gsum rang shar las thun mong gtum-mo'i nyams len ye-shes me dpung. F.53-79. Section Ga; 'khrul- 'khor. F. 80 -84. Section Nga; snyom 'juge F. 85-98. sgrel-ba. F.99-104. bcud len. F. 105-114. Section ja tho rgaJ. F.115- 141. Section Cha 'od-gsaJ. F.142-] 65. Section ja sbyod-pa. F.1166-177 .. Section Nya gnyid lame F. 178-194. Section Ta bar-do. F. 195-216. Section Tha 'bras-bu. F. 217-234. Section Da gsang ndag lag len nor-bu'i phreng-ba. F. 235-242. Section Na cha-Iag. F. 243-246. Section Pa tshogs mchod. F.247-249. Section Pha tshogs skang. F. 249-252. srung-ma. F.253-260. Section Ba Zhi-ba. F. 266-269. Section Ma khro-bo. F.278-283. Section Tsa bla-ma. F,284-287. Section Dza phyag mchod. F. 288-298. Section Wa phyi dbang. F. 299-336. Section lA nang dbang. F. 337-361. Section Za gsang dbang. F. ~61-374. Section Zha yang gsang dbang. F. 375-383. Volume 12 (Na) Section Zha yul mchod bzhi la skyabs su 'gro-ba'i tshul gyi mam-par bzhag-pa nyi shu pa. F.I-3. Section Sa skyabs sdom ny; shu-pa'i sa bcad blo gros sgo 'byed. F.4-6. nyi shu-pa'i twi ka. F.7-26. brgya rtsa-pa. F. 27-34. Section Tha 97 byang ehub sems kyi bsIab-pa tshigs-su bead-pa brgya rtsa dgu-pa. F. 35- 43. brgya rtsa-pa'i twi ka. F. 44-128. Section Sa Inga beu-pa. F. 129-133. Section Ta mdor bsdus-pa Inga rtsa dgu-pa. F. 134-139. nga beu-pa twi ka. F. 140-178. Section Ze sphrol sku'i zhing smon. F. 179-183. 'ol-mo-Iung-ring gi smûn-Iam. F. 184-188. 'grel-pa. F. 189-227. bde chen zhing gi smon lam. F. 228-233. 'od dpag med gi smon-Iam. F. 234-237. long sku'i zhing smon-Iam. F.238-28. Section Yu bon sku'i smon-Iam. F.289-293. sa-bead. F. 294-296. bon sku'i smon-'grel. F.297-323. Section Na cho-ga'i mam-'grel. F. 324-342. Section Ba dkun mchog rjes 'greJ. F. 343-366. Volume 13 Biography of the Masters of the A-khrid lineage. man nga rin-po-che a-khrid bla-ma brgyud-pa'i rnam-thar. pad-ma dkar-po'i phreng-ba. F. 1-45. bla-ma'ibstod-pa. F. 46-64. gros 'debs. F.65-148. tshig lhugs. F. 149-195. nyams mgur. F. 196-228. A-khrid kyi sngon-'gro'i tshig bshad 'grel. F. 229-242. Volume 14 (Pha) Collection of commentaries on Ma-rgyud and other Yidam. gsang-ba sngags kyi bsnyen bsgrub las gsum rnam-par 'byed-pa /ha gnyen shes sgong. F. 1-107. zur rgyan. F. 108-134. Ma-rgyud. F. 135-138. bskyed rjogs. F. 139-148. ma-rygud thugs rje nyi-ma'i khrid rim thar /am myur bgrod. F. 149-197. 'bras rgyud rtsa-ba. F. 198-206. 'bras-bu rjogs sangs-rgyas-pa'i rgyud kyi dgongs 'grel rnam-par nges-pa gsang-ba mthar thug nyi zer dra-ba. F.207-259. gsang sngags ma-rgyud gnyan sa fam khyer gyi geod kyi khrid yig bdud bzhi tshar gcod. F.260-273. Volume IS (A) Biography of Shardza Rinpoche and one of his disciples. shar rdza-pa'i rnam-thar. F. 1-299. zIa grags rnam-thar. F. 300-366. 98 Volume 16 rje rin-po-che'i rnam-thar. F. 1-14. gso/ 'debs 'gre/. F. 15-22. Section Tsha of gsang jon mam 'greJ. F, 23-41. dam lshig rnam bshad. F.42-5l. 'gre/-pa. F. 52-93. thar /am gse/ byed. F. 94-115. Section Ja of theg rim. F. 116-124. theg rim yi bka' 'gre/. F. 125-202. theg rim yi 'du/-ba'i rnam bshad. F. 203-239. Collected Works of Nyame Sherab Gyaltsan mNyam-med bskan~-'bum in seven volumes. This collection was reprinted at the end of the 1980 at the dGa'-mal monastery. AIl written in dBu can script and nicely printed along the traditional format. It is a compilation of works From dlfferent authors on a variety of subjects, from the various traditions of the Mental Teachings to philosophy and Iogic. The main corpus was written by mNyam med shes-rab rgyal-mtshan (1356-1415). Printing of a lithographic edition. Volume 1 (Ka) gtan tshigs gzh ung don sgo 'byed rig lam bsdus grwa dang tshad ma. rnam 'byes rtsa 'gre/ skor gyi gsung pod. ln nine sections. Section Ka gtan tshigs gzhung don sgo 'byed rig lam bsdus grwa 'i rnam gzhag 'jings med smra-ba'i seng-ge'i gda rgyang!ta ngan gnyis 'thung dzhom-pa'i nga ro. ln 194 folios. No author. Section Kha rig lam chung-IJJu'i dgag sgrub sogskyi 3kor. 168 folios. No author. Section Nga rfg lam che-ba'i sdus tshan drug rnam-pal nzhg-pa. In 103 folios. No author. Section Ca gtan tshigs gzhung don sgo 'byed bsdus grwa'i snying-po rigs lam nor-bu'i phreng-ba. ln 120 folios. Written by sPa-tshang bsTan-pa 'Brug-grags. Section Cha rigs lam nor-bu'i ph reng-na. in 258 folios. Written by Rin-chen rGyal mtsahn. Section ja thun mong bsdus grwa'i mam bshad rig-pa'i blo sgo 'byed-pa'i Ide mig pilas rgol log Ita 'joms-pa 'i thog mda' gshen bstan pad tshal rgyas-pa'i nyi-ma. 192 folios. Written by Nyi-ma bsTan-'dzin. Section Nya rnam 'byed 'phruJ gyi sgron-me'i gzhung. And tshad-ma'i mam-'byed 'phrul gyi sgron-me'i rang 'greJ. ln 156 folios. Written by mNyam-med Shes-rab rGyal-mtshan. SectionTa 99 bstan bcos chen-po tshad ma mam-'byed 'phrul gyi sgron-me'i rr.lgs rigs kyi dgongs don gsal-bar bshad-pa gtan tshigs rigs-pa'i rn,un bzl1.ig blo sgram sgo brgya 'byed-pa 'i/de mig. In 119 folios. Written by Yon-tan rGya-mtsho. Section Tha blo rig gi rnam gzhg nyung gsallegs bshad dga' stan gshen bst.lIl p.1d tshal. 106 folios. Written by g.Yung-drung rNam-rgyal. Volume 2 (Kha) sa lam rnam 'byed 'phrul sgran rtsa 'grel theg chen gzhi /.U11 'br.ls-bu rtsa 'grel dbu-ma rtsa 'greJ skor 8)'i gsungs pad. ln seventeen sections. Section Ka Written by Yar-me Shes-rab 'Od-zer. byang chub sgrub-thbs kyi tshig su m.'ad-pa sum-cu-pa. 57 folios. Writlen by Yar-me Shes-rab 'Od-zer. Section Kha bon 'khor tshig bzhi zhes bya bon sgo brgyad khri bzhi stang gi yémg bcud. 23 folios. Written by Yar-me Shes-rab 'Od-zer. Section Ga shes rab kyi bJa-na-med-pa phyin-pd mngan rtogs lam gyi dm-pa. 52 folios. Written by Tshuk-khrim dPal-chen. Section Nga sa lam 'phrul gyi sgron me'i dzhung. 40 folios. Written by mNyam-med Shes-rab rGyal-m tshan. Section Ca sa lam 'phruJ gyi sgon me'i 'grel-pa. 166 folios. Writtén by mNyam-med Shes-rab rGyal-mtsh.m. Section Cha dbu-ma bden gnyis kyi gzhung. 10 folios. Written by Yar-me Shes-rab 'Od-zer. Section ja dbu-ma bden gnyis kyi 'g.. -el-pa. 45 folios. Written by mNyam-med Shes rab rGyal-mtshan. Section Nya mtShan nyid tshig bkra'j rim-pa rab dkar pad-ma'i 'phreng-ba. l6 folios. Written by Nyi-ma bsTan-'dzin. Section Ta 1 bstan-pa'i mam-'byed snang gsal me-long. 97 folios. Written by She5-bya Kun-mkhyen. Section Tha brda sprod srid-pa'i sgron-ma'i gzhung me-long. 75 folios. Written ry g.Yung-drung rGyal-mtshan. Section Da dgang can bod kyi brda yang dag spyor-ba ming gzhi dgos 'byung gter chen. 223 folios. Written by g.Yung-drung rGyal-mtshan. Section Na re'u mig dus gsum yig rigs ka dpe. 28 folios. Written by g.Yung-drung rGyal-mtshan. Section Pa 100 zhang zhung bod brda sgra bsgyur nyung sdud. 48 folios. Written by Zhu-yas Nyi-ma Grag-pa. Séction Pha dris lan brtsocl spangs gsaI sgron. 25 folios. Written by A-bla Tshul ! 102 gsang sgnags gsang don mam 'byed dang rtsa rgyud bsen thun 'grel yid bzhin mam-par bkod-pa'i rgyan. In five sections. Section Ka gsa-khar rin-pa-che spyin-spungs rtsa rgyud gsang-ba bsen thub. In 198 folios. Written by 'Tshi-med gTsug-phud. Section Kha rtsa-rgyud gsang-ba bsen thub kyi 'grel yid bzhin rnam-par bkor-pa'i rgyan. 592 folios. Written by 'Gro-mgon Bio-gros rGyal-mtshan. Section Ga dbal-gsallas rim gyi 'grel gsal byed med-Iong. 114 folios. Written by 'Gro mgon 'A-zha Bio-gros. Section Nga dkyil-'khor thig rtsa gsal-ba me-long. 50 folios. Written by mNyam-med shes-rab rgyal-tsan . . Section Ca gsal don rnam 'byed 'phrul gy.: sgron me gzhung. 46 folios. Written by mNyam-med shes-rab rgyal-tsan. Volume 7 Ua) Seventeen texts on rDzogschen. 1 cou Id not identify most of the authors but in almost ail of them, there is reference ta Dran-pa Nam-'kha as one of the main source of these teachings. rdzogs-pa chen-po gal mdo dang rdzogs-pa chen-po drang nges spgs kyi gsungs pod. First series of texts. Ka. Bon thams-cad kyi yang mdzod mam 'byed 'phrul gyi Ide mig. 111 folios. Author not yet identified. Ga. Man-ngag lung gi tshad-ma. 508 folios. The author seems to be the Teacher Sangs-rgyas bsTan-'dzin of Hor. Ca. theg-pa che chung gong 'og mam-par 'byed-pa'i gal mdo nges-pa'i gtan tshig dri med gsal sgron. 158 folios. 1 could not identify the author. Secong series of texts. Ka. rdzogs-chen me-long bdun-pa. 72 folios. Cannot identify the author. Kha. drang don sgron-ma mun sellas gshen-rab kyi mdzed-pa mthar phyung gi gzer-bu. 31 folios. Author not yet identified. Ga. drang don ma mun sel sgron-ma'i 'grel-pa. 57 folios. Writen by mNyam-med shes-rab rgyal-tsan (?). Nga. drang don ma mun sel las rigs drug rang sbyong gi gdams-pa. 8 folios. Author not yet identified. Ja. drang don ma mun sellas gtam rgyud brda yi gzer-bu. 52 folios. Author not yet identified. Cha. drang don ma mun sellas stong thun gyi man-nga. 29 folios. Author not yet identified. ja. rdzogs-pa chen-po snyan-rgyud rin-po-che nam-mkha' 'phrul gyi mdzod chen gyi gzhung skabs brgyad-pa. 9 folios. Author not yet identified. Nya. rdzogs-pa chen-po snyan-rgyud rin-po-che nam-mkha' 'phrul gyi mdzod chen las khog dbub las 'phros-pa'i rgyab yig. 16 folios. Author not yet identified. 103 Ta. rdzogs-pa chen-po snyan-rgyud rin-po-che nam-mkha' 'phrul gyi mdzod chen Jas /o-rgyud khog dbub Kyi Ide mig. 30 folios. Author not yet identified. Tha. mtshams sbyor sa gcod gyi Ide mig ces. 27 folios. Author not yet identified. Da. kun 'dus lung gi Ide mig ces. 32 folios. Na. Ita-ba 'i stong thun shes bya drung bskor gyi Ide mig ces. 26 folios. Author not yet identified. Pha. maI1-nga dnad kyi Ide mig ces. 53 folios. Author not yet identified. A. rdzogs-pa chen-po snyan-rgyud rin-po-che nam-mkha' 'phrul gyi mdzod chen gyi mdzod chen gyi 'gre/-pa. 219 folios. Author not yet identified. History Zhwa-dkar bstan-pa'i lo-rgyud ke-ha-ka'i phreng. (Historical Chronicles of the White Hat, Rosary of Kehaka). Written by sKal-bzang Dar-rgyas. This book is not in the traditional format and was printed in the western paperback format. It was hand written in dBu can style by the author and then photocopied and bound. 68 pages. No date given. Medicine. 1) Volume Ka. gso rig rgyud 'bum bye-ba'i yang snying 'gro kun 'byung 'khrug nad kyi zug-du'i gdung-ba kun sel rman sbyor stong rtsa phan bde dpyid kyi dga' ston rol-pa'i rgyan. Volume Ka. Folios 1- 380. 2) Volume Kha. gso rig rgyud 'bum kun gyi gces btus 'chi bdag zhgs gcod bde-ba'i dbugs 'byin. Folios 381-476. 3) Volume Ga. Tshe rig rgyud 'bum bye-ba 'i yang bcud zur rgyan nyer mkho dpal bsam ljon shing bzang-po. Folios 477 -636. 4) Volume Nga. gSo rig sman gyi /ag len bzo thabs patra 'phru/-'khor gsal byed nyi-ma'i dkyiJ-'khor. Folios 637-684. Written by g.Yung-drung rGyal-mtsham dPal-bzang-po (1897-1956). This text was printed by the Lahore Press in India. There are no date given but 1 believe it to have been printed in the 80s. It is a reproduction of a lithographie manual in dbu-med script in the traditional Tibetan format. This text is identical to the one described by S.G. Karmay in 1977, p.] 50. Ma-rgyud Sadhana and commentary The Sadhana of Ma-rgyud 1) Yun chen kyi ma rgyud 'od mtsho'i mkha' 'gro'i las sbyor gyi sbyjn bsreis dngos grub nor-bu 'od 'bar. Homa ri tuaI (Fire offering). 1-14. 2) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi bdag 'jug bde-bar ston-pa'i zab /am rgyun 'khyer rnal-'byor rin-po-che yi 'phreng mzhes. 15-30. 3) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi bsgyan m tshod phyag sgya 'i dbang-po 'khor-/o. 31-46. 104 4) ma rgyud rgyaJ-ba rgya-mtsho'i tshig don gter gyi sas bkor mtshod byang bkod-pa me-tog chun-po'i phreng rgyan gyi mchod sprin. 47-90. 5) mkha'-'gying tshe-bsgrubs kyi mngon rtogs bdud rtsi'i zi-ba sgyun. 91- 8. 6) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi rgyaJ-ba rgya-mtsho'i mkha'-'gying rigs Jnga'i tshe-sgrubs g.yung-drung Ju-gu rgyud kyi gter 'phreng. 99-14. 7) kye-ma 'i sbyin-sregs dngos grub nor-bu 'i 'od 'bar. 115-22. 8) ma rgyud kyi rgyal-ba rgya-mtsho'i sbyin-sregs nyi-ma 'bum 'od gsang ba'i me dpung 'bar-ba. 123-42. 9) ma rgyud kyi rgyal-ba rgya-mtsho'i dam tshig bshad byang. 143-72. 10) Nyer mkho dmu rigs lugs kyi gtor-ma'i ting-'dzin dang gtor skyong. 173-212. Il) rgyaJ gshen gyi dbang Jung thob tshuJ. 221-34. 12) dpal mgon ltsam drag bskul nyung 'dus. 235-50. 13) dpal mgon brgyad kyi bskul phrin thob mda' 'bar-ba. 251-78. 14) dpaJ mgon Jtsam drang brgyad kyi dur khrod gnas bskang. 279-96. 15) gsang sngags dkyiJ-'khor bcu drug-pa'i bskang bshad rin-chen sgron me. 297-324. 16) ma rgyud thugs rdze nyi-ma 'i bskang bshad. 325-52. 17) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi thugs dam rgyun bskuJ. 353-58. 18) 'dod yod lha-mo bcu drug gi rgyan mchod dga' dbang gter gyi tshom bu. 359-72. 19) dgongs rgyud Jtar ting-'dzin chen-po'i bstod-pa. 373-76. 20) phyag nchod kyi rim-pa rgyu skar rgyan gyis 'phreng-ba. 377-438. 21) gsang-ba'i grub chen brgyad-cu la tshogs kyi 'khor-Io bskor-ba'i yan lag mkha' gsang rgya-mtsho rol-pa'i gter spyod. 439-78. 22) Ma rgyud lha sum brgyad-drug-cu'i bgrubb-pa. 479-684. 21) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi lag len nyi-ma'i 'khor-Io. 685-734. 22) Ma rgyud rgyal-ba rgya-mtsho'i lha sum brgyd drug cu'i lam mngon rtogs kyi rim-pa. 735-98. 23) ting-'dzin phyag rgya'i spyodyul rnam-pardag-pa'i las tshogs. 799- 812. 24) gsang-ba 'dzab kyi 'phyo 'du. 813-18. 25) gsang sngags ma rgyud rgyal-ba rgya-mtsho'i gar gyi lag len bde-ba'j yan lag Iha dbang rgyan gyi yid 'phyog. 819-32. 26) rgyaJ-ba rgya-mtsho'i Jas tshogs sa'i cho-ga'i Jag Jen gter 'phreng. 833-48. 27) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi sgrib sel snang-ba dpal gyi chu zlar ndud rts;'i chu rgyun. 849-82. 28) 'gur-ru'i bstod-pa me-tog dpung pa tsi yi rol-mo sgra dbyangs. 883- 902. 29) gsang sngags ma rgyud kyi tshogs kyi lag Jen bde-bar stfJn-pa bJo dman ngaJ 'tsho'j snang bye. 903-48. This is a collection of ritual texts covering a wide range of applications of this Tantrie Cycle. Printing of a lithographie edition. This set was bought bya monk in g.Yung-drung Kha in Lhasa. It is probably coming from the 105 Bon Monastic Setlement in India. No date of printing. Written in dBu med script. A Condensed Commentary on Ma-rgyud. Ma-rgyud ye-shes thig-Je'i mchan 'grel thar lam rab gsal. Written by the Head teacher of sMan-ri in India, bTan-'dzin rNam-dag. 1 cou Id not find the date. 117 pages printed in western book format. Script in dRu cano Philosophy bsdus-~lWa'i nlam- bzhag blo gsar pad-mo bzhad-pa'i nyi-ma. 279 folios. Printed in dBu can script at the dGa'-mal monastery for the students of sKal-bzang Dar-rgyas before his death in 1989 (?). This is one of the major work on Bon philosophy studied by the monks of dGa'-mal. gCod Secret gCod Rite of the Dakinis mKha'-'gro gsang gCod sgrub skabs cha-lag dang bcas .. 358 folios. Printing of a hand-written text in dBu-med style. This set is made of more than 30 sections. The main sections are listed below: gsang gcod yid bzhin nor-bu'i zin-ris, f. 1-11: bar-phud. 12-15: bsJ..ang-ba , 16-36; sgrub-thabs, 37-56; ti-ka'i dmigs-pa , 57-60; khyung-bsgrubs, 61- 64; sa-chog, 65-68; hum-pa bca'-thabs .69-73; dug-phyung. 75-79; bgegs gtor, 80-81; gser-skyems, 82: rgyan-bgod (?) 83-6: mnan-pa. 87-91: rang Jus tshogs-'bul, 92-101; gsol-'debs, 102-108: yi-dam bskyed-rim. 109-20: srid-rgyaJ skyabs-sems, 121-123; skyabs-sems, 124-34; zhi-rgyas dbang drid, 135-203; gzer-bu ,204-47; bskang-chung. 248-54; dba/-mo'i bskang bshags, 255-62; bskang-ba, 263-68: rgyun-khyer, 269 72: gdams-pa zi.lb mo, 273-84; 'bum-bskuJ, 285-92; g.nad-'dus, 293-306; sbyin-sreg 307- 28; gtso-mchog, 329-36; Jag-len sgrubs-thabs , 336-41: gcod-khrid , 342- 58. Condensed Secret gCod Rite of the Dakinis (Nyarong Tradition) 1) zab gsang mkha '-'gro'i snying-thig kye-ma 'i zab gcod Jag-/en she/ dkar 'phreng-ba. 1-43. 2) .gsang gcod Sl'lying-thig gi dnyan-pa dur-khrod gnad dmigs. 45-56. 3) zab lam mkha'-'gro'i dgongs 'dus bcod: snying-thig gcod kyi gdams-pa. 57-126. 4) mkha'-'gro snying-thig kye-ma'i zab gcod kyi skyabs 'gro. 127-30. 5) bgrub gzhung. 131-62. 6) srung-ma. 163-78. 7) tshe-bcud. 181-90. 8) gsang 'bod. 191-206. 9) zlog-pa'i ting-'dzin. 207-13. 10) gtor bzJog. 215-21. 11) mtha 'chog. 223-33. 12) sri 'duJ. 235-71. 13) sbyin-bsregs. 263-71. 106 14) dur gcod. 273-86. This gCod ri tuaI text is specific to the Nyarong region of Kham. It was given to me by A-Yong Rinpoche of Nyarong. Although it is almost identical in content to most of the Bon Dakinis gCod, its peculiarity resides in the dan ces and chants that are unique ta this tradition. Printing of a hand-written manuscript in dBu-med script. d8alPhur SadhanaofdB~Phu~ Collection of texts for the recitation of the Sadhana of dBal Phur. There are fourteen booklets under the following headings: 1) rtsa sgrub. 2) kun bzang gsang nag dug phyung. 3) gnam thig 4) rgyan bskod. 5) sta bon. 6) mngon rtogs. 7) ph ur gzhung. 8) tshe sgrub. 9) gtor srung. la) Jas mkhan brgya rtsa brgyad gyi bsgruJ-ba. Il) tshogs bskang. 12) bskang-ba'idbu phyogs. 13) dbal ph ur nag-po'i gnad kyi bskang chen mo. 14) byang-bu sgron-ma. This set is an original hand-written manuscript in dBu-med and cursive script. It was made before Liberation but due to the good condition of the paper, it cannot be dated before the beginning of this century. The paper was hand-made and each folio measure 12 cm by 49 cm. There are 321 folios. Long life practice of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin. Tsl1e-sgrub of Tshe-dbang Rin-'dzin 1) Tshe-dbang thug-sgrub mchog 'dus kyi dbang-khrid 'chi-med bdud rtsi'i char rgyun in 19 folios. 2) dug phyung dang dag tshang tshen khrus dbus phyogs in 16 folios; 3) kun bzang rgyal 'dus kyi sgrub gzhung gser gyi me-tog phreng-ba in 17 folios; 4) Tshe-dbang mcho-sbyin 'dus kyi nyer mkho'i Jag-Jen bdud-tsi'i bum bzang in 21 folios; 5) Tshe-dbang mchog 'dus tshe yi bsgrub-gzhung bya-ri-ma in la folios; 6) Tshe-dbang mchog 'dus kyi las-tshogs nye-bar mkho-ba'i gnod bJa srog 'chi-ba blu-ba'i thabs 'chi zhags gcod-pa'i ral-gri in 19 folios. Printing of hand-written manuscript in dBu-med script. Bad Yul Ma Sadhana of Bod-yul-ma 1) bod yul ma'i sgrub-thab, in 78 folios. 2) sNyan rgyud rin-chen sgron gsal gyi phrins in 28 folios. 3) tshe dbang bod yul ma'i tshogs kyi shog chung dbu phyogs in 15 folios: 4) rin-'dzin mkha-'dro'i bskang bshar (? most probably bshad) mun med snang gsaJ in 12 folios. 5) srid-rgyal ma-mo dpon g.yog gi bsgrubs in 8 folios. 107 Printing of a hand-written rnanuscript in dBu-rned script. Photographs 422 photographs of a hand-written collection of miscellaneaous texts on the Ritual of Initiatior.. of the Bon divinity dBal Phur. 26 photographs of a hand-written rnanuscript on the Yogie gymnastics ('phruJ-'khor) in the rDzogs-chen. The manuscript contains drawings, illustrating postures and rnovernents. 2 photographs of four folios representing charms used during the ritual of gCod. 12 photographs of drawings illustrating calisthenic exercises performed in connection with the practice of the sNyan-rygud tradition. 14 photographs of drawings illustrating mental states and visions in connection with the sNyan-rgyud tradition of the Bon Mental Teachings. 20 photographs of Initiation cards (tsa-Jj ) used ùuring Initiation in the Bod-yul-ma Cycle. 19 photographs of Initiation cards (tsa-Jj ) showing sorne of the deities inhabiting the mandala of Ma-rgyud. 126 photographs of Initiation cards (tsa-Jj ) used during the Initiation ceremony of rDzogschen sku-gsum Cycle. 20 photographs of Initiation cards (tsa-Jj )used during the Initiation ceremony of various Bon divinities. 30 photographs of Tsa-li illusrtating thirty of the Bon Siddhas. 110 photographs of Initiation cards (tsa-Jj ) used during the Initation ceremony of Ma-rgyud.