Belarusian Political Cartography Based on the Results of the Presidential Elections in 1994–2006

Political Sphere (Палітычная сфера) Journal of political studies

English Issue # 11/2008

Editorial Board (Рэдакцыйная Рада): Andrei Kazakevich – Editor in chief Andrei Jahorau – Deputy Editor in chief Andrei Asadchy – assistant Yury Chavusau – member Alexei Krivolap – Wed editor Siarhei Kuzniatsou – member Dzianis Melyantsou – member Natallia Vasilevich – member

Academic Board (Навуковая Рада): Uladzimir Adushenka Ihar Babkou Uladzimir Mackevich Ryhor Miniankou

The Journal was founded in 2001

220047 Belarus Minsk p.o. box 18 E-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

Web: www.palityka.org

The Journal was founded and published by the Editorial Board

ISSN 1819-3625 Contents

Elites Andrei Kazakevich Tendencies of regional elites’ development in Belarus (Local elections’ results in 1999, 2003 and 2007)...... 5

Internet politics Alexei Krivolap Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 elections context...... 26 Andrei Khrapavitski The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of Internet by Candidates during the 2008 Parliamentary elections...... 38

Mapping Politics Dzianis Melyantsou Spontaneous Groups after 2006 elections...... 48 Andrei Kazakevich Belarusian political cartography based on the results of the Presidential elections in 1994–2006...... 61

Political ideas and national identity Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya Belarusian inhabitants’ conceptualizations of the notion “citizen”...... 74 Siarhei Kuzniatsou Symbolism of money: finances and historical consciousness of Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus...... 89 Aliaksei Lastouski Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus...... 101 Andrei Kazakevich Short Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea...... 114

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History of elections Andrei Pachobut Stalin era voting in Grodno Region: Sapotskina Case in 1948...... 124 Authors of the issue ...... 130

Index Articles published in “Political Sphere” Journal in 2004-2008 (by issue)...... 131 Articles published in “Political Sphere” Journal in 2004-2008 (by subject)...... 143

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus (Local elections results of 1999, 2003 and 2007)1

Abstract

The article studies tendencies in the development of regional elites in Belarus by analyzing composition of the Regional Local Councils based on the results of local elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007. It examines the validity of regional elites’ analysis by studying Local Council Members and a level of electoral discipline of local executive committees during the local elections. Besides, it reviews political parties’ representation in the local Counsels, age and gender composition and peculiarities of the territorial representation, etc.

Key words: local elections, local elections in Belarus, elections in 1999, 2003 and 2007, regional elites, political parties, party system, local councils.

Regional elites, their organization time, the majority of analysts ignore and the very fact of their existence is regional communities explaining it by still a debatable question for the Belaru- a high degree of the bureaucratic sys- sian political science. Some researchers tem’s centralization, the Center’s rather admit that regional patronage and elite frequent interventions into the Regions’ groups exist however their unstable affairs and by different forms of politi- character is usually emphasized. Others cal and economic dependence. None- talk about functional lobby / clan theless, it is important to watch ongo- groups (i.e. industrial and agricultural ing processes in the regional centers of lobby) which have a nationwide char- power in order to feel the political pro- acter and which therefore do not create cesses and probable transformations of political (and even economic) whole- the political regime in today’s Belarus. ness on the regional level. At the same

1 This text presents the results of a study carried out by the Political Analysis Center of the Political Sphere Journal in May – August 2007. The source for translation is: Андрэй Казакевіч Тэндэнцыі ў рэгіянальных элітах Беларусі (па выніках мясцовых выбараў 1999, 2003, 2007 гадоў) // “Палiтычная сфера” №9, 2007 с. 40–55.

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We think that regional elites and local elections results in 1999, 2003 and clan groups are stable institutions. They 2007. are strongly linked to local interests’ The obvious advantage of this- ex representation and have a quite high ploration target is that it is possible to social (and economic) potential, which obtain information about it. The Local allows us to consider them as long-term elections results are published in the participants of the political process. local mass media together with a short However our knowledge about the CV of each member, thus providing modern regional elites in Belarus is se- us with an opportunity to analyze the riously limited because there are almost Council members’ social and political no quantitative studies and system- characteristics. Of course, we admit atized empirical data. A lot of conclu- that the most available target does not sions concerning ongoing political and mean it can also demonstrate the im- administrative processes in the regions portant trends in the regional authori- of Belarus are of an intuitive character, ties. It is difficult to characterize univo- with all their advantages and disad- cally the status of the Regions’ Councils vantages. Under such circumstances it in the current system of power; never- seems quite important to collect quan- theless analysis of their structures does titative data about regional political and not allow us to conclude that they are administrative processes so that esti- formal. mations could be better systematized Ninety percent of the Regional and could have a legitimate character. Councils members include persons occupying executive positions. There I. Methodological part is a tendency of status persons’ growing number; there are also some ele- The main obstacle in analyzing elites ments of their “oligarchizing”. The age is their opacity, ambiguity of their struc- of the absolute majority of Members ture and political autonomy within the varies between 40 y.o. and 60 y.o., i.e. conditions of the authoritarian political the age of the major career and politi- system. Still, we do not want to exagger- cal achievements. “Youth” and pension- ate the depth of the Center’s staff policy. ers constitute an inconsiderable group. More often than not, the staff redistri- The majority of the Members live in the bution in the regions concerns the high- regional capitals and cities, while rural est bureaucratic apparatus only, while dwellers’ and towns’ representatives are on the middle level there are no consid- marginalized. This and other facts allow erable changes. Taking into account the us to consider Local Councils as an im- high degree of opacity, we have chosen portant source of information about the to analyze the only relatively open part regional elite groups, even though such of the regional elites, which is suitable data must be treated carefully until it is for statistical analysis, i.e. the Members supported by additional studies. of the Regional (Voblasc/Oblast) Local This article’s figures are obtained by Councils (Saviets/Soviets) based on the analyzing open sources of information, therefore they can be verified. There

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 7 were some problems of a technical and also the first attempt of making a sta- methodological character during col- tistical analysis of the results of the lo- lecting, analyzing and calculating the cal elections, that’s why its material is information. The results were double- interesting and useful however unfor- checked, nonetheless there might be tunately incomplete. Its figures mostly insignificant mistakes which, however, concern candidates, but not the elected should not influence the conclusions Members. Regardless of the statement and quantitative correlations consid- that social and political composition of erably. The results of calculations and candidates is equal to that of Members methodology are presented in full. All (Natchyk 2003: 24), quantity determi- these should help eliminating our re- nation is needed. The information pre- searchers’ probable inaccuracies of sta- sented concerns only several Regions, tistical and methodological character. mostly Mahilou and Homel; the Coun- In addition to the information pub- cil members are analyzed with the help lished in the regional media, elections of one criterion only, i.e. its social status. results can also be found in the official By the way, this first attempt of making information distributed by the CEC a statistical analysis revealed a number (Central Election Commission of the of difficulties the researcher faced.2 Republic of Belarus) that deals with The 2003 elections results are ana- elections and national referenda, as well lyzed in two analytical texts (Jekadu- as in analytical releases accompanying mava 2003; Elections… 2003). The lat- every electoral campaign. Nevertheless, ter is dedicated mostly to the analysis of elections results of 1999, 2003 and 2007 the electoral process and law infringe- have different levels of analytical and ments, thus not analyzing elections re- informational representation: the 2003 sults per se. Jekadumava’s text does not campaign is described the best of all, analyze the elected Members corps, its the 1999 one – the worst of all. basic attention is paid to the elections’ The 1999 elections results are re- course and candidates all across the viewed in an article by P. Natchyk country and in some constituencies, (Natchyk, 2003). A small chapter is while elections’ course and results on devoted to an analysis of the electoral the level of the Regional Councils are campaign’s context, the process of cannot detailed. didates’ nomination and registration, The Belarusian CEC official data is candidates’ corps, etc. This chapter is published on its official web-site. There

2 In particular, P. Natchyk says that during the 1999 elections there were 32 non-alternative constituencies (Natchyk 2003: 22), while we have counted 35 of them, using the same sources of information. During the 1999 elections, in Mahilou Region, the non- alternative constituencies were №№ 3–5, 8, 13, 20, 23, 28, 31–39, 42–55, 57–60. More- over he says that among non-alternative candidates, only one did not belong to directors’ corps, while it is obvious that there were more such candidates (№ 23 – a Doctor, № 34 – a Deputy President of the Executive Committee, № 35 – the President of a Local (District) Council).

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is some useful information about the in other words, the attitude of the Re- Regional Councils members, but its gional administrations towards elec- main drawback is that elections results tions, whether or not they allow for are not detailed enough, which makes it any self-organization, a degree of their difficult to analyze without an addition- control over the political field. al study of the situation. The 1999 elec- While analyzing the electoral tions open results have no specification discipline, the following criteria are of the Regions’ Councils and their mem- used: the number of elected members bers. The most detailed information is (without by-elections), the second about the 2003 elections. The CEC data round practice, and a competition lev- provides with information about the el in electoral constituencies. It should elections results, including constituen- be mentioned that while the authori- cies, constituencies where there was tarian regime is consolidating, the the second round, and constituencies discipline is increasing so that some where elections failed. There is also data criteria reach its maximum (100% of about the Council members (according members were elected; cancellation to the first and second rounds) with the of the second round), thus making the age and gender information, including comparative analysis of discipline im- second term members, their profes- possible in the future. sional spheres, belonging to political Since 1999, in almost all electoral parties, etc. This information is not de- constituencies, elections ended by a tailed enough with regard to some Re- member’s election. In 1999 and 2003, gions, therefore it does not comply with as a result of the first and second our analysis’ tasks. The data concerning rounds, 94-96% of the Councils mem- the 2007 elections results is even more bers were elected, thus, the problem limited, there are no details about the of Councils’ composition which exist- Regions’ Councils at all. ed in 1995, was surmounted. In 2007, this indicator reached its possible ІІ. Determination of maximum – 100% in all the Regions the electoral discipline (See Table 1). The 1999 and 2003 elections analy- The electoral process character is sis shows that the electoral discipline’s not linked directly to the analysis of lowest level was in Vicebsk Region the members of the Regional Councils (86,7%; 91,7% – 13 not elected mem- however it reflects peculiarities of the bers in total). Intermediate positions political activity in the Belarusian Re- are occupied by Minsk and Brest Re- gions, which can be useful in under- gions (both 7). The highest discipline standing the elites’ characteristics. was demonstrated by Mahilou, Homel In Belarusian authoritarian system and Hrodna Regions (each – 4 not we understand the electoral discipline elected members in 1999 and 2003). as an electoral machine, its effective Another criterion in measuring and harmonious work (from the point the electoral discipline is the practice of view of authorities) in every Region, of second round, and correspondingly

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 9

Table 1. Number of elected members into Regional Councils (First and second rounds, no by-elections) Number of not Region 1999 2003 2007 elected members in (Voblasc) 1999-2007 Brest 55 91,7% 58 96,7% 60 (100%) 7 Vicebsk (Vitebsk) 52 86,7% 55 91,7% 60 (100%) 13 Hrodna (Grodno) 59 98,3% 57 95% 60 (100%) 4 Homel (Gomel) 59 98,3% 57 95% 60 (100%) 4 Mahilou (Mogilev) 56 93,3% 60 100% 60 (100%) 4 Minsk 56 93,3% 57 95% 60 (100%) 7 Total 337 93,6% 344 95,6% 360 (100%) 39 the fact whether it was possible not to among other Regions. Intermediate po- have it. The second round as a proce- sitions belong to Minsk and Brest Re- dure was abolished in 2007, therefore it gions. Here, there were corresponding- is possible to analyze the 1999 and 2003 ly 14 and 13 second rounds. The highest electoral campaigns results only. The discipline was again demonstrated by largest number of the second rounds Mahilou and Hrodna Regions (both – was carried out in Homel Region (27). 7; the lowest figures both in 1999 and The Homel Region’s first position is -ex 2003; See Table 2). plained by the 1999 election’s “débâcle” One more criterion in measuring when there were 20 constituencies with the electoral discipline is the extent of the second round, rather than by the competition. In particular, while com- tendency’s stability. The second place paring the number of non-alternative belongs to Vicebsk Region (22), where constituencies, the level of political the tendency was stable. There was a competition becomes clear. Unfortu- growth in the second rounds’ number nately, the information is not complete from 1999 to 2003 – it is the only case here; therefore the conclusions cannot Table 2. Second Round Practice during the 1999, 2003 and 2007 local elections3 Number of constituencies which Region 1999 2003 2007 had a second round in 1999-2003 Brest 43+13 55+3 60+0 16 Vicebsk 42+10 43+12 60+0 22 Hrodna 54+5 55+2 60+0 7 Homel 39+20 50+7 60+0 27 Mahilou 49+7 60+0 60+0 7 Minsk 45+11 54+3 60+0 14 Total 272+66 317+27 360+0 93

3 The first figure shows the number of constituencies where members were elected -dur ing the first round; the second figure shows the number of constituencies which had the second round.

№11/2008 10 Elites

be fully accurate. While collecting data in Mahilou Regions. Maybe, such dif- for this study in the regional media, it ferences reflect various approaches in was not possible to find lists of regis- regulating the political processes on the tered candidates in Minsk Region (1999, regional level, as well as strategies of the 2003) and Homel Region (2007). Still, political activity. the information available demonstrates the tendencies, which coincide with the III. Parties and their tendencies revealed while analyzing the representation previous indicators. The leader among non-alternative constituencies is the Observation of parties’ representa- Hrodna Region (130), which proves tion can be quite interesting, especially once again its high level of political dis- when in the 2008 Parliamentary elec- cipline. This Region is the leader in one tion’s context, there was a discussion more indicator of the electoral competi- about a possibility of creating one party tion – during this period, there were no of power or introducing a proportional more than 4 candidates in all constitu- system. The parties’ representation in encies (in the other Regions, this ten- local Councils at the regional level to- dency appeared after the 2003 elections tally corresponds to the nationwide only). Its one more record is that there “non-party” political model. The par- were 83,3% of non-alternative constitu- ties’ representation in almost all Coun- encies in 2003. The lowest number of cils was insignificant and had no impor- non-alternative constituencies is in the tant political meaning. Still, there are Vicebsk Region (97), the other Regions no oppositional parties’ representatives are in the middle (110-114; See Table 3). in the Local Councils at all (except for Summing up the analysis of the elec- the Belarusian Communist Party (PKB) toral discipline’s level, it is possible to in 1999-2003), though it could have a diagnose its significant increase during latent character, e.g. before elections, elections, as well as some rather obvious members left their parties or did not regional differences, which need to be join them due to various reasons, but explained in the future. In 1999 – 2007, kept in touch with the parties’ struc- the lowest electoral discipline during tures. Unfortunately, such data could local elections was demonstrated by the not be analyzed, that’s why only formal Vicebsk Region, and this tendency was party membership is analyzed here. stable. The highest political discipline A detailed analysis of the parties’ was in Hrodna and, to a lesser degree, representation can be useful in order

Table 3. Number of non-alternative constituencies during 1999–2007 local elections Region 1999 2003 2007 1999-2007 Brest 25 41,7% 45 75% 40 66,7% 110 61,1% Vicebsk 22 36,7% 28 46,7% 47 78,3% 97 53,9% Hrodna 40 66,7% 50 83,3% 40 66,7% 130 72,2% Mahilou 35 58,3% 38 63,3% 41 68,3% 114 63,3%

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 11 to reveal political tendencies on the Mahilou Region, according to the 1999 regional level, as well as in specifying campaign results, there were 12,5% rep- functional mechanisms of the politi- resentatives of PKB and KPB. After its cal (especially, party) system of the Re- quite successful results, in 2007 the AP public of Belarus. The basic tendency lowered its representation in the Re- in 1999–2007 was a steady decrease of gional Councils down to one Member. the parties’ representation in the Re- Such oscillations of the political repre- gional Councils. According to the 1999 sentation may reflect certain tendencies elections results there were only four of the Belarusian Regional political de- parties – Belarusian Communist Party velopment. (PKB), Communist Party of Belarus The PKB is the only oppositional (KPB), Agrarian Party (AP) and Belaru- party which had its representation in sian Patriotic Party (BPP). In 2003, there the Regional Councils, though its num- were four parties as well, but in 2007, ber of members is lower than that of the there were only two parties left – KPB KPB. The year of 1999 was especially and AP. The decrease in the number of successful for this party as the major- members associated with political par- ity of other oppositional parties ignored ties is even more significant. In 1999, or boycotted those elections. The PKB there were 29 members of this type in elected 14 members, which was higher the Regional Councils, in 2003 – 19, in than other parties’ results, and had its 2007 – only 6. Even the KPB’s represen- representation in all of the Regions, tation (considered to be a probable base except Hrodna. In 2003, the party’s for one party by some analysts) was representation decreased down to two curtailing: 8 members in 1999, 6 – in people (one in Homel, one in Vicebsk 2003, 5 – in 2007. This result does not Regions). Within the conditions of the correspond to the nationwide tendency authoritarian regime’s strengthening of the KPB’s growing representation and the PKB’s close integration with the in Local Councils of different levels by democratic coalition during the 2007 almost three times – from 107 to 299 elections, the party received no repre- (See more details: Kazakevich, 2007). sentation in the Regional Councils. It is interesting to study the AP’s A review of territorial peculiarities phenomenon, especially in the Hrodna of the parties’ representation demon- Region (probably, it is the only Region strates some differences between the where its organized agrarian lobby has Regions on the level of the parties’ ac- survived). In 1999, the party had 6 who tivity. Due to some reasons, the most were in three Regional Councils (Hro- stable parties’ representation was ob- dna, Minsk and Homel). In 2003, it served in Homel Region – during 1999- was represented in the Hrodna Region 2007, there were 15 persons – mem- only, but there were 8 of its members, bers of all four parties (PKB, KPB, AP which constituted 14% of the Council and BPP). It is followed by the Hrodna members. That was an absolute record Region – 12 persons – members of the of the parties’ representation among AP only. A stable parties’ representa- all the Regions during 1999-2007. In tion is demonstrated by the Mahilou

№11/2008 12 Elites

Table 4. Parties’ representation in Regional Councils according to 1999–2007 elections results

1999- Regions 1999 2003 2007 2007 Brest 2 (PKB) 3,6% 0 0 1 (KPB) 1,7% 3 Vicebsk 2 (PKB), 4 (KPB) 11,5% 1 (PKB), 1 (KPB) 3,6% 0 0 8 Hrodna 3 (AP) 5,1% 8 (AP) 14.0% AP (1) 1,7% 12 1 (KPB), 3 (PKB), 4 (KPB), 2 Homel 10,2% 12,3% 2 (KPB) 3,3% 15 1 (AP), 1 (BPP) (PKB), 1 (BPP) Mahilou 3 (KPB), 4 (PKB) 12,5% 1 (PKB) 1,7% 2 (KPB) 3,3% 10

Minsk4 3 (PKB), 2 (AP) 8,9% 1 (KPB) 1,8% 0 0 6

Table 5. Parties’ members in Regional Councils in 1999-2007 1999 2003 2007 1999-2007 Parties’ members 29 (8,6%) 19 (5,5%) 6 (1,7%) 54 (5,2%) Number of parties 4 4 2 4 PKB 14 4 0 18 KPB 8 6 5 19 AP 6 8 1 15 BPP 1 1 0 2 Region (where, like in the Homel Re- creating one party of power, as well as gion, party members were elected in all to define the logic of the party system’s electoral campaigns). The lowest rep- development and the relations of the resentation of parties was in the Brest parties’ structures with the regional Region – during 1999-2007, there were elites. According to some analysts and only three members representing KPB their interpretations of this study’s data, and PKB (See Tables 4 and 5). there is a final marginalization of the The 1999, 2003 and 2007 elections party institutions, which creates a field results show a stable tendency of a de- for the creation of a one-party struc- cline of party system. It concerns both ture. If there were such actions, then parties which were traditionally sup- they were obviously not systematized. ported the authorities (KPB, AP) and At least, we have no information suffi- oppositional parties. While the KPB’s cient to make any valid conclusions. representation curtailed, the AP, after The degradation of the parties’ its obvious success in 2003, had no rep- structures and their abatement has to resentation in the Regional Councils do with the logic of the parties’ inter- after the 2007 elections. The analysis of action with the regional elites and the the development of the parties’ struc- bureaucratic apparatus. According tures could be interesting in the context to the authorities’ system which was of the discussion about a possibility of formed after the authoritarian regime

4 No certain information about 2 persons.

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 13 was installed, dominating positions in cal status quo on the regional level lest the regional politics belonged to the administrative and political structures executives, the other bodies performed coincide completely, which is difficult accessorial functions and were subor- to achieve. dinated (de facto or de jure) to the Ex- ecutive Committees. Parties, including IV. Age and gender those traditionally supported by the composition authorities, are an example of an autonomous political institutions. Such The age and gender structure of the institutions existence, firstly, does not Local Councils in 1999-2007 suffered comply with the logic of the central- some changes which are interesting in ized political process and, secondly, order to create a complete understand- creates an infrastructure for a creation ing about the political processes on the of corporate community based on the regional level. While analyzing ages, the non-bureaucratic grounds. In any case, following scale was chosen: Deputes the existence of political structures in younger than 31 y.o., 31–40 y.o., 41–50 parallel to the executive vertical is not y.o., 51–60 y.o., 61–70 y.o., and 71 and good for the regional administrative older5. For our study, the age and gen- elites. Therefore, the parties are being der are interesting due to three impor- superseded from the political process tant aspects. step-by-step. The first aspect: to identify the lev- In various Regions, the situation el of modeling of the Local Councils’ is different (depending on the degree corps (it is known that the authorities of integration of parties’ functionaries announced their norms concerning into the regional elites or on lobbying the age and gender composition of the from the Center), but the regional bu- Council members). reaucrats’ common logic and interests The second one: to identify the do not work for the parties’ benefits. It members’ social profile, e.g. youth, is difficult to find functions which could older people, pensioners, etc., which be performed by parties for the execu- will allow us to draw preliminary con- tives, except an imitation of democracy, clusions about the degree of the Coun- but it is not priority. The situation might cils’ formality and their similarity to the change only if the Center expresses its regional elites (we believe that a high initiative in this direction however ad- degree of youth [younger than 31 y.o.] ministrative elites would oppose such or pensioners [older than 60 y.o.] means processes. The introduction of the par- the representation is formal). ties’ structures will threaten the politi-

5 Unfortunately, we cannot identify all Members’ date of birth, therefore we consider the year of birth only. E.g. if a deputy was born in 1972, then we think the person is 31 y.o. (category “31-40 y.o.”) during the 2003 elections. If the year of birth is 1973, the Deputy is in the category “younger than 31 y.o.” That’s why the data can differ a bit from the official one, but in our opinion all possible differences have no principled character.

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The third one: to consider the gen- the peak of political engineering for the der structure, which could be useful Local Councils was in 2003. while studying peculiarities of women’s The structure of the Regional Coun- political activity and their representa- cils shows that it is far from a gerontoc- tion under the authoritarian regime’s racy model. There were only two mem- conditions. bers older than 70 y.o. The age group of 60-70 y.o. (pension age for men) is also Age composition marginal, just like the “youth” younger than 31 y.o. The Councils usually have A study of the biographical data of none or two members older than 61 y.o. the Local Councils’ members shows There is only one case where there were that the dominating age groups are per- four representatives in the Vicebsk Re- sons of 41-50 y.o. and 51-60 y.o., the gion in 2007. other groups are additional (31-40 y.o.) As for the basic age groups, the peak or marginal (younger than 31 y.o.; older of 40-50 y.o. members’ representation then 60 y.o.). The dominating groups was in 1999, when it was a dominat- have the biggest political and economic ing group: 63,6% (the highest record) influence and activity. Still, the correla- in Brest Region; 60,7% in Minsk and tion between different age groups has Mahilou Regions; 57,7% in Vicebsk changed, sometimes drastically, during Region; 55,9% in Hrodna Region; and 1999-2007. only in Homel Region it was lower Regardless of some political alle- than the half - 45,8%. Thus, 40-50 y.o. gations, the members younger than representatives were the biggest group 31 y.o. have little representation (as a in all Councils. However the situation rule, a Council has none or one mem- changed during the next elections. The ber younger than 31 y.o.). In 2003, their share of the age group of 40-50 y.o. de- representation grew a little, but in 2007 creased in all the Regions. In a num- it decreased again. This model is not ber of the Regions, it dropped by two applicable to the Mahilou Region which and more times: in Brest, Vicebsk and had from two to four members. Mahilou Regions down to 25–36%. The members of 30-40 y.o. constitute In Homel Region, it dropped down to a small group, approximately 8-15%, 33%, and only in Hrodna and Minsk without clear representation tenden- Regions the decrease was insignificant. cies. After 1999, some Regions demon- At the same time, the representation strated a decrease of this group’s repre- of the age group of 50-60 y.o. grew up sentation: Homel (a critical decrease), to 43–58%). In 2007, the situation sta- Brest, Minsk. Hrodna, Vicebsk and bilized. Members of 51-60 y.o. became Mahilou Regions demonstrated an in- the biggest group in five Regions. The crease in 30-40 y.o. members’ represen- Minsk Region only demonstrated a dif- tation in 2003 and a decrease in 2007, ferent tendency, there in 2007, younger which could be used as an additional ar- members were in the majority (51,7%; gument for the benefit of the thesis that See Tables 6–12).

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 15

Figure 1. Specific weight of 41–50 y.o. age group in 1999–2007

Figure 2. Specific weight of 51–60 y.o. age group in 1999–2007

№11/2008 16 Elites

Table 6. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Brest Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 0 1 0 1 31–40 8 (14,5%) 7 (12,1%) 7 (11,7%) 22 41–50 35 (63,6%) 18 (31%) 20 (33,3%) 73 51–60 12 (21,8%) 29 (50%) 32 (53,3%) 70 61–70 0 2 1 3 older than 70 0 1 0 1

Table 7. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Vicebsk Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 0 1 1 2 31–40 8 (15,3%) 10 (18,2%) 6 (10,0%) 24 41–50 30 (57,7%) 14 (25,5%) 24 (40,0%) 68 51–60 13 (25,0%) 30 (54,5%) 25 (41,7%) 68 61–70 1 0 4 5 older than 70 0 0 0 0

Table 8. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Hrodna Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 0 2 1 3 31–40 5 (8,5%) 7 (12,3%) 4 (6,7%) 16 41–50 33 (55,9%) 28 (49,1%) 22 (36,7%) 83 51–60 21 (35,6%) 19 (33,3%) 31 (51,7%) 71 61–70 0 1 2 3 older than 70 0 0 0 0

Table 9. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Homel Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 1 0 0 1 31–40 10 (16,9%) 5 (8,8%) 3 (5,0%) 18 41–50 27 (45,8%) 19 (33,3%) 27 (45,0%) 73 51–60 19 (32,2%) 33 (57,9%) 28 (46,7%) 80 61–70 2 0 2 4 older than 70 0 0 0 0

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 17

Table 10. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Mahilou Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 2 4 2 8 31–40 2 (3,6%) 8 (13,3%) 5 (8,3%) 15 41–50 34 (60,7%) 22 (36,7%) 25 (41,7%) 81 51–60 17 (30,4%) 26 (43,3%) 27 (45,0%) 70 61–70 1 0 0 1 older than 70 0 0 1 1 Table 11. Age composition of Councils in 1999–2007 (Minsk Region’s Council) 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 1 1 2 4 31–40 7 (12,5%) 5 (8,8%) 5 (8,3%) 17 41–50 34 (60,7%) 31 (54,4%) 31 (51,7%) 96 51–60 13 (23,2%) 18 (31,6%) 20 (33,3%) 51 61–70 1 2 2 5 older than 70 0 0 0 0

Table 12. Age composition of Regional Councils in 1999–2007 1999 2003 2007 1999–2007 younger than 31 4 9 6 19 31–40 40 42 30 112 41–50 193 132 149 474 51–60 95 155 163 413 61–70 5 5 11 21 older than 70 0 1 1 2

Gender composition which can be proved by the 1999 elections results. Under the conditions of At the end of the Soviet period, a the authoritarian regime’s stabilization demonstration of the political and so- in 2000-2001, the gender representa- cial equality between men and women tion became mandatory – the authori- was set as a high value. One of the re- ties demanded it, thus influencing the sults of such policy was both genders’ 2003 elections results. The political almost equal representation in the Lo- engineering resulted in women’s in- cal Councils. It was achieved due to for- creasing representation in the Regional mal means, and therefore after disinte- Councils; their number more than dou- gration of the Soviet system, the equal bled (from 9,5% to 24,7%). It was con- representation did not survive. In the siderably lower than the average indica- 1990s, there was a drastic decrease of tor in the Local Councils (44,4%) (the women’s representation in the political Local Councils’ members data, 2003), bodies, including the Local Councils, however it reflected the overall tenden-

№11/2008 18 Elites

Table 13. Age structure of Regional Councils in 1999-2007 Region 1999 2003 2007 М W М W М W Brest 50 5 (9,1%) 47 11 (19%) 51 9 (15%) Vicebsk 49 3 (5,8%) 45 10 (18,2%) 54 6 (10%) Hrodna 54 5 (8,5%) 39 18 (31,6%) 52 8 (13,3%) Homel 52 7 (11,9%) 41 16 (28,1%) 47 13 (21,7%) Mahilou 50 6 (12%) 42 18 (30%) 39 21 (35%) Minsk 50 6 (10,7%) 46 11 (19,3%) 43 17 (28,3%) Total 305 32 (9,5%) 260 85 (24,7%) 286 74 (20,6%)

Figure 3. Women representation (1999, 2003, 2007)

Figure 4. Women representation (1999, 2003, 2007)

cy accurately. The 2007 elections cam- more times. Only the Mahilou Region paign results show a relative weakening does not support this tendency – there, of the constructivist tendencies, which the number of women grew up to 35%, led to the representation’s certain de- which is the highest record. Moreover, crease. There is a decrease in all the Re- the Mahilou Region was the leader in gions, in the Hrodna Region by two and leveling a gender disproportion during

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 19 all 1999-2007 electoral campaigns. The challenging the idea of “the authorities’ Minsk Region is also characterized by closeness to people”. an increase in women’s representation, An analysis of members’ places of while The Vicebsk Region demonstrates residence demonstrates interesting women’s lowest representation during processes, e.g. a growing representation all electoral campaigns. of the Regions’ capitals and cities, while the representation of members who V. Territorial representation live in towns and rural areas decreases. More often members are no longer rep- An interesting aspect of the social resentatives, rather curators of electoral structure of the Local Councils’ mem- constituencies. bers is their territorial distribution ac- In all the Regions, except for Minsk cording to their permanent place of res- and Brest ones, the majority of mem- idence. The territorial representation is bers are inhabitants of the Regions’ often ignored by analysts and research- capitals. We did not include members ers, but it is important for understand- who live in the suburbs to the catego- ing the logic of the regional political ry of the capitals’ inhabitants because processes. The Belarusian authorities it is difficult to identify them as either usually say the political representation’s urbanites, or ruralists. If we did, the character is fair and balanced however representation of the Regions’ capitals this principle is not carried out at all would grow by 2-7%. at the level of the Local Councils, thus Figure 5. Comparison of the demographic data and representation of members from Regional capitals in 2007

№11/2008 20 Elites

In 2007, the absolute leader of “cen- of all members as well, i.e. they do not tralization” was the Homel Region – live on the Region’s territory. Near 30% 66,7%, 45,8% (1999), 43,9% (2003), i.e. of members also live in the Region’s 2/3 of Members lived and worked in the cities. city of Homel, while the city’s share in The only real exception is the Brest the Region’s population was only 31,7%. Region Council, there, a representation It is followed by the Mahilou Region - of inhabitants of the city of Brest has 58,3% (2007), 53,3% (2003) 53,6% (1999), decreased in comparison with the pre- the city’s share in the Region’s popula- vious campaigns – 36,4% (1999), 37,9% tion was 30,8%. The Hrodna Region has (2003), 30% (2007). The city’s share in the following data: 35,6% (1999), 50,9% the Region’s population is about 20%. (2003), 53,3% (2007), the city’s share in Other towns representation, e.g. the the Region’s population was 27%. The town of Pinsk, has increased (See Ta- Vicebsk Region has the following data: bles 14-20). 46,2% (1999), 50,9 (2003), 51,7 (2007), An additional indicator of the repre- the city’s share in the Region’s popula- sentation’s centralization is a decrease tion was 25,6%. Thus, according to the of a number of cities and towns, which 2007 elections results, the representa- inhabitants are represented in the Re- tion of inhabitants of the Regions’ capi- gional Councils. The biggest decrease tals is much higher than their demo- was in 2003, after that the situation graphic share. For the known reasons, stabilized with a decrease tendency. In the Minsk Region is not a part of this 1999, 93 towns were represented; in tendency, however there inhabitants of 2003 – 78; in 2007 – 74; It is relevant the capital of Belarus constitute 19–22% for all the Regions, except for Brest one,

Figure 6. Dynamics of representation of inhabitants of Regions’ capitals in Regional Councils in 1999–2007

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 21

Table 14. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Brest Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Brest 20 36,4% 22 37,9% 18 30% Brest District 2 2 3 Cities (А6) 10 (2*) 18,2% 11 (2) 19% 20 (4) 33,3% Suburbs of Cities (А) 3 5 0 Towns (В) 4 (2) 7,3% 0 0 4 (2) 6,7% Other towns 10 18,2% 10 17,2% 9 15% Village 6 10,9% 8 13,8% 6 10% * Number of cities

Table 15. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Vicebsk Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Vicebsk 24 46,2% 28 50,9% 31 51,7% Vicebsk District 0 2 3 Cities (А) 12(3) 23,1% 5(1) 9,1% 14 (3) 23,3% Suburbs of Cities (А) 1 3 2 Towns (В) 2 3,8% 8 14,5% 0 0 Other towns 7 3,5% 5 9,1% 5 8,3% Village 6 11,5% 4 7,3% 5 8,3%

Table 16. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Hrodna Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Hrodna 22 37,3% 29 50,9% 32 53,3% Hrodna District 2 3 3 Cities (А) 5 (1) 8,5% 12 (4) 21,1% 7 (2) 11,7% Suburbs of Cities (А) 1 3 2 Towns (В) 8 13,6% 2 3,5% 4 6,7% Other towns 11 18,6% 6 10,5% 6 10% Village 10 16,9% 2 3,5% 6 10%

6 Cities А are the cities which have three or more representatives in the Region’s Soviet, e.g. Kobryn District, 2003. Suburbs of Cities A is a separate category, reflecting the suburbs of such cities as Vorsha (Orsha), Barysau (Borisov), etc. Towns В are the towns where two members of the Region’s Soviet live. Other towns and urban villages have one representative.

№11/2008 22 Elites

Table 17. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Homel Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Homel 27 45,8% 25 43,9% 40 66,7% Homel District 4 3 2 Cities (А) 17 (5) 28,8% 14 (3) 24,6% 13(4) 21,7% Suburbs of Cities (А) 1 1 1 Towns (В) 0 0 4 7% 2 3,3% Other towns 7 11,9% 6 10,5% 2 3,3% Village 3 5,1% 4 7% 0 0

Table 18. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Mahilou Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Mahilou 30 53,6% 32 53,3% 35 58,3% Mahilou District 0 0 2 Cities (А) Babrujsk (Bo- 11 (1) 19,6% 11 (1) 18,3% 10 (1) 16,7% bruisk) Suburbs of Cities (А) 0 0 0 Towns (В) 2 3,6% 6(3) 10% 2 3,3% Other towns 9 16,1% 7 11,7% 9 15% Village 4 7,1% 4 6,7% 2 3,3%

Table 19. Territorial representation in 1999–2007 (Minsk Region Council) 1999 2003 2007 Minsk 11 19,6% 12 21,1% 13 21,7% Minsk District 2 1 3 Cities (А) 14(4) 25% 18(4) 31,8% 17 (4) 28,3% Suburbs of Cities (А) 0 1 5 Towns (В) 6 10,7% 4 7% 6 10% Other towns 15 26,8% 12 21,1% 10 16,7% Village 8 14,3% 9 15,8% 6 10%

Table 20. Territorial representation in Regional Councils in 1999–2007 1999 2003 2007 Regions’ capitals 134 39,8% 146 42,8% 169 46,9% Suburbs of Regions’ capitals 10 11 16 Cities (А) 69 20,5% 71 20,8% 81 22,5% Suburbs of Cities (А) 6 13 10 Towns (В) 22 6,5% 24 7% 18 5% Other towns 59 17,5% 45 13,2% 41 11,4% Village 37 11% 31 9,1% 25 6,9%

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 23

Table 21. Number of cities, towns and urban villages represented in Regional Councils Regions 1999 2003 2007 Brest 15 12 16 Vicebsk 13 11 9 Hrodna 17 12 11 Homel 13 12 8 Mahilou 12 12 12 Minsk 23 19 18 Total 93 78 74 where there was an increase, and Ma- Mahilou Region it was 3,3%. The Homel hilou one, where since 1999 the num- Region Council had no members who ber of cities has not changed – 12 (See lived in the rural areas at all. Table 21). The situation with territorial rep- Besides the Regions’ capitals, other resentation can be detailed with the cities which representation in the Re- help of some facts. E.g. inhabitants of gional Councils is 20-30%, are also im- the cities of Mahilou and Babrujsk are portant. Still, in Hrodna and Mahilou represented by 45 members (75%) in Regions, it is less than 11-16% because the Region Council, while these cities’ there is only one city in each of these demographic share is 49,6%. In 2007, Regions (Lida and Babrujsk). As for the Vicebsk Region was divided into 60

Local Members

Members from the city of Vicebsk

Figure 7. Vicebsk Region: distribution of territorial representation in 2007 village, its representation is marginal. constituencies: 15 belonged to the city In 2007, the rural areas’ highest rep- of Vicebsk, 9 to the towns of Polacak resentation was in Brest, Hrodna and (Polotsk) / Novapolacak (Novopolotsk), Minsk Regions –10% each, a little less 6 to Vorsha, and 30 constituencies in the Vicebsk Region – 8,3%, while in could be called territorial. Only 13 of

№11/2008 24 Elites

them had local members, the rest were 41-60 y.o. An additional group is rep- represented by inhabitants of the city of resented by people who are 31-40 y.o. Vicebsk. Youth (younger than 31 y.o.) and those who are older than 60 y.o. constitute a Conclusions marginal group. On the average, Coun- cil members are becoming older. In Taking into account the particular- 1999, the majority of the members were ity of the Local Councils as an institu- 41-50 y.o.; in 2003 and 2007, there was tion and their not clear political status a balance between this group and the in the present state model, all conclu- members who are 51-60 y.o. It serves as sions would bear a preliminary char- an indirect evidence that new elites ap- acter only. Nonetheless, the presented peared on the regional level on the bor- and analyzed facts allow us to some- der line of 1990s and 2000s. Peculiari- how sum up the political processes’ ties of the age groups’ dynamics, as well particularity on the regional level. The as the gender balance, in 1999-2007, same facts prove that the composition makes it possible to say that the peak of of the Regional Councils is not formal. modeling of the corps of the Regional Members are mostly men of 40-60 y.o. Councils was during the 2003 election. who have executive positions in various In 2007, the control was lower, which fields of economy. They form a part of might have increased local authori- the local elites. The Councils’ corps can ties’ autonomy in defining the Council reflect political, social and economic members’ composition. dispositions on the local level. Besides, The analysis of the parties’ represen- members of the Regional Councils can tation in the Regional Councils reveals be used as a focus group in obtaining a nationwide decrease in the parties’ information about the regional elites structures in 1999-2007. It concerns under the conditions of non-transpar- both oppositional and pro-governmen- ency of local politics and lack of open tal parties. The basic reasons for that information. could be that it was uncomfortable for It is possible to note the evident ter- the regional bureaucracy to have paral- ritorial differences in the approaches to lel political structures and their desire the composition of the Regional Coun- to eliminate them. cils, which should further be explained. It is possible to follow a stable ten- On the average, the Mahilou and Hro- dency of a growing representation of dna Regions have a bigger electoral dis- inhabitants of the Regions’ capitals cipline and a desire to carry out the rep- and cities in Local Councils. Probably, resentation’s norms ordered by Minsk. it reflects the centralization of the re- Au contraire, the Vicebsk Region dem- gional elites and a growing political onstrates the lowest level of the elec- importance of the Regional capitals. toral discipline. Such growth does not correspond to As for the social structure of the the electorate’s demographic structure; members, the age groups’ dynamics a great number of rural constituencies seems interesting. Most members are are not represented by the local mem-

№11/2008 Kazakevich Andrei. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus 25 bers. If compared to 1999, there is a gional Councils. The representation of decrease in the number of towns which rural areas is marginal. have their representatives in the Re-

References and sources

1. Elections to local Counsils of the 24th convocation. Facts and comments. (Выбары ў мясцовыя саветы дэпутатаў Рэспублікі Беларусь 24 склікання. Факты і каментары)– Minsk: Public Organization Human Rights Defending Center Viasna (Spring), 2003 2. Jekadumava І. Local elections’ course and results // Local elections in the newest political history of Belarus. (Екадумава І. Ход і вынікі мясцовых выбараў // Мясцовыя выбары ў найноўшай палітычнай гісторыі Беларусі) – Minsk: Analytical circle, 2003 3. Kazakevich А. The 2007 local elections from the authorities’ point of view (Казакевiч А. Мясцовыя выбары 2007: з пазіцыі ўлады) // Arche. 2007. № 3 4. Natchyk P. Previous local elections in Belarus: course and results // Local elections in the newest political history of Belarus. (Надчык П. Ранейшыя мясцовыя выбары ў Беларусі: ход і вынікі // Мясцовыя выбары ў найноўшай палітычнай гісторыі Беларусі) – Minsk: Analytical circle, 2003 5. Data on Local Counsils’ Members elected on 2 March 2003 // http://www.rec.gov.by/ elect/ms24/ms24itogdep1t.html 6. Data on the second round’s results of elections to Local Councils of the 24th convocation // http://www.rec.gov.by/elect/ms24/ms24itogdep2t.html 7. Data of elected members to Local Councils of the 24th convocation http://www.rec.gov. by/elect/ms24/ms24itogmain.html 8. Results’ data of elections to Local Councils of the 25th convocation // http://www.rec. gov.by/elect/ms25/inform06_ms25.html 9. CEC’s information about the first round results of elections to Local Councils of the 24th convocation // CEC’s web-site // http://www.rec.gov.by/elect/ms24/ms24docitog. html 10. CEC’s information about the second round results of elections to Local Councils of the 24th convocation http://www.rec.gov.by/elect/ms24/ms24docitog2t.html 11. CEC’s information on 18 January 2007 // http://www.rec.gov.by/elect/ms25/mess011. html 12. Vecherny Brest (Вечерний Брест) newspaper 13. Vicebski Rabochy (Віцебскі рабочы) newspaper 14. Homelskaja Prauda (Гомельская праўда) newspaper 15. Hrodzienskaja Prauda (Гродзенская праўда) newspaper 16. Minskaja Prauda (Мінская праўда) newspaper 17. Mogilevskie Vedomosti (Могилевские ведомости) newspaper

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections1

Abstract

This article is an attempt to answer the question of how the new technologies of communication were used during the election to the local Councils which took place on January 14, 2007. The way it is possible to compare a solid local newspaper and a web-site with its blogs and virtual communities. What is common and what is different between the readers of the printed newspaper and the participants of various social networks.

Key words: LiveJournal, blog, communities, local election, new media, local newspapers, social networks.

Being optimistic, it is possible to say Belarusian local newspapers, the other that during every new political cam- one – the Belarusian part of blogs’ com- paign in Belarus, roles of various media munity2. In case with a Local (District) and ways of agitation and mobilization newspaper, all was quite clear – it was keep changing. The authorities’ tra- necessary to choose one of current ditional arsenal is the main state-run editions and therefore the newspa- channels of communication, i.e. radio, per Naviny Staradarozscyny (News of TV and the printed media. The opposi- Staryja Darohi District) was chosen. In tion still traditionally resorts to modern case with the second part of my study, technologies of communication, first of there were a number of difficulties: how all, to the Internet. to define a circle of blogs, communities When I started my work on this and other forms of virtual activity in article, I understood that it was neces- order to review them in the context of sary to carry out two separate studies. local elections? The first one was to analyze one of the

1 The source for translation is: Аляксей Крывалап LiveJournal і раённая газета ў кантэксце выбараў – 2007 // “Палiтычная сфера” №9, 2007 с. 56–63. 2 What is a “Belarusian blog”? In this article, we consider blogs to be Belarusian when they correspond to one or more of the following characteristics: 1) they are created and supported by the Belarusian citizens; 2) their contents and contexts are oriented on the Belarusian audience; 3) their language is Belarusian; Of course, it is possible to introduce some more points, but in this article it is not crucial.

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap. Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections 27

Our analysis and preliminary con- I. Questions this article clusions are based on our review of does not answer many communities found at the Live Journal.com (LJ), but it is not limited by Sometimes, this article concerns so- the LJ only. We have reviewed non-for- cial relations in social networks. It seems mal associations from many other blog necessary to somehow explain the limi- services as well, such as blog.inf.by, for tations of such relations’ interpretations example. We have also considered some in the given context. We do not try to Internet projects which call themselves provide social networks’ socio-metric “city blogs”, e.g. Hrodna Blog. definition; this article is not an exam- New media’s appearance always pro- ple of the use of modern sociology’s vokes opinions that it is the new media all methodological possibilities (see for type that will kill all the previous types. more details: Sivukha, 2003: 955-965). Similar views were expressed when TV It is obvious that in the future, various came into existence; the same was said studies of different social network struc- about the Internet. As for the net, every tures that appear in the newest commu- new service was thought (rather reason- nication technologies’ foundation can ably) to be dangerous for other commu- be undertaken. We may only hope that nication technologies. Thus, email has the further growth of the number of the curtailed considerably the regular letter global services’ users and both on-line writing process, while the blog move- and off-line new social connections’ ment is opposed to printed media as it growth of influence will make this ques- tries to create its own communication tion’s study even more actual. space called the blog sphere, or the blog However in this article, it will be space. “Still, it is not another kind of me- enough to define the would-be further dia, it would be more correct to name it development directions of studying the “an information environment”. The blog virtual social networks’ influence on the sphere is a collection of blogs which are social life beyond the Internet. The very naturally equal. However, this environ- notion “social network” is used here to ment’s typology leads to the state when describe various social relations which some blogs happen to be more equal appear between users who use different than other ones.” (Verbitsky, 2005) communication technologies. The In- In case of Belarus, blogs cannot ternet can even visualize an “invisible” compete with the printed media, but social network, thus one can see the step-by-step they start influencing so- ways information is spread among us- cial practices. ers of one or another web-service, e.g. the Sledopyt.LJ project. Hypothesis. Let’s compare activities of blog communities (like LJ communities) and Districts printed editions3.

3 We do not talk about all communities, but only about those which have certain territorial frames: city, village, District (rajon), Region (voblasc) and even the State as a whole.

№11/2008 28 Internet politics

The audience of Districts editions can II. Naviny Staradarozscyny be thought to be LJ communities’ pro- totype. Districts editions are similar to In order to demonstrate local au- blog communities which unite users thorities approach to the 2007 electoral on the basis of regional problems and campaign, we have analyzed the Naviny interests. Still, blog communities were Staradarozscyny4 from November 2006 not used to mobilize voters during the to January 2007, i.e. from the moment 2007 campaign during the elections to the electoral campaign to the Local the Local Councils. Furthermore, the Councils was announced to the day the rare attempts to transfer communities official voting results were published. created on the administrative-territori- The thing which attracts immediate al base to the on-line space had no suc- attention is that the conventionally Be- cess. Why? larusian language newspaper used the We think that the answer to this Russian language for the most ideologi- question is to be found in the concep- cally filled articles concerning the elec- tual difference between the on-line tions. The campaign starts with a huge and off-line roles played by the above- article on the front page titled “The Lo- mentioned communities’ users. The cal Elections Is The Most Important most important difference is that the Stage In Strengthening the Belarusian audience of a District newspaper is Democracy” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, readers, or consumers, of information 16 November 2006). It seems like the which can be obtained in the one-sided article was prepared and distributed communication conditions, while in by the “ideological executives” chan- the blog space, the users are no longer nels. The text sets certain borders, or divided into those who write and those even tonality, of almost all further ar- who read, unlike the traditional media ticles dedicated to the local elections. A where there are journalists and read- rather extensive article for a small Dis- ers. We shall try to support this point trict newspaper presents several simple of view. In this context, to start with, we thoughts which can be presented as fol- shall analyze the presence of the 2007 lows: elections campaign to the Local Coun- 1. The Belarusian democracy is the cils in the newspaper of the Executive real democracy, unlike the European Committee of Staryja Darohi District, one: “Unlike local representative bodies Naviny Staradarozscyny, and then re- of the Western European countries, the view what was going on in the Internet. Local Councils in the Republic of Be- larus and their activities are controlled by the citizens who live on its territory”, or “In Belarus, all the conditions needed for fare, equal and truly democratic

4 The Naviny Staradarozscyny is one of many Belarusian District newspapers, issued three times a week, on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday, A3 format, 8-16 pages, two colors, 3,000 copies.

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap. Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections 29 elections are created” (Naviny Starada- pation of the Heads of local Executive rozscyny, 16 November 2006). Committees and local territorial elec- 2. The 2007 local elections cam- toral Commissions, as well as Heads paign is a regular “examination for the and Secretaries of precincts’ electoral authorities”, which is simultaneously a Commissions. The article “We’re - Ex step toward “the bright future”: “Suc- perienced” states that “inhabitants of cess in implementing the country’s Staryja Darohi District are experienced grandiose development plans accepted in carrying out important political cam- by the Third All-Belarusian Assembly paigns on the high ideological and orga- (Усебеларускі народны сход), de- nizational level, and it is important to pends on local bodies of power and self- use it again, to settle all the matters, in- government” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, cluding small ones, before the election, 16 November 2006). in order to realize successfully the local 3. Everything is alright and stable, elections on 14 January 2007 according no changes can occur. The opposition to the law” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, 14 contradicts people’s will, but people December 2006). are smart as they know who is who The newspaper reported actively and that’s why the opposition has no about elections on the district and re- chances: “The previous Local elec- gional level. There are grounds to think tions (March 2003) demonstrated the that these two parallel campaigns did real positions of the political forces in not confuse readers, as the newspaper the country. The opposition’s results wrote about one candidate to the Re- were unpromising. Thus, among 24,000 gional Council only, S. V. Maroz, Head elected candidates, there were only of Staryja Darohi District Consumers’ 1,1% of the opposition. Belarusian vot- Society, who was then elected to the ers naturally supported the candidates Regional Council. who stand for constructive and creative The newspaper’s traditional column path of the state development” (Naviny Countrymen with a photo on the front Staradarozscyny, 16 November 2006). page was replaced with a new one – The Naviny’s editorial staff’s attitude Elections: People Trust Them (Naviny to the electoral campaign was very se- Staradarozscyny, 21 December 2006), rious, still there were some mistakes, with candidates’ photos – at work, on e.g. they muddled up the election’s date, the street, other places - and an article January 15th instead of January 14th. describing how beautiful a person X After a “strong start” in November, the is. If before that, a photo had to attract election’s topic was no longer impor- people’s attention or to show interesting tant for a month, but then, a month be- people who live in District, then during fore the elections, the newspaper intro- the elections, a photo played another duced a column devoted to this event role, i.e. to advertise candidates “trust- which opened every issue. ed by the people”. Well, it is difficult to The authorities’ “invisible” figure is say whether or not such texts helped a on the newspaper’s pages in the context candidate’s image. There is a sample of of an educational seminar with partici- such texts, “his heart belonged to steel

№11/2008 30 Internet politics

mechanisms, that’s why he decided to be Stations during the Election Day to the a skinner. Since then, he’s been success- Lhocal Councils of the 25th convoca- fully working as a tractor driver. […] It’s tion” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, 13 Janu- no wonder that his countrymen chose ary 2007), as well as the information him to be a candidate…” (Naviny Sta- that 10,1% of District’s population had radarozscyny, 23 December 2006). already voted during the two days of the As usual, a lot of attention was paid early voting (January 9th and 10th). The to the early election’s possibility, e.g. indirect answer to the question what the first issue of 2007. One of the most makes people vote earlier, is in the ar- interesting issues was published on the ticles dedicated to the election’s results, eve of the Orthodox Christmas (Naviny “Inhabitants of Staryja Darohi went to Staradarozscyny, 6 January 2007); the polling stations to perform their civil where the election’s topic was more duty mostly during the first part of the extensive than congratulations. By the day because in the evening they would way, the newspaper’s staff did not no- deal with their domestic cares or will tice Roman-Catholic Christmas at all. have rest” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, 16 The less time there is before the January 2007). election, the more attention is paid Considering the facts that Staryja to the campaign. An example of Dis- Darohi is infamous for being the capi- trict’s “PR” can be a programme of a tal of the Belarusian “bootleg industry” candidate to the Regional Council and and that there is no modern Sport Pal- a sugary article about the Belarusian ace, it is difficult to imagine what oth- state’s successes during the previous er kinds of “having rest” there can be. year, “Belarus: 10 main events of the Meanwhile, the newspaper has almost past year” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, 9 no feedback from its readers. It is rather January 2007). When the early voting impossible to find out “a small person” started, the newspaper wrote about it, among official articles. Some rare “voic- “The day before yesterday, at 10 a.m., es” cannot let you see whether they un- Piershamajski Polling Station No 2 af- derstand or not what is going on during fably opened its doors. […] Valiancina the election and whom they elect. Barysienka, the Head of the polling “– What do you expect from your station Commission, said that during elected candidate? the first hour of their polling station’s – Well, we live quite well. Of course, work, seven people used their right to it would be nice to live even better, not to vote early” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, lose connection with people, pay atten- 11 January 2007). tion to every person, his/her needs and In order to attract people’s atten- problems.” (ibid) tion to the electoral process, on the The final article dedicated to the eve of the elections’ day, i.e. 14 January elections was dated 18 January; it re- 2007, the newspaper’s title page pre- ported the campaign’s successful com- sented “Visits’ schedule of amateur tal- pletion, “On 14 January 2007, all mem- ent groups of the District’s cultural and bers of Local Councils of the 25th convo- educational departments to the polling cation have been elected in Staryja Da-

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap. Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections 31 rohi District” (Naviny Staradarozscyny, III. Internet optimism 18 January 2007). According to the official data, 94,4% While working with virtual com- of the inhabitants have taken part in the munities and blogs, it seems beneficial election. Still, it is not a record, “Dis- to use the idea proposed by Benedict trict’s inhabitants have shown the fourth Anderson concerning an imagined so- result in Region (voblasc)” (Naviny Sta- cial formation. Thus, a nation’s oneness radarozscyny, 18 January 2007). is imaginary because “representatives Another interesting fact is that there of even the smallest nation will never is no opposition in Staryja Darohi at all, know all their compatriots – however, according to the local newspaper. There in the minds of all of them, there is an are only good and best candidates image of their oneness” (B. Anderson, whom people “trust”. Thus, Staryja Da- 2001: 31). The same can be said about rohi District carried out a good cam- social formations with a greatly less paign: all members were elected; there number of participants. The Internet were no unwanted people among them. movements and communities stipulate The Naviny Staradarozscyny newspa- that there is some common understand- per proved to be an excellent propa- ing of their participants’ unity, but at gandist, agitator and organizer, even the same time nobody thinks that there though there was no readers’ feedback is someone who can know personally at all. all the participants of a community. By the way, the newspaper does not Still, these imagined communi- still have its own web-site. However, ties influence a person’s activity, and there are Internet users in Staryja Daro- it means that, in a sense, they turn hi. Thus, according to the newspaper’s from virtual into real ones. According article, during 2006 the growth of In- to Akavita’s data (Internet activity…, 7 ternet users in the town of Staryja Da- February 2007), the biggest activity was rohi is 61% (Naviny Staradarozscyny, 16 noticed during the 2006 Presidential January 2007). “More than 320 families elections. It was then when the Inter- have used the Internet, 9% of them live net became the space for alternative in- in the country.” 320 families are approxi- formation about the events which took mately 1,000 people, while the newspa- place in the state. The intensive growth per’s circulation is not bigger than 3,000 of the Internet usage led to an appear- copies. Unfortunately, there is no more ance of various forms of social activity detailed data about the Internet users. and actions which participants were co- It is possible to think that some of them ordinated and mobilized with the help read the local newspaper too. Still, we of the Internet. Such groups can be di- know nothing about their interests and vided into specific groups. One of the belonging to various social communi- possible classifications is based on the ties. In such situation, it makes no sense principle of their organization and ac- to seek for the information about their tivity: 1) ad hoc group; 2) closed group; own town in the Internet. 3) open group; 4) network movement,

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or supergroup (Mieljancou, 2006: 38). (by_vybary2006, 17 January 2007). Af- We are interested most of all in the ter that, the participants shifted. massive and system group, i.e. the net- As for the created local communi- work movement, or supergroup. ties based on the territorial principle, Of course, the above-mentioned communities of this or that town, they spontaneous groups do not include all are mostly de-politicized or ignore the socially active citizens, but only those political process. The LJ community who use actively the Internet. Thus, ac- “grodno” did not notice the election, cording to Russian sociologists’ stud- but concentrated all its attention on ies, today it is already possible to talk the information concerning the way about the existence of the LJ generation the authorities were destroying the his- (Sheikhetov, 2007). Maybe, a lot of Be- torical downtown of the city of Hrodna larusian users belong to these LJ chil- (Grodno in Russian). It is notable that dren as well. the elections to the Local Councils were The communities which appeared or not considered to be a tool of influenc- were very active during the 2006 Presi- ing what was going on in the city. These dential elections were not interested in campaigns existed and still exist con- local electoral campaigns. The commu- currently. nity of the movement ‘For Freedom!’ The community “vitebsk_by” from did not notice the elections. The most the city of Vicebsk (Vitebsk) saw no populated Belarusian political commu- elections either. The community “ma- nity “by_politics” which was grounded hiliou” from the city of Mahilou (Mo- on the already legendary community gilev) distinguished itself by asking its “by_vybary2006”, ignored the 2007 elec- participants, “Do you know candidates tions too. There were only a few unsuc- of your electoral district? (“mahiliou”, 09 cessful attempts to draw its participants’ January 2007). Still, the number of those attention to the local elections and their who answered was about 10 people, i.e. predicted results (by_politics, studying no real conclusions can be made. Prob- the results…, 22 January 2007). ably, the biggest activity was shown by By the way, it is interesting to see the Minsk community “minsk_by”. It how “by_vybary2006” turned into may be explained by a bigger number “by_politics”. First, there was a short of Internet users if compared to other announcement, “Dear participants of cities. Besides the information about by_vybary2006, this community was de- the way the elections were carried out voted to the “upcoming 2006 Presiden- in Minsk, there was some information tial elections”, however the elections are about the Local elections all around over, just like the year of 2006. I propose Belarus. Still, the information concern- the participants to move to “by_poli- ing the elections was placed along with tics” which is dedicated to the modern numerous posts like “Where can I buy Belarusian politics. The more so, as this or that in Minsk?” or “Who knows recent messages of the old community where N is”. An interesting example (vybary2006) are just cross-posts of the of creating a themed LJ community is messages of the members of “by_politics” from Brest – “Brest elects!”, but this idea

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap. Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections 33 did not survive. The community was nothing but links to the news from oth- created in the end of 2006, but it drew er sources on the elections to the Local no attention. An attempt of organizing Councils. “Haradzienski Blog” (http:// a virtual community which could unite s13.ru/) is more substantial, it has a sep- inhabitants of one city brought no de- arate column called Elections. Still, the sired results. At the same time, LJ com- elections here failed to be a mobilizing munities which united those interested point, but vice versa, “Today, there are in “pleasant stuff” are more attractive elections to local Councils, and at the and less politicized, e.g. communities of same time, there are no elections at all. sauna or beer lovers (“by_banya”, “by_ I did not go to vote purposefully, and beer”). While communities devoted to there are reasons for that, regardless sexuality or just sex have the biggest the fact that 41% of livestock farmers number of participants. and machine operators of the local farm Of course, beyond the LJ borders, Vertilishki-Hrodna had voted earlier” there are also Belarusian blogs which (“Haradzienski Blog”, 14 January 2007). are situated on other sites and web ser- There was no preliminary informa- vices; communities can be found here tion either. Instead, as always in blogs, as well. Still, their influence and attrac- there were lots of private impressions tiveness for participants is minimal yet. of what was going on around. These Belarusian attempts of blog services emotions lay the foundation for further (www.blog.inf.by; www.blogs.tut.by) do understanding of the political process. not try to politicize their informational One’s own experience during the elec- space – their catalogs offer all possible toral campaign is interesting to the per- pleasures of life, while the topic of poli- son who wrote it, but it seems senseless tics or elections is not welcomed. Even to all others who did not take active though there is no official ban. By the part in the process, “If we talk seriously way, such systems, unfortunately, do about this election, then it was a new ex- not allow people to create communi- perience – the experience of working in ties, private diaries only. Other ser- a sub-totalitarian state.” Now, a music vices (http://www.blogs.mail.ru; http:// pause: www.liveinternet.ru/top/community) are oriented on the Russian audience In a dirty house, there are no win- and are less interesting for the Belaru- dows, sian users. There are no communities My neighbor’s been drinking for the dedicated to the Local elections on Jan- third week, uary 14th, either. His kids do not go to school, There are Internet projects left, As there are ELECTIONS there! which exist separately from big blog (“Haradzienski Blog”, 16 January services and try to be a city commu- 2007). nity or blog. They must be considered closer. Among such services, there are Another city blog is “People’s News many small private projects like http:// from Viciebsk (http://news.vitebsk.cc) borisov-e.info/ where there is almost which presents itself as a daily non-cen-

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sored interactive newspaper or blog. IV. Dinosaurs in the net Still, there are no traces of any community. It seems like the word “blog” is Right now the blog sphere is still used there as it is a popular word now. perceived as another pulpit or a high The site offered its own information tribune which allows one to address to concerning the elections in the Vicebsk the nation, to greet the whole world, Region, as well as other sources (Be- to announce “a two-day all-Belarusian laPAN, Radio Liberty). However, the flash mob in the Internet” (LJ of acade- news could appear on the site only after mician Alexander Voitovich, 9 January the editor-in-chief’s corrections, there- 2007) or to appeal to all LJ participants: fore we cannot talk about the equality “Dear participants of LJ communities in presenting the information. Usually, and visitors of my page! Following your the texts were similar to newspapers’ numerous appeals, as well as in order to articles, “According to the preliminary build a direct communication and dia- data of the Central Election Committee, log with you, I have decided to open my there are 79% of those who have voted page in the LJ. Regardless of the fact that all across Belarus. The absolute record I have my own site (http://www.voitovi- is in Vicebsk Region: more than 90,4% ch.com/), I think it is necessary to start of those who have voted. During the ear- a more active dialog with the society. I ly elections on 9-13 January, 28,6% of call all adherents of changes in Belarus Vicebsk Region’s inhabitants have voted. to join this active dialog concerning the During the basic voting day, there were situation in Belarus with the help of the 61,8% of those who voted. It was already Internet and to work out decisions which possible to say that the elections were would help it. Create your pages in the successful at 12 a.m. on January 14th. LJ and invite your friends to participate Till that time, nearly the half of the Re- in the dialog” (LJ of academician Alex- gion’s voters (48,7%) had already voted” ander Voitovich, 6 January 2007). (People’s News…, 15 January 2007). By the way, a search for dinosaurs At the same time, the Internet space in the net can lead to very paradoxical allows to create a certain virtual space conclusions. While participants do not of one’s own freedom, a temporal shel- understand that the new technologies ter for those who want to escape from require new cultural forms, the Internet the reality. E.g. it is possible to orga- is thought to be a huge newspaper with nize a virtual state: “Community of the numerous pages. It is so strange to read virtual state “Our Country” is an asso- that one more Belarusian politician has ciation of the Belarusian Internet users decided to become a blogger. They do who create an alternative virtual state not understand that their pages cannot of Belarus. Virtual state of Belarus is a compete with the main net diary – the national self-determination movement” official Internet site of the President (LJ-community Our Country). Well, it of Belarus (www.president.gov.by). Of is quite possible that they can stay in course, the official sites of state officials this shelter forever… cannot be perceived as conventional

№11/2008 Alexei Krivolap. Live Journal and a local newspaper in the 2007 local elections 35 blogs, but in this case (no matter how participants, was justified just like our strange it is) the traditional and slow thought that it is important to have state-run informational projects used people’s feedback and their participa- quickly the new communication possi- tion in creating blogs or communities’ bilities. This blog is supported by almost contents, when the border between the all state-run mass media, both printed author and the reader becomes almost and electronic. The state-run TV and invisible, and there is no longer a tra- most official printed media have been ditional for media division into authors working for several years as the Presi- and readers. dent’s diary. By the way, silence in the The state-run regional editions have Internet space during the elections can a rather substantial potential in creating be interpreted as stability or silence at local Internet resources, but not com- the swamp (see more: Lubimau, 2007). munities. The local communities in the net almost did not notice the electoral V. Conclusions campaihgn. The communities failed to leave the virtual space, thus proving Now it seems possible to somehow once again the thesis that the modern sum up all the information and review technologies do not unite, but separate critically our first hypothesis. Neither people. The net structures’ mobilizing our comparison of blog communities practices and potential were not used and local newspapers’ audience was during the electoral campaign. There successful, nor our attempts to unite is no understanding of modern com- people in the virtual space by their off- munication techniques’ possibilities. line territorial closeness. Our opinion Everything is still on the level of leaf- concerning the conceptual difference lets and electronic “samizdat” (under- of the on-line and off-line roles played ground press). by the above-mentioned communities’ Literature

1. Anderson B. Imagined communities. Thinking about sources and spread of nationalism / Translated by V. Nikolaev; Inroduced by S. Bankovskaya – Moscow: Kanon-press- TS, Kuchkovo pole, 2001. (Андерсон Б. Воображаемые сообщества. Размышляя об истоках и распространении национализма / Пер. с англ. В. Николаева; Вступ. ст. С. Баньковской. — Москва: Канон-пресс-Ц, Кучково поле, 2001) 2. Verbitsky M. LJ: end of epoch // Russky zhurnal, 6 July 2005 (Вербицкий М. LJ: конец эпохи // «Русский журнал», 06 июля 2005) www.russ.ru/politics/docs/lj_konec_epo- hi. 3. Lubimau S. Swamp, history and prose of Belarus // Political sphere. 2007. № 8. (Любімаў С. Балота, гісторыя і проза Беларусі // Палітычная сфера. 2007. № 8) 4. Mieljancou D. spontaneous groups after the election // Political sphere. 2006. № 7. (Мельянцоў Дз. Спантанныя групы ў паслявыбарчы перыяд // Палітычная сфера. 2006. № 7) 5. Sivukha S. social net // Sociology: Encyclopedia. – Minsk: Knizhny dom, 2003 (Сивуха С. Социальная сеть // Социология: Энциклопедия. — Минск: Книжный дом, 2003).

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6. Sheikhetov S., Efimov K., Bezdenezhny I. This is our LJ youth // Russky reporter, 2007. № 8(8), 12 July 2007, (Шейхетов С., Ефимов К., Безденежны И. Это наша молодеЖЖь // Русский репортер, 2007. № 8(8), 12 июля 2007,) http://www.expert. ru/printissues/russian_reporter/2007/08/nasha_molodezh/ 7. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 16.11.2006, № 199 8. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 9.12.2006, № 215–217 9. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 14.12.2006, № 219 10. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 21.12.2006, № 224–226 11. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 23.12.2006, № 227–229 12. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 6.01.2007, № 2-3 13. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 9.01.2007, № 4 14. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 11.01.2007, № 5 15. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 13.01.2007, № 6-7 16. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 16.01.2007, № 8 17. Naviny Staradarozscyny (Навіны Старадарожчыны), 18.01.2007, № 9-10

Internet resources

1. The Internet activity is again like in March 2006 (data of the Internet service Aka- vita (akavita.by). («Интернет-активность вновь как в марте 2006-го (дадзенныя інтэрнэт-сэрвіса Акавіта (akavita.by) // http://www.habrahabr.ru/blog/bynet/4715. html 2. Internet project “Sledopyt.LJ” // http://pathfinder.net.ru/ 3. LJ-community of the movement For Freedom! // http://community.livejournal.com/ zasvabodu/ 4. LJ-community “by_politics” // http://community.livejournal.com/by_politics/ 5. LJ-community “by_vybary2006http://community.livejournal.com/by_vybary2006/ 6. Studying the elections’ results, 22.01.2007 (Изучая результаты выборов, 22.01.2007) // http://community.livejournal.com/by_politics/268381.html 7. The year of 2006 has elapsed, 17.01.2007 (2006-ты год мінуў, 17.01.2007) // http://community.livejournal.com/by_vybary2006/346479.html 8. LJ-community “grodno” // http://community.livejournal.com/grodno/ 9. LJ-community “vitebsk_by” // http://community.livejournal.com/vitebsk_by/ 10. LJ-community “mahiliou” // http://community.livejournal.com/mahiliou/ 11. Do you know your candidates? (poll), 09.01.2007 (Ці ведаеце Вы кандыдатаў у сваёй выбарчай акрузе? (апытанне), 09.01.2007) // http://community.livejournal.com/mahiliou/79202.html 12. LJ-community “minsk_by” // http://community.livejournal.com/minsk_by/ 13. LJ-community Brest Elects! // http://community.livejournal.com/brest_vybiraet/ 14. LJ-community “by_banya” http://community.livejournal.com/by_banya/ 15. LJ-community “by_beer” http://community.livejournal.com/by_beer/ 16. http://www.blogs.mail.ru; http://www.liveinternet.ru/top/community/ 17. Haradzienski blog («Гарадзенскі блог») // http://s13.ru/ 18. January 14th – excellent weather, elections, 14.01.2007 (14 января — отличная погода, выборы, 14.01.2007) // Haradzienski blog, http://s13.ru/archives/589 19. Elections without elections, 16.01.2007 (Выбары бяз выбару, 16.01.2007) // Haradzien- ski blog, http://s13.ru/archives/603

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20. People’s News of Viciebsk («Народныя навіны Віцебска»)// http://news.vitebsk.cc 21. Iljina J. Viciebsk Region is the leader during the elections// People’ News of Viciebsk, 15.01.2007 (Ільіна Я. Віцебшчына выбілася на выбарах у лідэры // «Народныя навіны Віцебска», 15.01.2007), http://news.vitebsk.cc/2007/01/15/vitsebshchyina-vy- ibilasya-na-vyibarah-u-lideryi/#more-996 22. LJ-community Our Country // http://community.livejournal.com/svoya_strana/ 23. Voitovich А. Attention! Two-day all-Belarusian flash mob in the Internet (Войтович А. Внимание всем! Объявляю 2-х дневный всебелорусский флэш-моб в Интернете) // LJ of academician A. Voitovich, http://voitovich-a.livejournal.com/3167.html 24. Voitovich А. Appeal to the LJ participants (Войтович А. Обращение к участникам Живого Журнала (ЖЖ) // LJ of academician A. Voitovich, http://voitovich-a.livejournal.com/677.html

№11/2008 Andrei Khrapavitski The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of the Internet by Candidates during the 2008 Parliamentary elections

Abstract

The figures presented in this study show a low level of web campaigning among the opposition and the government-supported nominees alike during the 2008 Parlia- mentary election in Belarus. The research indicates low personal input from the candidates to Internet campaigning and apathetic online activities on political parties’ Web sites.

Key words: the Internet use, web campaigning, Belarusian elections.

Introduction This research indicates that the candidates’ online activities were rather The Internet usage in Belarus as limited. The number of personal sites, reported by both domestic and inter- blogs, and even candidate profiles on national organizations is sufficiently party websites were few. The results of high. According to different estimates, this study show that either the candi- 30%-57% Belarusians use the Internet. dates ignored the potential of the Inter- Remarkably, the respected source on net or we might need to reevaluate the worldwide statistical data, CIA World Internet statistics in Belarus to clarify Book, and a bookmark link for inter- the real picture of Internet penetration national Internet statistics, the Interna- in the country. tional Telecommunication Union, esti- In contrast to the scarce online pic- mates that around 6 million people use ture, most opposition forces did not Internet in Belarus. Unable to validate boycott the 2008 Parliamentary elec- these numbers, I have attempted to tions. According to the data of the analyze the Web availability with par- Central Election Commission, in total, liamentary candidates in the 2008 Par- 447 initiative groups applied for regis- liamentary elections so as to compare tration, of which 97 represented can- how levels of Web campaigning reflect didates from the United Democratic the estimated Internet usage in Belarus. Forces (thereafter UDF). This number,

№11/2008 Andrei Khrapavitski. The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of the Internet by Candidates... 39 however, was cut short during the reg- signals of their interest to improve the istration process. Consequently, this election process. There were some mi- elections turned to be the most non- nor improvements, which could indi- alternative in the history of modern Be- cate a step forward. But these elections larus. Only 2.4 candidates contested for ultimately fell short of OSCE commit- a seat in the house of representatives. ments for democratic elections. Prom- The elections were non-alternative in ises made by the authorities to ensure 15 constituencies, with one represen- the transparency of the vote count were tative of the authorities. The constitu- not properly implemented by election encies count made 40, the democratic commissions. Imperfections in the le- candidates excepted. gal framework underpinned a strictly There were no democratic candi- controlled election environment with dates in 9 out of 20 constituencies in a barely visible campaign. The compo- Minsk. 263 candidates ran in the elec- sition of election commissions dimin- tions. 365 people applied for registra- ished stakeholders’ confidence in the tion. About 80 applicants were not process (OSCE Election Observation enrolled; more than 20 withdrew their Mission, 2008). candidatures (Batiukov, 2008). According to the OSCE statement, The abovementioned circumstances political parties played a minor role in conduced toward certain methodologi- these elections. Most candidates ran cal limitations which surfaced during as non-party affiliates, partially as a the research. This content analysis has strategy to increase their chances. Yet, covered only the enrolled candidates the opposition efforts were to no avail. excluding many young Web-active When the final tally was counted, not candidates who failed to do it through a single President-opposed candidate the registration process. Apparently, won a seat (de Nesnera, 2008). the levels of Web presence would have Web-campaigning. The rise of the been higher if younger and more Web- Internet as a new efficient medium of aware politicians had been enrolled by political communication has been me- the electoral commission. ticulously researched by scholars and Yet, this study makes the first step practitioners worldwide. A plethora of to quantitatively measure Web activism research studies provide an in-depth of the Belarusian politicians during a view on the use of the Internet as a Parliamentary campaign. Follow-up re- communication platform during elec- search will be essential to estimate the toral campaigns. evolution of Web-activism in Belarus. The Internet has transformed how people get information and is altering I. References the fundamental nature of how ideas are communicated in society (Moss- The 2008 Parliamentary Elections berger, Tolbert & Stansbury, 2003). In in Belarus. Prior to the 28 September little more of a decade, the worldwide Parliamentary elections, the Belarusian web has moved from being regarded authorities had given a number of clear as an esoteric electoral distraction to

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a mainstream campaign tool, without by scholars starting in the late 1990s, which no modern election campaign the digital divide literature considers would be complete. In all the advanced the systematic bias between those who democracies, aspiring political leaders have access to the Internet and those have been courting voters (and fund- who do not, including users who have ing) through the web, from Britain’s knowledge to use these technologies David Cameron and his “webcameron” and users who do not. Authors such as to Barack Obama’s sophisticated fund- Mossberger et al. (2003) make a strong raising (Gibson & McAllister, 2008). argument towards the biasing power of In studies on democratization the digital divide, describing how access movements, the Internet has the poten- to the Internet and knowledge to use it tial to foster the growth of civil society, is skewed towards white, middle to up- and as a result leads to liberalization per class men (Cohen, 2005). and democratization of authoritarian The studies on the digital divide in countries (Hill and Sen, 2000; Putnam, Belarus are yet to come. The problem is 1993). Belarus being no exception, underresearched and demands a much the 2006 Presidential elections were greater attention from the intellectual coined by an anonymous blogger “The community. ProBelNet.com, a research Internet Revolution,” as a metaphor site aimed to study the Belarusian Inter- for the role the Internet played during net, offers some analytical data on the the campaign and after-vote protests. growth of the Belarusian segment of the The presidential candidates, especially worldwide web and the regional gap of in the opposition camp, through their Internet penetration (for example, see proxies and web administrators, used works of Nikitenko, Vinokur and oth- Internet to promote their cause. In fact, ers). However, it lacks a much needed all candidates had their websites up and statistical verification of the qualitative running. Aleksander Luksahenka, the analyses it contains. incumbent, had his official portal presi- No doubt, there is the digital divide dent.gov.by serving as a campaign site; in Belarus; it has an element of genera- Sergei Gaidukevich campaigned on his tion gap, as well. Iryna Vidanava, an in- party site, ldpb.net; while two opposi- dependent researcher with a special in- tion candidates Aleksander Kazulin and terest in new media, offers some insight Aleksander Milinkevich used Internet how new media has become a popular more extensively as both launched per- tool for youth dissent. Vidanava writes, sonal campaign sites – kozylin.com and “Virtual activism has become an milinkevich.org. inseparable part of Belarusian reality, An important phenomenon available especially when it comes to our gen- in many Internet-related studies and eration of digital natives. According which is especially relevant to Belaru- to the statistics from December 2006, sian realities, is the digital divide, the 32 percent of the working population gap between the people with effective of Belarus regularly uses the Internet. access to digital and information tech- Of that figure, half are people younger nology and those without it. Explored than 30 years old. As reported by Be-

№11/2008 Andrei Khrapavitski. The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of the Internet by Candidates... 41 larusian Ministry of Statistics and study is focused on the 2008 Parliamen- Analysis, while in 2000 there were only tary Election in Belarus, the following two computers per 100 families, in 2007 research questions were addressed in the number of computers per 100 fami- this analysis: lies increased to 26. For the families 1) Did political candidates have their with children younger than 18 years personal blogs and campaign sites? old, the figure is even higher, reaching 2) Which political forces were using 40 computers per 100 households. The web-campaigning more actively? number of Internet users 16 or older has 3) Are there age or regional differ- increased from 16.2 % in 2006 to 20.7 ences in terms of online activism among % in 2007 and the number of mobile the candidates? phone users topped seven million last The method used for this research is year” (Vidanava, 2008). content analysis. The lists of candidates Vidanava has been a longtime editor were retrieved from the sites of the Be- of Studenckaja Dumka, a youth maga- larusian Central Election Commission zine which actively explores new digi- (CEC), the United Democratic Forces, tal formats of distribution after it was and Party Web sites. All persons regis- thrown out of the government-con- tered by CEC were included in the anal- trolled distribution system in 2006. In ysis. Google, Yandex, and Akavita cata- her work, she indirectly acknowledges logs and search engines were searched, that the explosion of online activism in as well as Livejournal and vKontakte.ru Belarus is mainly a youth phenomenon. services scrutinized so as to single out Summing up the available references personal pages of the political candi- on the web campaigning, we can single dates. out the following functions of the Inter- The unit of analysis was a personal net in political campaigns: 1) informa- page (at least, one HTML document tion supply, 2) volunteer recruitment, with personal information about a can- 3) mobilization, 4) fund-raising, and didate). Coding categories included a 5) participation and interactivity (Ben- candidate’s name, age, region (where tivegna, 2002). Whereas in the Western he or she ran), party affiliation, political research papers these functions are fully block, presence on vKontakte.ru, Live- explored, the cases of web campaigning journal presence, availability of a per- in Belarus yet need to be studied and sonal campaign site or blog, availability evaluated by web-focused quantitative of a personal page on the candidate’s and qualitative research. organization site. Some of these categories need to be II. Methods and Research explained. For convenience, I singled Questions out three political blocks: the United Democratic Forces (ADS), government- The previous section detailed the endorsed candidates, and others. All available references on web campaign- candidates that won the election were ing and the role of the Internet in Bela labeled as “government-endorsed.” Oth- rus during elections. Given the current ers included all candidates who ran in-

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dependently (were neither on ADS list anian politicians report to blogging, nor on the circulated via the indepen- launching their personal sites aimed to dent media “list of officially approved promote their cause. candidates”) and lost the election. Political Affiliation and Web The category “Availability of a -per Campaigning. The current research sonal page on the candidate’s organiza- shows that the personal involvement of tion site” fixates whether a candidate the 2008 parliamentary candidates in has a personal page on the site of the online campaigning was rather limited. organization he or she represents (po- The following figure (Figure 1) shows litical party, regional executive commit- the number of personal blogs and cam- tee, an enterprise, etc.). paign sites by candidates of three main political “blocks:” The United Demo- III. Results and Analysis cratic Forces (ADS), the government- supported candidates (government), An important implication of the In- and others (who have either ran inde- ternet is that it can give all candidates pendently from both political spectra another means for circumventing the or were appointed to run so as to dis- media, party leaders and other infor- tract votes from opposition candidates mation gatekeepers in order to present (see Figure 1). their message, unfiltered, directly to the The data indicate that the number voters. In this medium, candidates are of personal sites was small. However, not constrained by time or space, per- ADS was clearly more active in web- mitting them the opportunity to offer campaigning. 13 candidates on ADS list details on their policy proposals. Can- had their campaign sites or blogs. The didates can present more personal in- government-endorsed candidates with formation about themselves and other one exception provided no personal in- information about their past experi- put to web campaigning. The numbers ences (Gulati, 2003). To do so, many are even more telling as it comes to po- American, Polish, Ukrainian, Lithu- litical blogging (see Figure 2).

Figure 1. Personal Blogs and Campaign Sites Political block No Yes Total ADS 57 13 70 Government 110 1 111 Other 80 3 83 Total 247 17 264 Figure 2. Candidates with or without a Livejournal blog Political Block Without With Total ADS 65 5 70 Government 111 0 111 Other 80 3 83 Total 256 8 264

№11/2008 Andrei Khrapavitski. The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of the Internet by Candidates... 43

Figure 3. Candidate personal pages on their organization sites Political Block No Yes Total ADS 58 12 70 Government 98 13 111 Other 78 5 83 Total 234 30 264 Figure 4. Candidate Personal Pages on Party Sites Political Party No Yes Total BAP 1 0 1 BNF 11 2 13 BSDH 1 0 1 BSDP 11 0 11 KPB 2 3 5 LDP 8 0 8 AHP 16 2 18 PKB 8 12 20 RPPiS 3 0 3 Total 234 30 264 Here we see that ADS was again or chairpersons of executive commit- the most active player on Livejournal tees. In recent years, all Belarusian lo- platform with five candidate blogs, in- cal municipalities, local governments dependents had three blogs, while the launched their regional websites. Many elected candidates (labeled in this re- included a personal page for the chair of search as government-endorsed) had the local executive. no Livejournal presence at all. Party affiliation also provided a more A totally different picture we see in unified web presence for those candi- the number of personal pages on orga- dates who either could not or did not nization sites (see Figure 3). want to campaign online (see Figure 4)1. Here we see that the elected are in Interestingly, both Communist par- the lead. This is primarily explained ties demonstrated decent campaign by the status they had before they ran efforts on their party sites, while the for the Parliament. Many of the candi- center-right spectrum of the Belarusian dates were directors of large enterprises political field was more decentralized

Belarusian Agrarian Party (BAP, Беларуская Аграрная Партыя), Belarusian Popular Front (BNF, Беларускі Народны Фронт), Belarusian Social and Democratic Hramada (BSDH, Беларуская Сацыял-Дэмакратычная Грамада), Belarusian Social and Democratic Party (BSDP, Беларуская Сацыял-Дэмакратычная Партыя), Communist Party of Belarus (KPB, Камуністычная партыя Беларусі), Liberal and Democratic Party (LDP, Ліберальна-Дэмакратычная Партыя), United Civil Party (AHP, Аб’яднаная Грамадзянская Партыя), Belarusian Communist Party (PKB, Партыя Камуністаў Бе- ларуская), Republican Party of Labour and Justice (RPPiS, Рэспубліканская партыя працы і справядлівасці).

№11/2008 44 Internet politics

Figure 5. Number of Personal Sites by Party Political Party No Yes Total BAP 1 0 1 BNF 9 4 13 BSDH 1 0 1 BSDP 10 1 11 KPB 5 0 5 LDP 8 0 8 AHP 15 3 18 PKB 20 0 20 RPPiS 3 0 3 Total 247 17 264 in terms of web-campaigning strategies The regional variations are revealing (see Figure 5). of the regional divide as it comes to web The figure above shows that BNF activism. The graph below (Figure 7) and AHP candidates were more person- shows the number of personal candi- ally active on the web than the leftwing date sites according to the regions they parties. It is also noteworthy that BNF represent. The city of Minsk and Minsk launched a special blogging section for region showed more web activities than the party’s most prominent members the rest of the country combined. on the party site. However, the section The following tables further clarify remained inactive throughout the cam- these variations (see Figure 8, 9). paign. Some of the party’s younger can- Conclusion. The 2008 Parliamenta- didates preferred to campaign separate- ry Elections in Belarus can be charac- ly (either via Livejournal and personal terized by a low level of web-campaign- campaign sites or via local media sites). ing by candidates from throughout the Age and Regional Differences. The political spectrum. The ADS candi- digital divide in Belarus is still awaiting dates were more personally active on- its study and needs to be statistically line than the rest. Party affiliation and analyzed. Here we resorted to the ana sometimes belonging to the top ranks lysis of web activities of all Belarusian of the regional executives and enter- candidates registered by the Central prises provided some web presence to Election Commission. The age varia- those candidates who did not person- tion is demonstrated on the following ally campaign online. The regional di- charts. Figure 6 shows the average age vide and generation gap was also note- groups with or without a personal blog worthy as far as personal input to web or a campaign site. campaigning was concerned. Clearly, the younger are more apt to The use of the Internet in this Be- web activism. As for the representation larusian election was practically devoid of the candidates on organization sites of such important features of web cam- is not that striking, the age groups in paigns in the West as fund-raising and this case are distributed more-or-less volunteer recruitment. The use of Web equally. 2.0 goodies for feedback between politi-

№11/2008 Andrei Khrapavitski. The Analysis of Web Campaigning and the Use of the Internet by Candidates... 45

Figure 6. The average age groups with or without a personal blog or a campaign site

Figure 7. The number of personal candidate sites according to the Region (Voblasc/Oblast) they represent

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Figure 8. Personal Candidate Sites by Region Region No Yes Total Brest 37 3 40 Homel (Gomel) 38 0 38 Hrodna (Grodno) 20 1 21 Minsk 32 9 41 Mahilou (Mogilev) 36 0 36 Vicebsk (Vitebsk) 31 1 32 Minsk City 53 3 56 Total 247 17 264

Figure 9. Candidate Personal Pages on Organization Sites by Region Region No Yes Total Brest 37 3 40 Homel 32 6 38 Hrodna 17 4 21 Minsk 39 2 41 Mahilou 34 2 36 Vicebsk 27 5 32 Minsk City 48 8 56 Total 234 30 264

cians and the electorate, too, was lim- successfully made it through the reg- ited to few blogging candidates. istration threshold. It is worth noting This study focused solely on the reg- that this study is just a first step in the istered candidates; many web-active analysis of nascent web campaigning in politicians, not registered by the elec- Belarus. Additional longitude research tion commissions, were excluded from will be necessary to track how web ac- the analysis. Apparently, the statisti- tivities by Belarusian politicians will cal data would have been higher had have evolved over time. the younger and more Internet-savvy

Literature

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5. Gibson, R. K. & McAllister, I. Online Campaigning in the 2007 Australian Election: Did the Web Deliver Votes. The American Political Science Association. 2008. 6. Gulati, G. J. Campaigning for Congress on the World Wide Web and the Implications for Strong Democracy. The American Political Science Association. 2003. 7. Mossberger, K., Tolbert, C., Stansbury, M. Virtual Inequality : Beyond the Digital Di- vide. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2003. 8. OSCE Election Observation Mission, Belarus – Parliamentary Elections, 28 September 2008. // Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions. 2008. 9. Putnam R. D. Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 1993. 10. Hill, D., T., & Sen, Krishna. The Internet in Indonesia’s new democracy. // Democratiza- tion, volume 7, number 1, 119–138. 2000. 11. Speckman K. R., Did 2004 online news do a better job of informing young voters than 2000? Midwest Political Science Association Annual Meeting Chicago, April 2006. 12. Vidanava I. New Media as a Form of Youth Resistance. Warsaw, 2008. http://www.be- linstitute.eu/images/stories/documents/4_vidanava.pdf 13. Винокур Н., Интернет в поселках городского типа. // ProBelNet.com http://probelnet.com/content/view/51/33/. 14. Мельянцоў, Д. Няпэўная будучыня беларускага інтэрнэту. // ARCHE 10-2007. 15. Цинкевич И. Публичное пространсто Белнета. ProBelNet.com. электронный ресурс]http://probelnet.com/content/view/21/9/.

№11/2008 Dzianis Melyantsou Spontaneous Political Groups after the 2006 elections1

Abstract

The subject of this article is to reveal the phenomenon of spontaneous groups which arose during the protests caused by the 2006 Presidential elections. The author tries to give a definition of the notion «spontaneous groups», to classify the groups according to their origin and internal structure and to specify the causes of their formation. There is also an attempt to outline near-term perspectives of spontaneous groups.

Key words: the 2006 elections, opposition, spontaneous groups, protests, resistance, network movement.

Introduction more demonstrated their insufficient self-discipline and found themselves Despite the fact that the 2006 Presi- in the deepest crisis which is still go- dential campaign ended up with the ing on. To find a due reference from the opposition’s overwhelming defeat, it society, the oppositional parties must became a certain starting point for the seek for new leaders and new methods apperence of a number of new phe- of work, without which they may turn nomena in Belarusian society. Firstly, into dissident groups similar to those of the authorities successfully broke the the 1970’s. psychological barrier, i.e. the President Owing to the 2006 electoral cam- Alexander Lukashenka crossed the line paign Belarus has become known to the determined by the «before-the-refer- world. The representatives of demo- endum» Constitution under which no cratic forces have been received on the person shall be elected to the office highest level in Europe and the USA, of the President more than twice. Af- which means the West is interested in ter March 19 2006, Belarus’ political our country’s democratization. «The system began its new stage of devel- Belarusian question» has been dis- opment whose nature is still blurred. cussed in the EU structures, Council of Secondly, the political opposition who Europe, White House and even in the failed to organize and control the pro- NATO Headquarters, which has never test actions after the election, once happened before. The 2006 election

1 Source for translation: Дзяніс Мельянцоў Спантанныя групы ў паслявыбарчы перыяд // “Палiтычная сфера” №7, 2006 с.32-41

№11/2008 Dzianis Melyantsou. Spontaneous Political Groups after the 2006 elections 49 have become a milestone in the Russia- groups’ formation, to characterize their Belarus relations. Having finally under- nature, to define their organizational stood the fruitlessness of the support forms and activities, to examine their of the Belarusian ruler and Belarusian evolution and to trace the impact of economy in exchange for the integra- this phenomenon on the situation in tion rhetoric, the Russian officials re- Belarus in the future. sorted to more resolute actions against In the present paper «spontaneous its western ally. According to the Rus- groups» are understood as more or less sian newspaper Izvestia, A. Lukashenko stable associations of participants of the was delivered an ultimatum, i.e. either protest actions of March 19—25 2006 he speeds up real integration with Rus- aimed at struggling against the present sia, or he loses his power in the coun- regime and who did not join any po- try (Ultimatum… 2006). And later, the litical party or organization. Of course, Kommersant wrote about V. Putin’s de- this definition does not pretend to be cree to stop all financial sponsorship of complete or absolute. Nevertheless, it Belarusian economy while the Russian reflects the essence of this phenomenon monopolist Gazprom announced its in- impilicitly enough and therefore it can crease of gas costs for Belarus in 2007 be used as a working definition which up to 200 USD for 1,000 cubic meters would be specified and expanded later. (Aleksandra Lukoshenko gotoviat… In his article, the author also uses such 2006). Analysts explain such behavior definitions as «self-organized groups», of Russia towards Belarus in different «communities of the new wave», «net- ways. However it is obvious that Russia work communities», etc. However, all has changed its policy toward Belarus. of them render the same phenomenon. Nevertheless, the above-mentioned The main questions to be answered presidential campaign and its conse- in this article are as follows: What were quences have paved the way to a most the reasons to the formation of the interesting phenomenon: the appear- spontaneous groups? In what way can ance of a new generation of social ac- they influence the situation in the coun- tivists who, if properly organized, have try? a real chance to turn into a powerful political force. This new phenomenon «Maidan», «Freedom Day». is quite unique because, unlike the previous campaigns aimed at mobilizing One of the reasons of the spontane- society, the new generation of activists ous groups’ formation was the mobili- was independent and did not join any zation of the society on the Presiden- center of Belarusian politics. tial elections eve. Here, a debt must be Viewing this new wave of social ac- paid to the oppositional parties. They tivists (spontaneous groups shaped on managed to form a coalition, to choose this wave) as one-of-a-kind of the latest their joint presidential candidate and to political campaign, the author of this carry out his campaign successfully. It article puts the following objectives: took only a few months for Alexander to specify the reasons of spontaneous Milinkevich to increase his rating from

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1,5% to 26% (IISEPS, 2006). The Jeans because of the opposition’s idleness in Solidarity campaign also contributed to the crunch. Thus, the oppositional forc- the mobilization, attracting the atten- es carried out a successful mobilizing tion of part of the society to the Belaru- campaign before the presidential elec- sian matters. At the same time, without tion. However, they failed to organize any campaigns, society was not content protest actions against the election’s with the present regime. A lot of people falsifications and to contest their power were waiting for changes (according to rights. There was no situation of legiti- polls carried out by the IISEPS before macies’ confrontation, without which the election, 40% expected changes in no revolution is possible, i.e. the op- Belarus (IISEPS, 2006).) Under such positional candidate did not declare his conditions, the majority of those who victory, but only demanded to re-count were discontent with the political situ- the votes (later, there was a question of ation in the country supported Mil- repeat elections). The reasons for the inkevich as a representative of the dem- opposition’s inactivity which lead to ocratic forces. However, some part of their political impotence is not the issue population refused to support both the of this artical. It should be just said that President’s course and the opposition’s the majority of the supporters of demo- joint candidate. cratic changes were upset with the ac- Together with the electoral cam- tions of the opposition and the joint paign of the two oppositional candi- candidate. This feeling was in the air as dates, there was a wide campaign for early as on March 19h, when in the eve- Ukrainian-type non-violent «revolu- ning they came to Kastrycnickaja (rus. tion» which was to take place after the Oktyabrskaya = October) Square and elections as a protest against massive heard neither clear-cut tasks of protest falsifications during of the Presidential nor plans of actions; they saw that the election. Such ads succeeded among the oppositional leaders did not know what most radical youth who, during several to do. This moment can be considered months before it had discussed its most as the beginning of the first stage of the appropriate name and color. White, or- spontaneous groups’ formation. ange and blue, as well as a combination The Common people, who did not of the national flag (white-red-white), belong to any political or non-govern- were discussed. The proposed names mental structures, faced a dilemma: included the Bluets’, Jeans’ and even they came to the Square to support Smart Phones’ revolution. Numerous Milinkevich. However, the latter failed trips of the joint opposition’s represen- to organize them and to get into the tatives to the West held out a hope for saddle. Thus, the whole opposition lost the democratic countries’ help at the its credibility. On the other hand, the crucial moment and created an impres- situation demanded actions. The di- sion that there would be a real surprise lemma could be solved in several ways: for A. Lukashenko during the elec- a) people could get back to their usual tions. The more the impression grew, way of life and watch the contour of the more disappointment people felt things with the help of mass media; b)

№11/2008 Dzianis Melyantsou. Spontaneous Political Groups after the 2006 elections 51 they could leave the Square and help people on the Square became a symbol the democratic forces by participat- of the resistance and an example of val- ing in the Internet forums, distributing or and commitment which the opposi- information among their relatives and tional leaders failed to demonstrate. friends; c) they could stay on the Square The Tent Camp’s turning point was and keep fighting for their own rights a quarrel of the two democratic leaders, under their own flag, but not the flag of Milinkevich and Milinkevich or the opposition. In those Kazulin, and a final break of rela- conditions most people naturally chose tions between their headquarters. the first two options. Nevertheless, There is no need to say that one can there were those who stayed with the find a sane politician who would openly opposition, but with their own tasks. conflict with a partner at such a crucial It was them who built the Belarusian moment. What happened on March «maidan». 21st, cannot be explained rationally. The From the very beginning, the so- two oppositional candidates’ quarrel at called Tent Camp which appeared the maidan’s high tide became the point on Kastrycnickaja Square in Minsk, of no return, when pro-opposition ori- contradicted the opposition’s plans. It ented part of the population stopped to was initiated by young people, some regard the two politicians as the rebel of whom belonged to parties, some of leaders, and their actions on March 25th whom were non-partisan. The demo- proved that these leaders did not work cratic opposition leaders (even though for the benefit of Belarus. the majority of them were already in This fact had a massive impact on prison) did not expect this «maidan» the «maidan» participants. After that to appear. They could not control it, but they decided to stay on the Square for on the other hand, the «maidan» could their own persuasions and ideals, not be seemed as «an action» initiated by for the sake of Milinkevich or Kazulin. the political opposition. For a certain From that moment, the Tent Camp’s period of time, the Tent Camp became participants acted autonomously, with- a concentrated area of protest in Belar- out any political structures and former us, a certain forge of new leaders. There political leaders, thus turning into a was a paradoxical situation: the Tent separate political force which the joint Camp’s defenders did not hope to force democrats must reckon with. The maid- the authorities to make any concessions an’s defenders and their adherents cre- or to satisfy their demands. It was a ated the first «spontaneous group» with manifestation of protest for the sake of its inner organization and the leaders. protest itself, aimed at inspiring other This group included several compo- Belarusians to struggle for their rights. nents: a) unengaged students and users The «maidan» was a result of disap- of the Live Journal (www.livejournal. pointment in the politicians and protest com), the most numerous; b) members against the regime. Nevertheless, there of youth organizations (Young Front, was the essence in the seemingly sense- Enough!, Free Youth, Youth of the Be- less «maidan»: a small group of brave larusian People’s Front); c) adults,

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some of whom were members of op- wave was becoming lower and fewer positional parties; In total they made a and fewer people were taking part in group of 400-500 people who defended it. Secondly, the crackdown scandal- the «maidan». Around this first group, ized the the proponents of the action there also was a circle of its support- including all pro-democracy oriented ers, including friends, colleagues, fellow citizens, thus spurring their union and students, relatives and simple sympa- active behavior. Thirdly, there was a thizers, who took an active part in the certain time gap between the actions life of the Tent Camp bringing food and on Kastrycnickaja Square and Freedom warm clothes, distributing informa- Day, which allowed to get ready to the tion about this protest action, etc. This following massive action. Fourthly, the group includes 1,000-1,500 people. Lat- Tent Camp’s participants who were ar- er, this group will turn into «revolution- rested for 15 days, had a chance to get aries» because of the authorities’ harsh know each other better and to plan actions on March 24th, when the police their further joint activities. started to eliminate the Tent Camp. However, the spontaneous groups’ More than 300 defenders of Minsk formation was spurred most of all by «maidan» became political prisoners the events of March at once, while their relatives and col- On 25th, when the massive protest leagues, even if they had been against actions were ended up with a harsh this action before, began to support crackdown and numerous trials. Be- them. At such moments, the family and larusian society, which had already friendly links are stronger than politi- become disaccustomed to large-scale cal opinions and social passiveness. The street actions, was not ready to such parents and friends of the arrested pick- brutal actions of the police and the eted Akrestsina (a Minsk-based jail) use of special means against weapon- and brought parcels. They became the less people. Therefore, the independent source of information about the events Belarusian mass media literally bridled on the Square. with anger. The most important com- Finally, they got acquainted and cre- munication medium for the events’ ated a community with the same mis- eyewitnesses and the democratic forc- sion i.e. to help the arrested and to es’ supporters became the Internet and tell the truth about the protest actions the Live Journal network which unites which was not known to the majority of 11,266 Belarusian users, not including the population. blogs of the Diaspora representatives The Tent Camp’s liquidation had a who also discuss the Belarusian topics. number of positive results for the dem- The crackdown of the rally on ocratic movement and a further forma- Freedom Day had several very im- tion of new activists’ wave. Firstly, the portant consequences: actions of the authorities prevented the 1. The authorities’ unprecedentedly «maidan» from turning into a farce, harsh actions spurred the process of an because as early as in the middle of the even larger-scale radicalization of pro- week it was obvious that the protest opposition oriented youth. After the

№11/2008 Dzianis Melyantsou. Spontaneous Political Groups after the 2006 elections 53 events of March 25th, a fear of repres- illusions. The activists realized that they sions cut off a part of youth from par- had to be ready for a long and serious ticipation in the opposition’s actions, work in order to attain their goals. but at the same time it embittered even 4. People lost trust in A. Milinkevich more some of those who were radical- since he had failed to feel the people’s ized during the protest actions. mood during the rally on March 25th 2. Massive arrests and tough sen- and asked everybody to go home. Au tence for the participants of street ac- contraire, A. Kazulin demonstrated bet- tions’ became the Rubicon. The num- ter leadership qualities and organized ber of people arrested during 19-25 people for the actions which, however, March 2006 varies. The Viasna (Spring) were considered to be provocative. Human Rights Center says there were 5. The arrests on March 25th created 686 persons arrested (A list of the ar- an even wider circle of those who do not rested…, 2006). However, there are lots support the current regime, including of those who were not counted. Other relatives and friends of the arrested and sources say there were 1,000 people, political prisoners. During the events and this figure seems trustworthy. The of March 19-25, there was a snowball absolute majority of these people had effect which, provided that the opposi- not participated actively before the tion had organized well planned further Presidential elections in any political or actions, would have grown the critical social organizations, but after they had mass and forced the authorities to start found out what the Belarusian peni- negotiations. However, as it had never tentiary system was like, they became happened, the protest mass remained even more grounded in their desire to alone and had to find their own forms change the current regime in the coun- of self-organization. try. Having gone through the trials and jails, the people youth got rid of fear The beginning of the and hardened. In this respect, the au- spontaneous groups’ thorities presented a valuable gift to the formation opposition by raising «professional rev- olutionaries» who could have become After the force structures had dis- «the gold fund» of political parties if the persed the oppositional rally on March latter had known how to use it. 25th, all independent mass media en- 3. The events of the Freedom Day tered an active discussion of these helped a lot of people to escape from events with the analysis of what had some illusions and spurred them on to happened. The Belarusian Internet - at active actions. If before the Tent Camp’s mosphere could be described by two liquidation and the rally’s crackdown, words — astonishment and indigna- the participants of the actions had be- tion. Astonishment – because nobody lieved in «the authorities’ weakness», could expect such harsh actions from «the regime’s crisis» and «the inevita- the authorities, especially after the op- bility of peaceful revolution », than af- position was allowed to have a meeting ter March 25th they had no longer any on the capital’s main square. Also no-

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body could expect that police would use radicalize fast after the events of March special means against the protesters. 25th and their action-plans and their Astonishment was so powerful that for discussions were not supposed to be a certain period of time the Belarusian available to public. In the closed com- Internet was even silent, as if trying to munities of Live Journal’s, there were digest this fact. After that, there was a appeals to trace through the judges who reaction – the activists who escaped the condemned the participants and to beat prison, began to spread their informa- them, to threaten the official mass me- tion about the Freedom Day, organiz- dia journalists who commented on the ing help to the arrested and discussing protest actions after the election, to the strategy and tactics of their further use the black PR technologies, etc. At struggle against the present regime in the same time, the Internet was full of the country. rumors of the possible victims of the During the first week after the Free- crackdown on the Freedom Day and dom Day, the Internet was full of leaf- Russia’s anschluss of Belarus. All these lets and manifestos, asking everybody things and the President Lukashenko’s to unite, go down to earth and fight disappearance from TV screens for against the regime, thus breaking the a rather long period of time created a information blockade. It is necessary to very dangerous and unstable situation note that during this presidential cam- in the society which could explode due paign, it was the first time when the to any thoughtless action of the author- Internet played such an important role ities or the opposition. Under such con- in promoting the oppositional candi- ditions, the first spontaneous groups date and mobilizing voters, as well as were formed. During the first stage of in organizing the protest actions and their formation the group included a informing about the events. In this reunion of the Internet users. This cat- spect a crutial part was played by Live egory consisted of the participants of Journal some communities of which the opposition’s actions, both those functioned as www.maidan.org.ua dur- who had escaped from arrests and and ing the Orange Revolution in Kyiv. After simple observers who had been inac- the events of March 19th–25th and dur- tive before, but who took part in the ing the spontaneous groups’ formation, Internet forums and communities. The the Internet became still more impor- fact that they met in real life and real- tant means of communication between ized that they were an alternative force activists (closed communities to share capable of efficient actions was a very ideas, coordinate flash-mobs, etc). important factor stimulating the forma- At the same time, considering all tion of new groups. pluses of the Internet communication, It is difficult to specify the number there is one big minus – low informa- of such groups because some of them tion security. Therefore, there were were temporal, others consolidated, proposals to get united rather in real still others were quite amorphous. As life than in the virtual space. The more a rule, such groups participated in cer- so, as the protest participants began to tain forums and Internet communities

№11/2008 Dzianis Melyantsou. Spontaneous Political Groups after the 2006 elections 55 and had a closed email distribution in one house, who had known each database, with the help of which they other before and who went to the ac- shared their encrypted messages. These tions together in order to be safe. Such groups aimed to work out a plan of ac- groups included 3—5 persons, and their tions, to fight against the existing reformation took a bit more time because gime and to distribute the information they communicated less intensively. about the protest actions during March Finally, the most popular way of the 19th-25th. At the same time, there was formation of spontaneous groups was a a process of forming a series of closed union of former political prisoners who communities in the Live Journal ori- were grimly determined to continue ented on discussing the situation in their participation in the struggle (we the country. Some open communities shall conditionally call them «revolu- became «closed». Everybody’s craze tionary groups»). This is the most radi- was to study the principles and means cal, dedicated and active category of the of conspiracy and ways of encrypting opposition of the new generation which information. It is thought that this fact appeared in the after-election period. could be an obstacle in creating a mass The activists who went through trials alternative movement. It is clear why it and jails, became leaders and centers was the Internet users who were first to of attraction of pro-opposition oriented be active — they communicated more youth. Such groups demonstrated the often and therefore they were the first biggest stability and purposefulness. to form the network structures in reali- They had already been shaped in jail. The ty. As a rule, their activity was to spread authorities’ mistake was to put political information (email distribution, leaf- prisoners together, thus allowing them lets, bulletins’ edition) and to develop to work out plans of their further fight. plans of actions of spontaneous groups After their discharge from prison, they and political parties. The after-elec- became a hardened force which realized tion events did not touch them much, its unity and readiness to work actively. so they did not resort to more active If this new wave of activists had joined and radical actions. It was the end of the organizational matrix of the system March – the first decade of April when opposition, then the political parties the Internet users’ spontaneous groups would have constituted a much biger were formed, and it coincided with the number of their proponents. However, period of the opposition’s abashment under the conditions of the extreme and supineness, which spurred the al- weakness of the oposition’s structures ternative groups’ formation. and unavailability of whole-national Another way of spontaneous leaders, this protest mass went the path groups’ formation was a creation of the of an accidental self-organization. so-called «territorial groups». The ter- The «revolutionary» groups started ritorial groups included the members of shaping right after the release of the protest actions of the opposition by ter- defenders of the Tent Camp and par- ritorial principle. They embraced the takers of other actions in the second people who lived in one district or even decade of April. These oppositionists

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of a new wave expressed their strong other groups, organizations and sepa- desire to form an alternative and in- rate activists. Such groups often join dependent oppositional movement the network structures of a new type without joining the «old» opposition. (those which are formed by spontane- This idea was accepted by other spon- ous groups), or enter the structure of al- taneous groups which had appeared a ready existing organizations and move- bit earlier and which joined the «revo- ments; lutionary» groups or coordinated their — Network movement, or a super- actions with them. Having created group consists of several spontaneous more or less stable communities, the groups which joined into the network members of spontaneous groups came structure on the base of certain prin- in touch with other groups and separate ciples. Such communities are the nuclei activists, and to add them to their ac- to form the whole-national opposition- tions. Unlike the territorial and Internet al movement. groups, the «revolutionary» groups re- This classification mentions «clear» sorted to massive and energetic actions, types which are actually mixed, com- e.g. organization and implementation bining elements of different groups, of political flash mobs. All groups had and which can turn into one another. several stages of their development: More detailed evolution and prospects creation and development of their tasks of spontaneous groups will be regarded and goals; building of their structures below. and communications; scheduling of Now, we shall try to picture a collec- their actions; searching for contacts tive portrait of the oppositionists of a with other groups; implementation of new generation as they are now called the plans of actions. by journalists and observers. The typology of spontaneous groups Firstly, this generation is beyond the based on the principles of organization system and has no strong and famous and activity, can be described as fol- leaders who could be able to unite all lows: «new opposition». — Ad Hoc Group is temporal, has Secondly, in general, these people limited tasks, e.g. to edit a bulletin or to do not belong to any political or social prepare a large flash mob; organizations and are not experienced — Closed Group includes a limited in political and social activities, which number of close people, has concrete, is both their advantage and disadvan- sometimes rather radical tasks, is char- tage. acterized with a high level of conspiracy Thirdly, the majority of the «new and i is reluctant to join other sponta- opposition» is the participants of the neous groups’ network structures; «maidan» and other protest actions, — Open Group is a spontaneous while the rest is their relatives, friends association, plans to carry out legal and colleagues who became part of the non-violent activity and therefore does «new opposition» after the events of not resort to deep conspiracy, but au March 25th. contraire — cooperates actively with

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Fourthly, the «new opposition» are ous that it will not be the current op- not nationalists. In their everyday life positional parties. and during their oppositional activity, Reasons for the they speak Russian, even though they phenomenon of use the nationalistic set of symbols (the “spontaneous groups” White-Red-White Flag, Pahonia Coat of Arms, Belarusian language music, etc.) Still, the question of the language The spontaneous groups’ phenom- and symbols is not central in their ac- enon is new for Belarus. Never before tivity. The ideological direction of the during the political campaigns did one representatives of the new oppositional see a process of an accidental self-orga- generation is liberal, not conservative. nization of the mobilized population in They are united, first of all, by their pro- such a scale; therefore we cannot com- test against the regime, and in the sec- pare it to anything. Something simi- ond turn by the West democratic ideals, lar was observed in 1996, but then the free market and questions of a geopo- street activists joined quickly the or- litical choice. ganized opposition and did not create Fifthly, the «new opposition» is not their own unions. The first questions «silly youngsters» as they are presented which come to mind while studying by the official Belarusian propaganda, this problem, are, «Where did all this but totally shaped individuals with a mass of active unengaged people come stable system of values. Their typical age from?» and «Why was it not «washed is 22—27 y.o., sometimes older. Most of out» by political and quasipolitical op- them are university students; the others positional organizations?» are often epmployees of private compa- The first question has been already nies, tutors, teachers and freelancers. partly answered above — the united However, it is necessary to keep in democratic forces carried out an effec- mind that the conditional term «new tive campaign to popularize the joint generation of opposition» does not candidate Alexander Milinkevich and mean something integral, monolithic managed to prove the population in and shaped. It is merely a union of seg- the necessity of changes; but regard- mental, accidentally formed groups, less the high percentage of those who communities and separate activists are against President Lukashenko, the who are consolidated by the unity of number of people (even among the purposes and their participation in the so-called «kitchen opposition») who protest actions. It can be called «a raw belong to political parties and organi- material» which, under certain con- zations, is still very low (why? — an- ditions and if there is a desire, can be other question) — that’s why there are turned into a useful tool to change the so many «independent» activists. The political situation in Belarus. number of the «new opposition» grew The question is what force will have after the arrests on March 25th, which enough will and possibilities to influ- also led to a deeper radicalization and ence the «new opposition ». It is obvi- polarization of the population. The an-

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swer to the second question is to be Thirdly, the joint candidate’s head- found in the actions of the political op- quarters did not work out a clear and position itself. It had been planned that intelligible concept of the movement the majority of the participants of the which would unite all unengaged activ- action on March 19th would join Mil- ists who appeared during the protest inkevich at the head of the movement, actions. Milinkevich announced several the joint candidate’s headquarters and times the creation of the movement the United Democrats’ Political Coun- «For Freedom!» but it was still un- cil, but it did not happen owing to sev- known what this initiative would be like eral reasons. and what principles it would have. The Firstly, the participants of the meet- thing is that last year’s autumn a group ing on October Square on March 19th of social organizations developed a de- heard neither concrete demands nor tailed concept of the movement «For plan of actions from the oppositionists. Freedom!» and started to promote this They did not see any organization at all, brand which became very popular dur- but the oppositional leaders’ discomfi- ing the after-election’s protest actions. ture. It is natural that the opposition’s However, having accepted the brand it- image was ruined and a lot of people self, Milinkevich’s headquarters did not understood that the democratic coali- accept the elaborated idea of the move- tion is not able to contest the election’s ment and did not carry it out. Still, it official results and to organize the peo- never created its own concept either. ple’s protest. Therefore, it was needed Thus, time was lost, and new activists to look for another force which would started to self-organize. They no longer be able to do it, or to become this force needed Milinkevich and his help. Even themselves. the Political Council had to reckon with Secondly, people lost their trust in the new force and coordinate its activity Milinkevich and Kazulin as national with it. It is ironic that the united dem- leaders who express the nation’s in- ocrats, with the help of their own forces terests as they were not able to lead and resources, created a competitor, the people. When the partakers of the while they could have grown their own meeting’s lost their last illusions con- potential if they had acted more profes- cerning the capacity of united demo- sionally. It is true that if the opposition crats to organize, they did hope that the had united all the unengaged activists leader(s) could fix the situation or, at and spontaneous groups, the authori- least, would become the standard-bear- ties would have had a very strong oppo- er of the struggle. Nevertheless, this nent. If the Belarusian opposition does last hope died when the two democrats not want to lose the rest of its popular- openly broke their relations. The Tent ity among the population, it must learn Camp defenders and adherents had to this bitter experience. Besides, there re-consider their tasks and ideals. From were no organizations or movements that moment, they fought not for the like the Serbian “Otpor” or Ukrainian sake of the leaders and organizations, “Pora” in Belarus which could «eat» this but for their own freedom and rights. protest mass and coordinate its actions.

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Therefore, the «new opposition» was tration of power; problems with reach- left alone with no desire to join anyone. ing a consensus, etc. Therefore, some Thus, it is possible to specify three ba- spontaneous groups, including the sic reasons for spontaneous groups’ ap- above-mentioned group of D. Dzian- pearance. A fairly effective political mo- isau, decide to build a more centralized bilization which the opposition failed to organization. D. Dzianisau and his ad- control and use for its own benefit. herents reformed their network struc- Mistakes of the democratic forces ture into a more conventional and un- and the opposition leaders during the derstandable movement like Zubr («Bi- protest actions, which repelled the new son») which presented itself on June activists. The absence of a young street 17th under the name of Bunt («Revolt») organization which could unite the (A page of the Bunt…). Thus, the 2001 «new opposition» who did not want to situation was almost repeated in 2006, work for the «old» opposition. with the only difference that Zubr was initiated externally, while Bunt, flash The prospects of mobbers and similar movements were “spontaneous groups” created independently and only then obtained the present form which is similar to that of Zubr. The behavior of Talking about the spontaneous the authorities, the opposition and the groups’ evolution, there are at least West structures are the same. Nothing three directions: new was invented. 1. The enlargement of the groups 3. Separate activists and small groups and creation of their network struc- may join political and quasi-political tures. This process began in the second- organizations and movements (politi- third decade of April when the recently cal parties, Young Front, Enough!, Free created groups started contacting with Youth, etc.) All these processes are de- each other, building channels of com- veloping when the protest moods of the munication and coordinating their ac- population are decreasing. Today, there tivity. E.g. the groups which first includ- are only a few groups left the activity ed some defenders of the «maidan», but of which is noticeable. Among these later began to come in touch with other are Bunt, flash mobbers and a num- groups and separate activists, as well as ber of spontaneous groups which print formed a coordination council. Nev- bulletins and leaflets. Of course, there ertheless, this group did not become a are some conspiracy groups, but they nucleus of a whole-national opposition- do not carry out any serious actions. al movement, but began to evolve in a There is still a hope that after the sum- different direction. mer vacations, the youth movement 2. Formation of organizational and will recover. However, this hope is slim hierarchic structures. Apart from the since before the summer the spontane- advantages of network structures, there ous groups failed to to unite, to develop are also some disadvantages, such as their common view of the situation and bad management owing to low concen- methods of activity and to work out a

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plan of actions and coordination prin- students, who participated in the pro- ciples. The united opposition did not test actions and later belonged to the help this process either. The coalition spontaneous groups, are threatened by had been busy with the solution of their expulsion. Some of them are offered own problems for a long time; the strat- seats in European universities, some of egy of democratic forces was accepted them have already left Belarus. It means too late, and it has no concrete tactical this autumn the democratic movement plan which could be used by the spon- will lose its most active and promising taneous groups. The period of summer participants. After that, the Belarusian torpidity and a total emotional decrease opposition will have to start its work on will lead to the attenuation and decay of activization of Belarusian society from spontaneous groups. This prognosis is a scratch. backed up by the fact that about 400

Literature

1. A list of the arrested at the site of the Human Rights Center “Viasna” 2. A page of the Bunt Movement on the LJ 3. Aleksandra Lukoshenko gotoviat k nedruzhestvennomu pogloscheniju, in Kommersant. # 83 (3414). May 12, 2006. < http://www.kommersant.ru/doc.aspx?DocsID=672553> 4. IISEPS February 2006 Poll 5. Square. 19-25.03.2006. 6. Ultimatum pochtoj, in Izvestia. May 6, 2006

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich Belarusian political cartography based on the results of the Presidential elections in 1994–20061

Abstract

The article analyzes territorial peculiarities of the electoral behavior in Belarus on the basis of the official ballots during the Presidential elections in 1994, 2001 and 2006. The author concludes that regardless of the lack of full trust to the official data (in particular in 2001 and 2006), its analysis allows to retrace the territorial peculiarities of voting and to localize the relatively «oppositional» and «anti-oppositional» areas which reflect the essential regional differences preserved by the authoritarian regime.

Key words: Presidential elections, election, elections of 1994, 2001 and 2006 in Be- larus, electoral behavior, map of the electoral behavior, political forces in Belarus.

This text aims to specify the prob- division could be explained by the mod- lem of Belarusian territorial division. ern division of the territory into “Litva” Most models divide Belarus into two (historical Lithuania) and “Belaya Rus” (Western and Eastern) or three (West- (White Ruthenia) in XV-XVIII centau- ern, Eastern and Central) parts. Such ries. division has usually an apriori charac- Our task is not to contest this divi- ter and is thought to be the result of sion which is obviously natural however the 1921 division of Belarus between to review political signs of this division the newly created Soviet state and Po- by analyzing the results of the electoral land. Therefore the peculiarities of the campaigns of 1994, 2001 and 2006. It Western Belarus political choice are should help to specify the model of Be- explained by a less degree of Sovietiza- larusian regional peculiarities and to lo- tion and by a Polish-Catholic influence. calize the regions with different types of According to historical versions such political behavior more concretely.

1 The source for translation is: Андрэй Казакевіч. Беларусь ў выніках прэзідэнцкіх выбараў 1994—2006 гадоў // “Палiтычная сфера” №7, 2006 с. 5–18. The article is based on the research materials of the Political Analysis Centre of the Journal of Political Sphere

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As empirical grounds for this analy- place, said to the regional elites, how- sis the official results of the Presiden- ever it would be impossible to specify tial election campaigns of 1994 (the them now. Nonetheless we think that first ballot), 2001 and 2006 have been if there were such practices their effect used. As there is no complete table was insignificant. with the 1994 voting results published The situation with the 2001 and 2006 openly, we had to resort to the voting campaigns is more difficult. There is a results printed in local newspapers. lot of information about manipulations The practice shows that such data can with the voting results proved by the differ from the official results. It is usu- facts of the Electoral Law infringements ally explained by journalists’ mistakes registered by the international and na- or sometimes by falsification. Besides, tional observers (Republic of Belarus…, not all newspapers had the results pub- 2001) and by various polls. According lished. So, the 1994 data is not com- to the NISEP data, there is an 18 % dif- plete and has to be improved in the ference between the official results and future. Nevertheless it features a more the real ones (Manaev, 2002: 122). Giv- or less complete picture of Belarusian en these circumstances and issue rises voting. A similar situation was with the how the official data should be treated. 2006 elections – on the day this article We are not interested in the voting re- was being prepared, there was no com- sults per se which were obviously rigged plete official information on the voting but rather in certain territorial dispro- results, and we had to use the data from portions and those areas which were the local newspapers. similar or differed from those in 1994. The information source about the Therefore the 2001 results, even if we 2001 elections was an edition published treat them critically, reflect somehow by the Social and Political Research different models of political support. Institute of the Administration of the There are even more difficulties President of Belarus (Dmitriev. E.I., with the 2006 Presidential elections. Khurs M.N., 2002). The regional voting Besides the obvious falsification of the results were provided in the addendum. results there is an even bigger discrep- Data provided by the local newspapers ancy between the official and the real has been used as well in order to com- data. Nevertheless some tendencies of pare the two sources. 1994 and 2001 have repeated and they Due to the fact that our analysis is should be explained. based on the official data, an issue of Our main subject is the electoral falsification comes up immediately. The behavior in the rural areas and towns. 1994 campaign is thought to be the most Such strategy has been chosen to reveal transparent, its data is trusted. Howev- the presence of the territorial division er there were a few questions concern- among the most conservative part of ing probable falsifications mostly for the Belarusian electorate, i.e. the ter- the benefit of V. Kebich however there ritorial divisions and differences which was no concrete information. Certain are rooted in the deep social and politi- manipulations might have been taking cal level. It may exclude a big part of the

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Belarusian electorate however it corre- overall makes no sense due to a consid- sponds to our task. When it was pos- erable discrepancy between the demo- sible, we tried to exclude all the more or cratic electorate representations after less big towns, too. 1994. Therefore we use different scales. The analysis of the results may be In reflecting the 1994 voting results the stratified and touches various aspects regions could be divided into four ma- of the electoral process. Some useful jor groups and an additional one. The information can be found in the voting major groups are as follows: results of both major and local candi- 1. Support to the democratic oppo- dates, as well as in the voting results of sition less than 10 percent (low level); early voting and “against all candidates”. 2. Support to the democratic oppo- Considering the limited scope of this sition 10 - 20 percent (mid level); article we shall regard only one criteri- 3. Support to the democratic oppo- on – voting for the democratic opposi- sition 20 - 30 percent (high level); tion in 1994, 2001 and 2006. We believe 4. Support to the democratic oppo- that it is the criterion that demonstrates sition more than 30 percent (dominat- the territorial differences in the political ing areas). behavior and opinion. The additional group includes dis- In 1994 the democratic opposition tricts (rajons) where the representatives was represented by Zianon Pazniak of the democratic opposition had less and Stanislau Shushkevich. The sum of than 5 percent. It is important to study votes for these candidates is the index this group in order to reveal and localize of support of the democratic opposi- the territories where the corresponding tion. While their programs and political political forces had no support (an “an- backgrounds were different, they had ti-center” if compared with the districts similar views on democracy, indepen- where the democrats dominated). This dence of Belarus, pro-Western orienta- group creates a single area which can be tion of the country and development of interpreted in regional categories. the national culture. In 2001 the demo- The above-mentioned scale cannot cratic opposition was represented by be used during the analysis of the 2001 Viktar Hancharyk (Viktor Goncharik), election because the data presented by the single candidate of the democratic the Central Electoral Commission var- forces supported by all the biggest op- ied less. In 1994, the support data could positional parties and organizations. vary 10 – 15 times, in 2001 – only 3 -5 In 2006 the democratic opposition is times. As a result a new scale was cho- represented by Aliaxandr Milinkevich sen. It has four basic intervals and an (Alexander Milinkevich) and Aliaxandr additional one. Kazilin (Alexander Kozulin). 1. Support to the democratic oppo- A separate issue is the choice of the sition up to 5 percent; scale while analyzing the results of the 2. Support to the democratic oppo- electoral campaigns of 1994, 2001 and sition 5 - 10 percent; 2006, and comparison of the results of 3. Support to the democratic oppo- the Presidential campaigns. Using the sition 10 - 15 percent;

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4. Support to the democratic oppo- I. The 1994 Presidential sition more than 15 percent; elections The additional interval specified the districts where the support to the oppo- The 1994 Presidential elections of- sition according to the official data was ficial results demonstrate a presence of less than 2 percent. Only three districts rather complete areas of various levels (Lelchytsy, Brahin and Vetka) could be with the support to the democratic op- found in this group. It is important that position. Regardless of the lack of infor- in 1994 the “anti-center” was located in mation on approximately 15 Districts the Mahilou Region (voblasc in Belaru- the existing data allows to draw some sian, oblast in Russian) however in 2001 conclusions. Unlike the wide-spread it moved to the Homiel Region and in- opinion about the Western Belarus as cluded the districts which suffered from the base for the opposition, the level of the Chernobyl catastrophe. towns and villages transfers this base In 2006, it became even more diffi- to the North - West, i.e. along the bor- cult to specify the opposition character der with Lithuania, not Poland. The as the official data was more undiffer- opposition-dominated area starts to entiated. A shortened 2001 scale was the North – West of Minsk and creates used. a conditional triangle with its peaks 1. Support to the democratic oppo- in Minsk, Lida and Braslau. Therefore sition up to 5 percent; only the Eastern part of the Hrodna Re- 2. Support to the democratic oppo- gion is in this sector (Lida, Navahrudak, sition 5 - 10 percent; Iuje, Smarhon and Ashmiany). It also 3. Support to the democratic oppo- includes the North–Western part of the sition more than 10 percent; Minsk Region (Vileyka, Maladzechna, As an additional criteria for analysis Miadzel) and the Western part of the a territorial localization of districts was Vicebsk Region (Pastavy, Braslau and chosen where, according to the official Hlybokaye). data, the support to the democratic op- According to the 1994 results, it position was less than 2 percent (mini- was the part of Belarus that formed a mal support) and more than 7 percent rather complete area supporting the (mid level). democratic opposition. It should be Finally, let’s review the distribution noted that the specified zone has a of the voting results in the adminis- specific ethnic composition. Practi- trative-territorial units. One should be cally all of this territory was a part of reminded that the 1994 and 2006 infor- historical Vilnia Region, being a place mation is not complete, and that there of rivalry of the Belarusian and Pol- is no information at all about 15 percent ish (sometimes Lithuanian) national of the districts. movements. This area was not always a place of the high concentration of the Polish minority and Catholic population. The correlation with the Polish

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. Belarusian political cartography... 65 minority and Catholic population has this high level support zone was part of a fractional character. The area with Poland. Minsk was also in this zone. the largest Polish population, e.g. Vor- The 10 - 20 percent support zone anava, Shchuchyn and Zelva Districts, also created a single area, including the were not in this area, while the Hrodna geographic center of Belarus. It includ- District was in the mid level zone (10 – ed the remaining districts of the Hrod- 15 percent). At the same time, the Or- na Region, the majority of the Brest Re- thodox and the Belarusian districts of gion, and almost entire Minsk Region. the Minsk Region demonstrated a high This zone can be called “intermediate” level of support. as it divided the areas of the high and A symbolic center of the dominat- low support levels. There was only one ing zone is the town of Smarhon and its place in the Vicebsk Region where the districts. It was the only district where high support zone met the low support the democratic opposition had the ab- one. Unfortunately, due to the lack of solute majority of votes, 54 percent. Be- data from all districts, there was only sides the area to the North – West of one certain enclave in the mid support Minsk, a high level of the support to the zone, i.e. the Homiel District. democratic opposition was in Niasvizh The low (10 percent) support zone and Stolin Districts, which should be included only the Eastern Belarus: the studied additionally. In Stolin District, it Eastern part of Vicebsk Region (along could be explained by a large Protestant the line Rasony – Polatsk - Vorsha), al- community. It is also interesting that all most all Mahilou and Homiel Regions the high level zones had not been a part (Zhytkavichy and Homiel Districts). It of the Belarusian Soviet Socialistic Re- is quite difficult to explain the presence public before 1939. Still, not all districts of the following enclaves: Kobryn and of the Western Belarus demonstrated a Kamianiets Districts. The low support high level of support, e.g. in Kobryn and zone was a single area with an enclave in Kamianiets Districts it was less than 10 the Vicebsk Region, i.e. Lozna District. percent. The minimal support territory could be The 20 - 30 percent support zone is considered as an electoral antithesis to a direct continuation of the dominat- the Smarhon-centered area. ing area, thus creating a relatively single space which includes all central parts of II. The 2001 Presidential the Hrodna Region, the North and the elections North – East of the Brest Region (with the only enclave, Biaroza District), the The 2001 official data changed Central Belarus (enclaves: Stoubtsy, considerably the 1994 zones however Minsk and Smalavichy Districts), and sometimes restored the basic tenden- the West of the Vicebsk Region. There- cies of the regional distribution of the fore the zone is a single area with some electoral behavior, which would not enclaves, including practically all the have happened if there were simple North – West Belarus and environs of manipulations without considering the Minsk. In 1921 – 1939, almost entirely real expression of will.

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According to the official data, the e.g. Iuje – 44% in 1994, 9% in 2001. The high support zone (more than 15 per- 10 – 15 percent zone also included a cent) decreased considerably and broke part of the Brest Region, along the line into enclaves however still reflected Kamianiets - Ivatsevichy and Luniniets the 1994 dominating area. Indeed, its Districts. The 1994 Stolin phenomenon configuration was greatly influenced was leveled; in 2001 it did not show by the falsified results and the fact that anything. The central part of the Minsk the local authorities were controlled Region belonged to this zone as well. by the central power. It was particu- The Northern part of Minsk Region larly obvious concerning the Hrodna and the Western part of Vicebsk Re- Region where there was a District with gion were of a special interest because a record-high support and a District they reflected the 1994 high support with a low support of less than 5 per- zone. The Horki District of the Mahi- cent (Shchuchyn District). The other lou Region was an enclave then. Sum- Regions had some succession. However ming up the results, we notice that the the geographic center of the 1994 high- largest part of the support zone of more support area somehow survived. Ac- than 15 percent and 10 – 15 percent cording to the official data more than was again in the territory of the West- 20 percent of the voters supported the ern Belarus, including some environs of democratic candidate, which together Minsk. Regardless of the fact that the with the Minsk District was a record of political landscape based on the official voting in towns and villages. Smarhon data looked differently certain tenden- District was supported by Miadziel and cies remained the same. Vilejka Districts, thus forming a single The 5 – 10 percent support zone area. The “more than 15 percent” zone included the rest of the Minsk Region included also the Hlybokaje District (except Luban District), the rest of the and the enclaves of Minsk and Dziar- Hrodna and Vicebsk Regions (except zhynsk Districts (it followed the 1994 Polatsk District), representing a kind model). A separate enclave was formed of an analog of the 1994 intermediate by Brest and Zhabinka Districts, which zone, and the North – Western part of were in the high support zone this time. the Mahilou Region, including the Ma- Perhaps it happened due to a relatively hilou District. low degree of falsifications there. It is interesting that the support The 10 - 15 percent zone is broken zone of less than 5 percent formed a into enclaves and reflected partly the complete area connected strongly to 1994 trends. It included the center of the Mahilou and Homiel Regions, co- the Hrodna Region (Bierastavitsa, Mas- inciding with the districts which suf- ty, Vaukavysk, Lida and Navahrudak fered from the Chernobyl catastrophe. Districts). At the same time, according The lowest support center left the Ma- to the official data, the whole landscape hilou Region and moved to the Homiel of the Hrodna Region had changed Region. The districts with less than 2 considerably. A lot of districts with the percent support (Lelchytsy, Brahin and high support level in 1994 disappeared,

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Vietka) were in the Homiel Region only ciding with the Western and Central and did not create a single area. Belarus. The latter is in the Homiel Re- gion, along the line Lelchytsy – Naroula III. The 2006 Presidential and Karma – Lojeu. elections Conclusions The year of 2006 is the most difficult from the point of view of analysis. Ac- Conclusions of this article would cording to the official data, the political only be preliminary as there were lots map became more monotonous, there of facts which had to be studied addi- was not enough information too. It is tionally. extremely difficult to specify the zones Firstly, the majority of the official of high and low support levels. The data concerning the 1994, 2001 and uniformity was strengthened by the ac- 2006 Presidential elections reflect cer- tive work of the regional and local bu- tain territorial disproportions and al- reaucracy. However it is still possible low to specify geographic areas, which to trace some tendencies even in these existence needs to be explained, espe- conditions. There was a “traditional” cially considering the probable manip- oppositional center: it no longer includ- ulations of the data in 2001 and 2006. ed the Smarhon District however it still There is a certain continuity of the areas included Maladziechna and Vilejka Dis- from 1994 to 2006, especially in Vicebsk tricts, as well as Slonim and Pinsk Dis- Region. tricts (more than 10 percent support). Secondly, it is obvious that the au- Unfortunately, there is no information thorities leveled the regional differences, concerning the Minsk Region. Compar- making it difficult to structure the - re ing the zones of 5 – 10 percent and less gions politically. A particular levelling at- than 5 percent, one might say that the tention was given to the Hrodna Region. former does not form a single area how- Thirdly, it is possible to say that a ever included the Central and Western considerable amount of facts proved Belarus. The latter included the Eastern that there were stable regional differ- part of Vicebsk, Mahilou and almost all ences along the line West – East (or of the Homiel Regions, plus six Districts North - West to South - East), however of the Hrodna and eight of the Minsk a detailed border should be studied ad- Regions. The Homiel Region was the ditionally. The territorial division is not same. For the sake of territorial analysis, linked (at least directly) to the Polish we shall talk about the areas where there minority and Catholic population. A was more than 7 percent support and conventional center of the oppositional those with less than 2 percent support. moods is on the border of the Minsk, The former has a number of enclaves Hrodna and Vicebsk Regions; the “an- without forming a single area, from the ti-center” is formed by the Districts of North – West to the North – East, from Homiel Region alongside the Russian Kamianiets and Luniniets Districts to and Ukrainian border. Braslau and Hlybokaje Districts, coin-

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Literature

1. Dmitriev, E. Hoorse. M. Belarus: The 2001 Belarus Presidential elections: results. Minsk: ISPR, 2002. P. 249—258. (Дмитриев Е., Хурс М. Беларусь: итоги и уроки президентских выборов 2001. Минск: ИСПИ, 2002) 2. Manaev, O. Presidential elections: what it was really like. Notes of a sociologist // Elec- tions of Belarus President— 2001. Facts and comments. — Minsk, 2002. P. 122. (Манаев О. Президентские выборы: что было на самом деле. Заметки социолога // Выборы президента Республики Беларусь — 2001. Факты и комментарии. — Минск, 2002). 3. Republic of Belarus Presidential Election, 9 September 2001: Final Report / Office for Democratic Inst. and Human Rights; ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission; Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. — Warszawa, 2001. 4. Belarusian Presidential Election: Independent Observation Results / Belarusian Hel- sinki Committee; Association of Central and Eastern European Election Officials; -Or ganization on Security and Cooperation in Europe; Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights. 2001.

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(8273). 28.06.1994. 18. «Дзянніца», Шчучынская раённая газета. № 50 (6688). 25.06.1994. 19. «Дняпровец», газета Рэчыцкага раёна. № 73 (11877). 28.06.1994. 20. «Дняпроўская праўда», грамадска-палітычная газета Дубровенскага раёна. № 54 (7322). 06.07.1994. 21. «Драгічынскі веснік», газета Драгічынскага раёна. № 28 (6742). 12.07.1994. 22. «За новыя рубяжы», газета Петрыкаўскага раёна, №48 (7375) от 29.06.1994 23. «Заклік Ільіча», газета Чэрыкаўскага раёна. № 46 (8882). 25.06.1994. 24. «Запаветы Леніна», Асіповіцкая грамадска-палітычная газета. № 48 (7726). 29.06.1994. 25. «Зара», Бешанковіцкая грамадска-палітычная газета. № 51 (7889). 28.06.1994. 26. «Заря над Бугом», общественно-политическая газета Брестского района. № 50 (5856). 29.06.1994. 27. «Зара над Друццю», Бялыніцкая раённая газета. № 47 (7961). 29.06.1994. 28. «Зара над Нёманам», газета Мастоўскага раёна. № 55 (6491). 29.06.1994. 29. «Зара над Сожам», газета Кармянскага раёна. № 47 (7858). 25.06.1994. 30. «Івацэвіцкі веснік», грамадска-палітычная газета Івацэвіцкага раёна. № 48 (7104). 28.06.1994. 31. «Іскра», грамадска-палітычная газета Чавускага раёна. № 46 (7796). 25.06.1994. 32. «Іўеўскі край», газета Іўеўскага раёна. № 44 (6491). 25.06.1994. 33. «Калінкавіцкія навіны», раённая газета Калінкавіцкага раёна. № 72 (7526). 30.06.1994. 34. «Кіравец», грамадска-палітычная газета Кіраўскага раёна. № 47 (7516). 25.06.1994. 35. «Кобрынскі веснік», грамадска-палітычная газета Кобрынскага раёна. № 50 (7234). 29.06.1994. 36. «Ленінскае слова», Слаўгарадская раённая газета. № 47 (7325). 29.06.1994. 37. «Ленінскі заклік», газета Смалявіцкага раёна. № 44 (7845). 30.06.1994. 38. «Ленінскі сцяг», грамадская газета Хойніцкага раёна. № 51 (8585). 29.06.1994. 39. «Ленінскі шлях», грамадская газета Горацкага і Дрыбінскага раёнаў. № 47 (8997). 29.06.1994. 40. «Ленінскім курсам», газета Крупскага раёна. № 48 (8575). 29.06.1994. 41. «Лепельскі край», грамадска-палітычная газета Лепельскага раёна. № 52 (9107). 28.06.1994. 42. «Лідская газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Лідскага раёна. № 48 (9338). 28.06.1994. 43. «Лунінецкія навіны», грамадска-палітычная газета Лунінецкага раёна. № 69 (7344). 30.06.1994. 44. «Ляхавіцкі веснік», грамадска-палітычная газета Ляхавіцкага раёна. № 47 (9957). 28.06.1994. 45. «Маладзечанская газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Маладзечанскага раёна. № 104. 25.06.1994. 46. «Маяк», газета Березовского района. № 49 (7111). 28.06.1994. 47. «Маяк», газета Гомельскага раёна. № 25 (6769). 25.06.1994. 48. «Маяк Прыдняпроўя», грамадска-палітычная газета Быхаўскага раёна. № 47 (8447). 29.06.1994. 49. «Навіны Камянеччыны», газета Камянецкага раёна. № 51 (5977). 29.06.1994. 50. «Навіны Палесся», грамадска-палітычная газета Столінскага раёна. № 48 (6684).

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25.06.1994. 51. «Навіны Старадарожчыны», грамадска-палітычная газета Старадарожскага раёна. № 48 (7919). 02.07.1994. 52. «Наш край», Барановичская объединенная газета. № 75 (10317). 25.06.1994. 53. «Наш час», Ваўкавыская раённая газета. № 48 (7393). 28.06.1994. 54. «Наша жыццё», грамадска-палітычная газета Мінскага раёна і горада Заслаўе. № 49 (7828). 29.06.1994. 55. «Новае жыццё», Навагрудская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 45 (7498). 29.06.1994. 56. «Новае Палессе», газета Жыткавіцкага раёна. № 48 (8337). 25.06.1994. 57. «Новы дзень», Жлобінская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 50 (9403). 29.06.1994. 58. «Пастаўскі край», газета Пастаўскага раёна. № 49 (7271). 29.06.1994. 59. «Патрыёт», газета Ушацкага раёна. № 29 (7608). 28.06.1994. 60. «Полесская правда», общественно-политическая газета Пинского района. № 52 (10256). 29.06.1994. 61. «Полымя», Карэліцкая раённая газета. № 29 (6278). 25.06.1994. 62. «Прамень», грамадска-палітычная і інфармацыйна-рэкламная газета Стаўбцоўс- кага раёна. № 46 (7166). 29.06.1994. 63. «Праца», грамадска-палітычная газета Зэльвенскага раёна. № 47 (6451). 28.06.1994. 64. «Прыпяцкая праўда», Нараўлянская раённая газета. № 44 (7782). 28.06.1994. 65. «Пухавіцкія навіны», газета Пухавіцкага раёна. № 51 (7623). 25.06.1994. 66. «Раённы веснік», газета Чэрвеньскага раёна. № 48 (6198). 25.06.1994. 67. «Раённыя будні», газета Пружанскага раёна. № 49 (7188). 25.06.1994. 68. «Родная ніва», Клімавіцкая раённая газета. № 48 (8839). 29.06.1994. 69. «Родны край», Лагойская раённая газета. № 47 (7437). 29.06.1994. 70. «Родныя вытокі», грамадска-палітычная газета Докшыцкага раёна. № 52 (6436). 29.06.1994. 71. «Свабоднае слова», Рагачоўская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 49 (8148). 25.06.1994. 72. «Светлагорскія навіны», газета Светлагорскага раёна. № 47 (7771). 29.06.1994. 73. «Светлае жыццё», газета Лельчыцкага раёна. № 46 (7392). 29.06.1994. 74. «Светлы шлях», газета Смаргонскага раёна. № 46 (6464). 29.06.1994. 75. «Свіслацкая газета», выданне Свіслацкага раёна. № 50 (6612). 29.06.1994. 76. «Сельскае жыццё», грамадска-палітычная газета Круглянскага раёна. № 47 (6297). 29.06.1994. 77. «Сельская новь», газета Гродненского района. № 46 (7120). 29.06.1994. 78. «Сельская праўда», газета Жабінкаўскага раёна. № 49 (5303). 29.06.1994. 79. «Слава працы», газета Капыльскага раёна. № 49 (8065). 29.06.1994. 80. «Слонімскі веснік», газета Слонімскага раёна. № 47 (7614). 25.06.1994. 81. «Слуцкі край», газета Слуцкага раёна. № 47 (10739). 25.06.1994. 82. «Сцяг Ільіча», грамадска-палітычная газета Талачынскага раёна. № 26 (8075). 25.06.1994. 83. «Сцяг Кастрычніка», газета Дзяржынскага раёна. № 45 (7188). 29.06.1994. 84. «Сцяг Леніна», Бярэзінская раённая газета. № 50 (7656). 02.07.1994. 85. «Сцяг перамогі», Лёзненская раённая газета. № 51 (8216). 28.06.1994. 86. «Сцяг працы», грамадска-палітычная газета Мёрскага раёна. № 52 (6785). 28.06.1994.

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87. «Ударны фронт», Шклоўская раённая масавая газета. № 47 (8618). 29.06.1994. 88. «Чырвоная звязда», газета Іванаўскага раёна. № 51 (6737). 01.07.1994. 89. «Чырвоная зорка» грамадска-палітычная газета Уздзенскага раёна. № 48 (6199). 29.06.1994. 90. «Чырвоны Кастрычнік», грамадска-палітычная газета Акцябрскага раёна. № 48 (6762). 29.06.1994. 91. «Чырвоны прамень», грамадская газета Чашніцкага раёна. № 49 (8545). 28.06.1994. 92. «Чырвоны сцяг», газета Нясвіжскага раёна. № 47 (7639). 28.06.1994. 93. «Шахцёр», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Салігорскага раёна. № 48 (9110). 28.06.1994. 94. Дмитриев Е., Хурс М. Беларусь: итоги и уроки президентских выборов 2001. Минск: ИСПИ, 2002. 95. «Авангард», Буда-Кашалёўская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 22 (7987). 25.03.2006. 96. «Адзінства», Барысаўская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 69-73 (13373). 22.03.2006. 97. «Аршанская газета», газета Аршанскага раёна. № 33 (18194). 21.03.2006. 98. «Астравецкая праўда», грамадска-палітычная газета Астравецкага раёна. № 23 (7444). 22.03.2006. 99. «Ашмянскі веснік», грамадска-палітычная газета Ашмянскага раёна. № 21 (8428). 22.03.2006. 100. «Бераставіцкая газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Бераставіцкага раёна. № 22 (7099). 22.03.2006. 101. «Браслаўская звязда», газета Браслаўскага раёна. № 23 (8041). 22.03.2006. 102. «Бярэзінская панарама», Бярэзінская грамадская газета. № 32 (8747). 22.03.2006. 103. «Веснік Глыбоччыны», газета Глыбоцкага раёна. № 23 (8536). 22.03.2006. 104. «Воранаўская газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Воранаўскага раёна. № 22 (8547). 22.03.2006. 105. «Гарадоцкі веснік», грамадска-палітычная газета Гарадоцкага раёна. № 23 (8491). 21.03.2006. 106. «Герой працы», грамадска-палітычная газета Шумілінскага раёна. № 23 (8385). 21.03.2006. 107. «Голас Веткаўшчыны», грамадская газета Веткаўскага раёна. № 33 (8405). 22.03.2006. 108. «Голас Любаншчыны», грамадска-палітычная газета Любанскага раёна. № 37 (9553). 22.03.2006. 109. «Голас Расоншчыны», грамадска-палітычная газета Расонскага раёна. № 24 (7897). 24.03.2006. 110. «Голас Сенненшчыны», газета Сеннецкага раёна. № 22 (1008). 21.03.2006. 111. «Да новых перамог», Клецкая раённая газета. № 51-52 (8051-8052). 25.03.2006. 112. «Дзвінская праўда», грамадска-палітычная газета Верхнядзвінскага раёна. № 24 (9495). 21.03.2006. 113. «Дзянніца», Шчучынская раённая газета. № 23 (7931). 22.03.2006. 114. «Дняпроўская праўда», грамадска-палітычная газета Дубровенскага раёна. № 24 (9163). 22.03.2006. 115. «Жыццё Палесся», газета Мазырскага раёна. № 46 (13316). 25.03.2006. 116. «Жыццё Прыдзвіння», Віцебская раённая газета. № 22 (8512). 21.03.2006.

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117. «Зара над Нёманам», газета Мастоўскага раёна. № 24. 23.03.2006. 118. «Зара над Сожам», газета Кармянскага раёна. № 28 (8952). 25.03.2006. 119. «Зара», Бешанковіцкая грамадска-палітычная газета. № 24 (9106). 24.03.2006. 120. «Іскра», грамадска-палітычная газета Чавускага раёна. № 23 (9051). 22.03.2006. 121. «Іўеўскі край», грамадска-палітычная газета Іўеўскага раёна. № 23 (7824). 25.03.2006. 122. «Калінкавіцкія навіны», раённая газета Калінкавіцкага раёна. № 41-42 (9375- 9376). 28.03.2006. 123. «Кіравец», грамадска-палітычная газета Кіраўскага раёна. № 23 (8701). 22.03.2006. 124. «Кліч Радзімы», газета Шаркаўшчынскага раёна. № 24 (7246). 22.03.2006. 125. «Крупскі веснік», газета Крупскага раёна. № 23 (10068). 22.03.2006. 126. «Ленінскі сцяг», грамадская газета Хойніцкага раёна. № 24 (9782). 25.03.2006. 127. «Ленінскі шлях», грамадская газета Горацкага раёна. № 25 (10228). 22.03.2006. 128. «Лепельскі край», грамадска-палітычная газета Лепельскага раёна. № 24 (10330). 24.03.2006. 129. «Лідская газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Лідскага раёна. № 34 (11260). 25.03.2006. 130. «Лунінецкія навіны», газета Лунінецкага раёна. № 47 (9300). 22.03.2006. 131. «Маладзечанская газета», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Маладзечанскага раёна. № 74, 75 (10676-10677). 22.03.2006. 132. «Маяк Прыдняпроўя», грамадска-палітычная газета Быхаўскага раёна. № 34-35 (9636-9637). 25.03.2006. 133. «Маяк», газета Гомельскага раёна. № 23 (7825). 22.03.2006. 134. «Міёрскія навіны», газета Мёрскага раёна. № 26 (8008). 21.03.2006. 135. «Навіны Палесся», газета Столінскага раёна. № 46 (8039). 21.03.2006. 136. «Навіны Старадарожчыны», грамадска-палітычная газета Старадарожскага раёна. № 51-52 (10626-10627). 25.03.2006. 137. «Нарачанская зара», народная газета Мядзельскага раёна. № 47-49 (8118-8120). 25.03.2006. 138. «Народны голас», грамадска-палітычная газета Ельскага раёна. № 23 (9141). 22.03.2006. 139. «Наш час», Ваўкавыская раённая газета. № 23 (8848). 22.03.2006. 140. «Наша Талачыншчына», грамадска-палітычная газета Талачынскага раёна. № 23 (9022). 22.03.2006. 141. «Новае жыццё», Навагрудская грамадска-палітычная газета. № 23 (8731). 22.03.2006. 142. «Новае Палессе», газета Жыткавіцкага раёна. № 37. 22.03.2006. 143. «Пастаўскі край», газета Пастаўскага раёна. № 39-40 (8697). 22.03.2006. 144. «Патрыёт», масава-палітычная газета Ушацкага раёна. № 23 (8492). 22.03.2006. 145. «Перамога», Дзятлаўская раённая газета. № 22 (7764). 22.03.2006. 146. «Перспектива», Гродненская региональная газета. № 22 (8301). 23.03.2006. 147. «Петрыкаўскія навіны», газета Петрыкаўскага раёна. № 25 (8561). 25.03.2006. 148. «Полацкі веснік», Полацкая аб’яднаная гарадская і раённая газета. № 28 (13245). 21.03.2006. 149. «Полесская правда», общественно-политическая газета Пинского района. № 35 (11737). 22.03.2006. 150. «Полымя», Карэліцкая раённая газета. № 23 (7471). 22.03.2006.

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151. «Прамень», грамадска-палітычная і інфармацыйна-рэкламная газета Стаўбцоўскага раёна. № 35 (8475). 22.03.2006. 152. «Праца», грамадска-палітычная газета Зэльвенскага раёна. № 23 (7780). 25.03.2006. 153. «Прыдняпроўская ніва», грамадска-палітычная газета Магілёўскага раёна. № 23 (7769). 22.03.2006. 154. «Прыпяцкая праўда», Нараўлянская раённая газета. № 23 (8953). 25.03.2006. 155. «Пухавіцкія навіны», газета Пухавіцкага раёна. № 36-37 (8938-8939). 25.03.2006. 156. «Радзіма», Глуская раённая газета. № 23 (8716). 21.03.2006. 157. «Раённы веснік», газета Чэрвеньскага раёна. № 36 (7604). 22.03.2006. 158. «Раённыя будні», грамадска-палітычная газета Пружанскага раёна. № 45-46 (8671-8672). 22.03.2006. 159. «Родная ніва», Клімавіцкая раённая газета. № 24(101431). 25.03.2006. 160. «Родны край», Лагойская раённая газета. № 23 (8642). 22.03.2006. 161. «Савецкая вёска», грамадска-палітычная газета Дрыбінскага раёна. № 23 (30194). 22.03.2006. 162. «Светлае жыццё», грамадска-палітычная газета Лельчыцкага раёна. № 28-29 (8591-8592). 25.03.2006. 163. «Светлы шлях», мясцовая беларуская газета Смаргонскага раёна. № 25 (7933). 22.03.2006. 164. «Свіслацкая газета», газета Свіслацкага раёна. № 23 (7897). 25.03.2006. 165. «Святло Кастрычніка», грамадская газета Мсціслаўскага раёна. № 22 (9162). 22.03.2006. 166. «Серп і молат», Лоеўская раённая масавая газета. № 40 (8410). 28.03.2006. 167. «Слава працы», масава-палітычная газета Капыльскага раёна, № 39-40 (9286- 9287). 25.03.2006. 168. «Слонімскі веснік», газета Слонімскага раёна. № 37 (9533). 22.03.2006. 169. «Слуцкі край», газета Слуцкага раёна. № 46 (12238). 22.03.2006. 170. «Сцяг перамогі», Лёзненская раённая газета. № 22 (9511). 21.03.2006. 171. «Сцяг Саветаў», грамадска-палітычная газета Клічаўскага раёна. № 23 (8487). 21.03.2006. 172. «Трыбуна працы», грамадска-палітычная газета Бабруйскага раёна. № 21 (3032). 22.03.2006. 173. «Чачэрскі веснік», газета Чачэрскага раёна. № 25. 23.03.2006. 174. «Чырвоная зорка», грамадска-палітычная газета Уздзенскага раёна. № 34-35 (7453-7454). 25.03.2006. 175. «Чырвоны прамень», грамадска-палітычная газета Чашніцкага раёна. № 34 (9972). 21.03.2006. 176. «Чырвоны сцяг», грамадска-палітычная газета Краснапольскага раёна. № 23 (9076). 22.03.2006. 177. «Шахцёр», грамадска-палітычнае выданне Салігорскага раёна. № 25 (10404). 24.03.2006. 178. «Шлях перамогі», Вілейская грамадская газета. № 50-51 (8032-8033). 22.03.2006. Андрэй Казакевіч. Палітычная картаграфія Беларусі ў выніках прэзідэнцкіх выбараў 1994—2006 гадоў.

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus

Abstract

An analysis of the contemporary state of political and civil consciousness in Belarus discovers a number of contradictions. The high level of electoral participation goes with low motivation of voters «to influence the trend of developments in the country». Another aspect of the existing contradictions the perception by state between residents of their citizenship: the identification with the citizens of the Republic of Belarus and significance of citizenship and while on the other hand, the neglect of political and legal status of citizen as a resource for solving social problems. On the basis of empirical sociological data the author determines in the article the correlation between the ideas about the concept «a citizen» and the peculiarity of perception of the country and of themselves as its citizens in conditions of contemporary Belarus.

Keywords: identity, identification, civil conciseness, public opinion, political behaviour

An important place among Belaru- has more “formal” motives: “I think it is sian nation’s social and cultural changes a citizen’s duty” - 66,4%, “I do it by hab- is occupied by transformations of the it” - 11,4%. There is also a very low level role and a place of a citizen in it. The of respondents who think that they can analysis of the modern condition of po- actually influence the country’s life.1 litical and civil consciousness reveals a Another aspect of the existing con- number of contradictions. A sociologi- tradictions is connected to the charac- cal research data shows a high level of ter of the Belarusian inhabitants’ com- electoral participation, which is one of prehension of their citizenship. On the basic parameters of the civil activity one hand, a significant part of the pop- (about 80% of the population partici- ulation steadily identifies themselves pate in the elections). Still, only 14,1% as citizens of the Republic of Belarus of voters say that their motive for par- and thinks that their citizenship is very ticipation is “a desire to influence the important. On the other hand, they ig- course of events in the country”. In the nore a citizen’s political and legal status majority of cases, their electoral activity as a means of solving social problems.

1 According to a research of the Sociology Institute of the Belarusian Academy of Sci- ences (July 2003), a national poll sample of 2,308 people.

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 75

Therefore 33,5% of the respondents say tualizations of the essence of the notion that while settling their every day mat- “citizen” are components of mentality ters, they can “sometimes” rely on “the of one or other society because they are law”, and only 11,2% on “participation bases on which the concrete content of in the political life”.2 civil consciousness is formed. It is the These contradictions can be caused basis which sets frameworks for the de- by a complex of factors of social, po- velopment of certain practices of a civil litical, cultural and psychological char- behavior, for a person’s comprehension acter, such as civil society immaturity, of his/her place in a society, for a forma- transformation of system of values, tion of his/her attitudes and relations concentration on solving local and daily with/to the country and citizenship. An problems, etc. We think that among essential circumstance which actualizes the factors which render a motivating this factor in modern conditions is the influence on the subjective estimation “availability” of development and adop- of a possibility and efficiency of - par tion of different variants of a substantial ticipation in public life, on practice of and valuable filling of the notion “citi- implementation of one’s rights and du- zen” and corresponding motives, norms ties, as well as on electoral activity, the and models of behavior. At the same important place belongs to the system time, it is necessary to mark a need in of conceptualizations by inhabitants of special researches devoted to the analy- the essence of the notion “citizen”. sis of subjective interpretations of the notion “citizen”, i.e. inhabitants’ concep- I. Description tualizations of what it means to be a cit- of the methods izen of a country for them. This article presents one of possible ways to analyze The character of mutual relations the correlation between the “theoreti- between a person and the state has cal knowledge” about citizenship and a wide spectrum of interpretations - the various aspects of comprehension from the “liberal” one where the ability by the Belarusian inhabitants and their of being a citizen is an ability to actual- estimations from their country and citi- ize the rights and to defend them from zenship. the state’s machinery, to the “republi- The article aims to define the inter- can” one where citizenship is a person’s relation between the conceptualizations belonging to the self-determinative of the notion “citizen” and specificity of community and his/her integration in the perception of the country and one- it. Prevalence in public consciousness self as its citizen in the conditions of 3 of this or other kind of interpretations modern Belarus. For this purpose, we is historically, socially and culturally introduced the concepts “space” and caused and fixed in mentality. Concep- “position”. We understand the space,

2 According to a sociological monitoring of the Sociology Institute of the Belarusian Academy of Sciences (December 2004), a national poll sample of 1,984 people. 3 This article’s empiric data is based on a research of the Sociology Institute of the Belaru-

№11/2008 76 Political ideas and national identity

first of all, as a space of meanings and and “to build” correspondent semantic senses (the semantic space, Petrenko, spaces, as well as to define an arrange- 1988) as both interpretations of the no- ment of the allocated positions in se- tion “citizen” and features of perception mantic spaces, to estimate their relation of a country and citizenship are phe- (affinity, remoteness) and to reveal the nomena of consciousness. The second interrelation of conceptualizations of important point is that this is a space the notion “citizen” with relation to the of relations between ones or the other one’s perception of a country and one- positions (“subjects” of a certain space). self as a “citizen”. The place they occupy in this space, and The four following parameters are relations between them depend on car- used as empiric indicators which help riers of what meanings and senses they to reveal the specificity of comprehen- (subjects) are. The positions are these sion of civil belonging, – a degree of or those conceptualizations of the no- identification with citizens of Belarus, a tion “citizen”. The relation between degree of importance of civil belonging, these positions (neighborhood, affinity, an attitude towards citizenship (“posi- remoteness) is defined through their tive”, “neutral”, “negative”) and preferred arrangement in the semantic space.4 It citizenship (“citizenship of Belarus”, is also important to mark that distinc- “citizenship of another country”, “dual tions between positions have a relative citizenship”).5 character, i.e. they make sense not in In order to analyze features of the general however only concerning a cer- perception of a country, we use a tech- tain semantic space. Therefore in terms nique of semantic differential6 where of purpose of our study, we regard two respondents were offered to estimate spaces of meanings with the help of some characteristics of Belarusian so- which we shall analyze arrangement of cial, economic, political and spiritual the positions: 1) the space of Belarusian development (Sikevich, 1999; Osgood inhabitants’ perception of themselves and all, 1972), as well as a technique of as citizens; 2) the space of Belarusian revealing the feelings towards Belarus.7 inhabitants’ perception of their country. The construction of semantic spac- According to the designated ap- es was carried out with the help of a proach, in this article we shall try: to al- method of a factorial analysis (Tolstova, locate positions on the basis of various 1998). It allowed us, being based on a interpretations of the notion “citizen” complex of parameters, to reveal hid-

sian Academy of Sciences (2003-2004), a national poll sample of 1,000 people.. Conceptu- alizations of the notion “citizenship” are rather conservative; therefore this data quite adequately reflects the present day situation. 4 It is similar to allocation of positions in P. Bourdieu’s social space (Bourdieu, 1993). 5 We use here the tools designed to reveal a degree of civil identification and importance of civil belonging developed by L. I. Naumenko, a psychological sciences candidate (Naumenko, 2003; Naumenko, 2001). 6 Z. V. Sikevich’s modified semantic differentialis used here (Sikevich, 1999). 7 Some of the applied parameters were based on nominal scales (one’s attitude towards

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 77 den (latent) factors, which determine citizen is a person who lives in the ter- meanings of separate parameters. The ritory of a country”); a formal status received contents of factors were con- (“a citizen is a person who has citizen- sidered to be semantic coordinate axes ship”); implementation of the status (“a of corresponding semantic spaces. The citizen is a person who uses his/her analyzed positions were set as points rights and carries out his/her duties”); inside this space of coordinates, while feelings toward a country ('a citizen is a the size of a projection of positions on person who loves his country”); socio- coordinate (semantic) axes shows a de- political activity (“a citizen is a person gree in which the sense of a given factor who actively participates in the social characterized the position. and political life”). Therefore the received factors rep- The proposed variants of the an- resent key categories and through their swers are not mutually exclusive, and prism the respondents perceive, es- the alternativeness of a question re- timate and interpret the country and quirement, in this case, aimed to reveal their citizenship. They form a space of the priority of choice. On the basis of meanings the respondents use. The ar- their choice, respondents were thought rangement of the positions in the spac- to be in one or another group, their es formed by the factors, allows us to belonging to which would, first of all, describe the given positions, to express be a sign of distinctions between their their mutual correlation and to present understanding of the notion “citizen”. it graphically, i.e. to estimate a degree According to their answers, the groups of affinity of positions to one another of respondents, i.e. carriers of various (Petrenko&Mitin, 1994). conceptualizations of citizenship, were further considered to be positions in II. Conceptualizations the semantic spaces. of the notion “citizenship” The answers were the following (see (definition of a position) Figure 1): respondents’ most popular variant was “to love the country” To reveal conceptualizations of the (25,9%), then “to use the rights and to notion “citizenship”, we used respon- carry out duties” (20,3%) and “to have dents’ answers to the question, “Which citizenship” (19,4%). The variant “to live of these statements describe the most on the country’s territory” was chosen precisely your understanding of the by 17,2% of respondents. The least pop- notion “citizen of the country”?” The ular answer was “to participate actively variants of the proposed answers had a in the social and political life” (14,4%). number of bases to define the essence The received results showed the pres- of citizenship: territorial belonging (“a ence of a whole spectrum of interpre- citizenship, preferred citizenship and the country). In order to use them in the procedure of a factorial analysis, they were dichotomized, i.e. each variant of an answer was considered to be a separate variable, in relation to which a respondent expressed his/her consent or disagreement.

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Figure 1. Prevalence among respondents of conceptualizations of the notion «citizen» tations of citizenship in the public con- III. Perception sciousness. Besides, it is necessary to and comprehension note that all variants of conceptualiza- of citizenship tions of the notion “citizen” are rather (actuality, value, choice) wide-spread. It allows us to compare them and to analyze their positional re- Let's first analyze the semantic space lationship within semantic fields. of “perception and comprehension of For brevity and convenience of our civil belonging”. It is based on a complex further analysis, we shall consider the of parameters which aimed to reveal a allocated positions according to what degree of civil identification, impor- their attributive characteristic of the tance of civil belonging, attitude to citi- notion “citizen” is: zenship and preferred citizenship. As – “Territory” – “a citizen is a person 8 a result of the factorial analysis , there who lives on the territory of a country”; were four factors explained by accord- – “Status” – “a citizen is a person ingly 34, 14, 13 and 11% of the general who has citizenship”; dispersion. Because of the complex- – “Rights and duties” – “a citizen is a ity of the representation of the four- person who uses his/her rights and car- dimensional space formed by these fac- ries out duties”; tors, we shall resort to two-dimensional – “Love” – “a citizen is a person who spaces. The positional relationship of loves the country”; these factors allows us to build six two- – “Activity” – “a citizen is a person dimensional spaces. Among those there who actively participates in the social will be two of them, in our opinion, the and political life”. 8 The method of main components with the use of the axes’ rotation of the Varimax method.

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 79 most informative and interesting ones, longing (a low degree of comprehen- which are formed in pairs by the first- sion and importance of Belarusian citi- second and the third-fourth factors. zenship) and in a weak interest in the Further analysis (with methodologi- choice of a citizenship. It is possible to cal features omitted) allows us to build say that for this position the questions a space formed by the first and the sec- of citizenship are neither actual, nor ond factors, and to define it as a space important. of the “relevance of citizenship and its Au contraire, the position of “love” perception as a value”. is characterized by a high actuality and In the space of these two factors, the positive importance of Belarusian citi- positions of “status” and “love” are far- zenship, essentially differing from all thest from each other, they make an op- the other positions. The high results of position to one another (see Figure 2). both factors allow us to say that for the Their arrangement proves that the first respondents who chose this position, one is characterized by the most formal the contents of these factors reflect im- attitude towards citizenship, which is portant categories through which they revealed in the indifference to civil be- perceive and estimate their citizenship.

Figure 2. Semantic space of the relevance of citizenship and its perception as a value

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It means the questions of civil belong- choice between Belarusian citizenship ing have a high degree of importance and a citizenship of another country. for them. The negative pole is characterized by In its turn, the positions of “territo- the lack of negative attitude towards ry” and “rights and duties” are located Belarusian citizenship or a desire to in the immediate proximity to each oth- replace it by a citizenship of another er, forming an original cluster. It is also country. It is represented by a variable. necessary to note that they are charac- It is necessary to note that this factor is terized by the lack of the importance only highlighted by the position of “sta- with regard to the Belarusian citizen- tus”. The other four positions have ap- ship and an interest with regard to the proximately equal results. change of citizenship, which is larger The analysis of the arrangement of than that of the position of “status”. the positions in these two space factors The position of “activity” is placed allows us to allocate two clusters. The right on the crossing of the coordinate first one includes the positions of “terri- axes which means the meanings’ space tory” and “love”, the second one - “activ- set by these two factors, does not show ity” and “rights and duties”. The position its originality. of “status” is equally spaced from these From the point of view of perception two clusters. According to the content of citizenship as a value and relevance of the factors, it is possible to say that of problems of citizenship as a whole, the first cluster (“territory” and “love”) the arrangement of positions in this is characterized by the fact that for the semantic space reveals the contrast be- respondents who chose these positions, tween the respondents who chose the the question of their attitude towards positions of “love” and “status”. At the citizenship is not actual (i.e. it is not a same time, there is affinity of positions significant basis of their perception as of “territory” and “rights and duties”. citizens). Probably, the answer to this Factors 3 and 4 create a semantic question is obvious to them. Still, both space of “a choice of citizenship”. The positions, in particular “territory”, are third factor reflects an intelligent choice characterized by the maximal values on between Belarusian and “expanded” Be- the axis of “a choice between Belarusian larusian citizenship. As Figure 3 proves, and dual citizenship”, which means the the allocated positions are distributed unequivocal preference for Belarusian evenly between the axis’ poles, showing citizenship only. essential distinctions in this parameter. The second cluster (“activity” and Thus, this semantic axis can be consid- “rights and duties”) makes an opposi- ered as a factor that differentiates the tion to the first cluster on the axis of studied positions, i.e. it specifies dis- “a choice between Belarusian and dual tinctions between them and reflects citizenship”. The respondents, who their originality. The fourth factor can chose these positions, are characterized be interpreted as non-acceptance of by the absence of a negative attitude Belarusian citizenship and a negative towards Belarusian citizenship and the attitude to it which is revealed in the preference for dual citizenship.

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 81

Figure 3. Semantic space of a choice of citizenship If the two clusters mentioned above, the position of “love” is the most remote occupy the polar positions in the choice from the others. In the second space, it between Belarusian and dual citizen- is closer to the position of “territory”, ships, then the position of “status” has while the position of “status” is the most no certain characteristics in this regard. remote. The positions of “activity” and In its turn, this originality of the posi- “rights and duties” keep their more or tion is revealed by high results concern- less mutual, rather close arrangement ing the factor of the negative attitude in both spaces. It might mean that there towards citizenship, which naturally is a certain similarity in perception and removes importance of the choice be- comprehension of citizenship among tween the Belarusian and dual citizen- the respondents who chose these two ships. positions. The positional relationship between Various interpretations of the no- these positions in two spaces reveal- tion “citizen” presented as the positions ing the specificity of perception of citi- represent some originality in the mean- zenship is characterized by the lack of ings’ space revealing specificity of re- steady (self-generating) correlations spondents’ perception of themselves as between the positions. In the first case, citizens. Conceptualization of citizen-

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ship as an emotional affection towards a IV. Perception of the country is interconnected to a complete country (appreciations and positive attitude towards “civil belong- feelings towards Belarus) ing” which is revealed by a high degree of identification with the citizens of a Now we shall analyze the arrange- country and importance of citizenship, ment of the allocated positions in the as well as a positive attitude to it and semantic space of the “perception of the the unequivocal preference for no other country”. It was based on appreciation (dual or other country’s) citizenships. of Belarus with the assistance of scales Perception of citizenship by the re- of a semantic differential and their an- spondents, who chose the position of swers concerning feelings towards Be- “status”, is characterized by the most larus. formal attitude to it. It is revealed in As a result of data processing with the irrelevance of the issue of “civil the help of the factorial analysis, there belonging” as a whole, and in the nega- were four factors explained accordingly tive attitude towards Belarusian citi- 32, 9, 8 and 7% of the common disper- zenship in particular. The respondents sion.9 who defined “citizenship” by inhabita- The first factor (32%), having the tion (the position of “territory”), dem- greatest explaining ability, represents onstrate their indifferent attitude to the the most subjectively significant for problems of citizenship, however still respondents criterion of perception of characterized by the unequivocal pref- the country. It can be called the factor erence for the Belarusian citizenship. of one’s appreciation of Belarus and at- Respondents’ conceptualizations of titude towards it. the notion “citizen”, appealing to the The fourth factor (7%), forming an- political and legal aspects of citizen- other axis of space, reflects a degree ship (the position of “rights and duties” and depth of an emotional attachment and “activity”), are linked together, on to the country. Thus, the positive pole the one hand, to the absence of adher- here reflects high appreciation of Belar- ence to the Belarusian citizenship and us (the criterion of “native”, “mine”); the a rather critical attitude towards it and, negative one reflects the indifference on the other hand, to relevance (though to the country. It allows us to call this also low) of civil belonging. factor “a factor of feelings of affection towards Belarus”. The space formed by the first and fourth factors, characterizes a correlation between the “objective” (somehow rational, supraliminal, reasoned) and “subjective” (irrational, emotional) bas-

9 Here are two of six possible two-dimensional spaces, in our opinion, the most informative and interesting ones which are formed in pairs by the first-fourth and the second- third factors. See a more detailed analysis here (Vodolazhskaya, 2005).

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 83 es for perception of the country and an and moderate (“activity”) degrees of be- attitude towards it (see Figure 4). It was longing to the country. The positions of called the “space of appreciation of Be- “territory” and “status”, on the contrary, larus and attitude towards it”. The most are characterized by a high degree of in- unequivocal position in this space is oc- difference and dispassionateness, pro- cupied by the position of “love” which viding high (“territory”) and moderate is characterized by the positive percep- (“status”) estimations of the country’s tion of Belarus with the help of a num- social and economic development. ber of political and economic criteria, The positions of “rights and duties” and by the feeling of belonging. Judg- and “territory” create an original op- ing by the arrangement in this space, position to each other. In the first case, the positions of “rights and duties” and there is a high criticism with regard to “activity” create a cluster character- Belarus, as well as a high degree of be- ized by the replacement of estimations longing to it. In the second case, on the of Belarus with the help of a number contrary, there is a weak feeling of be- of criteria by the negative feeling to it. longing and full loyalty. The respondents who chose these po- The second and third factors’ posi- sitions, show high (“rights and duties”) tional relationship create the “space of

Figure 4. Semantic space of appreciation of Belarus and attitude towards it

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feelings towards Belarus” (see Figure 5). of perception and emotional attitude to It is important to say that these factors such an “object” as Belarus which as- are substantially inversely opposite. sumes the simultaneous presence (or The second factor (9%) reveals the simultaneous absence) of both feelings. presence or absence of the positive feel- Therefore, the opposite poles of positive ings towards Belarus. Judging by the and negative feelings are the absence of variables of the second factor, it can be both feelings. called the factor of positive feelings to- The arrangement of the positions wards Belarus. The third factor (8%) is a in the space formed by these factors semantic antithesis. Thus, the third fac- proves that the strongest and the most tor is the factor of the negative feelings positive attitude is shown by the re- towards Belarus. spondents who chose the position of It is important that positive and neg- “love”. Although this position has weak ative feelings are not the opposite poles signs of negative feelings, too, i.e. it is of one factor. For respondents, they are characterized by the greatest emotional independent bases for a description and - valuable saturation of feelings towards explanation of their attitudes towards Belarus. The same saturation, however the country. This indicates ambivalence with an opposite modality, character-

Figure 5. Semantic space of feelings towards Belarus

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 85 izes the position of “rights and duties”. towards it rather than in the space of Its arrangement in this space reveals the feelings towards the country. It is the biggest degree of negativism towards feeling of belonging to Belarus that dif- the country. Besides, the unambiguity ferentiates respondents who have dif- of this attitude is obvious. It demon- ferent conceptualizations of the notion strates both absence of positive feelings “citizen”. Besides, it is necessary to say and strongly expressed negative feel- that the definition of a citizenship as ings, which cohere with its position in love to the country is connected to a the semantic space of “appreciations of strongly expressed positive feelings to- Belarus and attitude towards it”. wards Belarus. The other three positions are charac- Summing up the received results, terized by a rather indifferent attitude to it is possible to give a brief common the country. The arrangement of the po- characteristic of each of the examined sitions of “status” and “territory” means positions. We shall also mark the de- both feelings are expressed weakly. The mographic groups in which they are lo- position of “activity” has rather positive cated (see Figure 6). feelings, though not strongly expressed. The most expressive and substan- It proves a low emotional – valuable tially complete is the perception of saturation of “Belarus” of the respon- the country and oneself as its citizen dents who chose these positions. among the respondents who chose the Comparing the arrangement of the position of “love”. They have a high de- positions in two spaces revealing the gree of comprehension of Belarusian peculiarity of the perception of the re- citizenship and a similar degree of its spondents with regard to Belarus it is importance. Perception and estimation necessary to note the following. The of Belarus are unequivocally positive. most essential distinctions between They correspond to the definition of a the positions are observed in the space citizenship through an emotional and of estimations of Belarus and attitude value-based attitude towards the coun-

Figure 6. Respondents age and conceptualizations of the notion «citizen»10

10 Distinctions between the ages of the respondents, who chose different positions, are on the level of 0,001, by Kruskal-Wallis criteria.

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try. As a rule, it is a choice of a senior high positive appreciation of Belarus by generation. the “objective” criteria, which is in line The position of “rights and duties” with the conceptualizations of a citizen- is characterized by the lowest appre- ship as a habitation in the territory of ciation of Belarus, based on a number a country, where the living conditions of “objective” criteria, and at the same have the greatest value. time by comprehension of belonging to At last, the position of “activity” it, i.e. a strong perception of the country is characterized by a critical outlook and realization of one’s place in it. Tak- on the country’s social, economic and ing it into account, a low value of Belar- political development. Besides, the re- usian citizenship and a desire to replace spondents who chose it are character- it with a double one, however not with ized by low importance of Belarusian another country citizenship, are natu- citizenship and by a lack of the desire ral. This position is a choice of a young to keep it. This position’s arrangement generation. The definition of the notion in the examined semantic spaces corre- “citizen”, describing this position, is not sponds the least to the chosen formu- semantically connected to one’s atti- lation of answers. Taking into account tude towards the country however first that this answer was chosen by mainly of all has status-related, political and young people, it is possible to assume legal meaning. Judging by assessments that social and political activity as the of the country’s socio-political develop- essence of citizenship is most likely ment, a possibility of the extrapolation considered by them as a duty (an ac- of these meanings into the political be- quired, declared norm), which has no havior is extremely low. relation to the one’s civic stand. The position of “status” is an antith- Interpretations of the notion “citi- esis to these emotionally filled posi- zen”, connected with the socio-politi- tions. There is the largest degree of in- cal status, are chosen mostly by young difference towards the country and its people, thus being combined with the citizenship. This position has the most low appreciation of the country and formal perception of a citizenship, and indifference to it. It does not help to as a rule, it is chosen more often by the really implement such conceptualiza- youngest and the most senior genera- tions of citizenship in the country’s real tions. The first ones, probably, have not socio-political life. The senior genera- found any value in it; the latter, prob- tion’s understanding of the citizenship ably, have lost it already. is based, first of all, on their value-based The position of “territory”, first of and emotional attitude towards the all, is chosen by the senior generation country or their attachment to a certain respondents. This position is character- territory however there are almost no ized by the lowest degree of compre- political and legal aspects here. There hension of one’s citizenship and its im- is not only a variety of contents of the portance, as well as a weak expressive- notion “citizen”, but also qualitative dif- ness of an emotional attitude towards ferences which can be considered to be the country. At the same time, there is a a parameter of transformation of con-

№11/2008 Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Conceptualizations of the notion “citizen” in contemporary Belarus 87 ceptualizations of this notion in public called democratic (freedom, human consciousness of the inhabitants of Be- rights, etc.), is actually not presented larus. in the public consciousness. The emotional and valuable filling of the notion V. Brief conclusions “citizen” is connected to the feelings and one’s attitude towards the country The conceptualizations of the Belar- rather than to the citizenship. A wide usian inhabitants of the notion “citizen” prevalence of interpretations of citi- as a sign of mentality set certain frame- zenship as a formal status and territo- works of perception and assessment of rial belonging (with the correspond- various aspects of “mutual relations” ing attitude to the citizenship) reveals between a citizen and the state. It is ex- the reasons for discrepancy between pressed by a close interrelation of these “quantitative” parameters of one’s par- conceptualizations with one’s percep- ticipation in the country’s political life tion of the citizenship and a country. and the real participation in it, between For example, the status meaning’s ac- comprehension of civil belonging and tualization in the given conceptualiza- an active use of this political and legal tions (to have a citizen’s passport) is status in the social activity. connected to formal perception of a A variety of conceptualizations of citizenship and indifference in their at- the notion “citizen” in the consciousness titude to it and to the country. When of the Belarusian inhabitants reveals the the notion “citizen” is filled with emo- transformation of these conceptualiza- tional contents (feelings towards the tions, using the generational change as country), it means high importance of its major mechanism. Conceptualiza- the citizenship and prevalence of the tions of citizenship, based on emotional positive assessment of the country. and value-based attitudes towards the Conceptualizations of the notion “citi- country, attachment to the territory, zen”, connected with signs of social ac- expressed by the senior generation, are tivity or exercising citizen’s rights and being replaced by conceptualizations duties, are reflected in a critical view on with a political and legal content of citi- the country and the Belarusian citizen- zenship, characterized by a weak value- ship. The understanding of citizenship based filling, which makes it formal and as an attachment to a certain territory is declarative depriving these conceptual- connected to the high importance and izations of the motivating potential. emotional filling of appreciation of Be- larus, attitude and feelings towards it, and indifference to the civil status. Therefore the specifics of the mentality of the Belarusian inhabitants is in the fact that the status of a citizen as a self-value connected to the opportunities of self-realization in the social and political space and a set of values

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Literature

1. Petrenko V.F. Psychosemantics of consciousness. (Петренко В.Ф. Психосемантика со- знания). Moscow, 1988. 2. Bourdieu P. Social space and classes’ genesis // Sociology of politics. (Бурдье П. Соци- альное пространство и генезис классов//Социология политики). Moscow., 1993. 3. Naumenko L.I. Ethnicity and citizenship in consciousness of inhabitants of modern Belarus // Social and sociocultural processes in modern Belarus: a sociological analysis. Scientific works’ collection / BNAS, SI. (Науменко Л.И. Этничность и гражданство в самосознании жителей современной Беларуси//Социальные и социокультурные процессы в современной Беларуси: социологический анализ. Сб. науч. тр./НАН Беларуси, Ин-т социологии). Minsk, 2003. p. 194-203. 4. Naumenko L. I. Ethnic, civil and Soviet identification of Belarusians. Actuality and a place among components of social identity // Social and sociocultural processes in modern Belarus: a sociological analysis. Scientific works’ collection. (Науменко Л.И. Этническая, гражданская и советская идентификация белорусов. Актуальность и место среди составляющих социальной идентичности//Социальные и социокуль- турные процессы в современной Беларуси: социологический анализ. Сб. науч. тр.). Issue 3. Minsk, 2001. p. 40-45. 5. Sikevich Z.V. «Image» of the past in Russians’ symbolical consciousness // SocIs (Сике- вич З. В. «Образ» прошлого в символическом сознании россиян//СоцИс). 1999. № 1. p. 87-93. 6. Charles E. Osgood, George J. Suci, and Percy H. Tannenbaum. Application of Semantic Differential in aesthetics researches and other problems // Semiotics and Art-metry (Осгуд М., Суси Дж., Танненбаум П. Приложение методики семантического диф- ференциала к исследованиям по эстетике и иным проблемам//Семиотика и ис- кусствометрия). М., 1972. p. 118-130. 7. Tolstova Y.N. Measurement in sociology: a course of lectures.( Толстова Ю.Н. Изме- рение в социологии: курс лекций). М., 1998. 8. Petrenko V. F., Mitin O. V. Psychosemantic research of political mentality // Social studies and modernity. (Петренко В. Ф., Митина О. В. Психосемантическое исследо- вание политического менталитета//Общественные науки и современность). 1994. № 6. p. 23-34. 9. Vodolazhskaya T.V. Conceptualizations of citizenship. An analysis based on the methods of psychosemantics // Social and sociocultural processes in modern Belarus: a sociological analysis. Scientific works’ collection. (Водолажская Т.В. Представления о гражданстве. Опыт анализа с помощью методов психосемантики // Социальные и социокультурные процессы в современной Беларуси: социологический анализ. Сб. науч. тр). Issue 6. Minsk, 2005. p. 149-159.

№11/2008 Siarhei Kuzniatsou Symbolism of money: finances and historical consciousness of Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus1

Abstract

Images on banknotes are one of the ways of visualizing and distributing knowledge about a certain historical period and fixing it in a nation’s consciousness, thus influencing the national identity. The author analyses the images on the banknotes of the three neighboring countries: Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus, studying the common features and differences in their design. The author draws a conclusion about the closeness of the Lithuanian and Ukrainian approaches that influenced their national identities through the banknotes’ images, while Belarusian identity engineers ignored this approach.

Key words: political symbols, symbolism of Belarus, Lithuania and Ukraine, historical memory, identity construction, finances, money.

While forming or strengthening a rials, museums and historical memory chosen variant of the national identity, places, monuments’ erection, designa- every nation tries to highlight some tion of streets in honor of great people historical facts and to avoid or “forget” or events, sometimes a State Coat of some other ones. Thus, the “recon- Arms, National Anthem and Flag. struction” of the national memory and This article analyses one more history chooses some periods from the method of spreading a chosen histori- nation’s history and intensifies them cal orientation, i.e. through the images (Snyder, 2003). Various methods are on banknotes. Bearing in mind the fact used in order to visualize and distribute that the majority of the population uses knowledge about certain historical pe- money, this method seems to be quite riods and to fix them in a nation’s con- justified. Prior to analyzing the Belaru- sciousness, such as creation of memo- sian banknotes’ semantic load, let’s first

1 The source for translation is: Сяргей Кузняцоў Сімволіка грошаў: фінансы і гістарычная свядомасць Украіны, Літвы і Беларусі // “Палiтычная сфера” №7, 2006 с.54-62.

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take a close look at the images on the desire of the authorities to stabilize the banknotes of Ukraine and Lithuania. economy first, thus transferring the major blows of inflation to the coupons. Ukraine The name of the Ukrainian- cur rency, the hryvnia, dates back to the After the disintegration of the USSR times of the Old Rus (Ruthenia). At in 1991, the Presidium of the Supreme those times, a “hryvnia” (“grivna”) most Council (Rada) passed a decree con- likely meant something valuable worn cerning the introduction of a “kar- around the neck, usually made of silver bovanets” (a coupon) from the 10th of or gold. Later on the word was used to January 1992 on the territory of Ukraine describe silver or golden ingots of a cer- (Decree, 1991). In the beginning of tain weight. 1992, these coupons circulated together On 18 July 1917 the creation of with the old Soviet Rubles however as the Ukrainian People’s Republic was early as May the Rubles were withdrawn announced and started immediate and in November it became possible to emission of its own currency, the kar- carry out coupon non-cash transac- bovanets. The banknotes’ designer tions. At the same time the work on Heorhiy Narbut addressed to the Ru- the creation of the Ukrainian currency, thenian times and pictured the Fam- hryvnia, was ongoing. Regardless of the ily Coat of Arms of Prince Volodymyr fact that the new Ukrainian currency (Vladimir), which can be found on the

was ready to be introduced already at old Ruthenian coins. This idea led to the the end of 1992, the currency reform new name of the Ukrainian currency. was implemented only in August 1996. On March 1st, 1918, the UPR Central During 15 days both coupons and hryv- Rada introduced its new currency, the nias were in circulation however start- hryvnia (Chernoivanenko, 2001). ing from September 16th, 1996, the Therefore the name of the pres- only currency accepted for payments ent Ukrainian currency emphasizes in the territory of Ukraine became the the connection between the history of hryvnia. This delay was caused by the Ruthenia with its center in Kyiv (Kiev)

№11/2008 Siarhei Kuzniatsou. Symbolism of money... 91 where the hryvnias were used, and the Rahnieda (Rogneda) and killed her fa- contemporary Ukrainian state. In the ther Rahvalod (Rogvolod), the Prince light of this concept, the name of the of Polatsk (Polotsk), in Ukraine he is subunit, “kopiyka” (the Ukrainian vari- praised for the Baptizsng of Ruthenia ant of the Russian “kopeyka”) does not and being a wise commander and states- quite fit in. The word kopek, kopeck man. The son of Vladimir and Rogneda, or copeck (kopeyka) derives from the Kyivan Prince Yaroslav the Wise (about Russian word “kop’yo”, i.e. a spear. The 983–1054) is one of the most powerful first kopek coins, minted at Novgorod warriors of his time, in the course of his and Pskov since around 1535 onwards, ruling the state with its center in Kyiv contained an image of a horseman with reached its blossom. Yaroslav the Wise a spear. From the 1540’s onwards the is believed to be the founder of many horseman bears a crown and undoubt- cities, including those which are be- edly represented the intention was to yond the borders of Ukraine, e.g. Tartu refer to Ivan the Terrible. There is a in Estonia, Yaroslavl in Russia, and even theory that the word “ruble” has de- a former capital of the Grand Duchy of rived from the Russian verb “rubit”, i.e. Lithuania, Navahradak. to chop. Historically, “ruble” was a piece The banknotes with the images of of a certain weight chopped off a silver the hetmans Bohdan Khmelnytsky ingot (grivna), hence the name. and Ivan Mazepa refer to the period The images on banknotes are rather of the Ukrainian history when there detailed. The Ukrainian banknotes’ de- were attempts of reviving the state. The signers did not highlight a certain his- Ukrainian historiography considers B. torical period however put emphasis on Khmelnytsky (1595–1657) as a leader the concept of the common historical of the national liberation movement, past of Ruthenia and Ukraine and fill- when some Ukrainian lands were freed ing Ruthenia with a Ukrainian content. from Rzecz Pospolita (Kingdom of Po- Each of the value’s obverse has an im- land) and joined Muscovy, remaining age of Ukraine’s outstanding persons, its autonomy. I. Mazepa (1639–1709) e.g. Princes Volodymyr (Vladimir) the is known for his attempts of liberat- Great and Yaroslav the Wise (1 and 2 ing the Ukrainian lands from Muscovy UAH), hetmans Bohdan Khmelnytsky with the assistance of the Swedish King and Ivan Mazepa (5 and 10 UAH), Charles XII. Neither Russian, nor Sovi- Ivan Franko (20 UAH), Mykhailo Hru- et historiography forgave Mazepa, con- shevsky (50 UAH), Taras Shevchenko sidering him a betrayer. It is interest- (100 UAH) and Lesya Ukrainka – 200 ing that there are two hetmans on the UAH (National Bank of Ukraine). banknotes, who are thought to be an- The images of Vladimir the Great tagonists from the Soviet point of view and Yaroslav the Wise represent the pe- however this is the way the designers riod of Old Ruthenia as the first Ukrai- highlighted the independence of the nian state. Unlike in Belarus, where Ukrainian state interests. Prince Vladimir the Great (958? - 1015) The period of the Ukrainian People’s is remembered as the ruler who raped Republic is represented by the image of

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Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866–1934), the the political forces that controlled the first UPR President, Chairman of the National Bank at that time of presenting Central Rada, an outstanding scientist, their own attitute to the identity, based historian and academician. on the Soviet and Russian cultural and On the reverses of the Ukrainian historical stereotypes. banknotes there are images of archi- The new banknote has no- Cher tectural monuments connected to the sonese’s ruins, it was replaced with an persons on the obverses, i.e. ruins of image of Kyiv of Vladimir’s times in- Chersonese (1 UAH), the St. Sophia Ca- stead, which indeed does not have the thedral in Kyiv (2 UAH), the Church in semantic load the previous image had. Subotiv where B. Khmelnytsky is bur- According to Ukrainian historians, a re- ied (5 UAH), the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra view of the roles played by the persons (10 and 100 UAH), Opera Theater in pictured on the banknotes (i.e. changes Lviv (20 UAH), the building of the Su- in their appearance and adding of new preme Rada (50 UAH), a tower of Lutsk elements) blasted the concept (Star- Castle – 200 UAH (National Bank of odub). From artistic point of view, the Ukraine). new banknotes look more refined. Still, The image of Chersonese’s ruins is together with B. Khmelnytsky’s image, the most apposite. The authors meant now there is a quiver and arrows, which to reach several goals simultaneously. is probably supposed to stress that he Firstly, they emphasized the Ukraine was a soldier. The banknote dedicated connection with the Byzantine culture to the poet I. Franko has a facsimile and entire Roman civilization (Cher- with his verse written in accordance sonese was founded by the Greeks in with the orthography used in the West- the 7th century B.C., then it passed to ern Ukraine at his times, “Земле, моja both Roman and Byzantine Empires), всеплодьучаjа мати!..” (My Land, my secondly, a reminder of the Christian dear kind mother!..) One can only roots (Vladimir accepted Christianity imagine the effect such “not-tradition- in Chersonese, which he seized in 988) ally-Russian” orthography might have and, thirdly, underlined the fact that on the ‘Russified’ population of the East the Crimea belonged to Ukraine (Star- Ukraine. It can be compared with the odub). effect of K. Kalinouski or F. Bahuszevicz In 2004, the National Bank of original orthography, which might have Ukraine issued banknotes with new had on the modern Belarusian read- images, which resulted in accusations ers, who would not believe it was not of the Bank in destruction of the im- written in the Polish language. Let us ages concept. The fact is that back then remind that we are talking about the the Head of the National Bank Serhiy banknotes used by everybody, not just Tyhipko was a supporter of Viktor Ya- academicians. The banknote with M. nukovych, a well-known supporter of Hrushevsky’s image has now a title of the pro-Russian policy, contributed to his scientific work which is now sup- it. While studying this issue, it is really posed to put accent on his academic possible to find the grounds to blame background rather than his political ac-

№11/2008 Siarhei Kuzniatsou. Symbolism of money... 93 tivity as the first president of the inde- ly diadems. As a matter of fact, the pendent Ukraine. Russian and Ukrainian historians have I. Mazepa, “the betrayer of Russia”, been quarreling for a long time. There has suffered most of all. Instead of an is no data concerning Prince Vladimir’s experienced political figure, now there appearance, but there is a description is an image of a young Cossack with a of his father Svyatoslav, a portrait of his frivolous face. Maybe, the designers son Yaroslav on a coin and an image of wanted to underline his early period his grand-son Svyatoslav Yaroslavich in of life, when due to his love affairs he the bookof Svyatoslav’s Corpus. Ac- had to flee the royal household of Jan cording to the Byzantine historian Leo Kazimierz. Books, a quill and a musi- Deacon who met Svyatoslav person-

cal instrument also contrast with the ally, the latter had long handlebars. On hetman’s image. A historian Andriy a coin of his times, Yaroslav the Wise Starodub calls these changes of Maze- is also smooth-faced with a moustache. pa banknote cynical, given that the Yaroslav’s son Svyatoslav looks like a banknote’s semantic load and effect typical Ukrainian, has no beard, but were also decreased due to the fact that only handlebars. The Ukrainian publi- today instead of being monuments, the cist Oleksandr (Alexander) Paliy writes way they look their historical appear- in his article, “the first Russian histori- ance is unknown to the majority of the ans, who studied Svyatoslav’s Corpus population (Starodub). were perplexed, “If the son of Yaroslav Some Ukrainian intellectuals were the Wise was a “khokhol” (a derogative resentful with regard to the changes in name of a Ukrainian used by Russians), the Kyivan princes’ appearance – now where were the Russians then?” (Palii). they have zibeline hats and beards, i.e. At the Soviet times, a well-known the Russian czars’ usual attributes, in- Soviet scientist Mikhail Gerasimov stead of smooth-faced chins and prince- made a reconstruction of the appear-

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ance of Yaroslav the Wise based on his of Ukraine, the symbol of the Kyivan skull and added a beard to the way he princes, the Trident, popularizing it this looked, making Yaroslav look alike with way among the population. the Moscow czars. His perception corresponded completely to the Soviet his- Lithuania torical concept. It seems that it is Gera- simov’s reconstruction that is rejected The name of the Lithuanian curren- today by the majority of scientists and cy, Litas, was invented during the times was used on the banknote. of the independent Lithuanian Republic between the two World Wars. Indeed, it is a newly designed concept, which has nothing to do with the reconstruction of the historical memory. The name of the subunit, “centų”,can be understood as a reference to the all-European heritage, while still without relevant evidence. The Litas was introduced in 1922 and replaced “auksinas” (the Lithuanian name of the Ostmark). On 25 March 1941, it was replaced by the Soviet Ru- ble. The first money of the post-Soviet Lithuania was introduced on August 5th, 1991. They replaced the “talonas”, It is worth mentioning that regard- also called the “vagnorkas” after the less the Ukrainian historians’ nega- Lithuanian prime-minister Gedimin tive remarks, the new banknotes have Vagnoris of that time. Like in the other the image of the State Coat of Arms countries of the former USSR at the

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printed, and introduced on June 25th, 1993, and on August 1st, they became the only means of payment in the territory of Lithuania. Regardless the fact that the Lithu- anian historiography considers Lithu- ania at the times of heathendom to be the country’s “Golden Age”, and the period of the Grand Duchy of Lithu- ania is also thought to belong to the present-day Lithuania, the currency of Lithuania does not represent that era. The only exception is the image of the State Coat of Arms of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Pahonia (called “Vytis” in Lithuanian), and the pictures of the Grand Dukes’ castles in Troki (Trakai) and Vilnia (Vilnius). The way the symbols are presented is the same as the Ukrainian one: a historical figure on the one side, archi- tectural monuments are on the other. However unlike the Ukrainian designers, the Lithuanian ones did not try to show any continuity of the tradition. All the images belong to two historical periods, i.e. the 19th – early 20th century, first stage of independence, the talo- when the new Lithuanian nation was nas were used together with the Soviet born, and the independent Lithuania Rubles however after the 1st October between the two World Wars. 1992 the vagnorkas became the only The One Litas banknote has Ze- valid currency. Same as in Ukraine the maite (Julija Benesevic-Zemantene, authorities were prepared to introduce 1845–1921), a Lithuanian folk writer, the real currency at the same time. public and cultural figure. The 2 Li- However, the introduction of Litas was tas banknote has Matejus Valancius delayed due to the fact that the printed (1801–1875), a historian, interpreter banknotes were of extremely low quality (one could easily counterfeit them with a simple color printer; especially the 10, 20, and 50 Litas banknotes). The Chair- man of the Bank of Lithuania, Vilius Baldisis, was dismissed. The new issue of Litas banknotes was redesigned, re-

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and enlightener (Lietuvos...). The 5 anian heroes-pilots Steponas Darius Litas banknote has Jonas Jablonskis (1896–1933) and Stasys Girenas (1893– (1860–1930), a linguist, interpreter, 1933). In 1933 they flew from New York founder of the Lithuanian literary lan- over the Atlantic Ocean on a small guage. The 20 Litas banknote features a plane called Lituanica. However, the portrait of a Lithuanian romantic poet plane mysteriously crashed in Germany Maironis (Jonas Maciulis, 1862–1932). (now Poland). The duo did not survive The 100 Litas banknote features Simo- (Lithuanian Aviation…). nas Daukantas (1793–1864), a historian The 500 Litas banknote depicts a who wrote the first history of Lithu- portrait of Vincas Kudirka (1858–1899), ania in the Lithuanian language. The a Lithuanian writer, participant of the 200 Litas banknote features a portrait national Revival Movement and au- of Vydunas (Vilhelmas Storosta, 1868- 1953), a prominent Lithuanian philosopher, writer, poet, playwright, musician, pedagogue and culture educator. The 50 Litas banknote pictures the national patriarch, scholar, statesman and signa- tory of Lithuania‘s Declaration of Inde- pendence of February 16th, 1918, Dr. Jonas Basanavicius (1851–1927). Some- times he is nicknamed as the “father of independence” as he was the chairman of the Council of Lithuania when the declaration was signed (Lietuvos...).

thor of the National Anthem. The back of the note shows the Bell of Freedom in the background of the Nioman (Ne- man, Nemunas) loops, a well-known scenery. The bell is inscribed in Lithu- anian, “Thou shall ring through the centuries to the children of Lithuania: he who does not defend freedom is not worthy of it”. This four-line poem was created by Bronius Kazys Balutis (1879- 1967) and became the motto of the Bell of Freedom. Analyzing the banknotes’ reverses, Among the above-mentioned list the tendency which is similar to the of the cultural and national figures, the Ukrainian Chersonese should be noted. image on the 10 Litas banknote looks The fact that the cities of Vilnia (Vilni- rather strange as it features two Lithu- us) and Klaipeda now belong to Lithu-

№11/2008 Siarhei Kuzniatsou. Symbolism of money... 97 ania is represented by three banknotes considered to be an additional means of (50, 100 and 200 Litas). payment which were used without the Rubles. One cash banknote was equal Belarus to 10 Rubles (Almazov, 2001). The cash banknotes were introduced in denomi- The beginning of the Belarusian nations of 0,5; 1; 3; 5; 10; 25; 50; and 100 monetary system during the USSR Rubles which, according to the instruc- disintegration period differed from tion of the Council of Ministers dated the similar processes in Lithuania and May 20th, 1992, corresponded to 5; 10; Ukraine. Unlike the neighbors who de- 30; 50; 100; 250; 500 and 1000 Rubles. cided to introduce their own curren- Nevertheless all the prices were given cies, Belarus expressed its desire to stay in Rubles. in the Ruble zone. Therefore on the ter- As Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia and ritory of Belarus, there were the Soviet Estonia finally left the Ruble zone, on Rubles and the banknotes issued by the November 9th, 1992, the National Bank Central Bank of Russia in circulation. ordered to carry out all payments in the However on April 29th, 1992, the Na- Belarusian Rubles only. On July 24th, tional Bank of Belarus said that there 1993, the National Bank ordered to stop were lots of problems with the cash de- the circulation of the Russian Rubles on liveries from the Russian Federation and the territory of Belarus. it introduced the so-called “razlikovy The cash banknotes did not have a bilets” (cash banknotes) of the National status of the national currency. There Bank of the Republic of Belarus. Unlike also was a funny situation when all the its predecessor, the “kartka-coupons” prices were given in Rubles however which were in use together with the Ru- it was only possible to pay in the cash bles (when one was buying something, banknotes which differed from the Ru-

it was necessary to cut off the number bles by 10 times. In particular if some- of “kupons” equivalent to the sum paid thing cost 1,000 Rubles, one had to pay in the Rubles), the cash banknotes were 100 cash banknotes. The local popula-

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tion got used to it, while foreigners had the ancient cultural tradition) and the some difficulties with it. On August State Coat of Arms of the Grand Duchy 12th, 1994, a denomination was made, of Lithuania, Pahonia which showed which settled this matter. the continuity between the GDL and In 1994 the Belarusian Ruble started the Belarusian Democratic Republic. its history as an independent currency. The 200 and 500 Rubles banknotes In May 1994, the National Bank start- were issued in December 1992; 1,000 ed elaboraing a real Rubles – in December 1993; 5,000 and Belarusian currency 20,000 Rubles – in 1994. Soon fauna and introduced an was replaced by the examples of Minsk exchange rate, etc. architecture, including the Towers near As Stanislau Bah- the Railway Station, Victory Square, the dankevich said later, building of the Academy of Sciences, it was not legal as it was not up to the River Svislach, Upper Town and Trin- National Bank to decide however to the ity Suburb. The banknotes’ small format Supreme Council and the government, and their style looked like tourist post- but the latter did not want to do it. Only cards rather than a tool of creating the 5 months later the Supreme Council national memory. passed the decree and left the Ruble After the state symbols were zone (Belarusian ruble’s…). changed, the banknotes’ obverses were There are several concepts concern- left blank, they had no new State Coat ing the Belarusian money. The first cash of Arms. The solar cross disappeared banknotes of the independent Belarus at all. The only thing left was architec- were neutral, representing the Belaru- ture. sian fauna which gave grounds for their The 50,000 Rubles banknote is in- unofficial name “zaichyki” (“hares”). teresting because it features the Brest The designers themselves prove that Fortress, thus somehow referring to the they borrowed the idea from the Lithu- national memory. The other banknotes

anian talons (Khareuski, 2002). At the had the buildings of the National Bank, same time, there were two important Opera and Ballet Theater and State Mu- elements: the solar cross (referring to seum of Arts.

№11/2008 Siarhei Kuzniatsou. Symbolism of money... 99

One more interesting banknote is both stress that some places belong 1,000 Rubles one as it had the State Mu- now to their territories. seum of Arts and a detail of a painting The Belarusian currency’s name, by Ivan Khrutsky (1810—1885) which the Belarusian Ruble, has nothing to do can be perceived as an attempt to re- with the national history. In the early mind to the world that the painter is a 1990’s there was a proposal to name Belarusian national, not a Russian one it the “Thaler” or the “Belarusian Tha- (Belarus National Fine Art…). However ler” because it was the currency of the

the detail does not mention the author Grand Duchy of Lithuania however the and as a result, the majority of the pop- pro-Soviet Supreme Council supported ulation considers it just as a decoration. the “Ruble” idea. Most of the first banknotes’ archi- The present Belarusian banknotes’ tecture belongs to the period of the design proves that there is no concept Soviet Belarus. An example of a new at all. The fact that the mechanism of tendency can be the 20,000; 50,000 and influencing the national consciousness 100,000 Rubles banknotes which refer and historical memory is not applied to the pre-Soviet history of Belarus, e.g. means that the state is passive in terms the Palace of the Rumyantsev-Paskev- of forming the Belarusian people’s na- ichs in Homiel, the Mir Castle and the tional identity. Belarus needs a devel- Palace of the Radzivils in Niasvizh. oped model of the national identity and While comparing the images of the the money symbolism can play its vital three countries’ banknotes, one can role in it. conclude that the banknotes’ design as It is not important who is pictured an instrument of influence on the na- on the banknotes, the Prince of Polatsk, tional consciousness is used quite well the Grand Duke of the Grand Duchy in Lithuania and Ukraine. Moreover, of Lithuania or a liberation movement the national idea can be found rather hero, the very fact of their presence is easily. Even though the Lithuanian and important given that it is a way of influ- Ukrainian concepts differ highlighting encing the national identity, its forma- different periods of their national his- tion and strengthening. tories the common feature is that they

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References

1. Almazov, A. «Copecs » and «rubles». History of Belarusian paper money, 1992–2000. // Nezavisimaya Gazeta (Алмазов А. «Копейки» и «рубли». История белорусских банкнот 1992–2000 гг. // Независимая газета. № 06 (55). 6.06.2001. 2. Belarus National Fine Arts Museum // http://museum.bsu.by/. 3. Belarusian ruble’s (“hare’s) father: Interview of Arkadz Shanski with Stanislau Bog- dankevich // Nasha Niva. (Зайчыкаў бацька: Інтэрв’ю Аркадзя Шанскага з Станіславам Багданкевічам // Наша Ніва) № 19 (281). 24.05.2002. 4. Chernoivanenko, V. History of the1917–1920 Ukrainian paper money // Dzerkalo Tizhnja (Черноіваненко В. Історія паперових грошей України 1917–1920 років // Дзеркало Тижня) № 37 (361). 22–28.09.2001. 5. Decree of Presidium of Uktainian Supreme Council «On putting into practice of Про multiple use coupons on the territrory of the republic » (Постанова Президії Верховної Ради України «Про введення в обіг на території республіки купонів багаторазового використання»,), September 9 , 1991. 6. Draft Law of Belarus «On Belarus money-and-credit system »(Проект закона Республики Беларусь «О денежно-кредитной системе Республики Беларусь») // http://www.ucpb.org/ rus/documents/bankcode/4.shtml (site of the United Civil Par- ty). 7. Khareuski, S. Denomination of an unknown designer // Nasha Niva. (Харэўскі С. Купюра невядомага дызайнэра // Наша Ніва) № 19 (281). 24.05.2002. 8. Kuprevich, G. Concerts Of Kaunas Carillon // http://www.giedriuskuprevicius.hmf.ktu. lt/kaunas_carillon.htm. 9. Lietuvos bankas // http://www.lb.lt. 10. Lithuanian Aviation Museum//http://www.muziejai.lt/Kaunas/Aviation_museum. en.htm. 11. National Bank of Belarus // http://www.nbrb.by. 12. National Bank of Ukraine // http://www.bank.gov.ua/. 13. Palii, O. How Yuanukovich’s election headquarter officer grew beards to Kyevan Grand Dukes // Internet-newspaper «Obozrevatel» (Палій О. Як штабіст Януковича відростив бороди Великим Київським князям // Интернет-газета «Обозреватель». http://www.obozrevatel.com.ua/news/2005/12/9/68998.htm. 14. Snyder T. The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus (1569– 1999). Yale University Press, 2003. 15. Starodub, A. Political Bonistics // Internet newspaper «Ukrainian Pravda». (Стародуб А. Політбоністика // Інтэрнэт-газета «Українська Правда».) http://www.pravda. com.ua/news/2005/12/13/36594.htm.

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus

Abstract

The current study is an investigation of the basic ideas and practices of skinheads in Belarus as a local variety of worldwide youth counterculture. There are several themes that are on parade within the frame of the given paper: the origin and development of skinheads’ style, neo-Nazi ideas’ orientation of the skinhead style proponents and the genesis of skinheads’ gangs in Belarus. Special attention has been focused on interrelation of youth counterculture with right-wing radicalism. The authors also touched upon the basic ideas which determine skinheads’ Weltan- schauung and practices to support the specific collective identity

Key words: skinheads, youth counterculture, style, collective identity, political radicalism

Since the time of mass youth rebels ing the analysis of values and practices, of the late 1960s and the heyday of the which allows us to provide more or less hippie movement, a lot of youth sub- impartial assessment of this phenom- cultures and countercultures have ap- enon of youth culture, which does not peared and died away. However, skin- have much to do with sensational and heads have become one of the brightest, moralizing statements. Special atten- attractive and ambiguous youth styles. tion will be paid to complex and anti- The image of a tough bald-headed guy logous interrelations of the skinhead came from the Great Britain and spread youth counterculture and political radi- worldwide. Oodles of scandalous pub- calism. lications in mass media: a provocative image of this movement’s adherents, I. Counterculture political extremism and constant problems with law have generated many, fre- For one thing, it is necessary to quently inadequate stereotypes which justify the introduction of the term only have mostly indirect relation to the “youth counterculture”. The concept social reality. came into prominence in the 1960s on Within the framework of the socio- the tide of a wide protest movement of logical subcultural approach, skinheads youth. For counterculture ideologists, can be related to one of youth coun- this term meant a new cultural con- tercultures. This is the handling, stress- stellation which was aimed to replace

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technocratic values of the Western 3. In case of counterculture, soci- civilizations for a humanistic-mysti- ety’s basic values are challenged; its cal prospect. Subsequently, one of the political, economic, religious, moral, most common meanings of the concept and aesthetic bases are questioned. Ac- “counterculture” became localization of cordingly, counterculture cannot be re- youth protest in time (the late 1960s – strained by the sphere of leisure only; it 1970s) and space (Western Europe and should cover a person’s cultural activity the USA). In cultural studies and phi- entirely. losophy, another line triumphed – to 4. Counterculture simultaneously use the concept “counterculture” for denies and re-interprets culture, and any alternative cultural projects which also creates a new culture which leaves existed during various historical epochs the conventional systems of communi- in various forms. Handled in this way, cation and ways of expression. counterculture is a universal phenom- If applying these criteria to the so- enon of human culture. Here, we apply cio-cultural situation in present-day Be- a sociological approach to countercul- larus, countercultural movements may ture, i.e. this phenomenon is defined as include skinheads, punks, and Satanists. a set of world visions, behavioral norms Being originated in the West, the above- and values, which treat negatively the mentioned movements are internation- standard cultural system. The list of cri- al in the nature. Despite their external teria of counterculture, enabling us to provocative character and extremality, carry out classification procedures with the behavioral practices cultivated by relation to certain social and cultural countercultures, basically concentrate phenomena are as follows: on joint leisure activities and a close 1. Counterculture is a hierarchically interpersonal communication. A spe- organized cultural form with its own cific feature of youth countercultures symbolical system expressed in unique is a huge value of corresponding mu- stylistics which is constituted by an ac- sical styles which are basic in shaping tive symbolical opposition to the domi- the identity of these collective groups. nating cultural system. The style deter- The sources for this article include our mines a specific type of Weltanschau- experience of “inner” supervision (in- ung, cultural visualization (exterior, cluding in-person meetings and corre- argot and behavior pattern), behavioral spondence) and the analysis of cultural stereotypes, etc. artifacts (printed editions, leaflets and 2. Counterculture is characterized posters, musical production, photo and by an active, aggressive position against video recordings). To re-construct the the world it repudiates. It means not picture’s completeness, we have used only repudiation but also the existence the so-called “official” sources, too. of a different, alternative project of so- Thus, to analyze skinheads’ represen- ciety’s reorganization, even though for- tations in mass media, we have carried mulated in rather indistinct and muddy out a qualitative analysis of newspaper categories. publications. The description of the youth counterculture created by mass

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 103 media, exists not only for prevailing the help of hairstyles, a person empha- culture’s informational needs, but also sizes not only his/her status, acceptance creates the initial basis of knowledge for of traditions and norms, but also his/ those young people who join counter- her distance from society, and more- cultural groups. Since this description over – constitutes his/her own subcul- is already set by certain ideological po- ture” (Bannikov, 2004: 166). sitions of “big” society, it differs greatly Stylistically, skinheads originated from the self-description created inside from the “hard mods” subculture by the counterculture. forming local gangs around local lead- Counterculture has to overcome ers. Skinheads at once began to be as- and destroy ideologemas created by the sociated with working-class culture; media. Thus, analyzing publications in even their external style emphasized Belarusian printed media, it is possible their origin: close-cropped hair (as in- to determine a steady representative terpreted later, such hairdo would not scheme, with the help of which skin- allow hair to get in a machine tool) and heads are described in our country. This a youth version of workwear – heavy interpretive scheme has a stable set of boots, working shirts and rough jeans. descriptions, metaphors, comparisons, Researchers of post-war Britain’s youth plots, and estimations. The precise logic subcultures accented skinheads’ be- line – swilled themselves with beer, ag- longing to the working class. Accord- gressive shallow teenagers slug foreign- ing to John Clarke, the skinhead style is ers – defines what and how it is possible an attempt to restore the working class’ to write about skinheads in Belarusian traditional communion, being a reac- newspapers. The real situation on the tion to this communion’s real decline. streets is far from being so unequivocal. The basis of this style’s social dynamics is a relative deterioration of the situa- II. Skinheads: tion in the working class and especially the origin of the style an even more appreciable deterioration of the position in the lowest layers of The skinheads’ homeland (as well as the working class (Clarke 5: 99). Skin- many other youth subcultures’) is Great heads did not try to revive the workers’ Britain – it was there, in the 1960s in real communion as the postwar decline labor district of East London, that the of the working class in Great Britain first skinheads appeared. The radical deprived them of the valid source of hairdo style, and there is no disputing solidarity. They tried to lean on the tra- its logic, became the marker identify- dition torn off the real social basis. In ing this counterculture: “any thorough- British researchers’ terminology, it was going approach to coiffure, from hair’s a “magic” attempt of reviving the tra- complete annihilation to full non-in- ditional working communion. During terference with the process of a natural this period, the first behavioral prac- growth, symbolizes a person’s socially tices of the skinhead counterculture extreme condition – from a total sub- started to form — they included beer ordination to absolute freedom… With drinking sessions, football hooliganism,

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and fights with “cultural opponents”, i.e. 1) axiological domination of the na- hippies, homosexuals, and immigrants. tional unity idea based on cleaned-up Violence at once became an integral at- national culture; tribute of the skinhead counterculture 2) idealistic clearance of class differ- and had an extremely important value entiation, aspiration for “new society” for their concept – it emphasized their which would have a uniformed set of special manliness which was frequently values; identified with their physical coolness. 3) aspiration for society’s full syn- “Shaven-heads-ness” receives one more chronization which would liquidate semantic filling – shingled hair is an ad- potential sources of disagreement or a vantage in a fight. Violence becomes a conflict inside the revived nation; po- basis for collective solidarity and mu- litical debates’ elimination; tual support. Fights with immigrants 4) requirement of rigid hierarchi- meant a ritual and aggressive protec- cal submission and full devotion of the tion of society’s social and cultural ho- movement’s adherents and, in the long mogeneity. “Puritans in boots” (accord- term, – of all nation; ing to Michael Brake) actively tried to 5) glorification of war (and political resist liberalism, subjectivism, and a violence in general) as a healthy clear- disinclination to work, which were at- ing means. tributed to the hippie subculture, and Music was the key instrument in dis- “battled” against erosion of traditionally tributing the radical right-wing ideolo- approved stereotypes of manliness. gy among the young followers. Perhaps, By 1972, the first wave of skinheads the greatest role in establishing a strong had decreased, but at the late 1970s, connection between the neo-Nazi there was a revival of this countercul- ideas and the skinhead counterculture ture. At the same time, a corresponding was played by the British musician Ian musical stage, the style which was called Stuart and his band Skrewdriver. This Oi! Music, was formed. Skinheads’ as- group was extremely popular among sociation with violence, their distaste skinheads in due time and now has a for political establishments, and their cult status. For a long time, Ian Stuart accusations against immigrants, whom cooperated with the National Front, they blamed for the working class’ real within which framework he created the decline, drew various far right organiza- organization Rock Against Commu- tions’ attention to this counterculture. nism (RAC – later, it became one of the In the late 1970s, the National Front names of the musical style preferred by and the British Movement managed to skinheads). politicize a big segment of skinheads by After leaving the National Front be- popularizing ideas of the Great Britain’s cause of fractional disputes, Ian Stuart economic and political decline, and iso- founded an independent organization lation of immigrants, and by accusing called Blood and Honour which dis- Jews in the working class’ troubles. It tributed White Power music and had is possible to name the following basic to become a basis to unite skinheads all positions of the far right ideology: over the world. The organization was fi-

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 105 nanced due to sale of music records and that mass media pay steadfast atten- ideological attributes. Until his death in tion to them). Besides, their ideas and a car accident in 1993, Ian Stuart was values try to get the biggest autonomy the key figure in the skinhead counter- from the cultural standards. Thus, the culture, promoting a further penetra- SHARP and RASH skinheads’ main tion and mastering of the radical right- task is to struggle against neo-Nazi wing ideas among them. It was neo- skinheads, which provides their ideas Nazi skinheads and their violence acts and practices with a significant share of that became heroes of mob hysteria secondariness. Only in the case of neo- inflated by mass media. However, the Nazi skinheads is it possible to speak skinhead subculture is not a homoge- about counterculture as it is in their neous formation – it has several trends axiomatics that the opposition to the with completely different political col- prevailing norms and values achieves a orations. The skinhead counterculture’s high voltage. association with the radical right-wing views provoked an oppositional move- III. The skinhead ment, too. In 1986 in the USA, there counterculture’s genesis was a skinhead movement which task in Belarus was to struggle against neo-fascist and neo-Nazi tendencies in this youth envi- In the 1980s, the skinhead counter- ronment. It was called SHARP – Skin- culture which before was specific to heads Against Racial Prejudices. In1993 British youth culture, began its victori- in New York skinheads with commu- ous procession across the countries of nistic and anarchist views created in an Europe and America. It is very hard to organization called RASH – Red and calculate the exact number of its pro- Anarchist Skinheads. The proponents ponents (some sources say the figure is of the above-mentioned movements 70,000), but it is possible to assert with are obviously less numerous compared confidence that the representatives to those who follow neo-Nazi ideas, but of this counterculture’s can be found they are still rather active. Among skin- in all European and North American heads, it is also possible to name the countries. In the majority of the Euro- direction of “trads” (from the word “tra- pean countries, there are also regional ditional”) who revive practices and val- branches of Blood and Honour. At ues of the 1960s skinheads, thus trying once, it is necessary to stress that the to avoid any political marks. All these skinhead counterculture is an interna- trends in the skinhead subculture exist tional phenomenon in youth culture in Belarus; “red” skinheads are especial- with the same symbolics and basic val- ly active in Hrodna. ues in all countries, even though there It will be observed that we are going are also some local features. to consider the neo-Nazi and radical It is rather difficult to estimate the right-wing direction among skinheads. scale of the skinhead counterculture’s This trend is still the most numerous prevalence in Belarus. The leader of the and active (therefore, it is no wonder Minsk gang Wolves88, Sergei, said in

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his interview to the Stigmata magazine the appearance presentation, while that the number of skinheads in Minsk their rebel against the adult world is in 2004 was about 300 persons. How- limited by their aggressive appearance ever, he also marked that only about 20 and revolutionary rhetoric. Therefore, out of them can be called “true” skin- from Sergei’s position, there are not heads (Interview…). so many “true” skinheads (who corre- In our country, it is very difficult spond to the third level’s requirements). to establish the exact amount of skin- Nonetheless, the skinhead counter- heads. There are a number of reasons culture in our country has its history, for that. First, there is a territorial dif- even though it is not so long. The first ferentiation; there are skinhead gangs skinheads appeared in Belarus in 1996. not only in the capital and Regions’ Those were young people aged 17- centers, but also in such towns as Lida 20 who basically came from the punk or Slonim where it is practically im- movement. They were divided into possible to trace the situation. Second, groups based on the territorial prin- skinhead oups have no formal mem- ciple, and were called blocs. All these bership – they are formed contextually blocs were united by the common prac- during daily communication; they ap- tices – street hooliganism, and fights pear sporadically and disappear sponta- against foreign students and represen- neously. Third, there are no unequivocal tatives of other youth subcultures. By criteria of who should be considered to the middle of 1997, the lack of a precise be representatives of this youth coun- structure, as well as abstruse and incon- terculture. It is conditionally possible crete purposes, had split all blocs into to name three hierarchical levels which small groups of three-five persons. correspond to degrees of involvement At that time, skinheads’ ideas were into this countercultural activity and an of a syncretical character. Like any intragroup status: youth subculture which is a local ver- 1) adoption of the style’s external as- sion of the international movement, pects (acceptance of a behavioral code the style’s bases were borrowed with- and clothes symbolics, development out any problems from the western of linguistic competence, mastering of colleagues. The style’s external aspects spaces where they present the chosen were incorporated most successfully – cultural form); provocative and aggressive fashion, 2) adoption of the counterculture’s symbolics (slogans like “White Power” values and norms; inclusion in com- and “88!” – “Heil Hitler!”, Celtic cross, mon knowledge and common memory; and swastika), and the slang’s basic el- 3) behavior according to the coun- ements. Anti-immigrant rhetoric and terculture’s axiology, which frequently badly digested neo-Nazism were ac- leads to an antisocial way of life, includ- quired with much more difficulties. For ing conflicts with legislation. a long time, Belarusian skinheads com- The majority of skinheads (well, municated closely with their Russian the same situation is observed in other “colleagues” and borrowed the Russian youth countercultures, too) only adopt Pan-Slavic ideas. Thus, Belarusian skin-

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 107 heads’ aggressive nationalism was of an with radical Belarusian nationalism. extremely Pan-Slavic and pro-Russian However, this site had only a symboli- character for a long time. cal relation to the real international or- At that time, the Belarusian branch ganization of skinheads, and a year later of the Russian National Unity (Русское it stopped its existence. Национальное Единство, RNE) head- Still, a closer and full-fledged coop- ed by Hleb Samoilau (Gleb Samoilov), eration of skinheads and the RNE was gathers momentum; a significant part nondurable as well. G.Samoilov was of skinheads join it (for a long time, killed in 2000; it led to a crisis inside mass media identified the RNE mem- the Minsk branch of this organization bers and “shaven heads”). A significant which resulted in a complete disinte- role in it was played by affinity of skin- gration of this movement. Subsequent- heads’ blurred ideological positions and ly, there were separate attempts to re- the RNE populist ideology. animate the RNE Belarusian branch, Incidentally, at that moment in Be- but everything remained at the level of larus, it was not the only radical po- small marginal gangs. litical organization which showed its By the end of 1998, the boom of the serious interest to skinheads, expec skinhead movement had passed from ting to find in this youth countercul- Russia to our country. All across Be- ture its supporters. There were certain larus, there are numerous gangs; one of attempts to propagandize its ideas primary factors of skinheads’ growing among this movement by the Belaru- quantity is football fanaticism. It is foot- sian Party of Freedom (Беларуская ball fans’ environment that gave birth to партыя свабоды, BPS). Other Belaru- many Belarusian “shaven heads”. sian nationalist organizations, “Kraj” Thus, the magazine “Pravy Voin” (Our Land) and “Biely Lehijon” (White (Right-Wing Warrior) admits merits Legion) paid attention to them, too. of the Dynamo Minsk-based football Thus, the BPS magazine “Nacyja” (Na- club’s fans in distributing the skinhead tion) published Victoria Vanyushkina’s counterculture, “If to speak objectively, article Skinheads (Vanyushkina) trans- it is the club that spurred the origin and lated into Belarusian (with no indica- development of the Belarusian nation- tion of the primary source) and an ar- al-socialist movement. Visiting Belaru- ticle about football fans. Still, contacts sian cities and villages, Dynamo football between the BPS supporters and skin- fans’ attributes and uniform propagan- heads were more often in the form of dized sometimes even more than any fights and collisions; it was quite new orator with ideological literature. The for the peaceful Belarusian capital – youth of peripheral towns, who some- therefore, they were rather loudly and times are hostile to Minsk fans, adopted noisily described by the media. Here, fashion, manners of behavior, and attri- it is possible to mention the Blood and butes”. The Minsk Dynamo fan club has Honour Belarus web site created in the close connections with skinhead gangs; Internet, where the classical western the far right symbols are actively used radical right-wing recipes were mixed by football fans at stadiums (e.g. the

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blue banner “White Power” became an and the Belarusian branch of the Rus- integral attribute of all Minsk Dynamo’s sian Pagan Community “Skhoron Yezh matches). This cooperation is not lim- Sloven” (Save All Slavs) are the most ited by mutual membership and com- appreciable in these attempts. In spite mon symbolics – it reaches the level of the fact that these organizations are of action. While dispersing concerts of not skinhead gangs, they actively work sworn opponents, i.e. anarchists and left among this youth counterculture, try- radicals (so-called antifa), skinheads are ing to find their new supporters there. frequently helped by football fans; con- In 2004 near Minsk, the SPB organized certs organized by skinhead gangs are an RAC concert; skinheads are con- attended with pleasure by football fans stantly invited to pagan holidays (Ku- and vice versa. For the picture’s com- pala, Kalada, spring and autumn sol- pleteness, we shall note that the oppo- stices) carried out by this community. sitional side of skinheads during street The Belarusian branch of the National fights, i.e. antifa, is supported by of the Socialist Society (NSS) and the Slavic MTZ Minsk football club’s fans. Since Union – Belarus (SU-B) try to carry out then, “Street War” between skinheads similar activities. These organizations and the oppositional youth subcul- adhere to the Pan-Slavic views, propa- ture antifa (antifascists) began. During gandizing Russian nationalism mixed 2001–2005, the majority of antifascist with anti-Semitism and racism. For in- concerts organized in Minsk, were end- stance, an SU-B leaflet has the followed by fights against skinheads and foot- ing statements, “It’s up to you to decide ball hooligans. Counterculture’s quan- who’ll rule your country – you, Slavs, titative growth resulted not only in the or sheenies, pongs, negroes, and other origin of street “opposition”, but also to shit… The “universal values” and inter- an increasing differentiation inside the nationalism are gonna kill completely youth movement. It is possible to name the rest of our once Great Nation. But several basic forms of skinhead gangs’ not all is lost yet. Slavs must wake up organization. their National Consciousness. Slavs! As before, from a quantitative point Regain consciousness! Only National of view, the majority belongs to skin- Socialism will save us! Observe cleanli- head gangs (blocs) organized on a ter- ness of blood, cleanliness of the Nation! ritorial principle or around leaders. No interracial marriages! Make invad- These blocs are not highly politicized; ers flee away!” only external aspects of the style are Well, local politicized skinhead or- cultivated; the basic practices are joint ganizations also exist. Thus, in 2001, communication (frequently, inordinate a new gang of the most ideologically drinking) and sporadic fights. grounded young skinheads was orga- The RNE’s missionary goal, i.e. to at- nized, – “Volki88” (Wolves88; youth tract skinheads with the ideas of Rus- came to this organization basically from sian nationalism, is continued by local the Dynamo club’s fans). The Wolves’ branches of Russian far right organiza- leader formulates this movement’s tions. The Slavic Patriotic Bloc (SPB) ideological essence, “A skinhead is a

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 109 patriot. The true Patriot who uses his/ to disperse concerts organized by skin- her spirit of idealism against commer- heads’ enemies, i.e. antifa, and it later cialism and materialism. The critic of led to the bloc’s disintegration. On 15 social problems from national positions March 2005, there was an attack against because it is the basis with the help of the Leo Club in Minsk; three partici- which nations return to the spiritual pants of the concert were hospitalized; beginning primacy. As a matter of fact, the attackers were arrested; as a result, this concept of idealism is the core of the block stopped its activity. shaven heads’ ideology. One of the fac- In 2006, a new organization, Belaja tors which directly influences the Slavic Volia (White Will), was established; skinhead, is youth (even though this it can be conditionally classified as a concept is relative), this is where bru- “post-skinhead” movement. On the one tality in actions comes from” (Stigmata hand, this organization is based on the Magazine). Once again, this organiza- traditional skinhead ideas (hostility to tion was strongly influenced by Russian immigrants, radical nationalism, un- nationalism (symbolically, the Wolves’ derlined manliness and bellicosity), hir- web site had the Russian imperial flag ing actively its supporters among such which covered the territory of Belarus people. On the other, this organization’s as well). This organization’s close coop- leaders are characterized by serious eration with football fans allowed it to ideological preparation; therefore Bela- reach a new level of activity – to print ja Volia tries to go from street collisions leaflets and stickers, to organize con- to the level of political actions. Forms of certs (including Russian and Ukrainian activity were considerably changed as bands), to publish the Pravy Voin Mag- well – instead of attacks against foreign- azine, and to open their own web site. ers and dispersals of antifa concerts, Subsequently, the Support88 block, a this organization prefers to organize sui generis youth branch of the Wolves, pickets against destruction of the cul- became quite active. Due to the fact tural-historical heritage and to partici- that the older generation of skinheads pate in political rallies under social slo- began gradually to leave the movement, gans. Besides, Belaja Volia has applied it started step by step to apply for domi- the position of Belarusian nationalism. nating positions on the streets of Minsk. To prove it, there is a quotation from The bloc created its own web site to its leaflet, “ Belaja Volia is a non-formal propagandize its ideas. It is necessary to movement of Belarusian youth, created say that there was an essential ideologi- to protect the interests of the Belaru- cal shift – the interest to the national sian nation, state and nature. Our basic culture amplified considerably, which principles are Nationalism, Patriotism, had never happened before. Thus, the and Environmentalism”. The Belaja Vo- Support88 web site used the Belarusian lia’s participation in the Social March language in its materials and the tradi- on 4 November 2007 and the followed tional Belarusian symbolics (the Paho- collisions with anarchists attracted the nia coat of arms and the White-Red- attention of mass media and analysts to White flag). The block’s initiative was it. However, this burst of public interest

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may also result in reprisals on the part Block, NSO, Rossa, etc.) Also, there is of the authorities; therefore the future a serious evolution among politicized of this organization is not clear. skinhead gangs where the Russian na- We shall not regard the skinhead tionalistic phantoms are gradually sub- counterculture’s development outside stituted by the Belarusian nationalistic the Belarusian capital; this direction ideas. still waits for its researchers. It is also possible to name a few main practices which express and support IV. Skinheads: values and the skinhead counterculture’s symboli- practices cal union. The collective identity’s core of this youth subculture is violent ac- We have emphasized the basic fea- tions and aggressive behavior (both in tures of skinheads’ neo-Nazi ideology. real and symbolical forms). Violence At a pragmatic level, it is possible to is of a sacral value for skinheads; it is name some basic ideas which form the proved by the supreme interests of the symbolical world of this youth counter- Race and the Nation. They consider culture. themselves the last bastion on the way The common feature of all skin- of apocalyptic forces. However, high heads’ counterculture both in the West rhetoric and practices themselves differ and in our country is hostility against considerably. It is possible to say with foreigners blamed for various crimes confidence that attacks against foreign- (drug traffic, organized crime, violence ers, for which skinheads are so infa- against women, etc.) Their desire to mous, are actually quite seldom. clean the nation (first of all, youth cul- “Street War” in Minsk occurs basi- ture) from foreign cultural influences cally between skinheads and antifa. is also characteristic. It proves hostility It is known that violence in youth to youth movements generated by an culture is frequently just a symbol of a “alien” influence (rappers, Rastas, etc.). group unity. Thus, it is not necessarily However in reality, the main enemy is to be carried out in practice – in order one more youth culture – antifa which to show it, aggressive appearance and appeared as a negative reaction to the corresponding manners are enough. neo-Nazi ideas’ distribution in youth Besides, “if violent practices have a sign culture. Belarusian skinheads’ feature is sense (serve as signs of belonging to a a powerful influence of the Slavic myth certain community, or even wider — to and Russian nationalist ideas on the a cultural layer), then it is unimportant common ideological views. We have al- whether they really exist or they are just ready mentioned a close interrelation of a verbal image (myth). Their sign role is the RNE and the skinhead countercul- preserved in stories as well” (Shchepan- ture in the mid 1990s. skaya, 2004: 82). There is also a subject Nowadays, skinheads are the basic symbolization of violence – the neo- source of members for marginal po- Nazi symbolic used by skinheads, as litical organizations exaggerating the well as militaristic elements of clothes, Slavophil topic (the Slavic Patriotic which can be considered a special form

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 111 of a symbolical replacement of violent chance to speak out for those who were practices. previously closed in marginal spaces of Their constant readiness for violent the public sphere, including the skin- acts, emphasized in the skinhead coun- head counterculture. terculture, demands them to be in a cor- Still, there are new configurations of respondent physical form. Therefore, the borders dividing collectives. Infor- the majority of more or less organized mation technologies create new formats blocs try to carry out special classes of of communication – new ground rules combat training (hand-to-hand fight, of selection, organization and presenta- boxing, karate). tion of information. In their turn, these If violence is a stressed dominant of new formats determine social activity; counterculture’s habitus, then in a prag- they provide new opportunities for col- matic measurement, absolutely differ- lective connections and mobilization. ent practices prevail. Like in the over- Ritual actions are rare enough, but whelming majority of youth subcul- very important for the skinhead coun- tures and countercultures, skinheads’ terculture’s functioning – concerts and basic time is devoted to interpersonal holidays. We have already mentioned communication. that the skinhead counterculture’s “Squeezes”, zones of close inter- formation was closely connected to personal dialog, are formed. There the development of a parallel musical are specific loci (space localizations of style, RAC – Rock Against Commu- places of dialog), i.e. places where they nism (sometimes, the alternative name get together (stable loci can have their is used – White Power). It was White own names like “alley”, “pipe”, etc.) The Power music that promoted a revival of style of dialog tries to be free internally, the second wave of skinheads in Great avoiding regulations and precise struc- Britain, filling this youth counterculture tures. with radical-nationalistic views and lat- The Internet communication is of an er spreading this movement worldwide. increasing value. Until recently, margin- The local music stage was formed al groups and subcultures had a limited by the skinhead counterculture in Be- access to representational means due larus, too. At the late 1990s, “shaven to which they could influence the col- heads” built a close cooperation with lective memory. Their efforts to create Vorsha(Orsha)-based pagan metal a collective identity were based on the group APRAXIA. In 2003, this band “real” union as against the “imagined” changed its name to MOLOT (Ham- one. Now, there is communication not mer) and started playing music close only from some people to many (news- to the classical White Power style. The papers, radio, TV), but also from many band has released several CDs, car- to many and even from all to all (the In- ried out an active concert policy, per- ternet users). Erosion and de-legitima- forming not only in Belarus, but also in tion of traditional informational hierar- Russia, Ukraine, and Poland. However, chies, which could be controlled easily recently it has stopped to exist. Lately, by the power structures before, give a several new young White Power bands

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(OSKAL (Grin), NORD WOLF, BRI- unites an individual with the movement GADE 15) have appeared, but mean- with its own history, heroes, and a set of while they are still at the underground practices. level. In this case, music has a role of a uniting link for skinheads, providing V. Conclusion some meaning to group belonging and collectiveness. Thanks to music, youth Despite its full political apathy dur- culture can objectify itself and its his- ing the epoch of its development, the tory, making itself visible for others, skinhead counterculture became a creating and establishing the meaning fertile field for radical political ideas’ of its union. spreading, which in many respects was Carrying out of concerts is of a big promoted by the conservative ethos of value in preserving the collective iden- the warrior and fighter formed among tity in the youth counterculture of skin- skinheads in the 1960s. Therefore in heads – they play the major function the 1970s, nationalistic organizations’ of ritual actions, promoting intergroup neo-Nazi propaganda was extremely communication and generating solidar- effective, and the most influential di- ity and symbols of group membership. rection in this counterculture is still Live concert performances are the core formed by this ideology. Neo-Nazi of an emotional attachment and for- skinheads are united by their hostility mation of the collective identity. As against immigrants and all foreigners, R. Eyerman says, it is not concerts in radical nationalism, and glorification of their usual sense, – they are frequently violent actions. However, even though illegal, which adds them an emotional skinheads cooperate actively with vari- value. All the present as if participate ous radical political forces, they are in the common plot, creating a stron- non-political movement – it is simply ger connection with the experience of a youth counterculture even though music. This emotionally charged expe- strongly politicized. The attempts of rience will be discussed, recalled, and political radical forces’ to use skinheads pictured, – thus connecting an individ- as “assault groups” have practically al- ual with the collective (Eyerman, 2002: ways failed because the countercul- 450). Concerts have both cognitive and tural style and political activism are ritual elements. Songs performed to- completely different. Among the skin- gether, become texts as their words are head counterculture, unstable and situ- always strongly related to ideology. Be- ational gangs which appear quickly and fore songs’ performances during skin- also disappear quickly, prevail. There head concerts, there are usually short, are only some groups of skinheads who but ideologically filled introductions ac- try to achieve organizational stability companied by collective gestures such by developing their own ideology. It is as raising hands and calling out slogans. necessary to note a significant shift in This ritualized performance / the text the political ideas shared by Belaru- unites an individual and the symbolical sian skinheads – from Russian chau- past because the emotional experience vinism and Pan-Slavism to adaptation

№11/2008 Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of the skinhead youth counterculture in Belarus 113 of the Belarusian nationalistic views. tial for a political struggle. So far, their In any case, skinheads’ priority is their bright and shocking image draws atten- own subcultural pragmatics (symboli- tion of the public to them – therefore, cal violence, intensive communication, they frequently become heroes of me- music) – therefore, this marginal move- dia sensations which essentially deform ment has practically no essential poten- the image of this counterculture.

References

1. Bannikov K.L., Extreme Groups’ Anthropology. Moscow, 2004 (Банников, К.Л. Антропология экстремальных групп. Москва, 2004). 2. Vanyushkina V., Skinheads. (Ванюшкина, В. «Бритоголовые») http://nationalism.org/ vvv/skinheads.htm 3. Interview with one of leaders of the skinhead movement in Minsk // Stigmata Maga- zine’s web-site. http://www.stigmata.name/wolves.php 4. Shchepanskaya T.B., System: texts and traditions of subculture / T.B. Shchepanskaya. Moscow: OGI, 2004 (Щепанская, Т.Б. Система: тексты и традиции субкультуры / Т.Б. Щепанская. Москва: ОГИ, 2004). 5. Clarke J., The Skinheads and the Magical Recovery of Community // Resistance through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain. London, 1976. P. 101–115. 6. Eyerman, R. Music in Movement: Cultural Politics and Old and New Social Move- ments / R. Eyerman // Qualitative Sociology. Fall 2002. Vol. 25. № 3. P. 443–458.

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea1

Abstract

The author reviews in the article the main stages of the Crivitian «idea» evolution in the context of Belarusian political thought. The process of Crivitian «idea» development was divided in the article into four periods: the fixation (ХIХ– early ХХ), the conceptualization (in 1920s–40s), an interruption in representation (1950s–80s) and present state (since the end of 1980-ies). The author gives the main characteristics, political and cultural features of each period, along with political analysis of the Crivitian «idea» and its position among the other cultural and political projects.

Key words: Crivitian «idea», History of ideas, identity, Belarusian identity, nation- building in Belarus

“Kryvija” (Crivitia), “Rus” (Ruthe- cultural projects, including radicalized nia) and “Litva” (Lithuania) – this is the ones. Of course, not all projects can be threefold knot, the three-storey laby- even partly embodied - still they can in- rinth where our national self has been fluence obliquely the political and intel- meandering. (V. Lastouski) lectual evolution. The ideas reflect the The nation’s genesis is an event political context’s fullness and political which can never be completely central- activity’s structure and logic which can ized in an intellectual sense, and the be hidden or even unseen behind the national projects are never homoge- political practices that have the central neous. History’s certain configuration status. Besides, the ideas create politics’ and cultural-national belonging’s ele- actual archive which can be used (and is ments are not fixed – they are part of used) under politically favorable condi- the historical and cultural evolution. tions. History’s and identity’s elasticity is par- This article aims to describe (maybe ticularly evident from the point of view quite sketchy, which is inevitable within of the history of ideas2 which usually the format of one article) the basic stag- reflects excessiveness of political and es of the genesis of the “Crivitian idea”

1 The source for translation is: Андрэй Казакевіч Кароткая генеалогія крыўскае ідэі // “Палiтычная сфера” №6, 2006 с.4–10. 2 We use purposefully the notion of “the history of ideas” instead of the traditional “history of a thought”

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea 115

(Crivitians is the name of East Slavic building during the 20th century and tribe) as a phenomenon of the Belaru- which appealed to the correspondent sian cultural and intellectual evolution. historical traditions4. The versions were We use voluntarily the term “idea”. It is wide-spread in the sphere of cultural also possible to talk about the “Crivi- production, while their representation tian project”, “identity model”, “theme”, on the level of institutional politics had “problematic”, etc. It is difficult to call it a fragmentary character. The idea of “an integrated Crivitian political proj- Crivitia would often have a character ect” (at least, prior to the 1990’s), if not of a dispute concerning the country’s presuming upon mechanical recon- name; gradually it acquired more au- struction practices. What circulated tonomous forms, turning into an alter- within Crivitian problematic was not native and means of (self-)criticism of restrained by the frames of the “iden- the term “Belarus” and everything con- tity”, even though identity was the nected with it. This idea was also a cul- basic cause of fighting. We include a tural and literary metaphor, a symbol of wide spectrum of phenomena into the ancientry and tradition. “Crivitian idea”. This is the idea of “a Thereupon, the existence of “Crivi- change of the name” in order to com- tian problematic” in an extended sense pletely decolonize the Belarusian’s im- of the national political and cultural age of being part of Russia3, as well as project seems to be rather important. It an alternative project of the Belarusian reflects a certain way of thinking within identity and proposals of a new national the framework of the national move- cultural ground. Thus, our conditional ment and the way the problems of po- term “idea” consists of various practices litical and cultural development were including different forms of Crivitian apprehended. The “Crivitian idea” gave problematic, terminology and symbolic birth to its own version of history and combined with diverse cultural and po- a lot of concepts, but only few of them litical models, but its main aspects are were fixed on the level of the whole- various identifications. national representation. “Kryvija” (“Kryuja”) [Crivitia, Crivia] is one of the two alternative versions of Belarus’ identification and outward representation which were formed in the difficult conditions of the nation-

3 It is wide-known that the term “Belarusians” used to be translated into foreign lan- guages as “White Russians” and “Belarus”– as “White Russia”, Wiessrussland etc. Such “translations” used to result in a misunderstanding when Belarusians were thought to be Russia’s White Guards (who fought against the Bolsheviks). Anyway, these terms have always been a sign of Russia’s dependence (Belarusian mythology, 2004). 4 The other alternative version is Litva (Lithuania, in its historical meaning, not to be con- fused with the present Baltic state) and “Litvinism” (Lithuanism) based on the heritage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.

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Genealogy sion, there were signs of a project of an- of the “Crivitian topic” other Belarusian identity and another political project at all, not quite stream- The national and historical “mem- lined though. Period N3 is “the Soviet ory” is a flexible phenomenon which crackdown” (1920’s – 1930’s) when the can be changed and politically altered. idea’s carriers were eliminated and the Crivitian problematic as a phenomenon idea’s positions were criticized. Period of Belarusian culture is strongly linked N4 is “a thaw during a storm” (1940’s), to the development of the Belarusian when Crivitian problematic was used national movement and is an important by some Belarusian organizations dur- episode of the battle for memory. Con- ing the Nazi occupation. Then, the fol- sidering the “Crivitian idea’s” genesis, lowing periods: 1940’s – 1950’s – the there are four separate stages: fixation Crivitian idea among Belarusian im- of Crivitian problematic (late 18th – migrants and since 1990’s – the current early 20th), conceptualization (1920’s – state of affairs. 1940’s), break in cultural and political Such division seems to be not quite representation (1950’s – 1980’s), its re- systematic as its basic events are just vival and current stage of development presented chronologically. Probably, it (since 1980’s – 1990’s). The stage titles was not the author’s aim, but this ar- are conditional, and they, as well as the ticle, according to the frame connected time frames of this division into peri- with the study of the ideas’ evolution, ods, are to be revised in the future. aims to analyze the qualitative chang- A slightly different division into pe- es in the contents of Crivitian idea as riods of the “Crivitian idea” was pro- a cultural and political phenomenon, posed by V. Korbut (Korbut, 2005). It therefore we think the use of our own consists of the following stages: Period division into periods is justified. N1 is “Crivitian romanticism” (19th – early 20th) which is practically equal Fixation of Crivitian in its chronologic frames to the Crivi- problematic tian terminology’s fixation and analyzes the same cultural events. We think the The period of fixation of the words use of the term “romanticism” in this “Crivitia”, “Crivitian”, etc. in ethnograph- context is not justified. Even if it was ic, literary and historical texts is not part “romanticism”, it was not “Crivitian”5. of the history of the “Crivitian idea”, but Period N2 is “the idea’s birth” (1920’s), it influences the understanding of its i.e. V. Lastouski’s and J. Stankievic’s origin. Crivitian problematics’ appear- activities and a discussion among the ance took place in the late 18th – early Belarusian movement concerning the 19th century. “Problematic”, as we put term “Belarus” and its possible changes. it, is the use of the Crivitian terminolo- Gradually, within the Crivitian discus- gy with reference to those who lived on

5 The term “Crivitians” was used to identify and describe, but it was never used by Crivi- tians themselves.

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea 117 the territory of Belarus, correspondent shonak, 2004: 198). Crivitians were versions of the ancient history and a prioritized in the context of this terri- corresponding solution of the problem tory’s political development in the an- of ethnic identification of the local pop- cient times (which, by the way, is still ulation who had no acknowledged (le- done sometimes in modern Belarusian gitimate) and independent title. Some historiography where the basic plots of researchers can see a political implica- the early Middle Ages are linked to the tion here, i.e. a desire of Polish (Polish- Principality of Polatsk/Polotsk). speaking) ethnographers and historians During the 18th – early 19th cen- to ruin the memory of affinity between tury, Polish historiography was a natu- Belarusians and Russians (Greenblat, ral and sometimes the only source of 1963: 33), but there are obviously no knowledge about Belarus’ past, and grounds for that. Moreover, the term the “Crivitian” understanding of the “Crivitians” was later used actively by historical past of the local population scientists of pro-Russian orientation (P. started to appear in researches and lit- Shpilevsky), while the term “Belarus” erature. In this context, the term “Crivi- was applied in the Polish-speaking au- tians” and its derivatives were used in thors’ works (J. Borszczewski). ethnographic texts as one of the titles The Crivitian terminology pertain- of the local population, as well as a de- ing to Belarusians had a historiographic scription of the traditional cultural phe- origin. The Polish historical tradition nomena. There was not a legitimate and of the late 18th century expanded the acknowledged title for the local popula- Crivitian tribe’s settlement zone in the tion then and “Crivitians” was used to- early Middle Ages practically to the gether with “Belarusians”. In this sense, whole territory of the present Belarus. the Crivitian terminology was synony- Of course, it does not correspond to mous with the Belarusian one, though the present historical knowledge (it the former was more like an obsoletism. is thought that Crivitians lived in the It can be proved by J. Czeczot who used Northern and partly central regions of the word “Crivitian” and J. Borszczews- Belarus only), but it was a basis to con- ki who used the word “Belarus” in the sider Crivitians to be the direct ances- early 19th century in their texts which tors of the Slavic population who were played their role in the country’s out- later called the Belarusians. The Crivi- ward representation. There are no- ex tian vision of Belarus’ ancient past is amples of using the word “Crivitians” as usually considered to be invented by A. a native name of the Belarusian popula- Naruszewicz (1733 – 1796) whose well- tion, except of some quite contentious known work, The History of the Polish cases. The main fact of fixation of such Nation, would settle Crivitians not only identification is the 1860’s statistic data, between the West Dzvina (Dvina) and so-called Parochial Lists which are now the Dniapro (Dnieper) Rivers, but also considered to be uncreditable. in Palessie (Polesia), while Dregovichs Thus, the Crivitian terminology was and Radimichs were correspondently used to describe the population of that placed in Podlachia and Volhinia (Laty- time Belarus and to appeal to its past.

№11/2008 118 Political ideas and national identity

However, during the 19th century, the vious aim was to finally decolonize the word “Crivitians” turned gradually into native name and the nation’s represen- an obsoletism, giving central place in tation6. Alas, the new title of Belarus politics and researches to the word had its difficulties, which can be proved “Belarus”. The main factor here was the by the fact that it was not realized in the political context, when the Russian au- reality. As a vivid example the usage of thorities launched their colonial project various names of Belarus by J. Stanki- to turn everybody on the territory of evic’s: Kryvija (The History of Kryvija- the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania Belarus”, 1941); Kryuja (Kryuja-Belarus into “Russians”, with its corresponding in the past”, 1942); Kryvich-Belarus [A political, cultural and researching prac- short history of Kryvich-Belarus, 1951] tices. (Stankevicz, 2003: 48-188). However, the title Crivitia (Kryvija) was used Conceptualization most of all. Besides, it is very important that While during the previous period “Crivitia” and its derivatives became a the Crivitian terminology was used to wide-spread metaphor and a symbol of define and recall the past, then during Belarus’ ancientry and historical past, the following stage the Crivitian idea which were supported on the whole- turned into an intellectual trend, thus cultural level and used in literary and changing the situation. The concept of other texts by, for example, L. Hienijus, “Crivitia” (which later became a system U. Zylka, J. Kupala and others. which we call tentatively “the idea”) was As for the “Crivitian idea” itself, in perceived as a means of a final decolo- the majority of cases it functioned as nization of the national oneness. In its an idea of the native name (usually, it turn, “Belarus” (Byelorussia i.e. “White was a question of a parallel usage of Rus\Ruthenia\Russia) was thought to both titles, at least in the beginning), be strongly connected with a colonial which was supported by a number dependence on the Russian Empire. of influential activists of the national During this period, Crivitia was used movement (especially by V. Lastouski in the majority of cases as a synonym and J. Stankievic). Step-by-step, the dis- of Belarus, but it reflected different cussion concerning the name received cultural and historical connotations. an additional meaning and turned into Besides, some Belarusian intellectuals attempts of a new interpretation of the began to intuitively apply the Crivitia “Belarusian character” and a search for idea to defeat the Slavic (Russian) cen- authenticity with a special attention to trism, also with the help of the later ac- the ancient history. V. Lastouski wrote, tualized Baltic elements. Sometimes it “Today, when the nation is trying to be- was scientifically grounded, sometimes come alive again and seeking for every it looked hardly probable. Still, the ob- hue of its individuality in its language,

6 Compare it to the opposition of “Ukraine” and “Malorossia” (Small Russia) in the Ukrai- nian context of the 19th – early 20th century.

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea 119 rites, arts and literature, it is crucial to Gymnasium in Regensburg, Germany, recall its real name which reminds us 1940’s) (Korbut, 2005: 65) and finally of our nation’s better days. It is impor- ebbed away. Even J. Stankievic changed tant that the name is not just a color- his mind and became an adherent of ful addition to somebody else’s title (i.e. “Grand Litva” (Grand Lithuania). “White” Russia), but an independent individuality (Lastouski, 1997: 384). A break in the cultural and The search for individuality and free- political representation dom from dependence and “Whole- Russia-ness” was the basic argument A cultural and political break of the of those who supported the Crivitian Crivitian idea and problematic after the idea. Still, the idea rarely left the bor- World War II was obviously mandatory ders of the discussion concerning the under the conditions of the Soviet strict country’s name. The Belarusian intel- control. The Soviet version of the his- lectuals only had several unintelligible tory of Belarus was created before the and antilogous texts which could not World War II; after the war it received really describe what should happen to its final form based on sequacious Rus- this idea when it would reach a higher sia-centrism with all the corresponding (e.g. political) level. elements (theory of the one pre-Russian Regardless of the idea’s insufficient nation, Lithuania’s and Poland’s oppres- ideological and political completeness, sion of Belarusians in the Grand Duchy the “Crivitian topic” was noticed in the of Lithuania, “an ultroneous reunion Belarusian Soviet Socialistic Republic, with the Great Russian nation”, etc.) where it was criticized and suppressed This vision was fixed in the academic by the Soviet official structures who sphere, thus being the only possible thought it to be a sign of extreme chau- variant on the public level. Under such vinism and ardent nationalism, or even circumstances, the Crivitian idea which fascism. Since the 1930’s, the “Crivitian appeared in the 1920’s as a form of a theme” together with other signs of radical opposition to Russia-centrism “nationalism” was called “the ideologi- and could not have any chances to be cal enemy of the Soviet understanding represented. There were no informal of the Belarusian national identity” and groups, including few nationally con- eliminated from all spheres of life to- scious ones, who formulated this idea, gether with its carriers. either. The alternative’s possibility left During the Nazi occupation (1941– the level of a public discussion and po- 1944), the Crivitian topic had a kind of litical project and went down to arche- a revival in Belarus, thanks to J. Stanki- ology and ethnic studies which seemed evic who printed his text-books and to be too far from politics. articles in the media. After the war, the During this break of its representa- Crivitian discussion was completely tion, the important thing for the future annihilated in Belarus – it contin- of the Crivitian idea became accumula- ued its existence in exile where it had tion of empirical materials concerning some institutional forms (e.g. Crivitian the Baltic-Slavic connections and the

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Baltic influence on the Belarusians’ ori- “Slavic-speaking” Baltic people, which gin. During this period, certain events was done in the early 1990’s. which influenced a lot the interpreta- In the 1970’s – 1980’s, ethnologic tion of the Crivitian idea into its mod- and linguistic hypotheses gradually ern understanding, i.e. a combination and logically evolved into a certain un- of the Crivitian topic and the Baltic the- derstanding of the ethnic and national ory of the Belarusians’ ethnogeny. The history and under the favourable con- authors of the 1920’s – 1940’s described ditions of the 1980’s transformed into differently the ethnic evolution’s pro- political phenomenon. At that time, cess, but almost all of them were united the “Baltic theory” became quite pop- in describing Belarusians as a Slavic na- ular. The combination of the revived tion. The Baltic character had no attrac- “Crivitian idea” and the “Baltic topic” tive cultural and political image, at least was rather natural. The Baltic theory this image could not compete with the created a good ground for seeking for image of Slavia. After the World War the authentic “path of birth” which co- II, linguistic, archeological and ethnic incided with the Crivitian idea’s logic as studies opened new possibilities in this a cultural symbol of the tradition and direction. ancientry. Thus, some national move- Since the late 1960’s, there was a keen ments perceived the nation’s revival interest in the hypothesis that the Baltic as a search for the Baltic roots, as well tribes took part in the Belarusians’ eth- as an introduction of a new national nogeny (through a Slavic-Baltic symbio- name. The new name was considered sis), which was proposed by the Russian to be more natural and justified than archeologist V. Sedov whose researches “Belarus”. The Crivitian idea completely became the basic grounds for legiti- joined the Baltic theory, and it is what mizing this vision. His concept openly makes the modern stage of the Crivi- contradicted the conventional scheme tian idea’s evolution peculiar. of the Slavic ethnogeny, but it was ac- At the late 1980’s – early 1990’s, Be- cepted by a lot of Belarusian archeolo- larus saw a boom of the Baltic theory gists and Belarusian culture researchers which was spurred by the tendency of (Kryvaltcevicz, 1999). The problem of destroying the Soviet historiography’s the Belarusians’ origin started to gain a myths. It concerned both the Belar- political coloration. In December 1973, usian-speaking circles and the wider a scientific conference, “The Belaru- public. For instance, the initiators of the sians’ Ethnogeny”, was banned as the Palesian (Polesian) movement, which Baltic problematic was planned to be appeared at that time, announced the discussed there. Thus, the accumulation existence of a third Baltic nation and of empirical materials allowed to ques- a fourth East-Slavic language (Dyn’ko, tion the theory of the exclusively Slavic 2000). Their adherence to the concept origin of Belarusians and to discuss the of the Baltic ethnogeny was illustrated degree of the Baltic influence. The foun- by the title of the new nation and the dation was laid, and then it was rather region – Yetvyz, a modification of the easy to declare that Belarusians are just name of Yotvingians, a West-Baltic

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea 121 tribe, who were thought to be direct pagan movement. The Center orga- ancestors of Palesians (i.e. those Slavic nized some international conferences, people who live in Palesie) (Tserash- as well as some musical and cultural kevich, 1994: 69). M. Sheliahovich, the festivals, and printed some books. In leader of the New-Yotvingian move- 1993, the first conference, Baltic Tribes ment, included some Baltic words into And Belarusians’ Ethnogeny, which was his variant of the Palesian language. dedicated to the 20th anniversary of the banned in 1973 conference, announced Revival and the current the formula: “Belarusians are the Slav- stage of development ic-speaking Baltic nation” (Dzermant, San’ko, 2005: 235). The idea’s initiators Some representatives of the Be- actively studied ethnography, linguis- larusian movement needed the idea of tics and the allied subjects in order to “Crivitia” due to the similar motives and prove their thesis. At the end of the logics as in the 1920’s – 1940’s. It did 1990’s, the Crivitian idea joined po- not reach the political sphere however litical theories, mostly of the European it was introduced into cultural and in- “new rights”. First of all, the young gen- tellectual discussions. Among the main eration seemed to be politically aware. motives, there was a search for an au- It is fair to say that the signs of the Be- thentic individuality, some dissatisfac- larusian traditionalism are of the Crivi- tion with the “Belarusian idea” (as it is tian character. full of elements of dependence) and a Besides, the Kryuja Center plays a desire to destroy the Russia-centrism considerable role in the modern con- model of the national history and cul- ceptualization of the Belarusian ethnic ture. The Crivitian paradigm seemed to culture when there is an evident stag- be a possible alternative and means of nation of such work among the official breaking the situation of dependence, institutions. They published the volume and it still has this meaning now. Belarusian Mythology (Belarusian my- In brief, the Crivitian movement is thology, 2004). In the 1990’s, there was now mostly represented in the cultural a specialized journal, Kryuja: Crivica. space by the Center of Ethnocosmology Baltica. Indogermanica; it was issued Kryuja (Crivitia) created in the early tree times: in 1994, 1996 and 1998. The 1990’s by the artist T. Kashkurevic and journal was devoted to the studies of philosopher S. Sanka (San’ko, 1993). traditional culture of Belarusians and The Center’s activity has had various other Indo-European nations, as well levels; its work has not been stable. as to searches for the Baltic elements in First, its main concern was archeology, the Belarusian culture and Belarusian ethnography, ethnology and traditional heathendom (Paznjakou, 2000). culture (oppressed for a long time in Kryuja’s immediate continuation is public conscience), combining scien- the Druvis almanac, only one issue was tific studies and different practices of published in 2005. If Kryuja was a spe- sacralizing Belarusian ethnic culture, cialized edition in the field of the ethnic including attempts of creating a neo- history, then Druvis was more diversi-

№11/2008 122 Political ideas and national identity

fied, representing the Crivitian para- ness. Some intellectuals thought that digm from different points of view, in- the use of another native name, more cluding literature, folklore and politics. authentic and more ancient, as well as The edition secured a new stage in de- a review of the history and the identity veloping the “Crivitian community” as projects, would be an important way it was issued with the assistance of the of seeking for the national individual- young generation (Kazakevich, 2006). ity and completing the decolonization The Crivitian idea’s presentation process. Their desires did not come and its influence on some public minds true, but they influenced some sectors was implemented through various texts of the Belarusian culture. and literature where Crivitia was a After the violent break during the metaphor, a symbol and a concept (R. 1950’s – 1980’s, the idea was revived Baradulin, P. Vasiucenka, S. Dubaviec, because the factors, which were put in etc.) A wide use of the Crivitian ter- its foundation, were still valid. However minology was helped by the Crivitian the majority of the society either knows centers’ influence. Crivitia was an im- nothing of this idea, or considers it as portant image of the past, mostly the a poetical and historical symbol. For history prior to the 13th century, the some people, it is a completed interpre- Principality of Polatsk, which unlike tation paradigm of history, tradition, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was not language and culture. The idea’s present claimed by anyone and which unlike representation unites organizations and Belarus (Byelorussia) could not be con- projects which identify themselves as sidered as an invention of the colonial the “Crivitians” (e.g. Kryuja Center and dependence. Druvis journal), as well as a lot of texts The basic peculiarities of the current and literature where the Crivitian idea stage of the Crivitian idea: firstly, it has can function as a metaphor or a symbol, no direct succession of the previous pe- a cultural or political project. riods; secondly, it is oriented on traditional culture and the Baltic theory of ethnogeny which is now not just a base, but the main direction of the cultural and researching activities; thirdly, its critical attitude towards the “Belarusian idea”, sometimes with the elements of “Lithuania-philia” (Korbut, 2005:53). The “Crivitian idea” was formed in the 1920’s when the Belarusian national movement had already been legitimized on the cultural and political levels and could be considered to be one of the forms of dissatisfaction with the dependent and non-self-governing status of the Belarusian culture and self-aware-

№11/2008 Andrei Kazakevich. A Brief Genealogy of the Crivitian Idea 123

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№11/2008 Andrei Pachobut Stalin era voting in Hrodna Region. Sapotskina Case, 19481

Abstract

The year of 1948. Western Belarus. Local elections are taking place. Some undesir- ables became witnesses of falsification in one of polling places. As a result of their complaint, the Communist party’s institutions became interested in the case. The article is dedicated to an analysis of one case from the election practice in Belarus in the late 1940’s.

Key words: elections, local elections, Western Belarus, Joseph Stalin, falsification, Ministry of State Security, All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Sapotskina.

“A drunken officer together with a the young collective farmers.” (State Ar- secretary are opening the ballot box and chive… Fund 1, Volume 1, Case 174). throwing there a heap of voting bulletins. The people in the country were The “Stalin result” – 99,9% of support to watching closely the agricultural initia- the Communist Party – is guaranteed…” tives of the authorities. Therefore the The year of 1948 in Hrodna (Grod- communists tried to divide villagers no) Region became the year of the into groups and to make them quarrel. beginning of massive collectivization. However they did not quite succeed in However the Communist authorities this. An important function of the lo- did not consider the situation to be pro- cal state organs was to create regional pitious. There were strong anti-Soviet structures from the Party’s activists and guerrilla squadrons who did not allow with their assistance it was possible to the Communists to feel at ease. Com- break the negative attitude of the villag- rade Fralou (Frolov)2, the Head of Hro- ers of Hrodna Region. In these circum- dna KGB Department, said, “there are a stances the elections to local councils lot of open and hidden enemies of the (soviets), which were planned for Janu- collective farms’ way of life, and these ary 11th, had a big political importance. enemies use every opportunity to harm They were to demonstrate the massive

1 The source for translation is: Андрэй Пачобут Сталінскія выбары на Гарадзеншчыне (Сапоцкінскі выпадак, год 1948) // “Палiтычная сфера” №9, 2007 с.69-72. 2 The 1940’s Soviet tradition of records management did not require full names in many official documents. People were usually named “comrades” without their first names.

№11/2008 Andrei Pachobut. Stalin era voting in Hrodna Region. Sapotskina Case, 1948 125 support of the local population to the tions because our country carries out new initiatives of the Communist au- elections in accordance with the most thorities and to foster the creation of democratic electoral rights, because the a union of villages’ active functionaries whole nation participates in them and who were thought to establish the “col- has its representatives in the electoral lective farms’ way of life”. commissions, thus organizing them,” “On January 11th, the workers of wrote The Hrodzienskaja Prauda news- the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Repub- paper on 31 October 1947. lic, based on the most democratic in the Even today it is still possible to find world electoral rights, will elect their best traces of the Stalin era “elections mir- sons and daughters to the local bodies acles” at the Hrodna Archive of Social of the Soviet power. The election to local Organizations (former Archive of the Soviets of Workers is the most important Hrodna Regional Executive Commis- event in the life of the Belarusian na- sion of the Belarusian Communist Par- tion. It is a step forward towards further ty). One of such documents is a report strengthening of the Belarusian Soviet written on 13 January 1948, two days Socialist Republic, part of the great So- after the elections, by Captain Ilyin, the cialist Fatherland. On 11 January 1948, Head of the Operation Branch of Hro- the Belarusian nation will demonstrate dna Department of the Police of the its own unity and orderliness, as well as Ministry of Internal Affairs, to the Head its unity with the Bolshevik Party and of Regional Department of Internal Af- with the spirit and teachings of Com- fairs [1]. This report became the reason rade Stalin”, wrote The Hrodzienskaja for a follow-up scrutiny. The Hrodna Prauda newspaper on 4 October 1947. Regional Committee of the Belarusian At that time, all elections’ results Communist Party took charge of this used to prove society’s 99 percent sup- case. No wonder, as the police Captain port to the Communist authorities. Ilyin reported that the elections were Such consent in a democratic country falsified by the members of the local seems to be not credible however a to- Electoral Commission in Sapotskina talitarian system has its own political (Sopotskino) Electoral District No 53. laws and does not approve of any other electoral process. The elections results І. The vote fraud in Noviki had to prove expressly that there was no one who would be against the Commu- Sapotskina District was situated in nist authorities’ monopoly. A question the North-West part of the Hrodna Re- raises, “Is it true that citizens, especially gion in 1944-1959; in March 1959 its in the West Belarus, used to go docilely territory became a part of the Hrodna to the ballot boxes and voted for Com- District. After the Soviet authorities munists? Or perhaps the “Stalin result” came here, it wrecked a lot of Commu- was nothing but the result of manipula- nists nerves. The majority of the popu- tions with the ballot boxes?” lation was Polish and watched closely “In our Soviet country it makes no the initiatives of the local authorities. sense to talk about falsifications of elec- On 31 December 1947 comrade Fralou,

№11/2008 126 History of elections

the Head of the Hrodna KGB Depart- they decided to inform their command- ment, informed Peter Kalinin, the ers about the facts of falsifications. First Secretary of the Hrodna Regional Comrades Chuprynousky and Committee of the Belarusian Commu- Chechka reported that at the polling nist Party, about the moods of the lo- station in the Noviki local Soviet most cal population in his special report, “In people decided not to go voting and this District, the anti-Soviet elements simply ignored the elections. By 3 p.m. spread provocative rumours that the only 40% of the voters had taken part in war between America and the USSR is the election. inevitable.” The unpleasant for Communists sit- “For example, an inhabitant of the uation could be saved by mobile ballot village Praleiki, Sapotskina District, boxes. The members of the Commis- Maria Pianouska, born in 1883 a Polish sion took ballot boxes and started visit- national, said to her neighbors, “Soon, ing local villages, therefore forcing the there will be a war between England and villagers to “carry out their obligations”. America on the one side and the Soviet Nevertheless the people opposed it, Union on the other. The Bolsheviks will when the electioneers and the Commis- be running from here, just like they were sion members were entering a village in 1941. Poland will restore its borders all the inhabitants were running away as they were in 1939.” from their houses. Ada Germanok, a These moods were wide-spread Secretary of the Noviki local Soviet said there and the authorities knew about later, “In all the houses we were visiting it quite well. Still, due to Communist there were children only. That was the traditions, such moods could not influ- way the people expressed their attitude ence the official voting results. The elec- with regard to the new authorities.” tions results in Sapotskina District did “When I came back to the local So- not differ from the results in the other viet, I saw a terrible mess there, there regions of the USSR. It was always the were no members of the Commission, same 99% of voters who voted for the except Comrade Kurylovich who was ly- Bolsheviks. Local activists were used ing on the seats where the Commission to such “results”. However, on January was meant to be seated, he was asleep… 11th, two Hrodna policemen Chupry- During the elections there were situa- nousky (Chuprinovsky) and Chechka tions when Kurylovich would give four (Chechko) were sent to guard the elec- bulletins to one voter. When the voter toral commissions in Sapotskina Dis- asked why four, Kurylovich answered, trict. They were sent to the village Novi- “Just throw ‘em ‘ere and shut up”, wrote ki, the center of a local Soviet situated in her report Ada Germanok (State Ar- to the North-West of Sapotskina, where chive… Fund 1, Volume 1, Case 174). the policemen became eyewitnesses of Still, regardless of all these manipu- open falsifications. It seems they saw lations the required percentage could the “electoral kitchen” for the first time not be achieved. When Karmanau (Kar- in their lives, and that was the reason manov), the Head of the Commission, why after returning back to Hrodna understood that the result pre-planned

№11/2008 Andrei Pachobut. Stalin era voting in Hrodna Region. Sapotskina Case, 1948 127 by the Hrodna Regional Committee of the latter did not react to the electoral the Belarusian Communist Party would law infringement. Today we understand not be reached, he decided to take it that it was a normal practice and that into his own hands. they did know about such “electoral “Comrade Karmanau ordered every- incidents” as they were rather wide- body except the Secretary to leave the spread and common everywhere. building of the local Soviet. Then Kar- According to the Article 120 of the manau threw all ballot bulletins into the Law on Elections to Regional, Districts, ballot box and reported that all 100% of Cities and Local Soviets of Workers of voters had participated in the election,” the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic, reported Captain Ilyin. members of the Electoral Commissions However it was not yet the end of who falsified or purposefully counted the people’s plebiscite in Sapotskina votes in the inappropriate way, must Electoral District No 53 under the guid- be punished with three years of impris- ance of Comrade Karmanau. At 4 p.m. onment. However this legal norm had three voters unexpectedly did come to never been used in the USSR. the local Soviet. Comrade Karmanau, who was terribly drunk as a celebra- II. The inquiry at the Party’s tion of the successful end of the elec- Regional Committee tions was already taking place, ordered Dubovik, a Secretary of the Electoral Harachau (Goryachev), the Head of Commission, to open the ballot box the Hrodna Police, who was a member and to provide the late-coming voters of the Party’s Regional Committee, im- with bulletins. mediately sent the Captain Ilyin’s report “In front of the three voters, Chechka, to the Party review. All the participants Chuprynousky and other citizens, the of the “Noviki Case” had to explain their Secretary opened the box and gave bul- behavior. The case was really important letins to the voters,” reported Ilyin. The as Captain Ilyin’s report gave grounds voters looked at the bulletins and no- to initiate a criminal case based on the ticed that they were from another elec- fact of falsifications. However at those tion district. times none of the policemen could dare “We are not from Balinenty,” said one to initiate such a case without the Par- of the voters. “Don’t be so smart, throw ty’s consent. Besides, it is necessary to ‘em ‘ere!”, was the answer,” reported Ada remember about the political context Germanok. of such criminal case as it could mean The policemen Chuprynousky that the whole Electoral District, even and Chechka proved to the Regional though it was the only one in the entire Committee that the election security Soviet Union, did not support Comrade plenipotentiary representatives of the Stalin and the Communist Party. In- Hrodna Regional Committee and the deed, the Heads of the Hrodna Regional Sapotskina District Committee of the Committee were not interested in it. Belarusian Communist Party were eye- During the Regional Committee witnesses of the falsifications. However meeting, the Secretary Dubovik (who

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opened the box) and Ivan Ramanau sign of idealism, inadmissible for such (Romanov), a plenipotentiary represen- a high rank? Or was it a desire to start tative of the Sapotskina District Com- repressions against the disobedient mittee, affirmed that there were no population of Sapotskina District? Or infringements of the Electoral Law in was it just an internal Party strife?.. Un- Noviki. The policemen report was con- fortunately, today these questions can- firmed by Ada Germanok, a Secretary not be answered. The Archives of the of the Noviki local Electoral District, Ministry of Internal Affairs and KGB, only. The other members of the Elector- where perhaps there is more informa- al Commission said, they knew noth- tion about the reasons and outcomes ing or heard about it from Germanok. of the “electoral scandal in Noviki”, are The falsifications case was soon closed. still closed. Nevertheless one fact is None of its participants were punished. certain – writing such report on the The Hrodna Communist Party report day when all the USSR newspapers had concerning the results of the local elec- already announced the resounding vic- tions drafted for the Central Commit- tory of the Stalin Communists was an tee of the Belarusian Communist Party unprecedented move. was quite colourful. Today, the “Noviki Case”, which has “The elections to the local Soviets of survived as several sheets of yellowed workers in the Hrodna Region have been paper in the former archive of the Par- carried out under the conditions of a ty’s Hrodna Regional Committee, al- high moral rise. In all 5,574 Electoral lows us to understand the real mecha- Districts 318,419 voters have participat- nism of the formation of the totalitarian ed in the elections, while the total popu- system in the Western regions of the lation is 318,824. Therefore it constitut- BSSR and the real level of the political ed 99.9% of the voters and 99.5% voted support to the Communist authorities for Stalin’s Communist candidates. It in the Hrodna Region in 1948. showed that the voters have revealed their trust, unlimited love and devotion to the Communist ideals, the Soviet nation and the Great Teacher of the Na- tions – Comrade Stalin. The election day has become a real national holiday,” wrote Kulinkovich, the Head of the Pro- paganda and Agitation Department of the Hrodna Regional Committee, to the Party Central Committee (State Ar- chive… Fund 1, Volume 1, Case 174). The reasons why Police Captain Il- yin, a Communist and a high-ranking Soviet official, decided to report about the falsifications in Sapotskina Election District No 53, are not known. Was it a

№11/2008 Andrei Pachobut. Stalin era voting in Hrodna Region. Sapotskina Case, 1948 129

Literature

1. State Archive of the Hrodna Region. Fund 1, Volume 1, Case 174 (Дзяржаўны архіў Гарадзенскай вобласці. Ф. 1, воп. 1, спр. 174) 2. The Hrodzienskaja Prauda newspaper, 4 October 1947 (Гродзенская праўда. 1947. 4 кастр.) 3. The Hrodzienskaja Prauda newspaper, 31 October 1947 (Гродзенская праўда. 1947. 31 кастр.)

№11/2008 Author of the issue

Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya, PhD, Belarusian sociologist; analyst of the Humani- tarian Technologies Agency (Minsk, Belarus)

Andrei Kazakevich, PhD, Belarusian political scientist; Editor in chief, Journal of political studies of Political Sphere (Palitychnaja sfera); lecturer of the European Humanities University (Vilnius, Lithuania)

Andrei Khrapavitski, Belarusian political scientist, Media and Internet Expert

Alexei Krivolap, Belarusian cultural studies specialist, Media Expert; lecturer of the European Humanities University (Vilnius, Lithuania); co-organizer of Vilnius Media seminar (Lithuania)

Siarhei Kuzniatsou, Belarusian lawyer and political scientist; PhD student at the Polish Academy of Science (Warsaw)

Aliaksei Lastouski, PhD, Belarusian sociologist; researcher, Institute of Sociol- ogy (Belarusian Academy of Science, Minsk)

Dzianis Melyantsou, Belarusian political scientist; analyst of the Belarusian In- stitute for strategic studies (Minsk); lecturer of the European Humanities University (Vilnius, Lithuania)

Andrei Pachobut, Belarusian journalist; reporter of Gazeta Wyborcza (War- saw, Poland); Board member, Belarusian Union of Poles

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008

Abstracts of the articles written for the Journal. Translations are not included

Political Sphere. Political science of political science. # 3, 2004

Sociology and political studies. A talk to Yauheni Babosau (Eugene Ba- bosov), a philosopher and sociologist, p. 5-9 (in Russian) An interview with a well-known Belarusian sociologist, philosopher and science administrator Yauheni Babosau. The interview focuses on specific features, problems and horizons of social science in Belarus. Social science (political studies) development conditions and tendencies have been put a special emphasis on. These have included a work layout with a theoretical material, workforce capacity, personnel policy, prospects and premises to shape a professional association. The interview also touches upon the problems of the method, researchers’ removal and involvement in political processes.

Key words: Political sciences in Belarus, sociology, political studies, political research

Nina Antanovich (Nina Antonovich). Political science in Belarus: the problems of formation and development, p. 10-22 (in Russian) The article focuses on the milestones of Belarusian political science from the beginning of the 1990s to 2004. Special attention is paid to general terms of political science progress, its institutialization, formation of a professional association, educational system. The issues of centers for political analysis, applied and strategic research are given a separate description. The author analyzes the specific features in distribution of theoretical schemes, methodological approaches and topical and conventional research issues among Belarusian political scientists. She also examines the evolution of a political text and gives a survey of main publications in the field of political science from the beginning of 1990s.

Key words: political sciences, political science in Belarus, history of political science, political studies

№11/2008 132 by issue

Natalia Vasilevich. Genesis of Belarusian political science, p. 23-30 (in Be- larusian) The article, which is a summary of speculations of a regular seminar “Political knowledge” , touches upon the genesis of Belarusian political science and its formation beginning from 1991. The author’s attention is focused on the examination of disparities and oppositions of Western political science and Soviet scientific communism, on the analysis of the impact of scientific communism on contemporary Belarusian political science. With the issues of structural and academic context of Belarusian political science the author finalizes the article.

Key words: Political science, political knowledge, scientific communism, academic science,

Andrei Kazakevich. The state of research in Belarus as a probable political study. A discussion within the frames of the seminar “Contemporary Belaru- sian thought”, p. 47-53 (in Belarusian) The materials for the talk and the discussion are about the specific features of political knowledge creation and consumption. The problems of political knowledge levels and the significance of political studies in this process are the issues to be discussed. The author speculates over the question: to what degree does the possibility of carrying out research as a practice to create new knowledge depend on the available infrastructure, demand and culture of consumption? He gives a short description of the state of political studies in Belarus, asking a question whether there is an opportunity to study the contemporary politics in Belarusian intellectual and political conditions and if so in what way it can be done.

Key words: Political sciences in Belarus, sociology, political studies, the methods, political knowledge

Transitology: project and discipline. A talk to Vladimir Gelman, a Russian political scientist, 54-56 (in Belarusian) The interview with Vladimir Gelman, a well-known Russian researcher. The talk is about the problem of political “transition” as well as transitology as school. The interviewer gives the dynamics of popularity of “transition paradigm”, its as- sumption and academic basis. The reasons for popularity and “fashions” for such studies in the 1990s and gradual decline in a later period are examined separately. The researcher puts a question about the available potential of “transition” for ad- equate analysis of politics in Eastern European region.

Key words: Transition, transitology, political studies, methods, history of political science

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008 133

Juri Chavusau. Freedom of methodology-methodology of freedom, p. 78-90 (in Belarusian) The author analyzes the methodological approaches used by an American non- government organization the Freedom House in the process of making a popular rating “Freedom in the World”. Under this approach the methodological basis is the theories of democratic transition. And in the process of rating the expert estimations are combined with several quantitative indices. The main vectors of criticism of this methodology as well as the factors which stipulate the rating popularity have been shown.

Key words: Political science, methodology, monitoring, thought factory

Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). Public opinion and power: mechanisms and ways of interaction, p. 91-96 (in Russian) In a political system public opinion performs several functions. Particularly, it effects the stability of a political system and the decisions made by governments. Public opinion efficiency is characterized by the degree of its influence on making essential political decisions. For public opinion to function smoothly meeting some requirements are needed: the availability of democratic elections, freedom of expression, critical role of minorities. The author analyzes the ways and mechanisms of public opinion functioning, studies the models of its interaction with political power

Key words: Public opinion, political power, public opinion functions, public opinion functioning models, political decision making

Tatsiana Chulitskaya (Tatiana Chulitskaya). An alternative approach to understanding of nationalism (on the example of works by I. Wallerstein), p. 97-101 (in Russian) The present article is an attempt to examine an alternative approach to understanding of nationalism. The author aims at detecting the basic characteristics of nationalism in Wallerstein’s theory. The article focuses on the Wallerstein’s ways of social space structuring, on the analysis of nationalism functions on the level of a nation state and international system. The author is making an attempt to mark the boundaries of the applicability of the Wallerstein’s approach to the study of nationalism. Nationalism is viewed as a factor favoring to functioning and supporting the world’s political system. Special emphasis is put on an instrumental nature of nationalism, its inconsistency to understanding of a nation as an ethnic category.

Key words: Nationalism, nation, race, ethnic group, nation state

№11/2008 134 by issue

Dzina Beljautseva (Dina Beljavtseva). Ethno-religious factor and formation of regional features of political consciousness in Belarus, p. 102-106 (in Rus- sian) The author is examining the features of ethnic and confessional situation in Belarus. The combination of ethnic and religious factor is regarded as a significant force to determine political behaviour (particularly voting), as well as territorial division of Belarus by the axis West-East. The article focuses on the analysis of a national composition in Belarus, a territorial distribution of religious communities, their size and the results of the relevant sociological surveys. On this basis the author makes the conclusion about the nature of dependency of political orientation choice on religious and national identity.

Key words: Religion, politics in Belarus, confessional situation, political behaviour

Leonid Vygovski. Functionality specificity of structural elements of a religious complex, p.107-110 (in Russian) The article covers the examination of theoretical aspects of religious life organization. The accent is made to the study of such phenomena as religious consciousness, religious activity, religious relations, religious organizations and institutions. The mentioned phenomena are regarded as parts of a single complex which shapes a functional unity. The author examines specific features of interaction of the given phenomena in various social and cultural contexts as well as in the conditions of a contemporary society

Key words: Religion, religious behaviour, religious relations, functions of reli- gions

Political Sphere. The other revolutions. # 4, 2005

Intellectuals: Beyond the competence. A talk to Ihar Babkou, p. 5-6 (in Be- larusian) The interview with a well-known Belarusian philosopher and man of letters Ihar Babkou covers a problem and a role of intellectuals in the present-day world. The issues of the discussion are the role of intellectuals in various cultural and political conditions, current difference between “left-wingers” and “right-wingers”, the importance of “utopia” and “resistance”, the essence and motives of revolutionary intentions. Apart from that the author touches upon the specific features of Belarusian situation: the potential and directions of ideological changes, political knowledge, creation and reformation of political visions.

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008 135

Key words: Intellectuals and politics, political behaviour, political knowledge, ideology in Belarus

On the ruins of revolution: dispute on scientific communism. A talk by An- drei Yahorau and a discussion within the frames of the methodological seminar “Political knowledge”, p. 10-16 (in Belarusian) Political knowledge in different social systems can be generated not only by political science but also b y other disciplines beginning from “history” and end- ing “political philosophy”. In the USSR it was scientific communism that basically generated political knowledge. Scientific communism consisted of “archaeology” and interpretation of Marxism-Leninism classics, criticism of bourgeois theories and study of liberation movements in the Third World countries, socialist building and socialist breeding. Scientific communism was oriented to the apologia of communist system, legitimization of the existing power system, formation of a new way of thinking. The present-day Belarusian political science to a large degree has become a successor of scientific communism, having inherited a number of essential bugs. And only the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s have seen the elimination of these bugs.

Key words: political knowledge, scientific communism, political science, genesis of political science in Belarus

Andrei Kazakevich. Sumer: “conservative” model of social changes, p. 25-28 (in Belarusian) The author examines the conceptions of social and political changes in the society in ancient Sumer. He focuses his attention on linguistic personification of the categories close to the concepts of “reform”, “uprising”, “revolution” etc. The seman- tics and the interpretation of these conceptions have a pronounced conservative form and appeals to the recovery of the past, restoring the tradition which most expressively finds its embodiment in the concept ama-ar-gi (“return to mother”).

Key words: Sumer, history of political idea, concept of revolution, politics in antiquity

Siargei Bogdan. Ideological basis of Islamic revolution: conception of a mujahidin-revolutionary Ali Shariati, p. 29-36 (in Belarusian) The article touches upon three aspects of ideological heritage ofAli Shariati, an Iranian sociologist and ideologist of the left-wing Iranian movement. These aspects have a direct reference to revolution as the way to change the world-as-it-is and its nature. The author has made an attempt to summarize Ali Shariati’s ideas on a number of topical questions relating to revolution and to reconstruct his whole vision of revolution and revolution movement including its role in the develop-

№11/2008 136 by issue

ment of a society. The author has also put emphasis on the key components of the corresponding conceptions, particularly the ideal of a “mujahidin -revolutionary”.

Key words: Ali Shariati, political Islam, Islamic revolution, “red Shiism”, Islamic socialism

Aliaxandr Sarna (Aleksandr Sarna). Visual metaphor in discourse of ideology, p. 55-60 (in Russian) The article reveals a significant role of the phenomenon of metaphor in modern culture where it stands not just for a tool of poetic and art practice, but represents a specific strategy of power. At the same time the author makes an attempt to de- pict the main characteristics of the visual metaphor (comparing it with symbol), its structure as connecting concept and percept, as well as the extent of its influence on modern political conceptions and social practice.

Key words: visual metaphor, concept & percept, image as icon, discourse of power

Tatsiana Chulitskaya (Tatiana Chulitskaya) Dismantling of the sate of universal well-being, p. 61-67 (in Russian) The contemporary universal well-being state is in a deep crisis caused by the impact of both external and internal social-economic and political factors. These factors can lead to displacement, or even dismantling of the given project of the above-mentioned state structure. The basic inner contradictions of the contemporary universal well-being state lie in the transition of power from social-democrats to liberals and conservative forces. The external context has been assigned by the tendencies and challenges of globalization and different models or respond of the state of universal well-being to these challenges. The crisis of the state of universal well-being can be met only with active support on behalf of a society, new social movements and parties of non-classical type.

Key words: state of universal well-being, globalization, social critical theory, contemporary state

Juri Chavusau. Revolutionary subconsciousness of Belarusian elite, p. 68- 74 (in Russian) The author evaluates the potential impulses towards changes within Belarusian political elite as a state-property managing class. He examines the probability of re- formist and revolutionary scenarios of development in Belarusian politics. He also draws parallels between evolution of Belarusian political elite and development of processes in Soviet nomenclature. Foreign- economic position is regarded as a psychological factor in Belarusian politics? which can act as a catalyst of transformation processes.

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008 137

Key words: elites, prognosis, reforms, revolution, Belarusian politics

Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). Psychological aspects of revolutionary situations, p. 81-87 (in Russian) The article covers the research of psychological aspects of revolutionary situations. The author aims to consider psychological factors as the factors driving revolutions. He made an attempt to determine and consider psychological levels of revolutions, to define acting forces transforming public consciousness. Resting upon the work by American political scientist Tedd Robert Gurr “Why men rebel?”, the author rises a problem of studying a specific social and political type of thinking which is necessary for psychological transformation. He also focuses his attention on external conditions needed for transition of psychological changes into political actions. In conclusion the researcher points to the significance of psychological factors study in order to determine revolutionary processes.

Key words: physiological transformation, physiology of revolution, revolutionary process, revolutionary situation

Jerzy Mackow. Nation and civil society, p. 88-99 (in Belarusian) The article covers the examination of a nation and a civil society. The author is aimed at the analysis of specific relationships between the above-mentioned concepts. In the process of analysis he finds it difficult to define the concept “civil society”. Examining the role of a state in the formation of a nation and a society the researcher pays special attention to the typologies of nationalisms presented by Hans Kohn, Anthony Smith and Ernest Gellner. Resting upon the analysis of a nation and society formation, he comes to the conclusion that there is no pronounced separation between them. What is more important that a society, a nation and a state complement and influence each other.

Key words: nation-building, conception of nation, nationalism, typology of nationalism, civil society

“Part of the world which already does not exist”. A talk to Jerzy Mackow, a German researcher, p. 100-103 (in Belarusian) The talk covers the question of revolutionary changes of current social systems on the territory of a former Polish-Lithuanian state. The relation between the national history and culture development and processes of revolutionary changes is the issue of his talk. In the context of the formation of Ukrainian nation the interviewer touches upon the concept of “orange revolution”. Further issues of his talk are the problem of compatibility of “national” and “democratic” projects and the role of civil community in realization of revolutions. He sees an opportunity for a new wave of democratization rise to rise. He also views the prospects of develop-

№11/2008 138 by issue

ment of the current Belarusian model and possibility to actualize revolutionary project in Belarus.

Key words: revolution, revolutionary changes, political regime, democratization, civil community, transition

Andrei Kazakevich. De-conceptualisation of Creolism, p. 104-115 (in Be- larusian) The article covers a critical analysis on the conception “Creoles” and “Creolism” in the environment of Belarusian intellectuals. The author examines the genesis of the concept, effects of external intellectual environments, the ways of their adaptation and superimposition on cultural and political situation in Belarus (Eastern Europe). The researcher explains the logics of basic assumptions and problems in studying the above-mention concept and its insufficient attachment to reality. In conclusion he points to the directions for further discussion on specificity of Be- larusian cultural and political situation.

Key words: Creole conception, Creolism, the Creoles, Belarusian identity, nation-building in Belarus

Political Sphere. Beyond the centre. # 5, 2005

Andrei Kazakevich. Review of Local government acts by Belarusian Consti- tutional Court (1997–2004), p. 4-8 (in Russian) The article focuses on examination of certain tendencies of Belarus constitutional justice development. Special attention is paid to the procedure of viewing the acts of local government from 1997 to 2004 by the Constitutional Court. The reduced importance of the Constitutional justice in a state system after the 1996 constructional changes has made the Constitutional Court seek for new forms of involvement in legal regulation. In the result the Court concentrated greater attention on law-creating instruments and enhanced its activity on regional level.

Key words: Constitutional court of Belarus, local acts, local government, judicial power

Juri Chavusau. Organizational development of BNF (Belarusian People’s Front) Party prior to the 2004 parliamentary elections— an attempt to examine party organization in Belarus, p.9-28 (in Belarusian) The article focuses on the BPF Party as the key element of Belarusian political opposition in the context of the 2004 Parliamentary elections. The author accentu- ates his attention on the question of the party’s development prior to electioneer-

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008 139 ing. The reference point for preparation to the Parliamentary elections is public disclosure of the results of the 2001 Presidential elections. The researcher touches upon the aspect of organizational history of the party. To write the paper the author used the available politological researches, analytical materials, publications in mass media, documents of the BPF Party and interviews with the party’s authorities. The work is an attempt to activate research in studying the real situation and development of Belarusian political parties.

Key words: Political party, political opposition, BNF (BPF) Party, party building, Parliamentary elections, the 2004 elections

Volha Rakhanskaya (Olga Rakhanskaya). The structure of administrative staff of Belarus Ministry of Agriculture, p. 29-39 (in Russian) The article reveals the dynamics of changes of Belarus Ministry of Agriculture and Food organizational structure in 1990-2005. The author’s purpose is to analyze the reasons for creation of new structural subdivisions, to determine factors af- fecting the institution structure, to give functional characteristic to the Ministry, to examine the effect of ministers’ rotation on reorganization of the institution. To make a complex analysis of organizational structure development the author gives the background of the development of administrative staff for Belarus agriculture up to the year of 1990.

Key words: Ministry of Agriculture, organizational structure, public policy, state administration

Natalia Vasilevich. “The Orthodox believers”: religious identity in regional studies, p. 40-47 (in Belarusian) The article covers the methodological problem in studying religious identity and political culture. The author criticizes Weberian approach to strict influence of religion on social behaviour, trying to trace the roots of Belarusian tradition of see- ing the availability of Western and Eastern Christianity as key-division in national and civilization identity, which has transformed over the last decades to regionalist difference seen as a cause of different religious identities.

Key words: Religious identity, national identity, regional studies, Orthodox Church, methodology

Aleh Breski (Oleg Breskii). Principle of subsidiarity in transformation of the Eastern European countries, p. 68-76 (in Russian) The article reveals the specific features of implementation of principle of subsidiarity in the Eastern European societies in the epoch of modern. The research of reforms consistency in the countries of the region is carried out. The question on principle of subsidiarity limitation and its relation to the principle of personal free-

№11/2008 140 by issue

dom is specified. Principle of subsidiarity is characterized as an organic civiliza- tional principle of complex social systems organization consisting of free elements. The author actualizes the significance of transformation of the Eastern Europe and proposes a universal tool to describe the above-mentioned processes.

Key words: Regions, regionalism, subsidiarity, Eastern Europe, transition

Mikhas Andrasuk. The 2002 Belarusian elections in Poland, p. 77-80 (in Belarusian) The article is about the participation of the Belarusian national minority in the elections in Poland. The author focuses his attention at the 2002 local elections in Bialystok region. He examines the participation of Belarusian organizations in local governments. Attention is paid to the first autonomous participation of the Belarusians in local elections and the possibility to consolidate the positions of specific Belarusian political force. Analyzing the elections results, the author puts emphasis on the availability of real prospects of success for the Belarusian minority in the 2005 Parliamentary elections in Poland.

Key words: Local elections, local elections in Bialystok region, Belarusian Di- aspora, Belarusian national minority

Alaster Rabalgaci. Bialystok region local government elections (1998), p. 81-95 (in Belarusian) The article covers the 1998 elections to local government in Bialystok region. The author examines the participation in the elections of Belarus Orthodox community. He makes analysis of the activities of special committees to attract national minorities to participation in elections. He focuses his attention to the activities of such committees in local political conditions. The results of the elections show a certain progress of Belarusian minority in the districts where political forces managed to group to assert their own interests in future.

Key words: local elections, local government, Bialystok region elections, Bela- rusian minority in Poland

Inna Kulei. Brest region: social and political review, p. 96-101 (in Russian) The article covers the analysis of Brest region social and political development basic parameters. The author examines the general structure of the region, its national and religious composition, materials of sociological studies which demonstrate the specific character of the dynamics of public opinion in the region. Special attention is paid to the analysis of community self-organization, the strength and potential of civil society structures.

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Key words: Brest region, regional policy, civil society, Belarusian regions, Bela- rus politics

Andrei Yahorau. Organizing activity game as a method of political research and interaction, p. 102-109 (in Belarusian) Organizing activity games (OAG) is the method to solve complex problems via collective thinking activity. OAG appeared and practiced within the frames Mos- cow Methodological Circle (ММC) which operated in the 80s -90s with G.P. She- drovitsky at head. In Belarus the pupils of Shedrovitsky carried out several OAGs, including a series of games organized by the methodologist Ul. Matskevich. In the current paper the author views OAG as a method to solve political problems, to make political analysis and to elaborate new political knowledge as well as “Devel- opment of wining political strategy: writing of scenario and designing, program- ming” in 2005 on the basis of analysis of the corresponding OAG.

Key words: Organizing activity games, STA (System-thought-activity) approach, political practice, applied political knowledge

Yauheni Zharabetski. Russia is too large…, p. 110-116 (in Belarusian) The article covers the specificity of development of present-day Russia. Spe- cial attention is paid to the analysis of contradictions between geopolitical (imperial) ambitions and real political, and, especially, demographic potentials. Com- plex demographic situation nullifies not only the expansion but also the ability of maintaining and preserving political stability and territorial integrity (especially problematic is the Far East region where the aggravated competition with China is observed). The author also proposes the scenarios for this situation to develop in near future.

Key words: Russian politics, Russian foreign policy, demographic situation, security

Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). The place of Belarus in geopolitical space: inside view, p. 117-128 (in Russian) Both natural and social and political factors affect the development of states. When analyzing geopolitical situation of Belarus, the following issues should be taken into account: geographical and climate conditions, nature of activities of elites, political and social activity of population. Three stages of vision by political elite of geopolitical situation and geopolitics preferences in Belarus: moderate nationalism (1991-1994), radical integration of Belarus and Russia (1994-2000), the strategy of its own way (2000-2005). Additionally, the author analyzes the content of official geopolitical doctrine and representation of geopolitical situation of Bela- rus in public opinion.

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Key words: Geopolitics, geopolitical situation of Belarus, geopolitical doctrine, geopolitical ideas

Mikalai Katsuk (Nikolai Katsuk) Virtual communication of “the intellectuals”: motive for self-determination, p. 129-132 (in Russian) The article reveals the specific features of interaction within the frames of intellectual field of Belarus. The author develops the logics of interpersonal and intergroup interaction, specificity of ethic norms, describes the structure and significance of the mentioned field, problems of its structuring in Belarus. Apart from that, he contemplates over the way of thinking and the line of action of a present- day ‘intellectual” in Belarus, his motivation and argumentation logics which is done on the basis of the analysis of statements and on-line interaction practices.

Key words: Intellectual field, intellectual politics, the intellectuals and politics, virtual communication

Juri Aleksandrenkau (Juri Aleksandrenkov). Survey of theses on sociology, p. 133-134 (in Russian) The survey includes the summaries of theses on sociology upheld in Belarus in 2004 and in the beginning of 2005. Short annotation of papers, the description of their problematic and specializations have been given.

Key words: Sociology, sociology in Belarus, Ph.D. theses

№11/2008 Articles published in Journal of “Political Sphere” in 2004–2008 (by subject)

Political Science, academic community

Nina Antanovich (Nina Antonovich). Political science in Belarus: the problems of formation and development, #3 2004, p. 10-22 (in Russian) Natalia Vasilevich. Genesis of Belarusian political science, #3 2004, p. 23-30 (in Belarusian) Andrei Kazakevich. The state of research in Belarus as a probable political study. A discussion within the frames of the seminar “Contemporary Belarusian thought”, #3 2004, p. 47-53 (in Belarusian) On the ruins of revolution: dispute on scientific communism. A talk by Andrei Yahorau and a discussion within the frames of the methodological seminar “Politi- cal knowledge”, #4 2005, p. 10-16 (in Belarusian) Juri Aleksandrenkau (Juri Aleksandrenkov). Survey of theses on sociology, #5 2005, p. 133-134 (in Russian) Mikalai Katsuk (Nikolai Katsuk) Virtual communication of “the intellectuals”: motive for self-determination, #5 2005, p. 129-132 (in Russian) Tatsiana Chulitskaya (Tatiana Chulitskaya). Peculiarities of researches of Rus- sia’s political space, #7 2006, 82-87 (in Russian)

Nation-building

Jerzy Mackow. Nation and civil society, #4 2005, p. 88-99 (in Belarusian) “Part of the world which already does not exist”. A talk to Jerzy Mackow, a Ger- man researcher, #4 2005, p. 100-103 (in Belarusian) Volha Kazakevich, Andrei Kazakevich. Concerning the problem of Belarusian identity, #6 2006, p.19-26 (in Belarusian) Siarhei Kuzniatsou. Symbolism of money: finances and historical consciousness of Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus, #7 2006, p. 54-62 (in Belarusian) Aliaksei Kryvalap (Alexei Krivolap). Building a new space. Belarusian experience in visual representation of the Independence Day, #8 2007, p. 81-93 (in Rus- sian)

№11/2008 144 by subject

De-Sovietization — possibilities and conceptual frames (discussion with participation of Siamionau M., Matskevich V., Babrovich V., Kazakevich A., Melyantsou D.), #9 2007, p. 80-87 (in Belarusian) Mikalai Siamionau (Nikolai Semionov). De-Sovietization: meaning, strategy, sphere of application, #9 2007, p. 88-96 (in Russian)

National Identity

Dzina Beljautseva (Dina Beljavtseva). Ethno-religious factor and formation of regional features of political consciousness in Belarus, #3 2004, p. 102-106 (in Rus- sian) Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Ideas of Belarus’ Inhabitants about the notion “citizen”, #6 2006, p.72-82 (in Russian) Tatsiana Kasperski. Chernobyl: collective ideas and life style, #8 2007, p. 18-24 (in Russian) Tatsiana Vadalazhskaya. Space as a methodological prospect of the Belarusian identity, #9 2007, p.73-79 (in Russian) Andrei Laurukhin. Anent the social stability in Belarus, #9 2007, p. 11-22 (in Russian) Uladzislau Ivanou. About the Belarusian influence on Vitsiebsk Old Believers, #10 2008, p. 102-107 (in Belarusian)

Religion and politics

Leonid Vygovski. Functionality specificity of structural elements of a religious complex, #3 2004, p.107-110 (in Russian) Natalia Vasilevich. “The Orthodox believers”: religious identity in regional studies, #5 2005, p. 40-47 (in Belarusian) Natalia Vasilevich. The religious space of Belarus — the main stages of evolution, #6 2006, p. 83-90 (in Belarusian) Natalia Vasilevich. Sociology of religion as a product of political ideology, # 7 2006, p. 88-97 (in Belarusian)

History of politics

Andrei Kazakevich. Sumer: “conservative” model of social changes, #4 2005, p. 25-28 (in Belarusian) Dzianis Melyantsou. The genesis of ethnic ethnical self-consciousness in the Eastern Belarus in the Middle Ages, #6 2006, p. 60-71 (in Belarusian)

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The science and strategies of work with the past. Discussion at seminar “The Contemporary Belarusian thought”, Institute of sociology, Institute of philosophy NAS (March 2006), #6 2006, p. 44-48 (in Belarusian) Shatskou Ales. Neo-union (1923—1939) and national identity, # 7 2006, p. 98- 105 (in Belarusian) Andrei Borka. Organization of elections to bodies of regional (hmina) and city self-governance in Western Belarus (1921—1939), # 7 2006, p. 114-125 (in Belaru- sian) Dzianis Lipski. “We don’t abjure the past…” (Reviewed issue: Shield and Sword of Motherland, edited by V. I. Dementei, 2006), #8 2007, p. 108-118 (in Belarusian) Andrei Pachobut. Stalin era elections in Hrodna Region (Sapotskina Case, 1948), #9 2007, p. 69-72 (in Belarusian)

History of Ideas

Siarhei Bohdan. Ideological basis of Islamic revolution: conception of a mujahidin-revolutionary Ali Shariati, #4 2005, p. 29-36 (in Belarusian) Andrei Kazakevich. De-conceptualisation of Creolism, #4 2005, p. 104-115 (in Belarusian) Andrei Kazakevich. A brief genealogy of the Crivitian “idea”, #6 2006, p. 4-10 (in Belarusian) Aliaksei Jankovich. The ontology of lithuanism: the source, idea and realization, #6 2006, p.11-18 (in Belarusian) Dmitry Buryj. Space of Europe in the ideas of the “new rights”, #8 2007, p. 65-72 (in Russian) Siarhei Liubimau. The mire, history and space of Belarus, #8 2007, p. 73-80 (in Belarusian) Aliaksei Lastouski. Ideas and practices of skinheads youth counterculture in Be- larus, # 10 2008, p.17-25 (in Russian) Tatsiana Chyzhova. Problematics and agenda of the Soviet elite of the late 1980’s – early 1990’s (based on materials of the Belarusian Thought/Communist of Belarus magazine), #10 2008, p. 8-16 (in Belarusian) Aliaksandr Filatau. The “borderland” idea as an identity policy, #10 2008, p. 38- 47 (in Russian)

Elections and electoral behaviour

Mikhas Andrasuk. The 2002 Belarusian elections in Poland, #5 2005, p. 77-80 (in Belarusian)

№11/2008 146 by subject

Alaster Rabalgaci. Bialystok region local government elections (1998), #5 2005, p. 81-95 (in Belarusian) Juri Aleksandrenkau (Juri Aleksandrenkov) Researches of the Presidential elections in Belarus: review of main sources, #7 2006, p. 19-31 (in Russian) Alexei Krivolap New media and cultural policy of the Spring 2006, #7 2006, p. 48-53 (in Russian) Andrei Kazakevich. Belarusian Political cartography based on results of the Presidential elections in 1994—2006, #7 2006, p. 5-18 (in Belarusian) Gennadiy Maksak. Parliamentary elections in Ukraine and political landscape of 2006, #7 2006, p. 106-113 (in Russian) Aliaxandr Sarna (Aleksandr Sarna). Political advertisement of 2006: authority and opposition, # 7 2006, p.63-74 (in Russian) Dzianis Melyantsou. Spontaneous groups in post-electoral period (2006), #7 2006, p. 32-41 (in Belarusian) Aliaksei Kryvalap (Alexei Krivolap). LiveJournal and a local newspaper in the 2007 elections context, #9 2007, p. 56-63 (in Russian) Tatsiana Chulitskaya. Mass media study in the context of the 2007 local elections, #9 2007, p. 64-68 (in Russian)

Parties and civil society

Inna Kulei. Brest region: social and political review, #5 2005, p. 96-101 (in Rus- sian) Juri Chavusau. Organizational development of the BNF (Belarusian People’s Front) Party prior to the 2004 parliamentary elections— an attempt to examine party organization in Belarus, #5 2005, p.9-28 (in Belarusian) Alena Sidarovich. “State non-governmental” sector in the Belarusian political model, #7 2006, p. 75-81 (in Belarusian) Andrei Yahorau. Mass political actions in Belarus: problems of their analysis, #10 2008, p. 79-92 (in Belarusian)

Intuitions

Andrei Kazakevich. Review of Local government acts by the Belarusian Consti- tutional Court (1997—2004), #5, 2005, p. 4-8 (in Russian) Viktar Charnou, Siargei Nikalyuk. Peculiarities of the middle class’ formation in Belarus, #9 2007, p. 23-39 (in Russian) Volha Rakhanskaya (Olga Rakhanskaya). The structure of administrative staff of Belarus Ministry of Agriculture, #5 2005, p. 29-39 (in Russian)

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Foreign policy and international relations

Juri Chavusau. Freedom of methodology-methodology of freedom, #3 2004, 2005, p. 78-90 (in Belarusian) Yauheni Zharabetski. Russia is too large…, #5 2005, p. 110-116 (in Belarusian) Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). The place of Belarus in geopolitical space: inside view, #5 2005, p. 117-128 (in Russian) Todd Razor. Space concept of the frontier area: in search of Belarus on civilization maps by Samuel Huntington and Aleksandr Dugin, #8 2007, p. 51-64 (in Rus- sian) Space, politics, geopolitics… Discussion at the «Political Sphere» Discussion at the political studies journal «Political Sphere» (participants: Aliaksei Dzermant, Dzianis Melyantsou, Andrei Yahorau, Andrei Kazakevich), #8 2007, p. 11-17 (in Belarusian) Dzianis Melyantsou. Defence systems of Lithuania and Belarus: comparative analysis, #9 2007, p. 97-103 (in Belarusian) Kiryl Ihnatik. Isolationism and dynamics of public opinions of Ukraine and Be- larus concerning foreign policy, #9 2007, p. 104-114 (in Russian)

Elites

Juri Chavusau. Revolutionary subconsciousness of Belarusian elite, #4 2005, p. 68-74 (in Russian) Irmina Matonyte. Old political elite in post-Communist parliaments (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland), #8 2007, p. 25-40 (in Belarusian) Andrei Kazakevich. Tendencies of regional elites development in Belarus (results of local elections in 1999, 2003, and 2007), #9 2007, p. 40-55 (in Belarusian)

Political theory

Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). Public opinion and power: mechanisms and ways of interaction, #3 2004, p. 91-96 (in Russian) Tatsiana Chulitskaya (Tatiana Chulitskaya). An alternative approach to understanding of nationalism (on the example of works by I. Wallerstein), #3 2004, p. 97-101 (in Russian) Pavel Usau (Pavel Usov). Psychological aspects of revolutionary situations, #4 2005, p. 81-87 (in Russian) Tatsiana Chulitskaya (Tatiana Chulitskaya) Dismantling of the sate of universal well-being, #4 2005, p. 61-67 (in Russian)

№11/2008 148 by subject

Aliaxandr Sarna (Aleksandr Sarna). Visual metaphor in discourse of ideology, #4 2005, p. 55-60 (in Russian) Andrei Yahorau. Organizing activity game as a method of political research and interaction, #5 2005, p. 102-109 (in Belarusian) Aleh Breski (Oleg Breskii). Principle of subsidiarity in transformation of the Eastern European countries, #5 2005, p. 68-76 (in Russian) Aliaxandr Sarna (Aleksandr Sarna). Reproduction of daily life. The policy of the representation of events in mass media, #6 2006, p. 91-101 (in Russian) Mikalai Katsuk. “Trust” in socio-cultural field of politics, #7 2006, p. 42-47 (in Russian) Viktar Charnou. Revolution and order, #8 2007, p. 41-50 (in Russian) Yauheni Furseyeu. Possibilities of electronic participation during political decisions acceptance, #10 2008, p. 93-101 (in Russian)

Interview

Sociology and political studies. A talk to Yauheni Babosau (Eugene Babosov), a philosopher and sociologist, #3 2004, p. 5-9 (in Russian) Transitology: project and discipline. A talk to Vladimir Gelman, a Russian political scientist, #3 2004, 54-56 (in Belarusian) Intellectuals: Beyond the competence. A talk to Ihar Babkou, #4 2005, p. 5-6 (in Belarusian)

Review

Valery Kolchan. “The Sociology” – 2005, the brief review, #6 2006, p. 106-110 (in Russian) Aleksandr Maslak. The beginning of the Ukrainian early-modern identity, #6 2006, p. 102-105 (in Belarusian) Natalia Vasilevich. Slovak hope of the Belarusians. Bratislava–Minsk, 2006. (Slovak hope: experience of democratic transformation), # 7 2006, p. 129-132 (in Belarusian) Andrei Yahorau. Controversial pages of party history (Vernigorov V.I. Political parties in Russia and Belarus: pages of history, # 7 2006, p. 126-128 (in Belarusian) Andrei Yahorau. Political history…, #8 2007, p. 123-127 (in Belarusian) Juri Aleksandrenkau (Juri Aleksandrenkov). Seven years of Revival... The frag- ments of history, #8 2007, p. 119-122 (in Belarusian) Aksana Shelest (Oksana Shelest) . Nationality, ethnicity, citizenship… In search of the common grounds. (Ethnic and civil background as perceived by the population of modern Belarus), #9 2007, p. 115-118 (in Russian)

№11/2008