Women in Computing: What brings them to it, what keeps them in it?

Joy Teague School of Management Information Systems Deakin University Geelong 3217

Reprinted by permission of the author. G.J. Teague, (2000). Women in computing: What brings them to it, what keeps them in it? GATES, 5(1), 45-59. Also in J. Verbyla (Ed.), Fifth Australasian Women in Computing Workshop (pp. 1-12). University of Queensland, Brisbane, 1998.

Abstract Career stereotyping and misperceptions about the nature of computing are substantive reasons for the under- representation of women in professional computing careers. In this study, 15 women who have work experi- ence in several aspects of computing were asked about their reasons for entering computing, what they liked about worMng in computing, and what they disliked. While there are many common threads, there are also individual differences. Common reasons for choosing computing as a career included." exposure to computing in a setting which enabled them to see the versatility of computers; the influence of someone close to them; personal abilities which they perceived to be appropriate for a career in computing; and characteristics of such careers which appealed to them. Generally, women worMng in the field enjoy the work they are doing. Dislikes arising from their work experiences are more likely to be associated with people and politics than with the work they do -- and they would like to have more female colleagues.

1 INTRODUCTION It is important to consider reasons why women might consider working in a non-traditional career such as com- 1.1 Overview puting. The literature reviewed in Section 1 examines: 1) It has long been recognised that women are underrepresented some of the reasons schoolgirls and women looking for a in computing courses, and therefore in the computing work- career change should consider a career in computing; 2) rea- place (Beech, 1991; Kay et al., 1986; Lovegrove & Hall, sons why they do not; 3) reasons why few women hold sen- 1991; US DOE National Center for Education Statistics, ior positions in computing; and 4) reasons why computing 1992). Despite the attention that this problem has received, needs more women. recent data suggest that the proportion of women enrolled in Section 2 reports on a study of 15 women working in computer science courses has fallen in recent years (Camp, computing. The study replicates earlier studies in which 1997; Grundy, 1996; Women in Computing Conference, women were asked how they chose computing as a career, 1997). The recent data suggest that are not viewing what they like and what they dislike about working in com- computer science as a popular career choice. puting (Clarke & Teague, 1996; Teague & Clarke, 1991). Computing is viewed by women working in the field as having characteristics that should make it a popular career 1.2 Reasons why girls should consider careers in choice for girls (Clarke & Teague, 1992; Clarke & Teague, computing 1996). Computing professionals describe their work as: chal- Three related reasons why school girls should consider a lenging; varied; and providing opportunities to meet people, career in computing are examined below. These are 1) to travel, and to work at home. Unfortunately, the perception women typically work in jobs that pay lower than, and have schoolgirls have of computing generally is inaccurate fewer benefits and opportunities for advancement than men; (Clarke & Teague, 1996). 2) women today are more likely than in the past to provide

Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June 147 ~,~ SIGCSE Bulletin the main financial support for their families; and 3) comput- ensure their families' economic wellbeing, women must ing careers pay well and provide opportunities for advance- more actively seek work that will give them greater security ment. and better pay than they have traditionally expected. There- fore, women must consider non-traditional areas of em- 1.2.1 Women are overrepresented in low paying jobs ployment. Even so, women need to be selective. Technology with less opportunities and benefits than men. has, in some areas, already created new jobs for women. The percentage of has almost dou- Some formerly male jobs, compositing for example, have bled since 1950, however women are still concentrated in a been 'deskilled' and are now done by women -- at much few relatively poorly paid and traditionally female occupa- lower pay rates (Webster, 1994). tions (McLennan, 1996). For example, in the Australian workforce in 1995, 54.7% of working women were con- 1.2.3 Computing careers pay well and provide excel- centrated into two occupational groups: clerks and sales/per- lent prospects for advancement sonal service workers (McLennan, 1996). Women: occupy Computing careers are financially rewarding and provide most of the positions requiring caring for or helping others, excellent job opportunities (Anonymous, 1994; Careers reflecting their roles within the family (Bryant, 1991; Guide '93, 1993; Couger et al., 1995; Gilbert, 1994; Martin, Sampson, 1991); receive less and inferior formal training 1995; Ridgway, 1993). There is currently an unmet demand than men (Probert, 1992; Sampson, 1991; Wirth, 1998) for qualified computing specialists (Bachler, 1998; Barker, under more adverse conditions (Lips, Foster, & Frantzve, 1999; Burgetz, 1991; Camp, 1997; Edwards, 1993; 1991); and are more likely than men to hold subordinate Mintchell, 1998) and this is expected to continue well into positions (Guyon, 1998; McLennan, 1996). the next decade (Bachler, 1998; Camp, 1997; Gilbert, 1994; The position of women in computing reflects their posi- King, 1997). Despite this, many tertiary education comput- tion in the workforce as a whole. Women are less likely to ing departments find it difficult to attract well qualified stu- continue to higher level education (Camp, 1997). They are dents as many such students continue to choose the tradi- overrepresented in jobs with short career paths and low pay, tional science offerings in preference to computing courses such as data entry and computer operations (Tijdens, 1991), (The Age, 1999) and other qualified students avoid the sci- and underrepresented in senior professional positions ences altogether (Durndell & Lightbody, 1993; Durndell & (DEET, 1990; Wilde, 1997). Thomson, 1997; Klawe & Leveson, 1996). Capable students are welcomed into computing courses, and, at the present 1.2.2 There is greater need than in the past for time, can be assured that there are jobs for them at the end of women to be capable of supporting a family their course. In the nuclear families of the past it was expected that a 's income, if she had one, was only a supplement to 1.3 Reasons why girls with ability don't choose the main family income. Women have tended to work in a computing small number of 'traditional' occupations (McLennan, The literature suggests many reasons why relatively few girls 1996). Today, for a variety of reasons, particularly the high with the ability and aptitude for computing choose it as a divorce rate, many women must support themselves, and career (Teague, 1997). Two of the main reasons, considered possibly their children, on their own earnings (Purves et al., below, are: l) that many girls have inaccurate perceptions of 1988). This is made more difficult as many of the tradition- computing careers and believe that computing won't be of ally female occupations are experiencing significant changes interest to them; and 2) that the stereotyping that many girls as technology encroaches. This impacts by raising prerequi- encounter tends to channel them into traditional careers. site skill levels, reducing personnel requirements, and chang- ing the nature of employment from permanent flail-time to 1.3.1 Misperceptions about computing courses and part-time, contract, short-term and other forms of contingent ca ree rs work (Greenbaum, 1994; Gunter, 1994; Holtgrewe, 1994; King, Rimmer, & Rimmer, 1993; Rimmer & Rimmer, 1994; Many girls incorrectly believe that: they will not be good at Vehvilainen, 1994). Industry managers expect all new computing (Clarke & Chambers, 1989); they will not enjoy employees to be able to use technology with confidence the work; and/or they will not be able to obtain a position in (Bell, 1994). While most of the semi-professional jobs typi- the field (Durndell, 1991b; Durndell & Lightbody, 1993; cally occupied by women, such as secretary and bookkeeper, Durndell & Thomson, 1997; Milner, 1991). Their lack of un- must now use computers, the need for increased skills has derstanding of the true nature of computing careers, be- not improved salaries or promotion prospects (Greenbaum, lieving that computing is done in isolation, sitting at a screen 1994). all day (Clarke & Teague, 1996), and is either programming When there is an excess of employees, it is women, rather or office administration (Craig, 1997; Craig, 1998), con- than men, who are more likely to be displaced (Jones, 1991). vinces girls that computing studies are to be avoided. At ter- Women are overrepresented amongst discouraged job seek- tiary level, women who have not studied computing at school ers (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996). If they are to may incorrectly consider they are not adequately qualified to

~=:77~ SIGCSE Bulletin 148 Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June undertake computing studies (Durndell, 199 l b; Durndell & careers (Sampson, 1991). Lightbody, 1993; Durndell & Thomson, 1997). Others are A converse view to the difficulties facing women in com- deterred by the supposed need for mathematics and the tech- puting was provided by Edgar-Nevill (Edgar-Nevill, 1991), nical nature of the subject (Durndell & Lightbody, 1993). who concluded that a woman who is highly motivated and career oriented has greater opportunities in the computing 1.3.2 Stereotyping field because, being a new field, it is free of many of the Subtle discrimination works against women throughout their prejudices found in older professions. Such a view overlooks lives, eroding their self confidence and pushing them the fact that computing has passed its fiftieth anniversary, evolving in times when prejudice was accepted as normal. towards stereotyped roles in society (Horner, 1970; Pomerleau, 1990; Rowe, Undated; Schwartz & Markham, There is very little support for her view in the literature 1985; Stewart, Hutchison, Hemmingway, & Bessai, 1989; (Hemenway, 1995). Weinraub & Brown, 1983; Wellhousen & Yin, 1997). Societal stereotyping works against girls, particularly during 1.4.2 Different prioritie their high school years. They encounter traditional attitudes Women may have different priorities to men (Sperms, 1991). amongst their peers, parents and teachers (Busch, 1995; Over the past few years, the percentage of women continuing Shashaani, 1993); female-unfriendly environments with postgraduate studies has decreased (Camp, 1997; (Chisholm et al., 1999; Hall & Sandier, 1982; Sandier & O'Rourke, 1993). This suggests that women may be choosing Hall, 1986; Spertus, 1991); incomplete career advice (Kahn other alternatives to furthering their education. Women are task oriented, more likely to value their family life (Durndell, & Schroeder, 1980; Shashaani, 1993), and lack of encour- 1991a), less likely to apply for high flying jobs (Bruce & agement from parents, friends and teachers (Busch, 1995; Johnson, 1991; Reinen & Plomp, 1997; Shashaani, 1993), all Adam, 1991) and have been found to be more likely to be of which discourage non-traditional choices. satisfied with low paid and low status jobs (Domozetov, Many of the women who do continue on to tertiary level 1986; Durndell, 1991a). This acceptance may be due to studies in scientific and technical fields suffer the effects of women's often low self esteem (Uden, 1991). In contrast, continual subtle harassment. They begin to doubt their capa- men may be career driven, with family life taking second bilities despite external evidence that they have the capacity place to career advancement. Sperms (1991) suggests that to succeed in their chosen field (Frenkel, 1990; Pearl et al., the values which the above mentioned difference implies 1990; Sperms, 1991). While the downgrading of women's would make women both less career-oriented and also more academic contributions frequently is unintentional, and often likely to avoid the sciences. neither the perpetrator nor the target is aware of the discrim- inatory nature of words and actions, many small incidents 1.5 Reasons why computing needs more women have a cumulative effect (Chisholm et al., 1999; Hall & There is still unmet demand for qualified people in com- Sandler, 1982; Sandier & Hall, 1986). For many women, this puting. With women forming a minority in the computing results in loss of self esteem, a belief that they are less capa- profession, one way of meeting this demand is to encourage ble than others around them, and an unwillingness to com- into the field more women with technical ability. In future, mence a new job or course of study because they believe they as job requirements change, there will be greater emphasis do not have the abilities to be successful (Frenkel, 1990; on skills not previously recognised as desirable in computing Spertus, 1991). (Teague, 1998). Some of the newer jobs in computing may be attractive to women (and men) who are not interested in 1.4 Reasons why few women hold senior positions in what previously has been perceived as primarily a technical computing career. Despite the demand for computing personnel as evidenced by the numerous advertisements in the newspapers each 1.5.1 The demand for qualified professionals in com- week, there are still relatively few women holding senior puting positions in computing. In part, this is because there are rel- Computing opportunities continue to increase, and will pro- atively few women in computing. Two other reasons are sug- vide opportunities for capable personnel well into the next gested for this: discrimination and different priorities to men. century (Camp, 1997; Capell, 1995; Gilbert, 1994; Martin, 1995). The hardware and developments of the past 1.4.1 Discrimination decade have created a range of new jobs which need new The available literature suggests that in the workforce 'sub- skills (DEET, 1990; Teague, 1998). While many oppor- tie forms of discrimination that block women's advancement tunities still exist for women in traditional systems de- may be largely accidental, unintentional, and unrecognised' velopment, there are also many new opportunities. (Hemenway, 1995). In some companies, although contrary to the law, marital status may still be grounds for discriminato- 1.5.2 The demand for different skills ry practices (Lewin, 1990). Women often sacrifice their own Women do have different abilities, attitudes and aptitudes careers to geographical moves that boost their husbands' from men. Attracting more women, including women with

gol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June 149 ~_~ SIGCSE Bulletin skills not previously viewed as necessary, into computing is ing; 3) what they dislike about working in computing. The likely also to create greater user satisfaction. Watt (Watt, interview questions were asked one at a time, in separate 1991) quotes from a 'Women into IT' report that stated that messages. The responses have many similarities, some dif- '[m]ost of the predicted IT jobs of the future will demand ferences, and include some disturbing aspects of computing business aptitudes, people oriented skills and "Multi-task- as a career for women. Responses to each question are sum- ing" management potential more than technical ability' (p. marised below. 250). Many people believe that women are more likely than men to have these types of skills. Several examples follow. 1) 2. 2 Why did these women choose computing as a Jones (Jones, 1991) asserts that increasing the number of career? women in computing will help the industry become more As might be expected, the women made their career choices responsive to society's needs. 2) White (1984) describes the at different stages in their lives. Some decided on computing development of an application by two groups, only one of while still at high school, some made the choice at universi- which included people with personality characteristics found ty, and some commenced working in another career, then more often in women than men. This group completed the changed to computing. Almost all women gave several rea- project on time, with the users completely satisfied. The sons why they chose to enter computing, suggesting that other group did not complete the project. 3) After interview- career decisions are made over time, rather than based on a ing information technology (IT) managers about their jobs, single event. Thus, while single interventions such as attend- Gunson and Fielder (1991) identified a number of areas of ing a computing workshop or viewing a video (Teague & system failure which they attributed to the application of the Clarke, 1993) are unlikely to cause girls to decide on com- 'masculine' management style, and concluded that the 'fem- puting as a career, such interventions, in concert with other inine' style would overcome many of these difficulties. happenings that occur in their lives, may cause some girls to While 'masculine' and 'feminine' management styles are not choose computing at a later time. Proposed interventions to necessarily practised by people of the corresponding gender, encourage women into computing should take this into there is sufficient concurrence to have named the styles account. accordingly. While a broader range of skills does not pre- Reasons for choosing computing as a career fall into two clude technical ability, increasingly there will be opportuni- broad categories: 1) events or influences that caused these ties for both women and men who may not be technically women to consider computing; and 2) attributes -- of the skilled (Couger et al., 1995; DEET, 1990; Teague, 1998). women themselves, or of computing careers. In the first cat- egory are: influences while at school, university, or after 2. A Study of Women in Computing commencing another career or job; the influence of family and friends; and, for a few, the positive effect of discourage- 2.1 Aims of the study ment. Subcategories identified within the two major cate- The aim of the study was to examine the reasons that cause gories are described below. Reference is made to implica- female computing professionals to choose computing as a tions for course recruitment. career, and to determine what they liked and disliked about working in computing. The study replicates an earlier study 2.2.1 Computing as a high school career choice of 17 Australian women working in a range of computing Three women mentioned learning about, and liking, comput- and computing related careers (Clarke & Teague, 1994). ing while at school, although in only one case was that as a The data described below were collected in email in- result of being introduced to programming in a school class. terviews with 15 female computing professionals working in A second woman attended a summer research programme at a range of careers. Women with workplace experience in sev- a university and was placed in a lab where work was being eral aspects of systems development were sought. The cur- done for NASA. The third was introduced to computing dur- rent study is geographically broader than the earlier study. ing a National Science Foundation programme she attended. The majority of respondents live in the United States. The The fact that all three continued with computing studies as a age range of participants is from 21 to 52, with the majority result of these positive experiences suggests that, while being in their thirties. The small number of participants pre- computing workshops may not show immediate results, they cludes broad generalisations. Nevertheless, it is likely that may provide the initial spark of interest. A fourth woman the experiences of even one or two women in this group are continued into computing despite one negative experience at representative of experiences of a large number of women school, but acknowledges that her experiences might deter working in the industry. Many of the participants made their others: career choice many years ago, however there is little evi- dence today to indicate that the situation in regard to career I selected subjects, where the classes were majority male choices have changed (Clarke & Teague, 1996; Teague & ... Physics I remember distinctly, as the teacher gave the Clarke, 1991). impression that females shouldn't be taking the subject. This study reports on responses to three questions, asked We (3 females in a class of 25) were always asked diffi- of each of the women: 1) their reasons for choosing comput- cult questions in front of the class, and basically humili- ing as a career; 2) what they like about working in comput- ated ... if we didn't know the answers! ... Maybe the atti-

~5:~z~ SIGCSE Bulletin 150 Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June tudes of some teachers actually influence the career 2.2.3 Choosing computing while at university choices that we make. Maybe some females don't want the hassle of always standing out in a crowd ... Three women mentioned university experiences as in- strumental in helping them decide on computing as a career. Implications: Efforts need to be made to introduce girls One started a part-time accounting course, and discovered to positive computing experiences with real-life applica- she hated accounting, but loved the computing subject she bility. The need for a positive experience before choosing was doing. This introduction to computing caused her to seek computing tends to confirm that misperceptions about com- employment with a company specialising in computing. A puting careers do apply (as mentioned in 1.3.1). second intended visiting the mechanical drawing lab, went to the computing lab by mistake, and decided that computing 2.2.2 The influence of family and friends interested her much more than mechanical drawing. The Seven of the 15 women mentioned (a male) someone who third woman took a programming course recommended by a had contributed to their interest in computing. The fathers of friend, took more computing courses, and a computing two of the women were engineers. Three women taught career seemed a natural progression. themselves to program when a male in their lives (father, These three cases suggest that many students have little brother, boyfriend) introduced them to computers. For one of idea of what computing entails, and it is not until they acci- these women, this introduction sparked an interest which dentally experience it that they realise it is something they resulted in her programming for the departments in which enjoy. she completed undergraduate and postgraduate degrees. In her words: Implication: Again, this relates to inaccurate perceptions (1.3.1). Opportunities for accessing computers in a positive I didn't choose computing. I fell into it as a way to pay environment at university may encourage some non-comput- the grocery bills. ing students to reconsider their career choice.

Two women were advised, one by her cousin the other by her 2.2.4 Reactions to discouragement. boyfriend, to study computing at university. One of these Two women mentioned that comments that were intended to women was helped through some difficult patches by a discourage them from continuing with computing studies, in female adviser: fact encouraged them. In one case: ... she made me feel smart and capable and made a lot of opportunities for me to stretch my mind in computing ... The thing that solidified my decision was this: ... I I wanted to work with Kate. She was a positive motiva- declared my major as computer science. I was 19. The tor. chair of the CS department called me in and told me that I needn't bother pursuing my degree in his department. These 7 women, almost half of the participants, have high- When I asked him why not he said I wouldn't make it lighted a number of issues relevant to attracting more women through his program. I asked him why not and he told me into computing. These are: that women don't. I stopped drifting and started applying 1) the importance of encouragement and support from myself. In retrospect, truly deciding on a career to prove him wrong. family, friends and/or teachers (Busch, 1995; Reinen & Plomp, 1997; Saunders & McGinnis, 1989; Shashaani, In the second case: 1993; Teague & Clarke, 1991); 2) computers in the home have mostly been the province of One of my male friends berated me, actually, he coldly men and boys, however, where girls are first introduced laughed at me, because I failed my first programming to computers in informal settings, it is likely to be by a class ... and told me I didn't have the temperament for male (Whiteside, 1994) (none of the 15 women in- programming.... Still fuming, the next day I signed up terviewed mentioned having her own computer while at for a computer account and wrote an abacus program school); which multiplied the same way abacus's do. Two terms 3) there have been few female role models at home or later, I graduated. among teachers to encourage enjoyment of computing by girls. Two of these 15 women were motivated by active dis- couragement to continue with computing studies. A third Implications: Friends and family, as well as girls, must be women continued with Physics despite active dis- educated about the benefits of computing careers for women. couragement. This raises two questions: 1) do the difficulties This will assist with the problems of stereotyping and mis- they face actually encourage some women? and 2) what per- perceptions (as mentioned in 1.3). centage of women entering similar secondary or tertiary courses, have received deterrent advice or discouragement and have withdrawn?

Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June 151 ~D~©~ SIGCSE Bulletin Implication: Women are being lost to computing 2.2.7 Employment advantages. because of discriminatory behaviour. Six women were influenced by the demand for computing personnel, and the knowledge that it would always be possi- 2.2.5 Entry to computing after graduation. ble to find a job. Two mentioned money, one stating that: Four women chose computing after graduating in another discipline. One worked in statistics, using computers, for a I didn't want to go to school with no prospects of having year, preferred the computing part of her job, and transferred a career as I had seen other people do .... I wanted a to a full-time computing position. The second worked in a career that would support me -- I wanted to be inde- variety of jobs with technological requirements. She found pendent -- and make enough money to live comfortably. she was often the only one willing to work with the technol- ogy. She eventually found a job in computing that suited her. Three women mentioned the challenges of computing The third commenced in the graphic art field, moved through careers: constant change; role and gender challenges; and a series of jobs, each closer to professional computing, until enjoyment of surmounting challenges. Two mentioned work she was eventually sent on a formal computer training satisfaction: the satisfaction of creating a working program, course. In her words: and the satisfaction of improving an organisation's work practices. One woman stated: I ended up in computing as a result of observing oppor- tunities as they developed, and taking some risks to max- The other students in computer science were bright and imise the opportunities presented. motivated, I felt like I fit in well

The fourth woman graduated in a field where she was unable while another said of her university experiences: to find a job, and undertook further studies in computing to enable her to find employment. Programming was fun and I liked the atmosphere and At the time they entered university, this group of women people I knew in it at the time. also had insufficient knowledge of computing to realise that it was work they would enjoy. Only by exposure to comput- One woman humorously pointed out that the male to female ing as it is practised did they realise that they liked the work. ratio was an attraction. Career prospects were identified as a reason why girls Implication: Some women deciding on a career change should consider computing careers (see 1.2.3). For many of will choose computing. Consideration should be given to the women in this study, the realisation that computing assisting them with this decision. offered these benefits was an attraction.

2.2.6 Ability and liking Implications: The benefits of good salaries and job secu- Five women mentioned ability at mathematics as a factor in rity, together with job satisfaction, need to be highlighted. choosing computing, suggesting that they perceived mathe- matics as a component of computing. Three mentioned an 2.3 What do women like about working in computing? ability with problem solving, and one an ability to deal with All respondents supplied a list of the things they liked about hardware. Six women mentioned that they liked program- working in computing. While there were a few items that ming, and one stated that she was good at it. were liked by several women, many of the 'likes' that each The relatively high number of women mentioning math- listed were unique to the woman who listed them. The ematics and programming implies that they viewed these as responses to this question indicate that women working in important abilities for working in computing. Several of the computing enjoy the work they do. The attributes of the work women who came to computing after studying in other dis- which they enjoy are straightforward and there was little ciplines have mentioned ability with English (mentioned by elaboration in their responses. The list below covers all of the 3 women) and with music (mentioned by 2 women). This items listed by the 15 women. The number of women who suggests that, for this group of women, the perception was mentioned each item appears in brackets if it was greater that computing required mathematics and programming, than one. rather than a broad range of abilities and skills, and that com- puting would be an inappropriate choice for someone with 2.3.1 What they like ability with English or music. • Problem solving (not only programming) (8); • That there is always something new to learn (6); Implications: Highlight the link between programming • The diversity of the work (4); and mathematical and problem solving skills for girls with • The money (4); those interests. Emphasise also that other skills also can be • Finding and fixing bugs (3); appropriate. • The challenge (3); • The constant change (3); • The people working in computing (3);

~i.:<~=;(13 SIGCSE Bu|letin 152 Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June • The opportunities to meet people within and outside the women do enjoy the advantages of working in computing. organisation (3); • The camaraderie and team spirit (2); 2.4 What do women dislike about working in computing? • The fact that there is a tangible product (2); When asked about their dislikes, several of the women were • The satisfaction of producing solutions that improve pro- bitter about some of their experiences. There were few dis- ductivity (2); likes expressed about the work itself, with the majority of the • The opportunity to spend time working alone (2); dislikes relating to being a woman in a predominantly male • The freedom to be able to work without being tied to an field. Reports of dislikes about the work from this group of office (2); women tend to follow the earlier studies, however women in • The variety of work opportunities (2); the current study were much more likely to identify problems • The working environment (2); with people among their dislikes. • Opportunities for travel; Although the women generally enjoyed their work and • Opportunities to be enterprising, given constraints; had more 'likes' than 'dislikes', they were more expansive • The satisfaction of watching users embrace the new tech- about their dislikes. This expansiveness is reflected in the nology; reporting below. Dislikes have been categorised under the • Being actively involved in business change management; headings: dislikes about the work itself; problems with man- • Being in a field that has room for all kinds of thinkers and agement and users; dislike of being in a minority; discrimi- tolerates difference; nation; and problems with men. • The respect of co-workers and superiors; • The reaction of others when told what one does; 2.4.1 Dislikes about the work • The interaction with people; A few women mentioned dislikes associated with pro- • Developing web pages; gramming. These included: a general dislike of pro- • Testing new software; gramming (2 women) -- • The fun of tinkering with computers; • Flexible working hours; I was so happy when I found out that programming was • Being able to keep up with technology; a very minor part of my job; • Being good at dealing with inanimate objects; • The satisfaction of coming up with a clever solution, rather a dislike of spending long hours in front of a screen when a than the obvious solution; problem was difficult to solve; failures (at any level); a dis- • The requirement for good analytical thinking; like of dealing with hardware problems; and a dislike of • Writing /parsers; looking through other people's code. Other dislikes relating • Documenting a project (and doing it well); to the work were: physical problems related to extended time • Everything about computers and computing. spent at a keyboard; the lack of conformity -- having to learn about new hardware with every job change; and the 2.3.2 Summary limited applications available in the home city. One woman, Categorising the above, women in computing enjoy: whom I'll call Chris, responded from the perspective of a • solving a problem and developing a solution -- at all lev- woman who held a senior position at a very large, high-tech, els; and almost entirely male, company. She said: • change, challenge and diversity; • the career opportunities, money and travel; I've minor bitches with poor documentation of compil- • the interaction with their immediate colleagues and with ers, malfunctioning OSs, lack of decent answers to tech- others within and outside the organisation; nical questions from software suppliers ... but no techni- cal problem comes close to the level of rage I have for the • their working environment and flexibility of hours and management of high tech firms. work location; • the respect they earn from doing their job well. Dislikes about the work itself generally are trivial, and These job attributes are quite different from the perceptions an occasional or avoidable part of the job for the women con- of many students of computing. Schoolgirls and female ter- cerned. Some women clearly enjoy technical work, while tiary students tend to view computing as office administra- others do not, indicating that there are places for both tech- tion tasks or sitting in front of a screen all day, programming nically oriented women and women with less technical inter- (Buchanan & Carbone, 1998; Craig, 1997; Craig, 1998; ests and skills (as identified in 1.5). Chris's eloquent com- Durndell & Thomson, 1997; Lane, Clarke, & Teague, 1992; ments are, she claims, true of many predominantly male, Sanders & Galpin, 1994). Misperceptions about computing high-tech companies, and have been used extensively below. deters girls from choosing it as a career (as explained in While her experiences apparently are not common, they are 1.3.1). The list of 'likes' of this group of women resemble unlikely to be unique. closely the earlier study of Australian women (Clarke & Teague, 1996; Teague & Clarke, 1991) and confirm that

Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June 153 tIE:2a.z/&~f3 SIGCSE Bulletin 2.4.2 Problems with management and users er their first child. Nerd engineer had 'important re- One woman's dislikes centred on the fact that she worked for sponsibilities' at the design lab, so he took his wife to the a large, hierarchical company: people were rewarded for hospital, dropped her otis and returned to his important originality and innovation rather than for getting the job meeting, leaving her alone thru labor. The article coyly noted that he did manage to get back in time for the actu- done. She spent more time trying to convince people to give al birth. her interesting work to do than doing it. Every piece of paper had to be 'signed off' at a higher level, leaving her feeling A fourth woman felt that the difficulties of developing a like a child. Another woman dislikes 'political survival, solution to business problems were misunderstood by users, rather than negotiated solutions'. A third complained that: who therefore offered little support. The dislikes about management and users suggest some ... often managers think that if you are serious about your women are in a working environment where they are wasting career you'd want to be management. No reason to time on political issues rather than doing the job they enjoy. believe that skills that make for a good would make for a good manager of . 2.4.3 Dislike of being in a minority She moved to a different employer who was willing for her Five women mentioned specifically that they would like to to continue doing what she was best at and enjoyed most. have more female colleagues. They dislike not having other Chris was particularly bitter about management. She women with whom they can share experiences. One said: dislikes: I dislike the overwhelming maleness of ... computing. The nasty, mean, vicious, sadistic management of major high tech companies ... most of the senior management Another stated: ... had absolutely no financial need to work, but ... did the 60 hr. weeks because they loved the power over other I am getting sick to death of walking into a room with a people ... They positively enjoyed causing others pain, hundred people and finding less than ten females in the justifying it as 'sound business decisions'-- i.e., requir- room. ing every first line manager to fire 5% of her people every year, regardless of competence or performance .... A third women commented on the lack of female mentors refiasing to promote someone who deserved it beyond and a fourth about the 'exclusively male environment'. belief because he wasn't sufficiently subservient. The literature on the low numbers of women in comput- ing tends to focus on improving the gender balance in com- At a different level, but a consequence of management puting courses. There is little mention of the difficulties policy, three women complained about the expectation that faced by women working in a predominantly male environ- people in the industry should work excessively long hours. ment. In particular, the need to talk with other women about One said: common issues, and the need for female mentors. ... they always underbid contracts and you had to be Discrimination superhuman to keep working miracles. 2.4.4 Two women mentioned differential pay rates for men and By working at home, a second has solved one of her dislikes: women. Chris discovered that the men at the same level were receiving 20%-100°,4 more than her, despite general ac- the expectation that the work week is 60 hours long. knowledgment that she 'worked longer hours and was more successful'. She didn't proceed with a discrimination case, She continues: which she would certainly have won, because:

I put in a lot of good work in far less time than that. I don't feel obligated to do the time if I am more than I would be blackballed forever in high tech, not only in doing the work. [home state] but in the entire country.

The third woman with a complaint about hours was Differential salaries for men and women continue de- Chris. She says: spite anti-discriminatory legislation (Isaacs, 1996; Truman & Baroudi, 1994). Again, this is not restricted to computing. I never got to know a single engineer who was primary Women traditionally receive lower salaries than men (see caretaker for kids. Either they had wives or they were 1.2.1). The understandable reluctance to proceed with litiga- childless. It simply wouldn't work in the [company] tion mentioned above helps explain why the differences environment. [The company magazine] glowingly told remain. the story of the engineer who's wife was pregnant, with birth timed for well after the [product] was complete and 2.4.5 Problems with men on the market. But the schedule slipped, and the [prod- uct] still was in design when she went into labor to deliv- The arrogance and competitiveness of men in the industry,

~:~;~2~3 SIGCSE Bulletin 154 Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June and their unwillingness to accept women on their merits, were responses of other women who stated that one of the things stated dislikes of several women. They felt that many men they liked about computing was the people (presumably were unwilling to admit when they were wrong, or didn't mostly men). Younger women are more likely to mention lik- know. One woman saw this as an ego problem. Two women ing the people they work with (laid back, easy to get along disliked the way some men perceive women to be inferior with) and older women to mention men they work with until the women have proven themselves. One stated: among their dislikes. A number of explanations suggest themselves: 1) young men are more enlightened and accept I used to dislike always having to do better than boys I women on equal terms, so the problem will disappear in worked with. But it helped me to develop to be good at time; 2) the problems are more prevalent at senior levels of what I was doing. an organisation; 3) different organisations have different cul- tures; 4) there is a 'drip' effect -- it takes women several The other stated that she finds 'amusing' the male sales years to realise that they are not treated as equals; 5) men's assistants who ignore her and talk only to her boyfriend, who behaviour becomes more discriminatory with age. knows nothing about personal computers.

One woman mentioned among her dislikes the way 3. Conclusions some men continually use buzzwords, knowing others won't The introductory sections of this paper presented reasons understand them, trivialise what is difficult and describe as why computing is an appropriate career for women, why it is difficult that which is simple -- and don't know the differ- not a popular choice, and why computing would benefit if ence anyway. Another said: more women were to enter the field. The data in Section 2 confirms similar findings of earlier studies (Clarke & I also found that the kept changing and Teague, 1996; Teague & Clarke, 1991). Computing is viewed that it was very hard to get straight answers from the by the female participants as an enjoyable career offering guys in O.S. (And they were all men). Their answers good opportunities. were very vague and much of the time things did not The reasons given by these 15 women for choosing com- work because they 'forgot to tell me a mere detail'. To puting as a career suggest: this day, when network or O.S. types tell me to try things l) Career choice occurs not as a result of a single event, but that don't sound right, I make them sit down and see as the culmination of several experiences; 'right now' if this will solve my problem .... my office 2) Support and encouragement are important to women mate, is a master at that. 'Oh just do this or change the 'autoxec.bat' file or try this'. When he sees that it does making non-traditional choices; not work, he says 'Oh I forgot this step -- Just a little 3) Being able to see the practical application of computing detail'. His students must go nuts with this. in the workplace, either during their high school years, while at university, or later in their lives, is a significant Once more, Chris has examples of how unpleasant life factor in helping women decide computing is a career can be for a woman in a male environment. that will suit them; 4) A small number of women react positively to dis- Putting up with project meetings where the senior man- couragement; agement routinely uses metaphors like 'mouse nuts' and 5) When making their early career choices the women in 'getting down to the short strokes' to describe a situation. this study generally held stereotyped views about the Being subjected to rabidly anti-women jokes and being skills and attributes that were appropriate for computing expected to laugh like 'one of the boys'. Early on, being careers; subjected to the 'sleep with me or you won't get pro- moted' shit (late 1960's). Being pawed in the halls by co- 6) Career opportunities, challenge and the satisfaction of workers. In the 90's ... going to meeting after meeting developing a useful product are attractive attributes of where I was the only female out of 10-15 people and jobs in computing. being stared at like a woman from Mars .... having 60-80 The 15 participants of this study named 35 different engineers and technicians reporting to me, not one of attributes of their jobs that they enjoyed. Only one of these, whom was female. problem solving, was mentioned by at least half of the respondents, and more than half of the attributes were men- And, although she mentions users as a dislike, her complaint tioned by only one woman. Despite this apparent lack of uni- is about a particular group of male users: formity, there are commonalities. The following aspects of computing jobs were each nominated by several women: Ignorant, arrogant, unwilling to leam users. I worked in • solving a problem and developing a solution -- at all lev- medical computing with the white male medical school els; faculty MD types, who, by definition, were 'God'. You can't tell them anything; they think they know every- • change, challenge and diversity; thing. • the job opportunities, money and travel; • the interaction with their immediate colleagues, with oth- These dislikes concerning male co-workers contrast with ers within and outside the organisation;

Vol. 34, No. 2, 2002 June 155 ~®~ SIGCSE Bulletin • their working environment and flexibility of hours and Camp, T. (1997). The incredible shrinking pipeline. work location; Communications of the ACM, 40(I0), 103-110. • the respect they earn from doing their job well. Capell, E (1995). Nerds get best jobs - Tough guys finish last. The women had relatively few dislikes about the work American Demographics, 17(8,), 13-14. Careers Guide '93. (1993, 17 May).. TheAge, pp. Supplement. they do. A small number expressed a dislike of programming Chisholm, S. W., Ceyer, S. T., Friedman, J. I., Hopkins, N., and of spending long hours at a keyboard. These are seen as Kleitman, D., Hewitt, J. iN., Matthews, J. L., Hodges, K. V., negative attributes of computing careers by many girls, but in Potter, M. C., Rizzoli, P. M., Royden, L., Silbey, R. J., & reality are mainly avoidable for those who do not enjoy them. Stubbe, J. (1999). A Study on the Status of Women Faculty in For these 15 women, dislikes about working in comput- Science at MIT. The MIT Faculty Newsletter, XI(4), ing centre mainly on: http://web.mit.edu/fnl/women/women.html. • management issues; Clarke, V., & Teague, J. (1992). Girls, Have You Considered • the attitudes of men in the industry, although this may Computing. Geelong: Deakin University. Clarke, V., & Teague, J. (1996). Characterizations of computing either be related to company culture or apply to only some careers: Students and professionals disagree. Computers and individuals; Education, 24(4), 241-246. • the lack of women who can act as mentors and with whom Clarke, V. A., & Chambers, S. M. (1989). Gender-based factors in they can share experiences; and computing enrolments and achievements: Evidence from a • discriminatory practices, particularly with regard to study of tertiary students. Journal of Educational Computing salaries. Research, 5,409-429. 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