Pan Tianshou (1897-1971): Rediscovering Traditional Chinese Painting in the Twentieth Century

Dissertation

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy

in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

Mina Kim, M.A.

* * * * *

Graduate Program in History of Art

The Ohio State University

2016

Dissertation Committee:

Professor Julia F. Andrews, Advisor

Professor Kirk A. Denton

Professor Lisa C. Florman

Professor Namiko Kunimoto

Abstract

The goal of this dissertation is to enrich scholarly understanding of the transformation in practice and social role of traditional Chinese painting in the twentieth century by focusing on the work of Pan Tianshou (潘天寿 1897-1971). In part because the historical and art historical narratives of the three periods we examine have been so fiercely contested, much work still needs to be done in understanding the personal and environmental factors that made possible the great innovations of China’s major cultural figures. Pan lived during the period when China was most actively and creatively engaging with the forces of modernity. Although inclined by temperament to the classical arts of the past, he nonetheless met the circumstances of each era head-on, throwing himself into the task of redefining Chinese art for the modern age.

This study investigates how Pan engaged with cross-cultural exchange, how he reevaluated traditional Chinese painting, and how he tried to update Chinese painting by achieving his unique artistic style. In particular, the Sino-Japanese relationship, which featured prominently in his education, helped Pan begin considering the importance of national identity. His definition of innovation was based in part upon a sense of national identity. At the same time, however, Pan Tianshou said that if tradition cannot pave the way for future artistic possibilities, then it is a dead tradition. To Pan, tradition was an

ii inherited culmination of characteristics of masters from the past, but he argued that tradition and innovation are inseparable characteristics of art. His modern transformation of artistic consciousness and modern sense of identity enriched practices and definitions of traditional Chinese painting in the twentieth century.

This dissertation primarily hopes to offer an alternative perspective on modernity in Pan Tianshou’s oeuvre as a case study of traditionalist efforts in modern Chinese art.

Moreover, it tries to develop a new understanding of some of the results of the rich artistic and intellectual intersections among China, Japan, and the West in the early twentieth century. To be specific, Pan dealt with traditional subjects—bird-and-flower and landscapes—but his constructive composition, emphasis on flat painting surfaces, application of expressive ink tonality with his fingers and hands, and use of animal subjects as self-reflective images are imbued with a modern sensibility. These accomplishments were part of Pan’s larger mission of rediscovering traditional Chinese painting, establishing principles for Chinese painting that were suitable to contemporary art, and laying claim to modernity in the global world. This dissertation, by examining a little-studied aspect of Pan Tianshou’s rediscovery of traditional Chinese painting against the background of three distinct periods of modern history, contributes to research on the cultural complexities of twentieth-century China.

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To my parents, husband and son

Acknowledgments

I would first of all like to thank my advisor, Professor Julia F. Andrews, who loves paintings and nurtures my own love affair with Chinese art. Her warm advice and encouragement opened my eyes to new worlds in my work on Pan Tianshou’s art and her unfaltering guidance and support make me enjoy my research. I would also like to thank

Professor Kirk A. Denton, Professor Lisa C. Florman and Professor Namiko Kunimoto on my doctoral examination and dissertation committees for their valuable support.

My warmest appreciation also goes to Professor Martin J. Powers and Professor

Kevin Carr, who were my undergraduate teachers at the University of Michigan,

Professor J. P. Park, who has been my mentor from Michigan and now is at University of

California, Riverside, and Professor Youn-mi Kim at the Yale University, who gave me very helpful comments and suggestions regarding the exploration of Buddhism. Without them, I could not have studied East Asian art history. I extend my deepest gratitude.

I am particularly grateful to the institutes that have provided financial aid to my research. The Marilyn A. Papp Graduate Scholarship by Marilyn A. Papp Graduate

Scholarship Trust, L. Roy Papp & Associates enabled me to conduct field research in

China and finish writing my dissertation. The Department of History of Art and the

College of Arts and Sciences at The Ohio State University have endowed me with v multiple research and travel grants to perform preliminary research at museums and libraries in the United States and China.

There are many other individuals who have been of great help to this dissertation project. I owe a great debt to Professor Wei-Cheng Lin, Professor Peter Sturman,

Professor Qianshen Bai, Professor Kuiyi Shen, Professor Ignacio Adriasola, Professor

Ruoning Wang, Professor Amanda Gluibizzi, Professor John Huntington, Professor

Christian Kleinbub, Professor Kris Paulsen, Professor Andrew Shelton, Professor Jongho

Choi, Professor Youngyae Yim, Professor Youngho Kim, Professor Dongyeol Hwang,

Dr. Louise Cort, and Dr. Hyunsoo Woo. I was inspired by Professor Pan Gongkai, Dr.

Siliang Yang, Professor Richard Vinograd, Professor Claire Roberts, the late Professor

James Cahill, and Dr. Chen Yong Yi for their thoughtful research and writing on modern

Chinese art and Pan Tianshou. I also want to thank: Christina Burke Mathison, Gwyn

Dalton, Mollie Workman, Mary Jones, Mark Svede, Elise David, Julie Defossez, Linda

Huang, Yiwen Liu, Kristin Brockman, Michael Bowman, Heyjeong Choi, Ankur Desai,

James Hansen, Eliza Ho, Rebecca Howard, Steve Hunt, Annie Jacobson, Mayumi

Kamata, Hyun Kyung Kim, Yun-Jeong Min, Elizabeth Sandoval, Yang Wang, Effie Yin,

Yanfei Zhu, and Ahyong Yoo.

Finally, after I have used my all words, I cannot find enough to express my warmest thanks to my parents, Sujeong Kim and Okbun Yang, my lovely four sisters and their family, my beloved husband, Kyungyong Lee, and my precious son, Daniel Seojin

Lee for their endless love and support throughout my life.

Vita

2007……………………………………...... B.A. History of Art, with High Distinction, (magna cum laude, GPA 3.89/4.0) The University of Michigan-Ann Arbor, Ann Arbor, Michigan

2010-2011…………………………………...University Fellowship, Graduate School, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

2011-2014…………………………………...Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of History of Art, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

2012…………………………………………M.A., History of Art, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

2014-2016……………………………….….Marilyn A. Papp Graduate Scholarship Trust, Dissertation Fellowship.

Fields of Study

Major Field: History of Art vii

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... ii

Acknowledgments ...... v

Vita ...... vii

Table of Contents ...... viii

List of Figures ...... x

INTRODUCTION………………………...……………………………………..….…….1

CHAPTER 1: Japan as Modern, China as Past..……………………...... …..………...... 30 1.1. Contacts with the Japanese Art World………………………………..…….....……30 1.1.1. Inspiration from His Teachers………………………...…………….……31 1.1.2. Publishing a Textbook……………………….....…………………...... 45 1.2. Probing the Past………………….………………………………..……...... ……52 1.2.1. Before Opening the Door………………………...…………….…...... …52 1.2.2. Studying Past Masters’ Styles………………….……………….…...…...55 1.2.3. Contemporary Chinese Art World………...………………….……...…..63 1.3. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………....….72

CHAPTER 2: Constructing New Concepts and Artistic Styles in the Present-day….....74 2.1. Pan’s Attempts to Define a Modern Chinese Artistic Identity…….…………....…74 2.1.1. Learning National Identity and Modernity through Japan.………….….75 2.1.2. Pan’s Interest in and Exposure to Western-style Art in China…….……82 viii

2.1.3. Response to the Present………………………………...…………....….86 2.2 The Historical Reconstruction of Traditional Ink Painting………………...…...... 101 2.2.1. Experimenting with Various Artistic Styles…….……….…...……...... 102 2.2.2. Disseminating Traditional Chinese Painting and Developing Inventive Artistic Vocabulary………………....……………………………..…………..117 2.3. Conclusion…………………………...……………………...….…………………129

CHAPTER 3: Expanding Boundaries of Traditional Chinese Painting……………..…131 3.1. Political Expressions for a New Society………………...……………...... …....…131 3.1.1. Challenging a New Genre, Figure Painting and His First Challenge to Produce “Popular” Art…………………………………………………...….…132 3.1.2. Searching a New Taste for Chinese Communist Society under the Reform of Chinese Painting…………………………………………………………….136 3.1.3. His Experimentation with Various Styles and Genres………………….140 3.1.4. Creating a New Genre through Synthesis of Bird-and-Flower and Landscape……………………...………………………………………………147 3.2. Reinscribing Traditional Chinese Painting…………….…………………...... 153 3.2.1. Seeking Refuge in the Past………………………………………...... …154 3.2.2. Shedding New Light on Chinese Tradition………...………………...... 159 3.2.3. Pan’s Efforts to Innovate Chinese Painting……………………...... …170 3.2.4. Achieving Modernity in Pan’s Art……………..……….….…....…...... 180 3.3. Conclusion….………………………….………………………………………...... 188

EPILOGUE…………………………………………………………...………………...189 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………..…………………....….....195 APPENDIX A: FIGURES…………...……………………….…………...…...……….237 APPENDIX B: TABLE………………………………………………..…………...... 306 APPENDIX C: CHINESE CHARACTERS……………….………………...... …....…309

List of Figures

Figure Page

1. Pan Tianshou. The Eagle on the Rock, Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment 侧目鹰石, 1966. Ink and color on paper………………………...………….……237

2. Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (1897-1971)………………………….…………………238

3. Li Shutong (1879-1942). Self-portrait 自画像,1911. Oil on canvas....…...... 239

4. Chen Shizeng. Viewing Paintings 读画图, 1918. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper…………………...………………...……………………...……...…..…..240

5. Chen Shizeng. Beijing Customs 北京风俗图, 1914-1915. Album leaf, ink and color on paper…...... ………………….……………...……………...…...241

6. Pan Tianshou. A Beggar 行乞, 1924. Ink on paper…...……………....….…....242

7. Pan Tianshou. Flowers in Autumn 秋华湿露, 1923. Ink and color on paper.…243

8. Wu Changshi (1844-1927). Wild Roses and Loquats 野生玫瑰枇杷, 1920. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper………………………....……….…..…244

9. Wu Changshi (1844-1927). Chrysanthemums 菊花, 1924. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper………………………………………….…………….…….245

10. Pan Tianshou. Old Monk 秃头僧, 1922. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper………………………………………………………………...…….……246

11. Pan Tianshou. The copy of a couplet of Li Shutong, 1931. Pan Tianshou Memorial Hall……………………………………………………………….…247

12. Couplet by Li Shutong, 1913.………………..…………………..……...... 248

13. Pan Tianshou. Loquat 设色枇杷, 1918. Ink and color on paper………….…...249

14. Xu Wei. Lotus and Crab 荷蟹. Undated. Hanging scroll, ink on paper...... 250

15. Pan Tianshou. Lotus 拟缶翁墨荷, 1923. Ink on paper…………...…………...251

16. Zhu Da. Lotus after Xu Wei 仿天池生画荷, 1692-94. Hanging scroll, ink on paper….……………………………………………………………………...... 252

17. Pan Tianshou. Bodhidharma 参禅老衲, 1924. Ink and color on paper……….253

18. Pan Tianshou. White Clouds in the Mountains 青山白云, 1928. Ink on paper.…………………………………………………………………………..254

19. Wang Meng (1308-1385). Dwelling in the Qingbian Mountains 青下隐居, 1366. Hanging scroll, ink on paper.………………………………………………….255

20. Pan Tianshou. Fragrant Orchids in a Deep Valley 空谷幽芳, 1928. Ink on paper...... 256

21. Pan Tianshou. Red Bamboos 绯袍, 1928. Ink and color on paper……...... 257

22. Zhu Da. Mynah Birds and Rocks 八哥鸟岩石, 1690. Leaf b, “Myna birds and rocks,” Two handing scrolls, ink on satin……..…………..……………...…...258

23. Pan Tianshou. Chrysanthemum 黄菊, 1929. Ink and color on paper………....259

24. Lin Fengmian. Autumn Outing 秋游, 1930. Ink, pencil, and watercolor on silk…………………………………………………………………………...... 260

25. Pan Tianshou. A Mynah Bird 鸡冠八哥, 1929. Ink and color on paper…...... 261

26. Pan Tianshou. Military Fortification at the Mouth of Yong River 甬江口炮台, 1932. Ink on paper……………………………………...……………...... 262

27. Pan Tianshou. Ochre Landscape 浅绛山水, 1945. Ink and color on paper…………………………….……………………………………...... 263

28. Pan Tianshou. Black Chicken on the Rock 磐石墨鸡, 1948. Ink and color on paper…………………………………………………………………………...264

29. Pan Tianshou. Vultures from the Distant Sea 穷海秃鹰, 1932. Ink and color on paper.……………………………………………………………..……....……265 xi

30. Zhu Da. Two Eagles 二鷹, 1702. Hanging scroll, ink on paper………..…...... 266

31. Pan Tianshou. The Mandarin Fish 桂鱼, 1933. Ink on paper…….….....…..…267

32. Zhu Da. Fish and Duck 鱼码头, 1689. Detail from the handscroll, ink on paper………………………………………………………………………....…268

33. Pan Tianshou. Sleeping Bird 睡鸟, 1945. Ink on paper………….………...... 269

34. Zhu Da. Two Birds 两鸟, 1692. Leaf b. Two album leaves, ink on paper.……270

35. Pan Tianshou. Spiritual Eagle 灵鹫, 1948. Ink on paper……….....….…..…...271

36. Pan Tianshou. Plum Blossom, Orchid and Bamboo 梅兰竹, 1933. Ink on paper………….……….……………………….…………………….……...…272

37. Pan Tianshou. Orchid, Bamboo and Stone 兰竹石, 1941. Ink and color on paper….………………………………………………………....…………..…273

38. Pan Tianshou. Dwelling in the Mountains 山居, 1931. Ink on paper……....…274

39. Pan Tianshou. Watching Fish 濠梁观鱼, 1948. Ink on paper……...... 275

40. Pan Tianshou. Monk Chanting a Sutra 读绖僧, 1948. Ink and color on paper…………………………………………………………………….....…..276

41. Gao Qipei. Ornamental Rock with Flowerpot 观赏岩石花盆, 1708. Ink on paper….………………………………………………………………………...277

42. Pan Tianshou. Ink Landscape 水墨山水, 1947. Ink on paper……….….…...... 278

43. Wen Zhengming. Old Cypress 古柏, 1550. Handscroll, Ink on paper...... 279

44. Pan Tianshou. Eagle on a Pine Branch 松鹰, 1948. Ink and color on paper.....280

45. Pan Tianshou. The Enthusiastic Turning-in of Grain for Collective Use 踴躍爭繳農業税, 1950. Vertical scroll, ink and color on paper…………………..….….281

46. Pan Tianshou. Bumper Harvest 豐收, 1952. Vertical scroll, ink and color on paper………………………………………………...….……………..……...... 282

xii

47. Pan Tianshou. Pine, Plum Blossoms, and Doves 松梅群鴿, 1953. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper…………………………………..…………...... 283

48. Original Pencil Sketches by Pan Tianshou on paper, 1950s….………...... …....284

49. Pan Tianshou. A Distant View of Zhejiang 浙江远景, 1954. Ink and color on paper…………………………………………………………………..…..…....285

50. Pan Tianshou. Corner of Lingyan Gully 灵岩涧一角, 1955. Ink and color on paper……………………………………………………………………….…...286

51. Pan Tianshou. Transporting Iron Ore by Sailboat 铁石帆运, 1958. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper…………………………...………...……...... …..287

52. Pan Tianshou. This Land So Rich in Beauty 江山多娇, 1959. Ink and color on paper………………………………………………..….....………….…...... 288

53. Pan Tianshou. A Scene of the Waterfall at the Little Dragon Pond 小龙湫一截, 1960. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper……………………..…………289

54. Pan Tianshou. A Creek After Rain 雨霁, 1962. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper...... 290

55. Pan Tianshou. A Corner of the Little Dragon Pond 小龙湫一角, 1963. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper……………………………….………………….291

56. Pan Tianshou. The Brilliance of Auspicious Clouds 光华旦旦, 1964. Ink and color on paper…………………………...………………...…...... 292

57. Pan Tianshou. Plum and Confucian Scholar 梅花高士, 1950. Ink and color on paper………………………………………………………………….…...... 293

58. Pan Tianshou. Landscape in Jet Black Ink 焦墨山水, 1953. Ink on paper...... 294

59. Pan Tianshou. Sleeping Cat 睡猫, 1954. Ink and color on paper…….…...... 295

60. Zhu Da. Two Mynahs on a Rock 八哥岩石, 1692. Hanging scroll, ink on paper…………………………………………………………………………...296

61. Attributed to Gu Kaizhi (344-406). The Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies 女史箴, 6th-8th century. Handscroll, ink and colors on silk……..297

xiii

62. Huang Gongwang (1269-1354). Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains 富春山居, 1350. Handscroll, ink on paper…………………………………………...... 298

63. Pan Tianshou. Eagle on the Rock 鹫石, 1958. Ink on paper...... 299

64. Pan Tianshou. Blunt Brush Orchid and Rock 秃笔兰石, 1960. Ink on paper....300

65. Pan Tianshou. A Small Pavilion by Withered Trees 小亭枯树, 1961. Ink and color on paper………………………………....…………………..….…....…..301

66. Ni Zan (1301-1374). The Rongxi Studio 容膝斋, 1372. Hanging scroll, ink on paper…………………………………………………………………………...302

67. Pan Tianshou. Waiting for Snow 欲雪, 1962. Ink and color on paper...... …...303

68. Pan Tianshou. Bright Eagle 赠传熹灵鹫, 1965. Ink on paper………...... …..304

69. Pan Tianshou. Plum Blossoms in Moonlight 梅月, 1966. Ink and color on paper…………………………………………………………………………...305

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Introduction

One day in the early spring of 1966, Pan Tianshou (1897-1971), one of the best- known Chinese artists of the twentieth century, began to paint his last eagle painting (fig.

1). Pan frequently used his fingers and hands when he outlined a rectangular rock, but this time he quietly stood in front of his desk and only used his brush. He carefully began to execute a rectangular rock with dark gray ink. Instead of creating a wide, horizontal rock, he illustrated a tall but seemingly unstable boulder. The central rock rests on such a narrow, asymmetrical base that it seems barely able to maintain its own balance, much less serve as a perch for a massive bird of prey. Moreover, although the inky moss that defines the edge of the stone suggests its volume, the expansive surface of the rock appears instead to be very two-dimensional. The spiky foliage on the left bottom and right top enhance the feeling that the rocks are floating weightlessly in the sky. Then, perching heavily atop this highly abstracted form, Pan depicted one lonely eagle. Its eyes, staring wearily toward the left, seem to lose focus, as though the eagle is without hope.

Even the uneven, unkempt plumage seems to signify a dispirited creature suffering from old age, illness, or environmental distress. Finally, he wrote a title, The Eagle on the Rock,

Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment and an inscription at the right upper corner of the work.

In the relatively limited prior history of eagle painting in China, an eagle usually symbolizes strength; an eagle with a pine tree represents longevity; and an eagle on a rock is a symbol of the hero.1 In this painting, Pan painted his eagle with a pine tree and a rock, but his work is a representation of neither longevity nor heroism. What did Pan want to express? Why did he choose the eagle as subject? How did he transform subjects and styles of the past into a contemporary artistic vocabulary? By examining the productive tension between past and present in the work of Pan Tianshou, this dissertation seeks to answer these and other related questions.

Beyond the acutely self-expressive subject matter, The Eagle on the Rock,

Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment shows Pan’s interest in one of the seventeenth- century Individualists, Zhu Da (1626-1705). Pan adapted the artistic style of this eccentric artist of the past and used it to create an unorthodox type of work in the mid- twentieth century. To be specific, Zhu Da, whose work often featured rocks floating in an ambiguous space, was famous for using birds, fish, lotuses, and rocks to express his personal thoughts and feelings through his painted images. The first extant work in which

Pan emulated Zhu Da’s favorite subject was Lotus, executed in 1923, and Pan’s first eagle painting, Vultures from the Distant Sea, which appeared in 1932.

Starting in 1932, most of Pan’s eagle paintings were executed in the finger painting technique for which the seventeenth-century painter, Gao Qipei (1660-1734) was well

1 For more about the symbolic meaning of eagle painting in Chinese art, see Hou-mei Sung, Decoded Messages: The Symbolic Language of Chinese Animal Painting (New Haven: Yale University Press; Cincinnati, Ohio: Cincinnati Art Museum, 2009), 7-38.

2 known. At this point, we need to consider why Pan abandoned the finger painting technique in his 1966 eagle painting. Most of his eagles display Pan’s confidence or pride, which may be read in both his eagle images and inscriptions. However, during that spring,

Pan used his lackluster eagle to reflect his personal feelings of distress. That may be one reason Pan chose to return to his brush rather than deploy his fully developed finger painting techniques. In the inscription of this painting, Pan said that the (eagle’s) look is filled with anxiety, fury, and antipathy and it seems as if the lake is full of sorrow. The spatial ambiguity of the unbalanced rocks enhances the feeling of gloom and hopelessness, which mirror Pan’s precarious circumstances right before the Cultural

Revolution (1966-1976).

The mature style evident in this painting, characterized by a two-dimensionality or pictorial flatness, subtly varied ink tonalities, strangely balanced compositions, and self- expressive images emerged in his work around 1948. After half a decade, between 1949 and 1954, in which he and his work suffered at the hands of the new Communist government, Pan regained his footing and returned to his unique artistic vocabulary.

Unfortunately, the return to hardline cultural policies in 1966, followed by nationwide purges of administrators, brought an end to his artistic career and, in 1971, to his life. It is this mature style, with its assertive two-dimensionality, gestural quality, and self- expression, that strikes viewers today as remarkably modern, even modernist, in a

Western sense of the term. We will turn our attention to this observation in our conclusion.

The distinctive qualities of this painting may set the stage for our exploration of the new role and transformation of traditional Chinese painting in the twentieth century, particularly as exemplified in the art and art theory of Pan Tianshou. Pan lived during the period when China was most actively and creatively engaging with the forces of modernity. He was born in the waning days of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911). When Pan was only a baby, in 1898, an ambitious reform movement led by the Guangxu emperor and his advisor Kang Youwei proposed to bring China into the modern era, but after only a hundred days their efforts were aborted by the court whose power it threatened. The forces of history could not be stopped, however, and the intellectual community actively sought to modernize Chinese education, often by turning to successful models in Japan.

At the age of fifteen Pan saw the failure of the reform movements culminate in revolution, as the emperor was deposed and the new Republic of China born. In 1919, during his college years, China was rocked by the iconoclasm of the May Fourth

Movement, which urgently condemned much of China’s tradition as the source of

China’s diplomatic and military weakness. He began his teaching career in the rapidly changing social and cultural environment of the 1920s, a freewheeling period of political disunion and cultural experimentation usually called the Warlord Period. Pan thus came to intellectual and artistic maturity in the period of China’s greatest cultural ferment.

The second period of our narrative begins after 1927, when China was reunified by the Guomindang government of Jiang Jieshi, and undertook a decade of nationalist nation-building. The thirty-year-old Pan assumed a professorship at the newly established

National Art Academy, where, surrounded by practitioners of Western oil painting, he 4 began to develop a particular approach to the role of traditional painting in China’s modern art world. He taught Chinese painting in this same institution, interrupted only by wartime exile, for almost fifty years. Our final chapter begins with the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. The ascent of May Fourth iconoclasts to national power presented many difficulties for men like Pan, who held more nuanced views of modernity. Although inclined by temperament to the classical arts of the past, he nonetheless met the circumstances of each era head-on, throwing himself into the task of redefining Chinese art for the modern age.

The goal of this dissertation is to enrich a little-studied aspect of modern Chinese art, namely, the transformation in practice and social role of traditional Chinese painting in the twentieth century, by focusing on the work of Pan Tianshou. In part because the historical and art historical narratives of the three periods we examine have been so fiercely contested, much work still needs to be done in understanding the personal and environmental factors that made possible the great innovations of China’s major cultural figures. Studies on Pan Tianshou have gradually developed in China, in particular after

1981, when the Pan Tianshou Memorial Hall was founded by Pan’s wife and youngest son in his former residence.2 After the museum was opened to the public, many scholars

2 There are numerous books about Pan Tianshou. For example, Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan 潘天壽評傳 (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1986), Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou huihua jifa jianxi 潘天寿绘画技法简析 (Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe: jing xiao Zhejiang sheng Xinhua shudian, 1995), Lü Zhangshen 吕章申, Pan Tianshou yishu 潘天寿艺术 (Hefei: Anhui meishu chubanshe, 2011), Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000), Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Beijing: Zhongguo qingnian chubanshe, 1997), Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou lunyi 潘天寿 5 in China declared him to be one the four great Chinese ink painting masters of twentieth- century China, together with Wu Changshi, Huang Binhong, and Qi Baishi.3 Only a handful of writings exist outside China, including Siliang Yang’s dissertation, “Pan

Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting” of 1995, Claire Roberts’

1998 essay, “Tradition and Modernity: The Life and Art of Pan Tianshou,” Aida Yuan

Wong’s Parting the Mists: Discovering Japan and the Rise of National-style Painting in

Modern China, “The Japanese Impact on the Republican Art World: The Construction of

Chinese Art History as a Modern Field,” by Julia F. Andrews, and Kuiyi Shen, and

Richard Vinograd’s essay, “Modern Passage: Chinese Ink Painting in an Era of

Transformation.” 4 My dissertation offers evidence taken from Pan’s writings, paintings, and periodicals about Pan’s rediscovery of traditional Chinese painting as a modern

Chinese art form, in the context of his artistic and social activities. I aim to consolidate

论艺 (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2010), and Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou yanjiu 潘天寿硏究 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan chubanshe: Xinhua shudian jingxiao, 1989).

3 Lu Xin 卢炘, Wu Changshi, Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong, Pan Tianshou xu da jia yanjiu 吴昌硕, 齐白石, 黄宾虹, 潘天寿四大家硏究 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu chubanshe, 1992), and Lang Shaojin 郎绍君, Wu Changshi Qi Baishi Huang Binhong Pan Tianshou si dajia yanjiu 吴昌硕齐白石黄宾虹潘天寿四大家研究 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishuxueyuan chubanshe, 1992).

4 Siliang Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting” (PhD diss., University of Kansas, History of Art, 1995), Claire Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity: The Life and Art of Pan Tianshou (1897-1971),” East Asian History, No. 15/16 (June/December, 1998): 67-96, Aida Yuen Wong, Parting the Mists: Discovering Japan and the Rise of National-style Painting in Modern China (Honolulu: Association for Asian Studies: University of Hawai’i Press, 2006), Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, “The Japanese Impact on the Republican Art World: The Construction of Chinese Art History as a Modern Field,” Twentieth Century China 43.2 (November 2006), 4-36, and Richard Vinograd, “Modern Passage: Chinese Ink Painting in an Era of Transformation,” in Xiaoneng Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future: Master Ink Painters in Twentieth-century China (Milan, Italy: 5 Continents Editions; New York: Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, 2010), 39-51.

6 these fragmentary treatments to understand Pan’s developing approach to his art, and to shed light on an alternative perspective on modernity in twentieth-century China.

Life History

Pan Tianshou was born in the village of Guanzhuang, Ninghai County, Zhejiang

Province, China on March 14, in 1897 (fig. 2).5 Pan began studying the Confucian classics in an old-style rural private school in 1905 and showed a love for writing and painting from a young age. He copied illustrations from novels and studied paintings and writings on art. He also started copying printed collections of rubbings produced by noted calligraphers and illustrations in the copy of The Mustard Seed Garden Painting Manual that he bought from the county stationery store.6 From autumn 1915 to summer 1920, Pan attended a modern school, the Zhejiang First Normal School in Hangzhou, where he was taught and was influenced by Li Shutong (1879-1942), one of the first Chinese students to go to Japan to study Western style oil painting in 1906.7 In 1922, Pan began teaching at a women’s college in Shanghai, and Liu Haisu (1896-1994) soon invited him to lecture on the practice of Chinese-style painting and Chinese painting history at the Shanghai Art

5 Pan Gongkai, “Noble Winds and Strong Bones Meet Their Spirit: The Art of Pan Tianshou,” in Melissa Chiu and Zheng Shengtian, Art and China’s Revolution, with essays by Roderick MacFarquhar, et al (New York: Asia Society; New Haven: In association with Yale University Press, 2008), 77.

6 Pan Gongkai, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan, 5.

7 Geremie Barme, An Artistic Exile: A Life of Feng Zikai (1898-1975) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 32-33.

Academy. He met two important older artists, Chen Shizeng (Chen Hengque 1876-1923) and Wu Changshi (1844-1927), during that time. Pan Tianshou learned from Wu

Changshi, and after Wu Changshi saw Pan’s paintings, he wrote two poems for Pan.8

From 1928, Pan Tianshou was hired as a professor at the newly established

National Hangzhou Art Academy. In that period, Pan was inspired by various exhibitions, including the Nationalist government’s First National Art Exhibition, which contained works of Shitao and Zhu Da from private collections as “references” for contemporary artists.9 That summer, Pan visited Japan on an art-education group trip that included a visit to the Tokyo School of Fine Arts, the Imperial Painting Gallery, and the

National Museum. These experiences seem to have stimulated him to think about the intersection of painting of China’s past and present.10 In 1932, Pan organized the White

Society (Baishe), which was formed to promote the development of ink painting and continue the innovative artistic spirit of the of the Qing dynasty individualist artists from

8 Pan Gongkai, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan, 16-21. For more information on Pan’s visit to Wu Changshi and their relationship, see Julia F. Andrews, Between the Thunder and the Rain: Chinese Painting from the Opium War to the Cultural Revolution, 1840-1979 (San Francisco, CA: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco and Echo Rock Ventures, 2000), 191 and Shaojun Lang, “Traditional Chinese Painting in the Twentieth Century,” in Richard M. Barnhart, Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting (New Haven: Yale University Press; Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 1977), 329-330.

9 Julia F. Andrews, “Exhibition to Exhibition: Painting Practice in the Early Twentieth Century as a Modern Response to Tradition,” in Shibian xingxiang, liufeng: Zhongguo jindai huihua 1796- 1949 xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (Turmoil, representation, and trends: Modern Chinese painting, 1796-1949) (Taipei: Chang Foundation, 2008), 38.

10 Wu Fuzhi 吳茀之, “Pan Tianshou guohua yishu 潘天寿国花艺术 (The Paintings of Pan Tianshou),” Meishu 美术, Vol.9, No. 6 (1962), 42. For more about traditional exhibitions in the early twentieth century, see Julia F. Andrews, “Exhibition to Exhibition,” 25-58.

Yangzhou.11 In his late writing, Pan Tianshou pointed out that the Eight Eccentrics of

Yangzhou were, like the much-admired seventeenth individualist, Shitao, unorthodox innovators.12 Pan hoped that their example would contribute to the development of traditional Chinese painting. During this period, he also researched and lectured on earlier

Chinese masters, including Xu Wei, Zhu Da, Shitao, and Wu Changshi.13

After teaching Chinese painting for almost a decade at the National Hangzhou Art

Academy, Pan joined the academy’s retreat in the face of the 1937 outbreak of the

Second Sino-Japanese War. The National Hangzhou Art Academy moved first to

Southern Zhejiang province and then to Jiangxi province. In 1938, the National

Hangzhou Art Academy and Peiping National Art Academy merged into the National Art

College in Hunan, and the following year, Pan was put in charge of the department of

Chinese Painting. The college was relocated again to Bishan, Sichuan from Hunan, and

Pan was appointed Dean of Studies in 1940. Three years later, he moved to Yunhe,

Zhejiang, and became director of the Painting and Craft Group in the Department of Art

Education at the National Southeast Associated University, renamed Yinshi University.

The next year, Pan returned to the interior, to Panxi, Chongqing, to serve as president of

11 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 73.

12 Pan Tianshou, “Lüetan Yangzhou baguai (Brief Discussions on the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou)” in Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984), 87-88. The original text was published in September, 1962.

13 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou hualun 潘天寿画论 (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1999), 11-12.

9 the National Art College, a post he continued to hold after the faculty and students returned to Hangzhou in 1946. In 1948, he was replaced as president but he continued to teach at both the National Art College and as a professor at the Shanghai Art College.14

After the PRC was established, Pan, his colleagues, and students were sent to the countryside to experience rural life as part of the Communist thought reform policy and he was not able to teach until 1956. In a surprising reversal of policy, the Hundred

Flowers and Anti-Rightist Movements of 1956 and 1957 brought government approval to certain kinds of traditional art. Pan was appointed vice president of the East China

Branch of the Central Academy of Fine Arts in 1957 and the following year was elected a deputy of the First National People’s Congress. He was named an honorary academician by the National Academy of Arts of the Former Soviet Union in the same year. For the next few years, until the Cultural Revolution in 1966, Pan was well-regarded and enjoyed preferential treatment in the Chinese art world, which enabled him to achieve breakthroughs in his own art and make progress in his pedagogical goals of reviving

Chinese painting. Even more suddenly than his position had been restored in 1957, however, he was destroyed by the Cultural Revolution in 1966, harshly accused of being a reactionary academic authority, and suffered persecution and humiliation until his death on September 5, 1971.15

14 Ibid., 12-19 and Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 74.

15 Lü Zhangshen, Pan Tianshou yishu, 210-224 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 250-261. For more information about Pan Tianshou’s life and art, see Wong, Parting the Mists, 41-43 and 47-48, Michael Sullivan, Art and Artists of Twentieth-century China (Berkeley: 10

Mapping Modernity and Reinscription of Tradition in Chinese Art

Writing from a Western perspective, Charles Harrison and Paul Wood define the division of modernity and modernism. They write:

Convention distinguishes three related moments in the dynamic of the modern: modernization, modernity and Modernism. Modernity refers to the social and cultural condition of these objective changes: the character of life under changed circumstances. Modernity was a form of experience, an awareness of change and adaptation to change . . . The condition of modernity exists in a shifting, symbiotic relationship with Modernism: the deliberate reflection upon and distillation of—in a word, the representation of—that inchoate experience of the new.16

There is a different cultural lineage and history in every part of the world and each region or country has its own character. Thus, we need to consider their differences and the appropriate perspective for discussing them. However, the Harrison and Wood definition of modernity— “the social and cultural condition of these objective changes, a form of experience, an awareness of change and adaptation to change”—is quite applicable to

China’s situation as well as to that of Pan Tianshou. Various other researchers have

University of California Press, 1996), 15, Chiu, Art and China’s Revolution, 77, Michael Sullivan, Modern Chinese Artists: A Biographical Dictionary (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 121, and Yu Yang 于洋, “Jiji “qiuyi”de shensi—cong Pan Tianshou zaoqi hualun kan 20 shiji Zhongguohua de xiandai celüe 积极“求异”的审思—从潘天寿早期画论看 20 世纪中国画的现代策略 (Exploring Other Aspects from Pan Tianshou’s Early Painting and the Twentieth Century Chinese Painting in Terms of Present Perspective),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 49, No. 5 (2011), 94-97.

16 Charles Harrison and Paul Wood, Art in Theory, 1900-1990: An Anthology of Changing Ideas (Oxford. UK; Cambridge, Mass., USA: Blackwell, 1993), 126.

11 considered modernity, modernization, and the modern in Chinese history, art, and visual culture in useful ways.

The historian of China, Q. Edward Wang claims that “in the practice of nationalist historiography, there appeared an almost reversed relationship between past and present; the past was no longer viewed as a guidance but as a genesis of one’s imaginary of a nation, and a tradition that connects past with present also sustains one’s effort at creating a new cultural identity.”17 In the current scholarly field of Asian art, Asian modernity is generally interpreted in somewhat different ways from Western modernity, to take account of the different historical, cultural, and social background of the non-Western world. Gennifer Weisenfeld proposes how traditional themes are reinscribed within the frame of Asian modernity in the contemporary world. She argues:

…artists, art historians, curators, and art critics concerned with Asian culture regularly return to a notion of “tradition”— sometimes national, sometimes regional—and its ostensibly tension-filled relationship with the modern to frame their discussions of a distinctive Asian modernity. . . By now, everyone is well aware that tradition is not static, it is not singular, and it is not transhistorical. And rather than focus on a limitless search for historical formal sources, it is clearly more illuminating to concentrate on the choices made in the present that frame and articulate particular traditions, as the past is reinscribed and given new meaning in the present through this process.18

17 Q. Edward Wang, Inventing China through History: The May Fourth Approach to Historiography (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), 2-26.

18 Gennifer Weisenfeld, “Reinscribing Tradition in a Transnational Art Word (2007),” in Melissa Chiu and Benjamin Genocchio, Contemporary Art in Asia: A Critical Reader (Cambridge, Mass.; MIT Press, 2011), 371-372.

Understanding this process is an important goal of this dissertation. During the Qing dynasty, there are two major trends in artistic style. One was called the Four Wangs—

Wang Shimin (1592-1680), Wang Jian (1598-1677), Wang Hui (1632-1717), and Wang

Yuanqi (1642-1715)—were dominant as exemplars of orthodox styles. The other, the unorthodox styles, refers to works by the seventeenth-century individualists and the eighteenth-century Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou. Pan Tianshou was a twentieth-century figure who tried to reevaluate less-discovered or little-studied norms, particularly the seventeenth-century individualists and the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou. Pan thought that their unorthodox artistic styles could be used for innovation in Chinese ink painting.

During his lifetime, Pan came to believe and ardently championed the idea that

Westernization is not a correct way to establish modernity in the Chinese art world and he therefore attempted to create a suitable art form within Chinese painting. Pan’s belief is paralleled by the opinions of some contemporary art historians. According to Martin

Powers, “the narrative of modernization traces the gradual liberation of society from hierarchy and tradition. Although ‘modernization’ in art or society is constructed as synonymous with ‘Westernization,’ this narrative depends heavily upon broad and unsupported generalization, and thus, in the arts, the chief characteristics of modernity have been the liberation of artistic standards from aristocratic control and the negation of established norms as a means of negotiating artistic autonomy.”19 Pan’s admiration for unorthodox artistic styles can be supported by Powers’ characterization of modernity,

19 Martin J. Powers, “Reexamine the “West”: Shifting Perspectives in the Narrative of Modern Art,” in Cao Yiqiang and Fan Jingzhong, 20 shiji Zhonghuohua: “chuantong de yanxu yu yanjin” guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1997), 465- 467.

“liberation of artistic standards from aristocratic control and the negation of established norms.”20

Jonathan Hay, like Harrison and Wood, describes modernity as a social condition.

He writes that “The nineteenth-century Chinese artists were grappling with all the same forces that affected the built environment. In the face of the encroachment of the outside world, the vitality of indigenous painting affirmed a sense of cultural belonging, in other words, a self-conscious Chineseness.”21 The twentieth century is one of the most complex periods in Chinese history. The influx of foreign powers and cultures catalyzed Chinese people, including Pan Tianshou, to think about the future of Chinese art in the modernized world. Some intellectuals tried to find their path in Western art, but others, including Pan, strove to make their own way in Chinese ink painting. “A self-conscious

Chineseness” became an important element for Pan Tianshou. From a contemporary perspective, “self-conscious Chineseness” is a somewhat old-fashioned term, but due to the threatening political and social background of the time, the Chinese aimed to find their own solutions for a modernized society and nation.

To Pan, modernity could be viewed in two ways. First, in terms of artistic styles, he began to search out a new model for a newly changed society. After study and reflection, he thought that the works of the seventeenth-century Individualists and the Eight

20 Ibid., 467.

21 Jonathan Hay, “Painting and the Built Environment in Late-Nineteenth-Century Shanghai,” in Maxwell K. Hearn and Judith G. Smith, Chinese Art: Modern Expressions (New York: Dept. of Asian Art, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2001), 90-93.

Eccentrics of Yangzhou were the proper model. Then, based on his artistic model, he achieved his own artistic vocabulary, which accidentally, intentionally, or subconsciously achieved a modernistic flavor. Second, in terms of a theoretical perspective, Pan adopted preserving Chineseness, instead of simply emulating Western art or synthesizing Western and Chinese art, as the correct path for the future of Chinese ink painting. This concept is continuously shown throughout his writings. Pan himself frequently used the term,

“Chinese national characteristics (minzu zhi xingge),” when he dealt with Chineseness or

Chinese national identity.22 This view of national characteristics was at least partially inspired by the Japanese experience. Japan established a self-conscious national identity in their art and architecture in the Meiji period. National identity has been characterized as the maintenance and continuous reproduction of the pattern of values, symbols, memories, myths and traditions that compose the distinctive heritage of nations, and the identifications of individuals with that particular heritage and those values, symbols, memories, myths, and traditions.23 These characteristics of national identity are quite similar to Pan’s belief in Chinese national characteristics, which are shown through his writings.

This study investigates how Pan engaged with the cross-cultural exchange, how he reevaluated traditional Chinese painting, and how he tried to update Chinese painting by

22 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe 域外禬画流入中土考略 (A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China),” in Zhongguo huihuashi (1936), 249.

23 Anthony Smith, “Interpretations of National Identity, in Alain Dieckhoff and Natividad Gutierrez, Modern Roots, Studies of National Identity (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2001), 30.

15 achieving his unique artistic style. In his final period, he experimented with two major genres, bird-and-flower and landscape, in order to create a new art form for the present society. In particular, the Sino-Japanese relationship, which featured prominently in his education, helped Pan begin considering the importance of national identity. In his two most authoritative essays, “A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China”

(Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe; 1936) and “The Innovation of Chinese Painting”

(Guohua chuangxin; 1963), his definition of innovation was based upon a sense of national identity. In the latter he wrote:

Innovation should be based on traditional learning and give full play to the special characteristics of Chinese painting, preserving Chinese national/ethnic characteristics. . . Art has its own principles and is not the same as science. Western oil painting depicts objects on the painting surface, and has its unique style and national traits, and traditional Chinese painting also has own national characteristics.24

Pan’s modern innovations in Chinese painting—while still prioritizing their expression of

“Chineseness”—were an assertion of modernity within global cultures. Gennifer

Weisenfeld illuminates the complex connection between “tradition” and national identity, in which the proponents of the latter invoke the value of the former. While looking with skepticism on the frequently seen phenomenon, which still heavily influences the writing and teaching of Asian art history, that notions of tradition are ineluctably tied to

24 创新应在学习传统的基础上进行，充分发挥中国画的特点，保持中国民族特色。。。艺术有它自己的规律，不能将科学等同于艺术。西洋绘画以面来表现对象，有它的特殊风格和民族特点，中国传统绘画也有自己的民族特色。This is a part of Pan’s essay, “Guohua chuangxin 国画创新 (The Innovation of Chinese Painting),” written in 1963. Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” in Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 110.

16 discourses of authenticity, she goes on to suggest that “tradition (or the past) then might be conceived as being in a continuum with the present rather than representing a relationship marked by rupture.”25 This dissertation on Pan Tianshou aims to participate in showing some of the cultural complexities of modernity in twentieth-century China, with particular reference to this continuum.

Chapters

As compelling as his life story might have been, this dissertation is primarily limited to his work, and hopes to offer an alternative perspective on modernity in Pan

Tianshou’s oeuvre as a case study in modern Chinese art. Furthermore, it tries to develop a new understanding of some of the results of the rich artistic and intellectual intersections among China, Japan, and the West in the early twentieth century. To be specific, Pan dealt with traditional subjects—bird-and-flower and landscapes—but his constructive composition, emphasis on flat painting surfaces, application of expressive ink tonality with his fingers and hands, and use of animal subjects as self-reflective images are imbued with a modern sensibility. This little-studied aspect of Pan’s art illuminates how he positively responded to the current cultural and social environment and how his artistic achievement contributes to understanding the dynamic processes of cultural exchanges and transformations in modern China.

25 Weisenfeld, “Reinscribing Tradition in a Transnational Art Word,” 372-373.

The first two chapters establish a theoretical map of Pan Tianshou’s reevaluation of traditional Chinese painting and pursuit of modernity before the founding of the

People’s Republic of China. The first chapter consists of two main parts. The first section, “Contacts with the Japanese Art World,” offers an account of Sino-Japanese elements in Pan’s education. Pan had a chance to learn about the revival of Chinese traditional artistic styles both intellectually and practically through his teachers, Li

Shutong, Chen Shizeng, and Wu Changshi, who were deeply involved in the Japanese art world. Li Shutong inspired Pan to be interested in both Western and Chinese culture.

After finishing his study at the Tokyo School of Fine Arts in Japan, Li began to teach at the Zhejiang Provincial First Normal College in Hangzhou, where Pan was a student. Li actively introduced Western culture to China, including publishing magazines about graphic art and Western music, which he learned when he was in Japan. Li also encouraged students to keep studying traditional Chinese art and organized a Seal Society for his students. Li wrote a poem for Pan, and Pan hung Li’s calligraphy in his private residence until his death, which suggest how greatly Pan admired his teacher, Li Shutong.

Pan met another inspirational mentor, Chen Shizeng, in 1922. Chen had studied natural history at the Tokyo Higher Normal School, but was more interested in art. After his return from Japan, Chen disseminated modern learning and published works in the

Pacific Monthly, which was edited by his friend, Li Shutong.26 Chen assiduously

26 Kuo-Sheng Lai, “Learning New Painting from Japan and Maintaining National Pride in Early Twentieth Century China, with Focus on Chen Shizeng (1876-1923)” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, College Park, 2006), 144.

18 disseminated Japanese art movements to China and motivated Chinese modernized art education and publication systems via Japan. Chen had a chance to meet Omura Seigai in

1921, and the two shared their enthusiasm for Chinese literati painting. In Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu (Research on Chinese Literati Painting), he published his essay,

“The Value of Literati Painting” (Wenrenhua zhi jiazhi) and translated Omura Seigai’s essay, “The Renaissance of Literati Painting” (Wenrenhua zhi fuxing).27 Chen argued that literati painting is not exclusive to the scholar class, but can be done by anyone who possesses the literati aesthetic.28 After the collapse of the Qing dynasty, the literati class essentially ceased to exist. Chen’s proposal for the continued relevance of this art form stimulated many early-twentieth century intellectuals, including Pan Tianshou. Pan

Tianshou’s first published book, Zhongguo huihuashi (A History of Chinese Painting) seems to have been a fruitful result of that meeting.29 In 1923, Pan met another mentor,

Wu Changshi, whose style he emulated for a time. From Wu, Pan was able to learn the artistic styles of the Shanghai School, including not only those of Wu himself, but also those of Ren Yi. He also learned something of their admiration for the seventeenth- century Individualists and the eighteenth-century Yangzhou Eccentrics. This might have

27 Chen Shizeng 陳師曾, Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu 中国文人画之研究 (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1922), Chen Shizeng 陳師曾, “Wenrenhua zhi jiazhi (The Value of Literati Painting)” in Chen, Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu, 1a-32a (separate pagination), Chen Shizeng 陳師曾, “Wenrenhua de jiazhi (The Value of Literati Painting),” Huixue zazhi (Studies in painting) 2 (January 1921), 1-6, and Omura Seigai 大村西崖, “Wenrenhua zhi fuxing (The Renaissance of Literati Painting),” translated by Chen Shizeng in Chen, Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu, 1a-9b (separate pagination).

28 Chen Shizeng, “Wenrenhua zhi jiazhi,” 1, 10.

29 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1926).

19 assisted Pan in perceiving how the work of these two groups might be used for reforming

Chinese ink painting in the twentieth century.

The second part of chapter one, “Probing the Past,” examines Pan’s early study of past masters’ artistic styles, focusing on their innovation and individuality. In the early twentieth century, numerous Chinese intellectuals and artists were actively engaged with social and cultural movements, including the New Culture Movement (also known as the

May Fourth Movement), which proposed competing models for how to modernize China.

Westernizers wanted to replace Chinese painting with European realism, but some ink painters tried to find a new form of Chinese painting in this environment. This dissertation contextualizes Pan Tianshou’s artistic project through comparison with those of painters Huang Binhong (1865-1955) and Xu Beihong (1895-1953) who proposed a range of solutions to these problems by means of their practice of art, their writings, and their teaching. I argue that Pan Tianshou shared with these artists a sense of mission and belief in the larger significance of the practice of Chinese painting in the modern world.

Competing historical evaluations of previous Chinese painting featured in the controversies of the day, particularly a strong difference of opinion whether Song realism was the only acceptable standard for the modern age or whether Yuan literati art had an equally modern value. The Song-Yuan dichotomy has a long history starting in the Ming dynasty, but the modern version of this distinction was explored by two Chinese scholars,

Kang Youwei and Chen Duxiu, in terms of formal likeness and expressive quality, with an implicit comparison to Western realist painting favoring the Song. The expressive

20 tendency of the Yuan painting, which was denigrated in the early twentieth century, began regaining popularity in the early 1920s as a new idea in the context of China’s growing awareness of new styles of Western modernist painting. Because of this explicit parallel, traditional Chinese painting, in particular literati painting, thrived in this new cultural climate.30 Pan’s article, “A Brief History of Chinese Painting” (Zhongguo huihuashi lüe) delineates his clear recognition of different characteristics of Song and

Yuan painting. Pan generally concurred that the highest point of Chinese art may be found in Song painting, but he placed higher value on spirit resonance (qiyun) or the expressive quality of Yuan painting than did Kang or Chen. 31 From the 1920s, Pan

Tianshou decided to devote his efforts to creating innovations within traditional Chinese painting and began to disseminate the vital role of traditional Chinese painting to students and the public.32

Chapter 2 discusses the gradual development of what we consider to be a modern view of traditional Chinese art through his mature reflection on Western and Japanese modern art movements. This period, the 1930s and 1940s, also saw the establishment of his own distinctive artistic vocabulary. These developments took place during the relatively optimistic period of national unity known as the Nanjing decade (1927-1937)

30 Wang, “Rediscovering Song Painting for the Nation,” 238.

31 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo huihuashi lüe 中国绘画史略 (A Brief History of Chinese Painting),” in Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou tanyilu 潘天寿谈艺录, (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985), 164

32 故想开拓中国艺术的新局势，有待乎国民艺术的复兴运动。Ibid., 16.

21 and the difficult eight-year war with Japan (1937-1945) that followed. The chapter is subdivided into two sections: “Beyond Cultural Limitations” and “The Historical

Reconstruction of Traditional Ink Painting.” At the beginning of this period, in 1929, Pan joined an art educators’ delegation to Japan, where he encountered the Japanese face of modernity with his own eyes. In the Meiji period (1868-1912), the bureaucrat and art critic, Okakura Tenshin, and his mentor, Ernest Fenollosa, effectively took over leadership of a movement dedicated to establishing the kind of painting that would express, nurture, and augment the national identity of contemporary Japan. Of significance for this dissertation is that in following their lead, the Japanese art establishment rejected the long-standing Sino-Japanese practice of literati painting. By contrast, other Japanese artists in the Meiji period, many of whom had first-hand

European experience, were eager to adapt Western techniques and ideas. Once a certain degree of Westernization had been achieved in the practice of modern Japanese art, some artists turned to the search for the quintessence of East Asian culture and attempted to make their art and culture more Japanese to better exemplify their national identity. A part of this movement, the renewed interest in literati painting, is relevant to the concerns of Pan Tianshou.

As an art educator, Pan began to work at the newly established National Hangzhou

Art Academy from 1928. As the college was modeled on certain aspects of the French system of art education, he encountered European culture and art through his colleagues such as academy director Lin Fengmian and publications available at the academy. In this environment, Pan directly involved himself in the activities of a modern educational 22 institution that was fundamentally involved in defining China’s modern art world. For example, he participated in the organization of art exhibitions, both public and private, and submitted his works for exhibition in many others, and organized a painting society called the White Society (Baishe).33 This chapter will further analyze Pan’s 1936 essay,

“A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China,” which serves as a culmination of his growing understanding of modern Western art and represents his response to it in his attempts to highlight the importance of Chinese tradition.34 Until the early twentieth century, many Chinese intellectuals and artists fervently adopted the

Western themes and artistic styles and combined Western and Chinese art in order to produce a new art form for the present society. However, from the 1930s, some intellectuals, including Xu Beihong, Huang Binhong, and Fou Lei, began to reconsider the value of traditional Chinese painting itself and they organized artistic societies, such as the Chinese Painting Society to find a proper form of Chinese painting.

The following section, “The Historical Reconstruction of Traditional Chinese

Painting,” examines the gradual development of Pan’s inventive artistic style. Moreover, it was accompanied by the continued progress of his concepts in Chinese art theory, and ongoing efforts to disseminate traditional Chinese painting. In the early decades of the twentieth century, many Chinese intellectuals and artists had fervently adopted Western

33 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 16.

34 This is a very brief summary of Pan’s 1936 essay, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe (A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China),” 233-250. It will be specifically examined in the chapter 2.

23 themes and artistic styles and combined Western and Chinese art in order to produce a new art form for the present society. However, from the 1930s, some intellectuals, including Xu Beihong, Huang Binhong, and Fou Lei, began to reconsider the value of traditional Chinese painting itself. In response they organized or joined artistic societies, such as the Chinese Painting Society, to find a proper form for Chinese painting. Such societies provided an additional context for Pan Tianshou’s development as an individual artist. The freely creative manipulation of forms and play of unbalanced composition with strikingly flattened three-dimensional structures led to a break-through and achievement of his characteristic style in 1948.

Moreover, it was accompanied by the progressive improvement of his conceptual idea in Chinese art history and theory, and ongoing efforts to disseminate traditional

Chinese painting. For example, his creation of flat rectangular rocks is the result of various inspirations, namely, from the traditional artistic styles of Zhu Da, Shitao, Gao

Qipei, Wen Zhengming and Wang Meng, contemporary Western and Chinese graphic art, woodblock prints, and contemporary artistic styles of Lin Fengmian and Wu Changshi.

The impact of a seventeenth-century individualist, Zhu Da was particularly powerful.

During the 1930s and 1940s, Pan seriously examined Zhu’s artistic subject and style, but later he added Zhu’s philosophical themes and psychological expression, which will be discussed in the final chapter. From the 1930s, numerous painters and educators, including Xu Beihong, Huang Binhong, and Pan Tianshou, encouraged their students and the public to study traditional Chinese painting by means of publications, art education, and exhibitions. Pan himself continuously published his paintings and writings in various 24 periodicals to introduce the artist’s style and art theory.35 This section will conclude with examination of the steady process of development of his inventive artistic vocabulary by examining his works and their inspiration from some specific masters.

The final chapter, “Expanding Boundaries of Traditional Chinese Painting,” elucidates how Pan Tianshou was able to recover his fundamental approach to art following its suppression during the first five years of the People’s Republic of China.

Eventually he even achieved an influential position in the post-revolutionary political hierarchy. The first section, “Political Expression for a New Society,” focuses on the artist’s association with the dramatic changes in art policy instituted by the new regime

35 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Taozuitu 陶醉图 (Intoxicated Painting),” Yapoluo亚波罗, No. 8 (1932), 1, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo huahuihua zhi qiyuan jiqi paibie 中国花卉画之起源及其派别 (The Origin and Factions of Chinese Flower Painting),” Qiantu 前途, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1933), 1- 11, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Qiusi 秋思 (Autumn Thoughts),” Meishu zazhi (Shanghai) 美术杂志(上海), No. 3 (1934), 20, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shanshui (Guoli Hangzhou yizhaun disijie zhanlan guohua xuanzuo) 山水(国立杭州艺专第四届展览国画选作) (Landscape (Hangzhou National Art College Selected This Work for the Fourth Chinese Painting Exhibition),” Meishu zazhi (Shanghai) 美术杂志(上海), No. 3 (1934), 17, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Pianfan mingri shi Guazhou 片帆明日是瓜洲 (Tomorrow One Sailboat Arrives at Guazhou),” Yifeng 艺风, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1934), 72, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shuimo shanshui 水墨山水 (Landscape Ink and Wash Painting),” Wenyi chahua 文艺茶话, Vol. 2, No. 8 (1934), 8, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhugutu 竹谷图 (Painting of Bamboo Valley),” Wenyi chahua 文艺茶话, Vol. 2, No. 8 (1934), 7, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Pan Tianshou xingshu-shufa 潘天寿行书-书法 (Running Script Calligraphy by Pan Tianshou),” Jiangsu xuesheng 江苏学生, Vol. 4, No.4/5 (1934), 1, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “He 荷 (Lotus),” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No. 104 (1935), 20, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shanshui 山水 (Landscape),” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No. 111-112 (1935), 1, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Yishu yu yiren: Xiandai huajia—Pan Tianshou 艺术与艺人: 现代画家—潘天寿 (Art and Artists: Modern Painter-Pan Tianshou),” Hanxie zhoukan 汗血周刊, Vol. 5, No. 6 (1935), 109, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo meishu hui disijie meizhan chupin zhiyi, gai 中国美术会第四届美展出品之一, 丐 (One of the Painting, Beggar, for the Fourth Art Exhibition of Chinese Art Society),” Zhongguo meishu hui jikan 中国美术会季刊, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1936), 1.

25 and his involvement with popular culture. First, the Communist Party announced the first arts policy of the new government from 1949 to 1952. While he was frequently sent to the countryside to experience peasant life, Pan began practicing figure subjects that he had rarely painted. Moreover, he was not allowed to teach students in the college. He produced some figure paintings during that time, but he confessed his great difficulty in figure painting.36

In 1953, Chinese government declared the first five-year economic development plan and promoted Soviet-style oil painting and the revival of Chinese painting

(guohua).37 Pan reverted to his usual subjects in bird-and-flower and landscape painting and attempted to combine these two genres to create a new art form. Eventually, from the work, A Distant View of Zhejiang of 1954, government officials began to take note of his work and reprinted it for publication.38 The next year, another of Pan’s paintings, Corner of Lingyan Gully, was well received by the government as one of the most excellent works in the Third Guohua Exhibition. After the Hundred Flowers Campaign in 1956,

Pan’s right to teach at the academy was restored. The National Hangzhou Art Academy, where he had worked almost continuously since 1928, was then known as the East China campus of the Central Academy of Fine Arts. In 1958, it was renamed Zhejiang Academy

36 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Moyun guofeng: Pan Tianshou yishu huiguzhan 墨韵国风: 潘天寿艺术回顾展 (Xianggang: Kangle ji wenhua shiwu shu, 2011), 43.

37 Julia F. Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 1949-1979 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 110.

38 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 164.

26 of Fine Arts.39 After he became a vice president of the school in 1957, Pan completely recovered his status as an artist and art educator.40 The following year, when he was inaugurated as a president, his new experimental works, synthesizing the bird-and-flower and landscape genre, garnered favorable critical attention. They were more highly valued from the early 1960s and his greater confidence was shown in his writings.41 The political pressures Pan underwent were sometimes painful, but they played a part in the creation of

Pan’s new artistic vocabulary.

The final section of this chapter, “Reinscribing Traditional Chinese Painting,” focuses on his determined efforts to disseminate traditional Chinese painting in the present art world of his own day. After his work was generally accepted by the government, his teaching position was restored in 1956. Then, Pan resumed writing on traditional Chinese painting, publishing numerous articles and books. In 1958, for example, Pan published art history books on famous Chinese painters of the past, such as

Gu Kaizhi, Wang Meng, and Huang Gongwang.42 These writings show that Pan, as a teacher, constantly desired to introduce the significance of traditional Chinese painting to his art students and even the public. Among his various publications, I specifically focus

39 Ellen Johnston Laing, The Winking Owl: Art in the People’s Republic of China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 23-27.

40 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 258.

41 Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” 113-114.

42 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1958), and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Wang Bomin 王伯敏, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng 黄公望与王蒙 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1958).

27 on some essays, “Discussion on Creativity” (Chuangzuo suotan), “The Painting and Art of Ren Bonian” (Ren Bonian de huihua yishu), “Brief Discussions on the Eight

Eccentrics of Yangzhou” (Lüetan Yangzhou baguai), and “The Innovation of Chinese

Painting” (Guohua chuangxin) that clearly indicate how Pan wished to disseminate traditional Chinese painting.43 The last part of this section examines additional achievements in expanding his artistic vocabulary during the 1960s. While gradually developing his inventive artistic style, Pan added a new concept, by transforming ordinary objects in his works to reveal his thoughts and feelings in his works. By reusing

Zhu Da’s subject and conceptual concept, Pan progressively established his art over the course of his four-decade career.

Pan Tianshou’s Eagle on the Rock, Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment of 1966 may foreshadow the tragic end of his career. It is a final testament to his increasingly original manipulation of abstract and representational forms, including a remarkable focus on juxtaposing two-dimensional and three-dimensional components, his skillful use of various ink tonalities, and how they reflected his own artistic aspirations and his individual thoughts and feelings. At the same time, these accomplishments were part of

Pan’s larger mission of rediscovering traditional Chinese painting, establishing principles

43 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Chuangzuo suotan 创作琐谈 (Discussion on Creativity),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 79-86, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Ren Bonian de huihua yishu 任伯年的绘画艺术 (The Painting and Art of Ren Bonian),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 116-120, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Lüetan Yangzhou baguai 略谈扬州八怪 (Brief Discussions on the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 87-92, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Guohua chuangxin 国画创新 (The Innovation of Chinese Painting),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 107-115.

28 for Chinese painting that were suitable to contemporary art, and laying claim to modernity in the global world. In order to understand the twentieth-century world, we need to keep in mind that the dynamic process of cultural routes, exchanges, and transformations operated in multiple areas and stages. This dissertation contributes to research on the cultural complexities in twentieth-century China through examining a little-studied aspect of Pan Tianshou’s rediscovery of traditional Chinese painting in its modern context.

Chapter 1

Japan as Modern, China as Past

Contacts with the Japanese Art World

In the early decades of the twentieth century, many Chinese art educators eagerly began to absorb European artistic styles and tried to emulate the modern art education system as a way of constructing modernity. In this environment, Pan was one of the first intellectuals to emphasize the importance of traditional ink painting and work to maintain it in the European-oriented school curriculum.44 As an artist and teacher, Pan attempted to innovate the past artistic vocabulary and to find a new art form in Chinese painting. He believed that in order to survive in the newly changed society, traditional Chinese painting needs to find a better art form for the current zeitgeist.

In this chapter, I trace the cross-cultural interchange between China and Japan by considering the roles of Li Shutong, Chen Shizeng, and Wu Changshi, who inspired Pan

Tianshou’s life and art. Their engagement with the Japanese art world helped Pan think

44 Pan’s book, Zhongguo huihuashi (1926) was one of the first published about history of Chinese painting in the early twentieth century China. He wrote this book for his teaching.

30 about the necessity of a new artistic style for himself and China. Pan came to understand the effectiveness of public exhibitions and publications in disseminating art and shaping public opinion about it. Pan himself held public exhibitions and wrote an art history book,

Zhongguo huihuashi, which was one of the first published Chinese art history books in the European-oriented school curriculum in China.45 I will argue that Pan’s exposure to

Japanese art and the Japanese art world assisted him to reevaluate the significance of

Chinese artistic styles of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a method of realizing the possible usage of traditional Chinese painting in the present art world.

1. Inspiration from His Teachers

Li Shutong (Hongyi, 1880-1942)

As a young boy, Pan’s first activity as a student of art was observing the works of local painters such as, Xu Wujiu and Yang Yuanxuan. Xu was well known as a Shitao- style landscape painter and Yang was famous for his finger paintings. At the age of fourteen, Pan left his hometown to study.46 He began to learn painting and calligraphy as part of the school curriculum. Pan diligently practiced paintings using The Mustard Seed

Garden Manual of Painting, until he went to the Zhejiang Provincial First Normal

45 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi.

46 Pan Gongkai, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan, 4-8.

College in Hangzhou, where he met Li Shutong from 1915.47 During that time, Chinese artists had begun to study art in Japan; Li was one of the earliest Chinese students to be educated under the modernized Japanese art education system and the first to graduate from the prestigious Tokyo School of Fine Arts.48 Li majored in Western oil painting starting in October of 1906 and graduated in March of 1911.49 After he had studied modern Western art and music at school, Li introduced Western culture and artistic styles to his young Chinese students, including Pan Tianshou and Feng Zikai. Li wrote on art, music, and literature during his years as a teacher, and his writings are among the earliest

Chinese-language publications on the subject of modern art instruction.50 He organized numerous societies, including the Tongyang Painting Society for Western Painting, and supervised students. A self-portrait that was submitted at his graduation from the Tokyo

School of Fine Arts reflects his rigorous training in Western style painting (fig. 3).51 It depicts a bust-length image of a young Li Shutong, wearing a heavy winter coat and sporting a modern hairstyle. The painting evokes the quasi-post-impressionist style of van

47 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 8-9 and Barme, An Artistic Exile, 32-33.

48 Zhao Li 赵力 and Yu Ding 余丁, Zhongguo youhua wenxian (1542-2000) 中国油画文献 (1542-2000) (Changsha: Hunan meishu chubanshe, 2002), 315. Reprinted from Liu Xiaolu 刘晓路, “Rang xianbeimen mingchuishice— “Dongjing Meishuxuexiao Zhongguo liuxuesheng mingbu” de shiji ta ta chensi 让先辈们名垂史册— “东京美术学校中国留学生名簿”的世纪他沉思 (Looking at Annals of Old Generations—Name lists of Chinese Students at the Tokyo School of Fine Arts),” Meishujia tongxun 美术家通讯, No. 3 (1996). The name list was compiled by Yoshida Chizuko at the Tokyo University of the Arts.

49 Ibid., 313-314.

50 Barme, An Artistic Exile, 33.

51 Wong, Parting the Mists, 9 and Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 31.

Gogh or a variation of the pointillist technique of Seurat. The use of light and shadow, life-like rendering, and beautifully mixed colors in the background demonstrate his interest in European or modern Japanese art styles, especially Impressionism, Post- impressionism and Symbolism.52 Li was a student of Kuroda Seiki (1866-1924), who had studied in France and Europe for a decade, returned to Japan in the early 1890s, and introduced new styles of oil painting, in particular Impressionism and Symbolism.53

Kuroda visited Hangzhou later to see Li Shutong, and met Li’s students, including Feng

Zikai and possibly Pan Tianshou.54

Like Li Shutong, Pan became an art teacher and began to teach at a primary school in Xiaofeng County (now Anji County), Zhejiang, after graduating in the spring of 1922.

Together with Shen Suizhen, he also held an exhibition, his first, in Yizi Pavilion,

Xiaofeng County. In the summer of 1923, he was appointed as a lecturer in painting practice and theory classes in the department of Chinese painting at the Shanghai Art

52 For more about Impressionism and Post-impressionism, see Linda Nochlin, Impressionism and Post-impressionism, 1874-1904: Sources and Documents (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1966), Patricia Mathews, “Aurier and Van Gogh: Criticism and Response,” The Art Bulletin, Vol. 68, No. 1 (Mar., 1986): 94-104, and Richard Thomson, “Maurice Denis’s ‘Définition du Néo- traditionnisme’ and Anti-Nationalism (1890),” The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 154, No. 1309 (2012): 260-267.

53 Barme, An Artistic Exile, 33 and Lin, “Feng Zikai’s Art and the Kaiming Book Company,” 65. For more about information about Kuroda Seiki, see Hideo Miwa, Kuroda Seiki 黒田清輝 (Tokyo: Shinchosha, 1997), Alice Y. Tseng, “Kuroda Seiki’s “Morning Toilette” on Exhibition in Modern Kyoto,” The Art Bulletin, Vol. 90, No. 3 (Sep., 2008): 417-440, and Kuroda Seiki 黒田清輝, Kuroda Seiki: chi, kan, jo 黒田清輝: 智感情 (Kuroda Seiki: Wisdom, Impression, Sentiment) (Tokyo: Chuo Koron Bijutsu Shuppan, 2002).

54 Barme, An Artistic Exile, 43-44.

Academy.55 The following year, he became a professor at the school, and started writing

Zhongguo huihuashi. During this period, Pan actively participated in a variety of exhibitions and studied ancient paintings, bird-and-flower painting, and landscape painting. Li’s diverse activities inspired Pan understand the current European and

Japanese art worlds and the importance of public exhibitions and publications.56

Chen Shizeng (Chen Hengque, 1876-1923)

Chen Shizeng was born into a scholarly family in Yining, Jiangxi Province in 1876 and attended the Jiangnan Military and Technical School in Nanjing in 1898.57 He then went to Japan, majoring in natural history at Tokyo Higher Normal School until his return to China in 1909.58 After the fall of the Qing dynasty, numerous artworks, including literati paintings, were imported from China, which energized in Japan the development of native bunjinga practice and the growing appreciation of literati painting as the quintessential Oriental art.59 While he studied natural history during his stay in

Japan, but he also seemed to be interested in Chinese painting, in particular of works of

55 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou yanjiu, 566 and Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 9-11.

56 For more detailed information about Li Shutong’s various activities, see Su-Hsing Lin, “Feng Zikai’s Art and the Kaiming Book Company: Art for the People in Early Twentieth Century China” (PhD diss., Ohio State University, 2003), 65-78.

57 Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, A Century in Crisis: Modernity and Tradition in the Art of Twentieth-century China (New York: Guggenheim Museum: Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, 1998), 87.

58 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 35.

59 Aida Yuan Wong, “Literati Painting as the Oriental Modern,” in Wong, Parting the Mists, 57.

Zhu Da (1626-1705) and Shitao (1642-1708). After returned to China, he produced various paintings in the styles of previous masters. Chen’s Lotus indicates his study of

Zhu Da, for whom the lotus was a signature subject.60 Even though the composition between two artists are different, the artistic styles such as the slight, simple veins of the lotus leaves, the effective use of wet ink, and the boneless lotus leaves are similar. Kuiyi

Shen has written that “from 1902 Chen stayed in Japan, where he studied Western art and had an opportunity to see works by the Qing Individualists Zhu Da and Shitao, which inspired him to break free from Qing academicism.”61 While disseminating the modern learning he gleaned in Japan, Chen took the opportunity to informally study Chinese painting, seal carving, and calligraphy with Wu Changshi. At the same time, Chen contributed articles and illustrations about Western art to Pacific Monthly (Taiping yangbao) for which his friend Li Shutong served as an editor.62

After he served in the Ministry of Education in 1914, Chen began to introduce aspects of the Japanese art world to China and encouraged his compatriots to adopt the modernized art education and publication systems in China.63 For instance, he supported

60 Robert Hatfield Ellsworth, Later Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 1800-1950 (New York: Random House, 1987), 93 and Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 116-117.

61 Kuiyi Shen, “Transitional Painting in a Transitional Era, 1900-1950” in Andrews, A Century in Crisis, 87.

62 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 36 and Lin, “Feng Zikai’s Art and the Kaiming Book Company,” 67.

63 Qin Shao, Culturing Modernity: The Nantong Model, 1890-1930 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004), 155. For more about Chen Shizeng’s life and art, see Barme, An Artistic 35 the Sino-Japanese Joint Painting Exhibitions and promoted painting societies in China.

His Viewing Paintings of 1918 depicts a public exhibition that was held in Beijing in

1918 in order to raise funds for flood victims; it is one of the early visualizations of how art could be used for the public, contributing to the lives and welfare of Chinese people

(fig. 4).64 In the painting, we see Chinese men and women of various ages wearing

Western or traditional-style clothing, and even a foreigner in the foreground, all examining Chinese paintings. This work is one of the first to record the public enjoying

Chinese works of art, with emphasis on the attraction of traditional Chinese painting. The piece also suggests, in a casual manner, an intermingling of Western and Asian nationalities and modes of dress in early twentieth-century Beijing. The relaxed feel of the painting’s execution, use of flattened-out forms around the front table, and the application of color are similar to Japanese paintings depicting similar groups of art enthusiasts enjoying painting together. As a kind of historical commemoration, it records the actual exhibition that displayed six or seven hundred paintings on a daily rotation at the Central Park exhibition site.65 Chen’s illustration of a contemporary event is a good example of the beginning of a new role for art in a new society. Before the late nineteenth century, it was not easy for the general public to see original works of art. People were able to see prominent masters’ paintings only from printed manuals or copied pieces in

Exile, 61-67 and Zhu Wanzhang 朱万章, Chen Shizeng 陈师曾 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2003).

64 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 37.

65 Ibid., 37.

36 shops; the originals belonged to wealthy or powerful collectors who did not display them in public. However, Viewing Paintings suggests that in the twentieth century, anyone who loved art could enjoy the original artworks freely.

In the fall of 1921, Omura Seigai met Chen Shizeng when he visited Beijing, and they discovered that they shared many ideas about painting that were not then in the mainstream in either of their countries.66 Their close intellectual relationship may be seen as exemplifying the cross-cultural artistic exchanges between China and Japan in the first decades of the twentieth century. In Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu (Research on

Chinese Literati Painting), edited by Chen in 1922, he included his own essay and translated Omura Seigai’s essay in order to defend literati painting.67 In 1922, a year before Chen Shizeng’s sudden death, Pan Tianshou had a chance to meet the elder art educator in Shanghai. Just as Pan was entering a new phase in his own artistic

66 Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, “The Japanese Impact on the Republican Art World: The Construction of Chinese Art History as a Modern Field,” Twentieth Century China 43.2 (November 2006), 10.

67 Chen Shizeng, Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu, Chen Shizeng, “Wenrenhua zhi jiazhi,” 1a- 32a, Chen Shizeng, “Wenrenhua de jiazhi,” 1-6, Omura Seigai, “Wenrenhua zhi fuxing,” 1a-9b. Omura Seigai also wrote various Chinese art history books. For example, Omura Seigai 大村西崖, Bunjinga no fukko 文人畫の復興 (The Revival of Literati Painting) (Tokyo: Kōgeisha, 1921), Omura Seigai 大村西崖, Shina kaiga shōshi 支那繪畫小史 (A Short History of Chinese Painting) (Tokyo: Shinbi shoin, 1910), Omura Seigai 大村西崖, Tōyō bijutsushi 東洋美術史 (History of East Asian Art) (Tokyo: Bungenso, 1925), Omura Seigai 大村西崖, Zhongguo meishushi 中國美術史 (History of Chinese art), translated by Chen Binhe 陳彬龢 (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1928; 1930; 1934), and Omura Seigai 大村西崖, Zhongguo meishushi 中國美術史 (History of Chinese art), translated by Chen Binhe 陳彬龢 (Beijing: Beijing zhongxian tuofang keji fanzhan youxian gongsi, 2007). For more about cultural exchange between Chen Shizeng and Japan, please see Kuo-Sheng Lai, “Learning New Painting from Japan and Maintaining National Pride in Early Twentieth Century China, with Focus on Chen Shizeng (1876–1923)” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, College Park, 2006), 64-73, 110-124.

37 development and faced the pedagogical need to teach Chinese art history, he was, according to some accounts, personally guided by Chen in studying Chinese art history.

Furthermore, during this time, Pan read various influential writings from Chen on

Chinese painting.68

In his Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu, Chen devised four criteria: “moral character, learning, feelings, and thought,” for literati painting.69 In “The Value of

Literati Painting,” Chen generally deals with the history of literati painting to stress its importance. In the beginning of the essay, Chen writes that the aesthetic lies not in the painters but in the painting itself, suggesting that there is such a thing as a literati aesthetic.70 To be specific, literati painting helps to cultivate the spirit and express the individual’s character, thoughts, and feelings, which viewers will appreciate.71 To Chen, the definition of literati painting is the work not by the scholar class but by anyone who possesses the literati aesthetic. Chen’s suggestion fits well in early twentieth-century

China, since the literati class no longer existed by that point. Moreover, it delivered a new kind of message: anyone can produce literati paintings, if he/she possesses sufficient talent and learning to fulfill the four criteria. His conception of literati painting and enthusiasm for publishing Chinese art-theory books were stimulated by similar concerns

68 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 12.

69 Wong, Parting the Mists, 64-66 and Chen Shizeng, Zhongguo wenrenhua zhi yanjiu, 10.

70 Chen Shizeng, “Wenrenhua zhi jiazhi,” 1.

71 Ibid., 1.

38 about the marginalization of this art form in the Japanese art world, especially as expressed by Omura Seigai (1868-1927). In other words, these kinds of ideas about the importance of teaching Chinese painting history and reevaluating Chinese literati painting seem to have been transmitted to Pan Tianshou through the writings of Omura Seigai and

Chen Shizeng. Pan held fast to literati artistic styles in his artworks and later devoted his art historical efforts to publishing books about literati painters, such as Wang Meng and

Huang Gongwang. Chen Shizeng’s teaching, which emphasized the ethical aspects of literati painting and redefined its social foundations, helped Pan think about how literati painting and traditional Chinese painting could be used in the contemporary art world.

Through Chen Shizeng’s example, Pan was able to see the urgent need for publication of a modern-style Chinese art history textbook.72 Finally, Pan published his first textbook,

Zhongguo huihuashi, in 1926.73

Pan and Chen also shared the same subjects in their paintings. For example, a street beggar in Chen’s album, Beijing Customs of 1914-1915, is depicted in simple ink brushwork and a touch of color (fig. 5). This album appeared in the newspaper and is considered one of China’s first modern cartoons.74 In A Beggar of 1924, Pan depicts a street beggar like that of Chen Shizeng (fig. 6). Although the use of boneless brushwork

72 Chen Shizeng’s own version of such a textbook was published after his death based on his students’ notes. Chen Shizeng 陳師曾, Zhongguo huihuashi 中國繪畫史 (Jinan: Hanmoyuan meishuyuan, 1925). This posthumous manuscript was edited by Yu Jianhua and published in 1925.

73 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi.

74 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 37.

39 is somewhat different from Chen’s, the beggar’s gesture of holding two hands and wandering in the street is quite similar. Chen gave Pan a broad perspective, in particular engaging with the Japanese art world and recognizing the importance of the Chinese painting history textbooks for the newly reformed fine art education system. In seeking to construct both his artistic style and his teaching pedagogy, Pan Tianshou was able to rely on the example of Chen Shizeng.

Wu Changshi (1844-1927)

The development of the art market in Shanghai was stimulated by the influx of foreigners and foreign capital in the late nineteenth century treaty port.75 The economic policy of the Tokugawa shogunate, which was looking for future global commercial ties, encouraged Japanese people to travel to China in the mid-nineteenth century and to engage in trade with China.76 Many Japanese thus traveled to or settled in Shanghai,

75 Kuiyi Shen, “Entering a New Era: Transformation and Innovation in Chinese Painting, 1895- 1930,” in Julia F. Andrews, Between the Thunder and the Rain: Chinese Painting from the Opium War to the Cultural Revolution, 1840-1979 (San Francisco, CA: Asian Art Museum of San Francisco and Echo Rock Ventures, 2000), 98. For more about Shanghai’s environment, see Andrews, “Art and the Cosmopolitan Culture of 1920s Shanghai,” 323-372 and Claudia Brown and Ju-hsi Chou, Transcending Turmoil: Painting at the Close of China’s Empire, 1798-1911 (Phoenix, Ariz.: Phoenix Art Museum, 1992), 110-150.

76 Joshua A. Fogel, The Cultural Dimension of Sino-Japanese Relations; Essays on the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1995), 79. There are various travel writings about China. For more, see Joshua A. Fogel, The Literature of Travel in the Japanese Rediscovery of China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996). Sino-Japanese relations in terms of social networks of the early twentieth century in Shanghai is well studied in Kuiyi Shen, “Wang Yiting in the Social Networks of 1910s-1930s Shanghai,” in Nara Dillon and Jean Chun Oi, At the Crossroads of Empires: Middlemen, Social Networks, and State-building in Republican Shanghai (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2008), 45-64, Walter B. Davis, “Wang Yiting and the Art of Sino-Japanese Exchange,” (PhD diss., The Ohio State University, 2008), and Yu-chih Lai, “Surreptitious Appropriation: Ren Bonian (1840-1895) and Japanese 40 rather than Beijing.77 Joshua A. Fogel has argued that three principle motivations spurred travel to Shanghai: commercial, military, and cultural.78 Japanese tradesmen became the earliest foreign patrons in the art market of Shanghai.79 Some Japanese merchants supported Chinese traditional painters, including, some decades later, Wu Changshi. Wu

Changshi (also read Wu Changshuo, 1844-1927) was born in Anji County, Zhejiang, but he was most active in as an artist in Shanghai. Although young Wu was a Confucian scholar and worked for the Qing government in his early life, he became a professional painter later in Shanghai. He was highly admired by the Japanese.80 For instance, in 1891,

Wu met a famous Japanese calligrapher, Kusakabe Meikaku (1838-1922), while

Kusakabe was traveling in Shanghai and Suzhou. This was the beginning of Wu’s contact

Culture in Shanghai (1842-1895),” (PhD diss., Yale University, 2005).

77 Fogel, The Cultural Dimension of Sino-Japanese Relations, 79.

78 Ibid., 79. Fogel also proposes that Japanese planned to make Shanghai as their important treaty port as the replacement of Nagasaki. For more information about early Japanese migrants to Shanghai, see Joshua A. Fogel, “Prostitutes and Painters: Early Japanese Migrants to Shanghai,” in Rodriguez, Marc S. and Anthony T. Grafton. Migration in History: Human Migration in Comparative Perspective (NY: University of Rochester Press, 2007), 89-111.

79 Kuiyi Shen, “Patronage and the Beginning of a Modern Art World in Late Qing Shanghai,” in Jason C. Kuo, Visual Culture in Shanghai 1850s -1930s (Washington, D.C.: New Academia Pub., 2007), 19. For more about Shanghai’s art world, see Julia F. Andrews, “Art and the Cosmopolitan Culture of 1920s Shanghai: Liu Haisu and the Nude Model Controversy,” Chungguksa Yongu— Journal of Chinese Historical Researches (The Korean Society for Chinese History) 35 (April 2005), 323-372.

80 James Cahill, “Bunjinga Suihen Text,” in James Cahill, Go Shoseki and Sai Hakuseki (Wu Changshi and Qi Baishi) Vol. 10 (Tokyo: Chuokoron-sha, 1977), 33. For more about the arrival of commercialism in Shanghai as a case study of Wu Changshi, art movements in Shanghai, Suzhou and Beijing and cultural exchange with Japan, please see Kuiyi Shen, “Entering a New Era: Transformation and Innovation in Chinese Painting, 1840-1895,” in Andrews, Between the Thunder and the Rain, 97-117. Also, for Japanese love of Wu Changshi’s art, see, Wong, Parting the Mists, 86-87 and Takashimaya Bijutsubu Gojûnen Shi Hensan Iinkai, ed., Takashimaya Bijutsubu gojûnen shi (Osaka: Takashimaya Honsha, 1960), 117.

41 with Japanese artists and patrons.81 He also came into contact with other Japanese, such as Kawai Senro (1871-1945), Tanaka Keitaro (1880-1951), Matsusaki Tsuru (1867-1949) and Tomonaga Kaho.82 Later, Wu’s disciple, Wang Yiting (Wang Zhen, 1867-1938), introduced Wu Changshi to other Japanese, which led to Japanese collectors paying attention to Wu’s artworks.83 Although Wu’s painting style and subject matter can be traced back to the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou of the eighteenth century and Zhu Da and Shitao of the seventeenth century, and they fit Shanghainese taste, in particular that of the new rising merchant class, his reputation was based on the “epigraphic (jinshi)” flavor of his art. Japanese eagerly sought Wu seal carvings, and began to admire Wu’s paintings while staying in Shanghai. For instance, Tanaka Keitaro published a book,

Changshi huacun (Paintings of Changshi) in 1912, and in 1914 Wu’s first solo exhibition was held at the gallery of the Rokusanen Japanese restaurant, which was surrounded by a

Japanese garden.84 Wu also became good friends with Nagao Uzan (1868-1941), who was an editor for the Commercial Press in Shanghai from 1903 to 1914.85 Nagao

81 Kuiyi Shen, “Wu Changshuo: The Last Scholar-Official Painter,” in Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future, 78. The actual name of Wu is “Wu Changshi.” The title of this article, “Wu Changshuo,” is misprinted due to an editorial mistake.

82 Ibid., 79 and Wong, Parting the Mists, 88-89.

83 Walter B. Davis examines Sino-Japanese exchange in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century by focusing on Wang Yiting in Davis, “Wang Yiting and the Art of Sino-Japanese Exchange” (2008) and Walter B. Davis, “Welcoming the Japanese Art World: Wang Yiting’s Social and Artistic Exchanges with Japanese Sinophiles and Artistis” in Fogel, The Role of Japan in Modern Chinese Art, 84-114.

84 Shen, “Wu Changshuo,” 81.

85 Wong, Parting the Mists, 86-87.

42 befriended numerous Chinese artists and scholars, including Wu Changshi, whose art he deeply admired. When Nagao Uzan returned to Japan, Wu gave a painting, Plum

Blossom, as a present in 1914.86 The painting is done in his epigraphic manner, which is the most distinctive characteristic of Wu Changshi’s art. Instead of organizing plum tree trunks and branches in a naturalistic fashion, he painted these elements in various abstract directions to enhance dynamic composition. This painting is a good example of Wu’s close relationship with the Japanese people and a Japanese validation of this style of art.

In 1923, after Zhu Wenyun (1894-1938) introduced Pan Tianshou to Wu Changshi,

Pan learned Wu’s artistic style.87 In the same year, a collaborative portrait, Portrait of Wu

Changshi on His Eightieth Birthday by Pan and Zhu, suggest how close their relationship might have been. Pan’s painting, Flowers in Autumn of 1923 suggests his direct admiration of Wu’s artistic style (fig. 7).88 The production year is just one year after Pan studied under or met Wu Changshi, which supports the assumption that Pan emulated

86 Shen, “Wu Changshuo,” 81 and Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 21.

87 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 9-11 and Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 42-44. Wu Changshi wrote two poems for Pan Tianshou. For more about Wu Changshi’s life, see Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future, 20-23. For more information about Zhu Wenyun’s art and life, please see Zhu Wenyun 诸闻韵, Zhu Wenyun zuopin 诸闻韵作品 (Xi’an: Shanxi renmin meishu chubanshe, 1999).

88 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 24, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 11. For more Pan’s paintings, see, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 2 Vols (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004) and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集(Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1991), Chiu, Art and China’s Revolution, 75-83, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou meishu wenji 潘天寿美术文集 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe: Xinhua shudian Beijing faxing suofa xing, 1983) and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huayu 潘天寿画语 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1997).

Wu’s manner. According to Pan Gongkai, Pan Tianshou followed Wu’s artistic style from 1923 to 1928, and Flowers in Autumn is one example of Pan’s applications of Wu’s artistic vocabulary.89

Wu’s Wild Roses and Loquats of 1920 depicts roses, rocks, and loquats (fig. 8).

The wild roses are located diagonally on the bottom; next to the flowers, two rocks create a sense of volume and enhance the diagonal, vertical composition. The two rocks are in both a diagonal and vertical relationship to each other. The stalks and branches of loquats enhance the verticality, and simultaneously, the roses that appear from the bottom to two- thirds up the scroll, whose branches create a diagonal. The branches and stalks of the roses and loquats with angular rocks display Wu’s epigraphic manner. Although the subject of Pan’s painting Flowers in Autumn, chrysanthemums and rocks, is somewhat different than Wu’s, Pan’s composition of crossing diagonal and vertical lines and calligraphic manner show an awareness of Wu’s artistic style. Wu’s other work,

Chrysanthemums, dated 1924, exemplifies their almost identical stylistic qualities (fig. 9).

The execution date is one year later than when Pan painted his Flowers in Autumn, but it is really possible that Pan saw Wu’s flower paintings when he spent time with Wu.

Three artists—Li Shutong, Chen Shizeng and Wu Changshi—were people who deeply inspired Pan Tianshou’s life and art.90 His engagement with the three teachers also

89 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji 潘天寿书画集, Vol. 2 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), 15.

44 gave Pan certain insights into the Japanese art world, albeit indirectly. Pan began to perceive the necessity of a new art form in Chinese painting for the present art world.

2. Publishing a Textbook

The cross-cultural relationship between China and Japan has a long history. The two countries have shared religion, philosophy and culture going back at least a millennium. From our perspective, sharing artistic styles is one of the most important cultural activities between two countries. Many art history scholars continued to assume that China had the greater influence on Japan, but overlooked a phenomenon already well-recognized in Chinese literature and history; namely, cultural exchange in the opposite direction. Not only was did modern Japan have a strong impact on Chinese literature and views of history, but also on art. Recently, however, some scholars of

Chinese art have raised this new issue— the impact of Japan on Chinese art and literature and views of history—and have expanded it as a scholarly field. Inspired by their deep and careful research, this study will be a case study, focusing on Pan Tianshou.91 With regard to the Japanese influence on the Chinese understandings and conceptualizations of their painting history, there is a parallel in the literary sphere. The first histories of

90 For more about the adaptation of Western artistic style through Japan, see Ralph C. Croizier, Art and Revolution in Modern China: The Lingnan (Cantonese) School of Painting, 1906-1951 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).

91 Among them, Joshua A. Fogel, Ralph Croizer, Aida-Yuan Wong, Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen are major scholars in Sino-Japanese relations.

Chinese fiction/drama and literature in a modern format were written by Japanese.92 Like these publications, a number of Japanese sinologists had published many Western-style textbooks on Chinese history. This Japanese trend in Chinese historiography seemed to be transmitted to the emerging literary historiography in China.93 Milena Dolezelova-

Velingerova says:

In China, this utilitarian and pragmatic approach toward the making of literary history was facilitated by cultural and political circumstances. The traditional concept of literature as a medium of moral guidance remained deeply ingrained in Chinese culture well into the twentieth century. And the timing of the rise of Chinese literary historiography coincided with the period of China’s bitter wars and conflicts with the West and Japan . . . Consequently, the widened concept of historical research and writing promoted Chinese national consciousness. Although historians initially attempted to redefine Chinese history from the perspective of world history, in the wake of the bitter conflicts with the West they gradually shifted their interest toward a search for “spirit” in Chinese history from a national point of view.94

92 Sasagawa Rinpu, Shina shosetsu gikyoku shoshi 支那小說戯曲小史 (Tokyo: Tokado, 1897), and Sasagawa Rinpu, Shina bungakushi 支那文學史 (Tokyo: Hakubunkan, 1898). Sasagawa should be first, in the Asian way.

93 Milena Dolezelova-Velingerova, “Literary Historiography in Early Twentieth-Century China (1904-1928): Constructions of Cultural Memory,” in Milena Dolezelova-Velingerova, Oldrich Kral, and Graham Martin Sanders, The Appropriation of Cultural Capital: China’s May Fourth Project (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia Center, 2001), 127.

94 Ibid., 125-127.

The “evolutionary” view of literary development was important to the idea of a national formation. This idea is spread to the Chinese art world and during the 1920s, approximately nine Chinese painting history books were published in China.95

Among them, one of earliest was Pan Tianshou’s Zhongguo huihuashi, which appeared in 1926, when Pan taught at the Shanghai Art Academy. The Academy offered one of the first courses on the history of Chinese painting in the European-oriented art education system.96 The school had two courses on Chinese painting, “Guohua yuanliu

(The Origin of Chinese Painting)” and “Guohua shixi (Practice of Chinese Painting),” which might be one of the courses that Pan Tianshou taught in 1923.97 As Pan acknowledged in the preface, the book was largely indebted to a Japanese book, Shina kaigashi, written by Nakamura Fusetsu (1866-1943) and Oga Seiun, the first book-length history of Chinese painting produced in modern Japan.98 This book clearly shows the direct influence of Japanese publication on the Chinese art world. Pan clearly indicated that when he taught the history of Chinese painting from 1923 at the Shanghai Art

Academy, no one had systematically studied Chinese painting history and nothing was available for teaching. Because of that, he took it as his responsibility to write the

95 Wong, Parting the Mists, 41-42.

96 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji, 244 and Wong, Parting the Mists, 41-42.

97 Liu Haisu meishuguan 刘海粟美术馆, Buxi de biandong 不息的变动 (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2012), 147. On that page, there is a table of “Guohua kexue shijianbiao (The Schedule of Study on Chinese Painting).”

98 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi, 3, and Nakamura Fusetsu 中村不折 and Oga (Kojika) Seiun 小鹿青雲, Shina kaigashi 支那繪畫史 (Tokyo: Genkosha, 1913).

47 textbook.99 Pan Tianshou also mentioned two people in his preface. First, he thanked Wu

Changshi for his guidance, and then he acknowledged the efforts of a former Beijing Fine

Arts Academy student, Yu Jianhua, to collect Chen Shizeng’s lecture notes and provide them to Pan.100

Nakamura Fusetsu was born in Tokyo in 1866, and studied both Western-style and

Chinese-style painting.101 He also had lived in Europe and frequently visited China in search of rare stele inscriptions, which allowed him to open a museum of calligraphy

(Shodo Hakubutsukan) in Tokyo.102 Nakamura noted that due to the scarcity of Japanese scholarship on Chinese painting, he wrote the book, Shina kaigashi; it is one of the first book-length studies of the general history of Chinese painting produced in Japan.103 His book examines numerous paintings including those of Ma Yuan, Xia Gui, and Zhao

Mengfu that were collected by the Japanese.104 When he taught, Chen Shizeng frequently

99 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi, 2.

100 Ibid., 3.

101 For more about Nakamura’s Western-style oil painting, see Ellen P. Conant, Nihonga: Transcending the Past: Japanese Style Painting, 1868-1968 (Saint Louis: Saint Louis Art Museum, 1995), 47.

102 Paul Berry and Michiyo Morioka, Literati Modern: Bunjinga from Late Edo to Twentieth- Century Japan, the Terry Welch Collection at the Honolulu Academy of Arts (Honolulu: Honolulu Academy of Arts, 2008), 144.

103 Nakamura Fusetsu, Shina kaigashi, and Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi, 3. For more about Nakamura Fusetsu’s life and art, see Nakamura Fusetsu 中村不折, Fusetsu gashu 不折画集 (Tokyo: Taiheiyo Bijutsu Gakko, 1940).

104 Nakamura Fusetsu, Shina kaigashi, 207-265, and Wong, Parting the Mists, 45-46. Nakamura Fusetsu was also deeply interested in Chinese calligraphy and his love of Chinese calligraphy is well investigated by Aida Yuen Wong, “Reforming Calligraphy in Modern Japan: The Six 48 used Nakamura’s book for his lectures at the Beijing Fine Arts Academy.105 It is quite possible that Pan Tianshou learned the merits of this text through Chen’s introduction as

Pan sought to develop material for his art history course.

Pan’s book, Zhongguo huihuashi, is almost identical in structure to Nakamura’s book (Table). As we can see in the Table, Pan adopted the basic periodization and structure of Shina kaigashi.106 Part I of the two books are completely identical and the only exception is that Pan extracted Sui dynasty painting as chapter four that was originally in the subsection of the chapter three in Nakamura’s book. The structure of

Part II in both books is very similar; chapter one (Tang painting and its subsections) has exactly the same divisions, and in chapter two deals with Five Dynasties painting, Pan divided this chapter into three subsections but Nakamura’s does not have any subsections.

However, chapter three, on Song dynasty painting, and chapter four, on Yuan dynasty painting, are indistinguishable. Part III of the two books that treats Ming and Qing dynasty painting has the exact same structure. However, Nakamura’s book has twenty- nine illustrations and Pan’s has thirty-four figures. Although Pan followed the content and structure of Nakamura’s book, he only copied eight illustrations—Nakamura’s figure

Dynasties School and Nakamura Fusetsu’s Chinese “Stele” Style,” in Fogel, The Role of Japan in Modern Chinese Art, 131-153. For more general sense of Japanese calligraphy during the nineteenth and twentieth century, please see Stephen Addiss, “Japanese Calligraphy since 1868,” in J. Thomas Rimer, Since Meiji: Perspectives on the Japanese Visual Arts, 1868-2000, translated by Toshiko McCallum (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2012), 445-470.

105 Wong, Parting the Mists, 46.

106 Julia Andrews and Kuiyi Shen well compare two books in Andrews, “The Japanese Impact on the Republican Art World,” 19-23.

1 (Flying Deity, Early Zhou Dynasty), 2 (Flying Deity, Middle Zhou Dynasty), 4 (Tomb

Stele, Han Dynasty), 5 (Stone Carving, Han Dynasty), 7 (Stone Carving, Northern Wei

Dynasty), 8 (Cave Painting, Tang Dynasty), 13 (Arhat Painting, Five Dynasties) and 21

(Xia Gui’s Landscape Painting, Song Dynasty) as his figure 1, 5, 6, 8, 13, 12, 20 and

24—among thirty-four images. Thus, Pan’s work emulates many parts of the form, content, and substance of Nakamura’s Shina kaigashi except some illustrations and contents.

Most scholars have disregarded this book, probably because of Pan’s direct copy of the Japanese source. Pan was criticized in print by Yu Shaosong for plagiarism.107 Under a tight deadline, Pan needed a suitable textbook for his class, and because of that he used this essentially translated book. Pan’s mistake was that he did not properly credit

Nakamura as the author and himself as the translator but instead credited himself as the author. 108 Because of his heavy dependence on Nakamura’s book—essentially plagiarism, Pan’s book is considered unimportant or is intentionally disregarded.

However, its rush to publication illuminates another important aspect. The fact that the book was rushed to print lets us see the underdeveloped environment of Chinese art education and the absence of resources with which to teach students during that time. His

107 Yu Shaosong 余绍宋, Shuhua shulu jieti 书画书录解题 (Beijing: Guoli Beiping tushuguan, 1932), 313-316.

108 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi, 3, Pan Tianshou’s book is reprinted through years from 1936. For example, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史 (Shanghai: Shanghai Commercial Press, 1936), Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1983), and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史 (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshe, 2013).

50 emulation of Namakura’s book also tells us how Pan knew the current artistic environment during the 1910s and 1920s. Nakamura Fusetsu was a friend of Kang

Youwei (1858-1927), who was a significant political thinker and art reformer of the late

Qing dynasty. According to Cheng-hua Wang, “Nakamura’s book on the history of

Chinese painting in which he expressed in similar aesthetic judgments to those of Kang, such as the high achievement achievement of Song painting, the transnational role of

Yuan painting, and the degeneration of landscape painting in the Qing dynasty, and although the notion of national spirit was not prominent in Nakamura’s book, these shared opinions testify to the significant and increasingly common interactions between

China and Japan in the early twentieth century and their profound effects.”109 As I have mentioned, Chen Shizeng himself also used Nakamura’s book when he taught students at college. Another Chinese artist, Xu Beihong (1895-1953) met a French-trained oil painting professor Nakamura Fusetsu in Tokyo in 1917.110 These indicate the popularity of Nakamura Fusetsu in China. Thus, Pan was not the only person who absorbed artistic ideas and writings of Nakamura Fusetsu. Pan’s book suggests his direct transmission from the Japanese art world in the early twentieth century.

109 Cheng-hua Wang, “Rediscovering Song Painting for the Nation: Artistic Discursive Practices in Early Twentieth-century China,” Artibus Asiae, Vol. 71 No. 2 (2011), 232.

110 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 39.

Probing the Past

Because Pan Tianshou was born in a small rural town, he received a traditional education. Later, he attended a modern school, the Zhejiang First Normal School in

Hangzhou, after which he focused on studying art. Young Pan especially loved the styles of Xu Wei, Shitao, Zhu Da, and Kuncan, who were recognized by their distinctive artistic vocabulary. His devotion to study artistic styles from each of these past masters allowed him to preserve a traditional artistic vocabulary through his life. At the same time, after he began to work at art schools, Pan had the opportunity to meet famous contemporary artists and colleagues in Shanghai, one of the cultural meccas of that time.

1. Before Opening the Door

There are no extant examples of the works Pan created before entering the

Zhejiang First Normal School in Hangzhou. However, some biographical information about Pan tells us that how he was exposed to the traditional Confucian education system.

Villagers in Guanzhuang village lived their daily lives in traditional ways into the late nineteenth century. His father, Pan Bingshang, who had passed the preliminary imperial examination, was the best calligrapher in the county.111 Pan began studying the

111 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou hualun, 1.

Confucian classics in an old-style private school in 1905 and showed a love for writing and painting from a young age. He copied illustrations from novels and studied paintings and writings.

From autumn of 1915, Pan attended the Zhejiang First Normal School in Hangzhou where he met the influential teachers who inspired him to absorb artistic and cultural characteristics of East and West.112 Pan did not directly follow Li Shutong’s teaching about European painting style, but he greatly admired Li’s artistic creations.113 Li

Shutong wrote a short poem for Pan Tianshou before Li became a Buddhist monk in

1918. The poem reads:

In learning from the ancients, one should not follow one specific person. Nor should one be restricted by only one principle; When you are too similar to the ancients Where can you find yourself?114

This poem illustrates the depth of Li Shutong’s respect for ancient Chinese artworks, his

112 During his college years in Hangzhou, Pan made a close acquaintance with a modern writer, Roushi. Pan painted Cold Crow in the Sparse Forest for his friend Roushi in 1920. Thus, their relationship seems to indicate Pan’s possible contact with Chinese modern literature. For more information about Roushi, see Roushi 柔石, Roushi: Hong Lingfei juan 柔石. 洪灵菲卷, edited by Zhang Yesong (Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 2010), Roushi 柔石, Roushi xuanji 柔石选集 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958), and Wang Aicun 王艾村, Roushi pingzhuan 柔石评传 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2002). In particular, the close relationship between Roushi and Pan Tianshou is shown in Wang Aicun 王艾村, Roushi pingzhuan 柔石评传 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2002), 29.

113 Wen C. Fong, Between Two Cultures: Late Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Chinese Paintings from the Robert H. Ellsworth Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New Haven: Yale University Press [distributor], 2001), 214.

114 Lang Shaojin, Wu Changshi Qi Baishi Huang Binhong Pan Tianshou si dajia yanjiu, 17 and Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 28.

53 insistence on originality, and his feelings for his student, Pan Tianshou. Under such a good teacher, Pan became aware of the both the importance of developing an individual artistic style and something of the emerging styles of modern art. Li’s contact with Pan was relatively brief, but his impact on Pan’s art and life during the three years of his mentorship was tremendous. Pan’s painting, Old Monk, dated 1922, reflects Li Shutong’s influence (fig. 10).115 A bald monk sits with his back to the viewer, and on his left, there is an incense burner. Although the burner is located in front of him, his gaze is not directed at it. Instead, his wide-open left eye seems to express a sense of meditation. The meditating Chan (Zen) monk is rendered in quick, skilled bold brushstrokes and emphasizes the significance of spontaneity in Chan Buddhism.

Li’s impact on Pan Tianshou’s life is also well represented in a couplet written by

Li Shutong in 1913. Li’s original couplet hung in Pan’s old residence during his lifetime, and now a copy of this calligraphy by Pan, executed in 1931, is hung in the Pan Tianshou

Memorial Hall. This indicates how much Pan admired Li as a teacher and as a Buddhist

(fig. 11). It also shows his connection to Li, both in owning the original and in the respect that led him to copy it later. Li’s calligraphic piece proclaims his belief that ascetic practices are the supreme discipline of Bodhi, and Buddhism is the light of all wisdom.

This calligraphy by Li Shutong is a good example to show Li’s excellent classical education and his talent in calligraphy and seal engraving, knowledge he apparently

115 Fusheng Lu, “Huang Binhong and Pan Tianshou,” in Danzker, Jo-Anne Birnie and Ken Lum, and Zheng Shengtian, Shanghai Modern, 1919-1945 (Ostfilderm-Ruit: Hatje Cantz, 2004), 128- 129, and Pan Gongkai, “Pan Tianshou: Master of Chinese Ink painting,” in Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future, 345.

54 absorbed in the course of his early education, before he undertook his academic specialty of Western painting in Tokyo (fig. 12).116 The couplet displays the influence of the epigraphic and the Northern Wei stele style, which were particularly fashionable among certain intellectuals in the Shanghai-Zhejiang region in the late Qing dynasty. Li actually published an anthology of his seal carvings; Li Lu yinpu (Seal Manual of Li Lu), in 1900 and four years later, just before he went to Japan, joined the Xiling Seal Engraving

Society (Xiling yinshe) where he became acquainted with the literati artist, Wu

Changshi.117 Thus, these two couplets display Li’s deep devotion to Buddhism, his erudition in the use of calligraphy, their transmission to Pan, and Pan’s deep admiration for his teacher, Li Shutong.

2. Studying Past Masters’ Styles

It is very hard to define Pan’s typical artistic style of the 1910s and 1920s because relatively few of his early works survive. Evidence suggests, however, that as a young man he focused on mastering artistic styles of certain past masters as well as emulating certain practices of contemporaries he admired, including his teachers. It would not be until several decades later, in the 1940s, that he achieved his unique artistic style. The use

116 For more about Li Shutong’s life and art, look at Lin Ziqing 林子青, Hongyi dashi xinpu 弘一大师新谱 (Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1993) and Tianjinshi zhengxie wenshiziliao yanjiu weiyuanhui 天津市政协文史资料研究委员会, Li Shutong-Hongyifashi 李叔同 – 弘一法师 (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1998).

117 Lin, “Feng Zikai’s Art and the Kaiming Book Company,” 69.

55 of a boneless manner in the leaves and fruits represents his study of the artistic styles of the seventeenth-century individualists including Zhu Da, although a closer source was that of the admired contemporary master, Wu Changshi.

One of the most frequent subjects in Pan’s works is the lotus, which has resonance both in terms of Pan’s chosen historical lineage from the seventeenth century to the present day and in terms of subject matter. First, the subject indicates his study of artistic styles of certain prominent masters, because the lotus is favored by such innovative artists as including Xu Wei, Zhu Da, and Wu Changshi. Lotus and Crab is an example of Xu

Wei’s spontaneity in his free use of various black ink tones, and simple outlines of lotus stems (fig. 14). Pan produced numerous lotus paintings during his lifetime. Lotus of 1923 is one of his first extant lotus paintings (fig. 15). Like Xu, Pan paints his lotus with loose ink in varied tonalities that depict the frontal and side views of the lotus leaves. The veins on each leaf are painted in darker ink than the leaves themselves, and the contours of lotus leaves are described without outlines. Also, the diagonal arc of Pan’s bold central lotus stalk, which is executed in pale boneless wash with darker ink dots, resembles those of Xu Wei. The two works share an exciting wildness.

Zhu Da, who Pan greatly admired and who was famous for bird-and-flower paintings, produced numerous lotus works throughout his life. Among them, Lotus after

Xu Wei from 1692-94 makes explicit an artistic lineage passing from Xu Wei to Zhu Da

(fig. 16). As in Xu’s lotus, Zhu used different tones of ink in lotus leaves and lotus stems with dots in the boneless manner, but his overall composition of lotus leaves and lotus

56 stalks is much calmer Xu’s. Although Zhu loved Xu’s artistic vocabulary, Zhu created his own unique expressions such as the use of simplified lotus flowers, layered brushwork, and more dynamic shapes of lotus stalks and leaves. In style, the lotus of Pan combines artistic characteristics of the two artists. Moreover, as I have mentioned in the previous section, in the spring 1922, when Pan started teaching at the Shanghai Art Academy, his friend, Zhu Wenyun introduced Pan to Wu Changshi.118 Wu particularly excelled at lotus paintings, and it appears that Pan was further inspired to experiment with this subject after meeting the elder master.

Second, the lotus painting shows Pan Tianshou’s deep devotion to Buddhism. A symbol of purity, the lotus is highly regarded in Buddhism. Inspired by the example of Li

Shutong, Pan was eager to become a monk when he was still young. Paintings of lotus, monks, and Bodhidharma suggest the durability of interest in Buddhism. He produced

Old Monk of 1922 and Bodhidharma in 1924. In the former, a monk, wearing a thick robe, is meditating in front of a lamp (fig. 10). Although the monk’s face is depicted in a somewhat realistic way, the brushwork of his robe is described in various ink tones and densities, which reveal Pan’s interest in the spontaneity that is an important concept in

Chan Buddhism. In addition, his depiction of smoke from the lamp with a few dry brushstrokes makes the smoke appear as if it is actually moving. Bodhidharma of 1924 also illustrates a similar subject, a meditating Bodhidharma (fig. 17). The inscription on the right mentions a wide river that has strong waves, although the painting itself does not

118 Pan Tianshou, Moyun guofeng, 166.

57 depict it. The subject of Bodhidharma crossing the river on a reed was frequently portrayed during the Song and Yuan dynasties.119 Based on the inscription, we can assume that this Bodhidharma is meditating while looking at a river that might be located to the left, in the direction the figure is facing. The overall composition of the figure is simple, but the contrast of thin black outlines and thick brushstrokes in Bodhidharma’s roughly rendered red robe and black cushion shows Pan’s clever execution of the painting surface. Thus, the lotus and other Buddhist subjects begin to become favored themes in his art and demonstrate his deep interest in Chan Buddhism.

Another favorite genre for Pan in his early career was the landscape. White Clouds in the Mountains of 1928 shows his interest in traditional landscape painting (fig. 18).

The painting shows trees and rough rocks in the foreground, a riverside pavilion where three gentlemen are chatting, fully-grown autumnal trees on huge rocks in the middle, and towering mountaintops and flowing clouds in the background. Pan mostly used simple outlines and dots when he painted trees, but the rocks and hills are expressed in more complex, wavy brushwork. The density of each line makes the painting rich. The contrast between black ink tones for objects and white surfaces for the river and clouds creates a perfect balance. His use of various brushstrokes, such as wavy lines for clouds, straight lines for the river, and dots in the trees and rocks, exhibits Pan’s innovation within contemporary Chinese art. The inscription is comprised of a poem by Pan, the date, his penname, and his seal. The inscription refers to several things. First, Pan describes the

119 Chu-tsing Li, “Bodhidharma Crossing the Yangtze River on a Reed: A Painting in the Charles A. Drenowatz Collection in Zurich,” Verlag Francke A. G (1971), 50-55.

58 autumnal scenery in a mountain with three gentlemen enjoying the view from a waterside pavilion, which is one of the idealized activities for scholars seen in paintings going back to the Ming dynasty. Second, Pan records the date as early summer. This means that the autumn scene in the painting might be an imagined one. The poem in his inscription describes the white clouds as flowing around the tops of the mountain and the cold weather near a waterside pavilion. Obviously, the inscription has two clear functions: one is that viewers of the painting can understand the scene even better after reading the poem since it helps them compare between the painting and the poem. That is to say, the painting and poetry complement each other. The inscription helps viewers understand the scene Pan has created by permitting them to compare the visual and verbal imagery.

Third, we can see the influence of many artistic styles of past masters from this landscape painting. For example, Pan’s work reminds us of the painting of Wang Meng.

Wang Meng (1308-1385), born in Wuxing, Zhejiang, was a Chinese painter during the Yuan dynasty, who is considered one of the Four Masters of the Yuan dynasty along with Wu Zhen, Ni Zan, and Huang Gongwang. Dwelling in the Qingbian Mountains of

1366 is a good example to show Wang’s mature style, such as highly powerful execution of mountains and tress with thick black ink brushstrokes (fig. 19). Pan’s admiration for

Wang Meng continued until his later career. First, his 1958 book, Huang Gongwang yu

Wang Meng (Huang Gongwang and Wang Meng) indicates his love for this master, which I will discuss in the final chapter.120 Second, the composition of two works, Pan’s

120 Pan Tianshou, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng.

White Clouds in the Mountains and Wang’s Dwelling in the Qingbian Mountains, is quite similar. The front big trees and rocks occupy the half of the screen, and these elements are distributed in a diagonal line from left to right. Next to the dense smaller trees and hills, using heavy brushstrokes, the top peak that inclines gently to the left, and the smallest trees shows Pan’s attempt to emulate the powerful composition like that of

Wang Meng. Although Pan did not refer in the inscription to direct influence from Wang

Meng, the overall composition and brushwork suggest such inspiration.

One of Pan’s interests was the “four gracious plants”—plum, orchid, chrysanthemum, and bamboo (mei lan ju zhu, also called the “four gentlemen”). Young

Pan studied the Confucian classics and because of that, he absorbed literati interests, including poetry, painting and calligraphy. These subjects began to be favored by literati scholars from the Northern Song dynasty and flourished during the Ming dynasty.121

According to Maggie Bickford, literati scholars (also called scholar amateurs) adapted theory and practice to their particular values and experience, creating an art of their own with its own techniques, its own aesthetic, and its own criteria of excellence.122 Plum blossoms are the first flowers to bloom after winter. Orchids bloom even in deep mountains with an elegant appearance and subtle fragrance in summer. Chrysanthemums

121 For more about the definition of literati painting, see Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting: Su Shi (1037-1101) to Dong Qichang (1555-1636) (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), 1-4. This book provides various ways of definitions, including those of Teng Gu and James Cahill.

122 Maggie Bickford, Ink Plum: The Making of a Chinese Scholar-painting Genre (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 101.

60 overcome the severe frost in late autumn. Bamboo stays green in the middle of the cold winter. These four plants are symbols of the unwavering loyalty and integrity of

Confucian scholars. Additionally, the four gracious plants can be painted in a concise form, using ink on paper, which is easy to handle compared to other materials. Because of this, literati scholars frequently combined these plants with their poetry and calligraphy, and tried to represent their steadfast character through these plants.123

Fragrant Orchids in a Deep Valley of 1928 depicts spring orchids in the mountains

(fig. 20). His use of light irregular gray dots creates a stable ground of boulders from which grow the much darker gray brushstrokes that render the orchids’ leaves and flowers. By mixing wet and dry brushwork, Pan enriched the composition, as did the eighteenth century Yangzhou painter Zheng Xie (1693-1765). He painted the leaves with quick dry brushstrokes and flowers with wet ink, suggesting a gentle recession by treating the foreground orchids with much darker brushwork than that used for the middle and of the background. The inscription, located at the top of the painting, evokes colors and textures not visible in the ink: fragrant purple flowers in a deep valley and green moss on the trees in spring. Pan also brought classical references into the text, displaying his historical knowledge, referring to a depiction of the past peaceful country village during the Warring States period (300-221 BC). In short, when the viewers look at the painting itself, they only may see only the many lush orchids painted on its surface, but the poem

123 Deng Bai explains well about Pan Tianshou’s interest in literati painting in his book, Deng Bai 邓白, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan 潘天寿评传 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 1988), 62-79.

61 in the inscription helps viewers imagine realms of an ancient world beyond the boundaries of the painting. In addition, it is further evidence of how young Pan understood the complementary role between painting and poetry and the ways such traditionally-oriented Chinese paintings refer to more more beyond the simple representational components. These multi-layered levels of communication were deployed by an artist working in the literati mode.

The subject of bamboo is an even more popular theme in Chinese painting, and especially appeals to literati painters as a symbol of personal integrity. Young Pan made a number of bamboo paintings, including Red Bamboo and Bamboo in the Wind, both from

1928. In the former, oddly-shaped rocks appear in the upper part of the painting and slightly simplified leaves and stems of bamboo trees stand behind them (fig. 21). The contrast between heavy wet black rocks and lightly touched dry red bamboo suggests a special recession on the two-dimensional surface, but ironically, the inscription, located in the center, almost completely negates it by revealing the paper’s flatness. This perspectival ambiguity may have been inspired by the characteristic style of the seventeenth century-individualist, Zhu Da (1626-1705). Zhu used only simple elements, a cliff, a rock and two birds in his Mynah Birds and Rocks of 1690, but the painting’s composition suggests divergent spaces (fig. 22), which will be discussed in the final chapter. That is to say, the rock at the bottom appears to be floating in the air and the cliff hanging from nothing. This arbitrary arrangement is one of Zhu Da’s trademarks and it

62 was a favorite of many later painters he inspired, including Pan Tianshou.124

3. Contemporary Chinese Art World

With the ferment of the New Culture Movement of the late 1910s and 1920s, some of the most thoughtful artists began thinking about innovation as more than a personal pursuit, and instead began associating it with the survival of their preferred form of art, or even with the survival of their nation and its culture. Among them, the elder Huang

Binhong and the contemporary Xu Beihong might have set an example for Pan Tianshou of how Chinese artists might formulate their concerns and artistic efforts to improve the future of China. Huang Binhong (1865-1955) was born in Jinhua, Zhejiang Province, on

January 27, 1865. In his early years, Huang learned the importance of the relationship between painting and calligraphy, artistic techniques of landscape and bird-and-flower paintings, and some significant principles of paintings, which inspired his later theoretical breakthroughs in reconstructing Chinese painting.125 He published numerous writings and paintings through various journals and magazines. If we focus on his publications of the

1920s, including, “A Brief Discussion on Some Examples of Ancient Paintings” (Jian

124 Nakamura Fusetsu very briefly mentioned about Zhu Da (Bada Shanren), when he explained general artistic styles. Thus, it is hard to say that Nakamura inspired Pan to be interested in artistic styles of the seventeenth century Individualists. Moreover, Nakamura is more interested in Song dynasty painting like Okamura Tenshin. For more about Zhu Da (Bada Shanren), see Nakamura Fusetsu, Shina kaigashi, 192, 205.

125 Zaixin Hong, “The Excellent Painter of the Chinese People: Huang Binhong and Contemporary Art Movements,” in Yang, Tracing the Past, 231.

63 guminghua lunlüe) in 1925 and “A Brief Discussion on Some Examples of Ancient

Paintings (IV)—Painters and Groups of Past Dynasties” (Jian guminghua lunlüe (si)— lidai huajia zhi paibie), we can see how persuasively he sought to convey the depth of his own admiration for premodern Chinese painting to his readers.126

Huang Binhong confidently predicted the positive, “recent transcultural trends across the Eurasian continent enabled people to know the heritage of Tang-Song China, explore its legacy, uncover its secrets, and appreciate its extraordinary art, and a promising result can be expected in the near future.”127 He thought that Chinese painting, both of the past and the present, could express both a personal identity and a nascent national spirit with a political dimension.128 In 1928, he had acquired an album, Eight

Views of Tandu, that was painted by his ancestor Huang Lü in the early 1700s. Claire

Roberts suggests that this album is a fine example of his use of historical collections to access personal and collective past, and the album is particularly significant for Huang

Binhong who was exploring and locating his identity in his homeland and the cultural

126 Huang Binhong 黃賓虹, “Jian guminghua lunlüe 鉴古名画论略 (A Brief Discussion on Some Examples of Ancient Paintings),” Dongfang zazhi 东方杂志, No. 22, Vol. 3 (1925), 100-104 and Huang Binhong 黃賓虹, “Jian guminghua lunlüe (si)—lidai huajia zhipaibie 鑑古名画论略(四)- 历代画家之派别 (A Brief Discussion on Some Examples of Ancient Paintings (IV)—Painters and Groups of Past Dynasties),” Dongfang zazhi 东方杂志, No. 23, Vol. 4 (1926), 83-98. These are good examples of Huang’s theoretical writing during the 1920s.

127 Hong, “The Excellent Painter of the Chinese People,” 232.

128 Claire Roberts, “Metal and Stone, Brush and Ink: Word as Source in the Art of Huang Binhong,” PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies, Vol. 9, No. 3 (November, 2012), 7.

64 world of his forebears during an extended period of cultural and political turmoil.129 The next year, he published an essay in the Journal of the Society for the Study of Chinese

Painting in Guangdong province. He mentioned that a number of Chinese artists started to give up Westernization and turned their attention to the traditional Chinese painting.

Huang said:

I have noticed that in Europe and America, many people interested in the fine arts often speak highly of the arts of the East. In particular, they have sought out and collected ancient Chinese paintings and treasure them. They often published studies of these paintings and exhibited them in public and have been able to educate and change people’s perception. As a result, those people [in China] who were once infatuated with Westernization began to talk about national learning. What was once denigrated without restraint is now being praised mindlessly. I would say that it is not right to attack [traditional Chinese painting] and that it is also not right to synthesize [traditional Chinese painting and Western painting]. I would also say that it is not right to denigrate [traditional Chinese painting] and that it is also not right to praise mindlessly [traditional Chinese painting].130

Thereafter, he seriously considered the future path of traditional Chinese painting.

Xu Beihong (1895-1953), born in Yixing, Jiangsu Province, by contrast, eventually developed a personal style based on synthesis of Chinese and Western art. After he studied Western oil painting, while visiting various places, including France, Germany,

Belgium, and Italy, Xu promoted the practice of Western art and the rediscovered Song

129 Ibid., 7-8.

130 Jason C. Kuo, Transforming Traditions in Modern Chinese Painting: Huang Pin-hung’s Late Work (New York: Peter Lang, 2004), 30. The original text was in Huang Binhong, “Chungguo huaxuetan,” in Guohua yanjiuhui tekan 国画研究会特刊 (Canton, 1929), 41-42.

65 dynasty painting.131 When he spent six months in Japan in 1917, he may have been influenced by the prominent drawing and oil paintings of such artists, such as the French- trained oil painter, Nakamura Fusetsu.132 In 1918, Xu gave a lecture at the Institute for

Exhibiting Antiquities, which was holding an exhibition of Chinese paintings and calligraphic works dating from the tenth to the eighteenth century. After Xu proposed that art embodied the national spirit and civilization and had became crucial to Chinese culture, he advocated that Song painting be the model for the future.133 Cheng-hua Wang mentions Xu’s 1918 lecture as an exemplar of an early twentieth century intellectual trend she identifies “as possessing a keen global perspective, one in which Song painting was rediscovered and reused for a specific agenda: how to represent China in the modern world.”134 As an art educator and painter, young Xu Beihong began to publish his writings about art education and his recent painting through daily newspapers.135 After he returned to China in 1927 Xu gradually returned to the practice of Chinese painting.136

131 Yang, “A History of Twentieth-Century Chinese Ink Painting,” 18.

132 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 39.

133 Wang, “Rediscovering Song Painting for the Nation,” 222.

134 Ibid., 222.

135 Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Duiyu yishujiaoyu zhi yijian 对于艺术教育之意见 (Opinions about Art Education),” Chenbao fukan 晨报副刊, (1925), 4 and Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Huajia Xu Beihong jun zhi jinzuo 畫家徐悲鴻君之近作 (Xu Beihong’s Recent Work),” Tuhua shibao 图画时报, No. 294 (1926), 5.

136 Weihong Du, “A Turning Point for Guohua?: Xu Beihong and Transformative Encounters with the Socialist Spirit, 1933-1953,” Twentieth-Century China, Vol. 39, No. 3 (October, 2014), 221.

Xu taught at various schools: first Shanghai’s Nanguo Academy of Arts and then the

National Central University in Nanjing. From 1928 to 1938, Xu promoted his course curriculum that heavily borrowed from his training in France. As early as 1929, however, he showed off his facility in both oil and ink painting by publishing his work in both genres.137 Xu Beihong was an intellectual who treated art as a foundation of the modern nation, highlighted the excellence of Song painting in coordination with Western naturalism, and went on to create a new Chinese painting that he believed synthesized the best of both arts.138

In such an environment, Pan could see various art movements and how Chinese intellectuals tried to find a better art for a current China. Like Okakura Tenshin and

Ernest Fenellosa, Xu Beihong and Huang Binhong paid more attention to the Song painting in their lectures and writings, but Pan Tianshou was more interested in Yuan painting. Cheng-hua Wang describes the Song-Yuan dichotomy as follows:

This new development emphasized the high achievement of Western painting techniques in depicting a formal likeness that aimed at realistic, illusionistic effects—that is, xieshi. From his [Xu Beihong’s] perspective, Song painting became the category of Chinese art that could compete with Western achievements in a realistic style, and could represent China on the world stage at a comparable level of achievement in art. The quality in Yuan

137 Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Huatu Xu Beihong 画图-徐悲鸿 (Painting of Xu Beihong),” Guoli Zhongyang Daxue banyuekan 国立中央大学半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1929): 1, and Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Erqiannian zhi guhua Xu Beihong 二千年之古画-徐悲鸿 (Ancient Painting of Two Thousand Years by Xu Beihong),” Guoli Zhongyang Daxue banyuekan 国立中央大学半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1929), 1.

138 Wang, “Rediscovering Song Painting for the Nation,” 222.

painting that was antithetical to xieshi in Song painting was xieyi, and it was the supremacy of xieyi in the Yuan and later periods, they contended, that caused China’s decline in painting. The Song-Yuan dichotomy was conceived in terms of realistic style versus expressive style. This polarity of xieshi and xieyi was institutionalized in modern Chinese artistic discourse in terms of nationalism and national competition. . . The contemporary development of the expressive style in literati painting is a good example. The expressive quality started to regain importance in the early 1920s as new ideas in modernist painting entered China. As a result, the tradition of literati painting flourished in the new cultural climate, which favored artistic expressiveness. This expressive tendency remained a significant force in art until the outbreak of war in the late 1930s, which led to a move away from paintings that did not tackle social realities. However, even at the height of the expressive atmosphere during that period, xieyi was at most an equal alternative to xieshi, for the latter was not eclipsed by the revived artistic tendency.139

Some intellectuals, like Kang Youwei (1858-1927), Chen Duxiu (1879-1942), and Xu

Beihong, praised the characteristics of Song painting, while others, including Pan

Tianshou, Chen Shizeng, and Omura Seigai, more paid attention to the expressive style of

Yuan Painting. As I have mentioned above, the interest of literati painting by Chen

Shizeng and Omura Seigai seems to support a new trend in Chinese and Japanese favor for Chinese literati painting. Chen Shizeng and Omura Seigai’s influential text prioritized the expressive style (also called as ‘xieyi’) of Yuan literati painting. As we have seen Pan obviously learned from Chen and Omura’s ideas about Chinese literati painting. Of particular importance is the specific model of traditional painting that Pan chose as his own by the 1920s—one based not in Song realism but in Yuan expressionism. Young

Pan might be able to learn this concept from Chen Shizeng. In fact, most of his early

139 Ibid., 236-238.

68 works, such as Old Monk of 1922, Lotus of 1923, White Clouds in the Mountains of 1928, and Red Bamboo of 1928 emphasize the spontaneous and expressive style and Pan’s admiration of Yuan masters’ styles. In particular, White Clouds in the Mountains reminds us of the work of Wang Meng, one of the Four Yuan masters. To Pan, the realistic style of Song painting seems to have been of little interest. Instead, he gravitated to the expressive manner of Yuan painting and its legacy in literati art. As we will see, this preference became ever stronger in his later career.

Moreover, once he moved to Shanghai in 1923, Pan actively publicized his personal identity as an artist and art educator through various publications. For example, in 1924, Pan submitted his poems, “Narcissus and Peony” and “Miscellaneous Poem” to the magazine, Canghai.140 While he publishing his first textbook, Zhongguo huihuashi in

1926, Pan also published in his writings about Chinese painting history in the fortnightly magazine, Xin yishu banyuekan (New Art Bimonthly).141 At the same time, he introduced his figure and landscape painting to pictorial magazines. In Taipingyang huabao, Pan

140 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shuixian mudan 水仙牡丹 (Narcissus and Peony),” Canghai 沧海, No. 7 (1924), 8 and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zashi 杂诗 (Miscellaneous Poem),” Canghai 沧海, No. 6 (1924), 4.

141 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)),” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 7 (1926), 164-172, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)),” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 9 (1926), 192-197, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前)) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)),” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 9 (1926), 203-209.

69 displayed his landscape and rock paintings.142 Both were sketch-like, quickly executed works that represent his spontaneous manner, which looks like those of a Yuan master,

Wang Meng. Pan’s use of pale ink also reminds us of another Yuan painter, Ni Zan. His use of the same expressive brushstrokes is also shown in his rare profile figure painting,

Huge and Strong Wavy River, published in Yilin.143 Interestingly, unlike the painting title, the viewer cannot see the river in Huge and Strong Wavy River, but instead he only painted a man, staring at the left side. We can assume that the profile person might be looking at the river, based on the title that is located on the right top of the painting. His use of expressive style and using ironic title would be related to the literati activities of the Yuan dynasty. Another spontaneous work, Red Bamboo (fig.21), actually painted in

1928, was published only one year after production date in Liangyou, which reveals how

Pan’s work already obtained the popularity and was appreciated in the contemporary art world.144 From this period, Pan began to reveal his preference to adopt the artistic style of

Yuan painting than that of Song painting and these paintings are good examples.

In addition, in his series of published articles about “A Brief History of Chinese

Painting” in 1928, Pan clearly differentiated the characteristics of Song and Yuan painting. Pan mentioned:

142 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Guocui hua shanshui shanshi (erfu) 国粹画山水山石(二幅) (Two Quintessence Paintings: Landscape Painting and Mountain and Rocks Painting),” Taipingyang huabao,太平洋画报, Vol.1, No. 3 (1926), 31.

143 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Heshui yangyang jiangshui shangshang 河水泱泱江水汤汤 (Huge and Strong Wavy River),” Yilin 艺林, No. 1 (1926), 1.

144 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhuzhu 朱竹 (Red Bamboos),” Liangyou 良友, No. 39 (1929), 33.

From the Sui to Song Dynasty, first, the continuous progress in art happened and communicated each other, and then it gradually turned into a unique national art. Second, during these periods every emperor promoted [art] and established painting academies, while establishing art academy, which promoted their considerable progress. Thus, this era became the golden age of Chinese art history. People at that time had already recognized that, literature and painting are are the same kinds of things, and through a subtle combination, understood the highest principles of art . . . Yuan painters valued spirit resonance (qiyun) and concerned themselves less about position (weizhi), and they don’t desire secular recognition. The four masters of the Yuan dynasty, Huang Gongwang, Wu Zhen, Ni Zan, and Wang Meng were the same.145

Although Pan agreed that the highest point in Chinese art was the Song period, but he was more interested in spirit resonance (qiyun) of the Yuan dynasty, in particular the personal and expressive artistic style of the Four Masters. In the inscription on Red

Bamboos of 1928, Pan pointed out that painting is worthwhile if viewers can evaluate the content and artistic style of the painting (fig. 21). Discussing painting and calligraphy and colophons on artworks were one of the important literati activities and were highly developed in the Yuan dynasty. Yuan scholars further emphasized individual characteristics and expressive style in their artworks. Actually, individual and expressive artistic vocabulary was at the center of Pan’s art, concepts that became the basic foundation for his renovation of traditional Chinese painting from the 1930s on. In the same year, he said, “I would like to open up a new situation in Chinese art, and await a

145自隋唐五代至宋，一直进展，混交艺术的命运，渐渐变成了独特的国民艺术。二则也因此时代的各帝王，盛行提倡，创立画院，以促其长足的进展。所以这时代，是中国美术史上的黄金时代。当时的人，已认定文学与绘画，为一致的事件，在微妙结合中，感获了艺术的最高原理。。。元人贵气韵而轻位置不求庸耳俗目之赏识。四大家之黄，吴，倪，王，均。Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou tanyilu, 164.

71 renaissance movement in national art.”146 We do not exactly know when Pan Tianshou began to seriously think about the future path of Chinese painting, but from his direct words of 1928 we can see that by the age of thirty he already had a clear desire to forge a new path develop for Chinese art in the twentieth-century.

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have suggested that Pan Tianshou may serve as a good exemplar of the effects of the cross-cultural exchange between China and Japan in the early twentieth century. First, I considered the indirect contact between the young artist and certain elements of Japanese art education through Pan’s teachers—Li Shutong, Chen

Shizeng and Wu Changshi—who encouraged Pan to engage with the modernizing the

East Asian art world, which was most fully developed in Japan. From the Japanese art world, moreover, he and his colleagues in Shanghai knew the advantages of access to public exhibitions and publications before any Chinese artists had yet returned from study in Europe. These activities became a basic foundation for Pan as he perceived the necessity of searching for a new path in traditional Chinese painting, as we shall see in the following chapter. Furthermore, he published his first book, Zhongguo huihuashi, which was greatly indebted to the Japanese book, Shina kaigashi, written by Nakamura

Fusetsu and Oga Seiun that was the first modernized book-length history of the Chinese

146 故想开拓中国艺术的新局势，有待乎国民艺术的复兴运动。 Ibid., 16.

72 painting in Japan. Although it obviously plagiarizes Nakamura’s work, Pan’s book should be regarded as an expression of his desire to disseminate the history of traditional

Chinese painting in the new fine arts system. Needless to say, he did not yet understand the principles of modern scholarship and was acting like a merchant from China’s traditional book trade culture. The urgency of need for modern pedagogical materials in

Chinese can help explain, even if it cannot justify, this ethical misstep.

The last part of this chapter dealt with Pan’s engagement with China. It traced his personal devotion to artistic styles of past masters. Then, it examined Chinese contemporary art world in the early twentieth century, focusing on the artistic environment, Ren Yi and Wu Changshi of the Shanghai School, who inspired Pan to study art of Shitao, Zhu Da, and the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou, the debate of the

Song and Yuan dichotomy by Kang Youwei, Huang Binhong, Xu Beihong, and Pan’s preference of Yuan painting style. Pan’s 1928 essay shows how Pan was able to understand a newly changed situation in traditional Chinese painting and to build Chinese art in parallel with Western art.

Chapter 2

Constructing New Concepts and Artistic Styles in the Present-day

Pan’s Attempts to Define a Modern Chinese Artistic Identity

Starting in 1928, Pan Tianshou began working at in the National Hangzhou Art

Academy. In the summer of 1929, he visited Japan as part of an art educational group trip that included a visit to the Tokyo School of Fine Arts, the Imperial Painting Gallery, and several other museums. These experiences inspired more him to define what would become the future of traditional Chinese painting as an art educator and artist. Pan also was required to attend a weekly faculty meeting at which colleagues shared their current artworks and activities at school.147As the college was designed after the French academy system, Pan was constantly exposed to aspects of European culture and art through his colleagues, such as Lin Fengmian, and the publications available to him. As another modern activity, Pan and his four friends established a painting society called the White

147 Wu Guanzhong, “Ashes to Ashes: In Fond Memory of My Late Teacher” in Hong Kong Museum of Art, ed., A Pioneer of Modern Chinese Painting: The Art of Lin Fengmian (Shiji xianqu: Lin Fengmian yishuzhan) (Hong Kong: Leisure and Cultural Services Department, 2007), 40.

Society to promote their artistic productions, publications, and exhibitions.148 His publications, in particular an essay, “A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China” (Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe), published in 1936, represent his interest in Western or imported art and, at the same time, his attempt to define it in the context of the sense of national identity that had been one of the prevailing concepts in early twentieth-century China. It also investigates his experimentation with various artistic styles with depicting an actual view of China and Western style sketch drawings, which becomes the basic foundation of his art world and help Pan achieve his mature style in 1948.

1. Learning National Identity and Modernity through Japan

After his trip to Japan in 1929, Pan had a much clearer idea about one new direction in Chinese painting in terms of recognizing the trend of national identity and modernity. In order to focus on national identity in twentieth-century China and Pan

Tianshou’s work, we need to trace the brief history of the major art movements in Japan after the mid-nineteenth century and the gradual development and transformation of

Japanese art forms. Because some Japanese believed that national identity could exemplify modernity in the global world. These concepts were transmitted to China and

148 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou yanjiu, 567.

75 inspired Chinese intellectuals, including Pan Tianshou. Pan began seriously considering these concepts from the late 1920s.

Rising of National Identity in the Japanese Art World

After the Edo period, the Meiji government enthusiastically began to support

Western art media, such as photography, prints, and architecture.149 Woodblock print makers and other artists expanded their craft to include the use of Western artistic techniques. The Meiji government promoted Westernization as a means for Japan to survive against the encroachment of foreign powers and to obtain international recognition and acceptance as a modern nation, while expressing their national identity under a restored imperial authority.150 Against the cultural backdrop of the Meiji period,

Ernest F. Fenollosa (1853-1908) and Okakura Tenshin (also called Okakura Kakuzō,

1863-1913) were major contributors to the construction of Japanese artistic modernity.

Okakura’s circle, including Yokohama Taikan, Hishida Shunso, and Shimomura Kanzan, created a new genre called Japanese-style painting (nihonga) that incorporated some elements of Western realism. Ellen P. Conant has noted that “distinguishing between

Japanese and Western styles in painting became significant in the late 1880s to create a

149 For architecture, see William Howard Coaldrake, Architecture and Authority in Japan (London: Routledge, 1996). For literature, please see Takeuchi Yoshimi, What is Modernity?: Writings of Takeuchi Yoshimi, edited, translated, and with an Introduction by Richard F. Calichman (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), and for art, see Gennifer S. Weisenfeld, Mavo: Japanese Artists and the Avant-Garde, 1905-1931 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), and Bert Winther-Tamaki, Maximum Embodiment: Yōga, the Western Painting of Japan, 1912-1955 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2012).

150 Coaldrake, Architecture and Authority in Japan, 208-250.

76 distinctive form of contemporary art that could express the country’s newfound sense of national identity.”151 She also argues that “the pair stimulated a greater interest in earlier schools of painting, historical and Buddhist themes, and a self-conscious effort to create an art that could embody a growing sense of national identity and command international acclaim.”152

In the waning years of the Qing dynasty and early years of the Republic, numerous

Chinese artworks were imported to Japan. Much of this fascination had to do with the nineteenth century Japanese assumption of the two nations’ shared cultural roots. As a result, the nineteenth-century necessity of seeking national military strength was complemented by a focus in the early twentieth century on cultural identity. For some influential Japanese, this identity was not only Japanese, but Asian. Their goals—“art as an instrument and expression of national identity”—were represented through programs in the Japanese Art Institute (Nihon Bijutsu-in) that was founded by Okakura Tenshin in

1898.153 National identity is a representation of nation and national character, and it is the continuous reproduction of symbols, values, memories, traditions and myths. John Clark examines aesthetic nationalism, focusing on Okakura’s ideas, as they relate to Japanese national identity. He first defines “the two levels of nationalism: that of the intellectual or

151 Conant, Nihonga, 14.

152 Ibid. 23.

153 Victoria Louise Weston, Japanese Painting and National Identity: Okakura Tenshin and His Circle (Ann Arbor, MI: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 2004), 3, Victoria Louise Weston, The Rise of Modern Japanese Art (Greenwich: Shorewood Fine Art Books, 1999), 7-8, and Conant, Nihonga, 23.

77 artist who deploys literary concepts and abstractions of cultural essences in defining a nation, and that of a quasi-religion on the level of a people or a community that articulates a sense of belonging to a past, which stretches into a future.”154 Okakura

Tenshin analyzed the possible futures of Japanese painting as follows in 1887, as summarized by Michael Marra:

Japanese art could cling to the forms of the immediate past; it could jettison its past and wholly embrace the methods of Western oil paintings; it could draw eclectically upon both Japanese and Western art methods; or it could follow the path of natural development, which he defines as based on an alignment with the past, developed in concert with the conditions of the present.155

Victoria Weston proposes that the idea of a national art in Japan may be associated with

Fenollosa and Okakura.156 She also argues that “nationalism as a political force is born of industrialization; it requires a shared culture supported by an educational standard that fits each member of society for a productive role, and thus we can think of Okakura’s work as an example of nationalist projects. Modern Japanese painting was the particular

154 John Clark, “Okakura Tenshin and Aesthetic Nationalism,” East Asian History, No. 29 (2005), 3.

155 Weston, The Rise of Modern Japanese Art, 8. Okakura Tenshin had a deep knowledge of Western/European Aesthetics. One of his writings deals with Hegelian Reversal. He also divided four groups of Japanese artists into four groups: those who argue in favor of a pure Western art, those who argue in favor of a pure Japanese art, those who argue in favor of an equal ststus of Eastern and Western art—in other words, eclecticism and those who argue in favor of a natural development of the arts. You can see more detailed information in Michael F. Marra, Modern Japanese Aesthetics (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999), 65-78. These aesthetic approaches came to the attention of Chinese artists. Also, Okakura Tenshin published one of the firtst art history book written in English for foreigners in order to introduce Japanese art and aesthetics in Okakura Kakuzo, The Ideals of the East (London: J. Murray, 1903).

156 Weston, Japanese Painting and National Identity, 7.

78 product of a unique national polity.”157 According to Christine Guth, “Japanese art in the construction of Japanese national identity is a particularly fertile field for Japan-West cross-cultural exploration, since Japanese developments shed light on many of the problems attendant on the creation of modernity in other parts of the world.”158 The

Tokyo School of Fine Arts, established in 1889, was symptomatic of the growing nationalism at the time, and initially the school excluded Western painting and offered courses in Japanese painting (nihonga), carving, and lacquer.159 Through Okakura

Tenshin’s theory about aesthetic nationalism and Japanese painting, we can understand how Japanese national identity was expressed during that period. As I have mentioned in the previous chapter, Japanese and Chinese intellectuals debated the dichotomy between

Song and Yuan painting. Okakura Tenshin’s group preferred Song painting because they thought that Song painting can compete with Western realism. This concept was quite suitable during the first decades of the twentieth century and it enriched the reevaluation of traditional Chinese painting in China as well. Thus, the Japanese art world began to develop new modes of artistic expression that could reflect its national identity. Its construction of modernity in Japanese art and innovation of Japanese traditional art towards new modern art certainly inspired the Chinese art world in the early twentieth century.

157 Ibid., 15, 301.

158 Christine Guth, “Japan 1868-1945: Art, Architecture and National Identity,” Art Journal. Vol. 55, No. 3 (1996), 17.

159 Ibid., 18.

Pan’s Perception of Modernity through Japan

The modern environment in Japan caused Pan to be concerned about national identity because Japan tried to spread the concept of art as an instrument and expression of national identity.160 Through various enlightenment movements in China, including the

May Fourth Movement, China began perceiving its national identity—Chineseness—as one of the fashions along with Westernization. Pan was one of the voices who followed the importance of national identity and cultural nationalism. Pan opposed to synthesize artistic styles of Chinese traditional painting and Western painting, because he thought that both traditions had a distinctive and valuable element. Representing national identity through art was encouraged by Okakura Tenshin and Ernest Fenollosa, which inspired

Pan to reevaluate Chinese past masters.161 In other words, the interplay of foreign and native elements stimulated Chinese to think about Chinese national and cultural

160 Many Chinese ink painters tried to represent national identity during the early twentieth century. For more about this issue, look at Gang Zhao, “Reinventing China: Imperial Qing Ideology and the Rise of Modern Chinese National Identity in the Early Twentieth Century.” Modern China 1 (2006), 3-30, Jane Zheng, “Transplanting Literati Painting into the Modern Art School System: “Guohua” Education at the Shanghai Fine Arts College, 1924-1937,” Studies in Art Education, Vol. 52. No. 1 (Fall 2010), 34-54, Cheng-hua Wang, “Rediscovering Song Painting for the Nation,” 221-246.

161 Hay, “Painting and the Built Environment in Late-Nineteenth-Century Shanghai,” 90-93.

80 identity.162 The gradual development of national identity in Japan became one of the inspirations to Pan to consider what is the current status of Chinese art163

Starting in 1929, Pan started to experiment with more accurate images of nature, although he did not adopt this realist style very often.164 Wang Yachen (1894-1983) insisted that in the Meiji period, Japanese artists changed their art from copying ancient masters to painting from nature, and as such, their artistic style was transformed from idealistic to realistic, and thus contemporary Japanese art should be the model for the reform of Chinese art.165 Although Pan certainly learned life drawing as a student at the

Zhejiang First Normal College, a reencounter with this Japanese practice after some years of experience as a teacher himself and with its results on the walls of Japanese museums might have inspired experiments in Pan’s artistic style and teaching method during the late 1920s and early 1930s. The teaching curriculum of which he was an instructor, beginning in 1928, at the National Hangzhou Art Academy, largely emphasized Western style art training, including sketching from life, and certainly also stimulated his work in this manner.166 His Chrysanthemum of 1929 is a good example of his attempt to emulate

162 Wang, Inventing China through History, 6.

163 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou tanyilu, 16.

164 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 250.

165 Wang Yachen 汪亚尘, “Lun guohua chuangzuo 论国画创作 (On Creating Chinese Painting),” in He Hauishuo 何怀硕, Jindai Zhongguo meishu lunji: yihai guochen 近代中国美术论集: 艺海钩沉, Vol. 5 (Taibei: Yishujia chubanshe 1991), 49.

166 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 70.

81 a natural flower through Chinese brush and ink (fig. 23). This flower is not completely a botanical illustration, but the overall composition evokes a real chrysanthemum. The inscription mentions that there are many yellow chrysanthemums in Lakeside Park and these chrysanthemums are similar to peonies. In fact, Lakeside Park is located on the east shore of Hangzhou West Lake, and it has six different botanical gardens. Pan might have painted this painting after he actually visited park and saw the flowers there.

2. Pan’s Interest in and Exposure to Western-style Art in China

Starting in 1928, Pan Tianshou joined the faculty of the newly established National

Hangzhou Art Academy, built by Cai Yuanpei in 1927. The European-oriented school had departments of Western painting, sculpture, and design, along with Chinese painting.167 Lin Fengmian (1900-1992), who studied Western oil painting in France, became president of the school. From 1927 to 1928, Lin suggested that the way to reform

Chinese art was not to change methods, styles, or materials, but to change the artists’ attitude to art and to establish a system of criticism, art education, and exhibition.168

Under Lin’s leadership, the National Hangzhou Art Academy became the leading school for modernism in China, and due to its broadened curriculum, which included woodblock

167 Kuiyi Shen, “Concept to Context: The Theoretical Transformation of Ink Painting into China’s National Art in the 1920s and 1930s,” in Yiu, Writing Modern Chinese Art, 47.

168 Kuiyi Shen, “On the Reform of Chinese Painting in Early Republican China,” in Cao Yiqiang and Fan Jingzhong, 20 shiji Zhonghuohua: “chuantong de yanxu yu yanjin” guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1997), 607.

82 prints and ink painting, this school was the best place for training in modern art in

China.169 According to Wu Guanzhong, who was a student there from 1936 to 1942, the library at the National Hangzhou Art Academy not only had albums of classical painting but also Western works by Impressionists and Cubists, and because of that students could become familiar with Western artists such as Cezanne, van Gogh, Gauguin, Matisse and

Picasso, whom Wu called “total strangers to the general Chinese public” in the 1920s and

1930s.170

Lin asserted two important concepts regarding contemporary art movements: “one is that artists should not be restricted by the old shackles and should create new trends constantly, and another is that artists should popularize art among the people, cause people to gain a rational conception of human life and mold their temperament through art works.”171 The school was modeled on the French Academy of Fine Arts (École des

Beaux-Arts) and most faculty members had been trained in France and other European countries.172 The purpose of the Academy was “to introduce Western art, to rearrange

Chinese art, to synthesize Chinese and Western arts, and to create an art of the time,” as

169 Ralph Croizer, “When Was Modern Chinese Art?: A Short History of Chinese Modernism,” in Josh Yiu, Writing Modern Chinese Art: Historiographic Explorations (Seattle, WA: Seattle Art Museum, 2009), 27.

170 Wu, “Ashes to Ashes,” 39.

171 Shen, “On the Reform of Chinese Painting in Early Republican China,” 607. The original document was from Lin Fengmian, “Women yao zhuyi (We Should Pay Attention),” (1927) and this document is reprinted in He Huaishuo, Jindai Zhongguo meishu lunji, 21-25. The direct quotation is from the same book on page 21.

172 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 64.

Lin Fengmian stated his personal beliefs.173 Other goals of the school were to publish art periodicals; to elevate the aesthetic standards of society; to organize many more art exhibitions to connect the masses to art; to train more young people; and to establish more art museums and organize archaeological research teams.174

Lin Fengmian himself, as we have seen, was familiar with various European art movements, having lived and studied in Europe, including under Fernand Cormon (1845-

1924). Although little of his work of the period survives, reproductions suggest that it was inspired by Symbolist concepts in terms of its strongly expressionistic quality and sense of melancholy. Michelle Facos defines a Symbolist work of art as “characterized by

(1) an artist’s desire to represent ideas and (2) a manipulation of color, form and composition that signals the artist’s relative indifference to worldly appearances. As with any other definition of an art movement, many examples of nineteenth-and early twentieth century Symbolist art manifest these attributes only partially or in conjunction with characteristics associated with other movements.”175 Lin’s little-known work,

Autumn Outing of 1930, is a good surviving example of a work incorporating Symbolist aspects (fig. 24). This hanging scroll is executed with ink, pencil, and watercolor on silk.

Combining watercolor and pencil are not a common method in Chinese ink painting and

173 Ibid., 60. This translation modified from Yang. One source of the quote from Lin is in Song Zhongyuan 宋忠元, Yishu yaolan: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan liushinian 艺术摇篮: 浙江美术学院六十年 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan, 1988), 9.

174 Andrews, “Exhibition to Exhibition,” 27.

175 Michelle Facos, Symbolist Art in Context (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 1.

84 using silk and ink is not the usual combination in watercolor painting, which represent

Lin’s attempt to synthesize Western and Chinese painting or his own manipulation of format and genre. The front person, presumably a woman, wears a modern dress, but the other person, perhaps a man, wears a Chinese traditional garment. The two people look subdued, even gloomy, and the overall composition, apart from the two figures, is composed of unclear elements. Thus, Autumn Outing displays Lin’s sense of melancholy, or at least an expressionistic quality, and his own manipulation of composition, color, and form in this work shows Lin’s own imaginational and subjective ideas, which is perhaps related to the Symbolist concepts.

As colleagues at the National Hangzhou Art Academy, Pan Tianshou and Lin

Fengmian had ample opportunity to share their opinions about art and artistic styles.

According to Wu Guanzhong, who studied at the academy more than a decade later, teachers, including Lin Fengmian, Wu Dayu, Fang Gangmin, Li Chaoshi and Pan

Tianshou in that school put their representative pieces on show and invited mutual criticism and comparison.176 Thus, sharing artistic vocabulary and concepts among faculty members might have helped Pan better understand his modernist colleague’s art.

176 Wu, “Ashes to Ashes,” 40. This account is based on Wu’s own experience.

3. Response to the Present

One of the notable changes in the art world of twentieth-century China was the development of a system of public exhibition. According to Julia F. Andrews, “many exhibitions and publication of photographs of works from a range of different public and private collections stimulated new trends in twentieth century Chinese painting and these, perhaps more than any other factor, made possible a brief period of innovation in Chinese painting that lasted from the 1930s through the 1940s.”177 These public exhibitions inspired further interest among contemporary artists, including Pan Tianshou, in traditional Chinese paintings. The experience of seeing the old masters works first-hand, rather than in reproduction.

After he began teaching at the National Hangzhou Art Academy, an institution with an ambitious progressive agenda, Pan became more actively involved in activities of

China’s modernizing art world, including participating in the organization of the National

Art Exhibition on June 3, 1928, as a member of the jury and contributing his paintings to various exhibitions.178 Pan responded to the potential offered by the changing social and artistic environments of the early Nanjing decade.179 In 1932, he organized an artistic

177 Andrews, “Exhibition to Exhibition,” 23.

178 Ibid., 35.

179 Danzker, Shanghai Modern, 1919-1945, 136. Also, Carol Lynne Waara well examined the material context of Chinese periodical publishing, and political and social contexts of republican Chinese art publishing in her dissertation, Carol Lynne Waara, “Arts and Life: Public and Private Culture in Chinese Art Periodicals, 1912-1937” (PhD diss. University of Michigan, 1994), 33- 140. Especially, Waara studied one art magazine, Meishu shenghuo: Arts and Life, from 1934 to 1937 that dealt with printing technology, art reproductions, applied and industrial arts, 86 society, called the White Society (Baishe) with four fellow Zhejiang artists, Chang Shu- ch’i (Zhang Shuqi, 1899-1974), Zhu Wenyun (1894-1938), Zhang Zhendou (1906-1993) and Wu Fuzhi (1900-1977).180 The founders explained that their name referred to the purity and integrity of their artistic and moral stance, and the Chinese character white

(bai), is written in five strokes to represent each of the five members.181 Every year or two, the society held an exhibition of its members’ paintings and collected at least two short essays from each one.182 Pan produced many works for the society, including

Vultures from the Distant Sea of 1932, Chicken in 1933, and Landscape with Old Pines and Waterfall in 1934. For the first exhibition, Pan submitted his painting, Dragonfly.183

The second exhibition was held in two cities, Nanjing and Shanghai, as a circulating exhibition. In 1933, the periodical Wenhua reported that Pan submitted Deep Ochre

Landscape for the exhibition in Nanjing.184 The other exhibition was held in the auditorium in the Central University for six days from October 17 until October 22 in

photography, and cartoon art in terms of the magazine’s own modernization project and the commodification of lifestyle in Shanghai during the 1930s.

180 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 16.

181 Shu-ch’i Chang (Shuqi Zhang), Julia F. Andrews, Kuiyi Shen, et al, Chinese Painting on the Eve of the Communist Revolution: Chang Shu-chi and his Collection (Stanford, Calif.: Iris and B. Gerald Center for Visual Arts, Stanford University, 2006), 19.

182 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 15-17. Especially, Lu Xin’s book has reproduced the image of the White Society’s exhibition catalogue, Pan’s more detailed art production and members’ activities.

183 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿,“Qingting—Baishe huazhan 蜻蜓-白社画展 (Dragonfly in the Exhibition of the White Society),” Liangyou 良友, No. 74 (1933), 16.

184 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Ru chi shenzhe shanshui—Baishe huazhan 入尺深赭山水—白社畫展 (Deep Ochre Landscape),”Wenhua 文化, No. 43 (1933), 49.

Shanghai.185 The White Society held the third exhibition in Hangzhou in spring, in an effort to promote traditional Chinese painting.186 This exhibition was originally planned for autumn in Hangzhou but the actual exhibition was held in the fourth floor of YMCA for three days from April 6 to 8 in Shanghai.187 In art news of Chinese Art Quarterly, the fourth exhibition was held in the library at the Suzhou Park for three days from August

15 to August 17, 1936.188 Until the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the White Society held four exhibitions and published two catalogues.189

In addition, after his 1929 visit to Japan, Pan Tianshou began to seriously experiment with various new subjects and artistic styles, as a way of developing his own artistic vocabulary. In particular, he began to produce many sketch-like paintings. In the inscription of A Mynah Bird, Pan mentioned that there is a peaceful bird in chrysanthemum flowers at a fence in a park in autumn and he painted this painting near the West Lake in Hangzhou (fig. 25). Like the inscription, one bird is walking around the flowers. The bottom b lack bird that is reminds us of that of Zhu Da is contrasted with the

185 “Baishe erjie huazhanhui 白社二届画展会 (The Second Exhibition of the White Society),” Yifeng 艺风, Vol. 1, No. 11 (1933), 74.

186 “Wenyi xiaosi: Baishe sanjie huazha chunjie zai hangmu 文艺消息 : 白社三届画展春节在杭幕 (Literature and Art News: The Third Exhibition of the White Society during the Spring Festival in Hangzhou),” Yifeng 艺风, Vol. 3, No. 4 (1935), 113.

187 Ibid., 113.

188 “Yishu xiaoxi-Baishe disijie huazhan 艺术消息-白社第四届画展 (Art News-The Fourth Exhibition of the White Society),” Zhongguo meishu hui jikan 中国美术会季刊, Vol. 1, No. 3 (1936), 99-100.

189 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 86-92.

88 red and yellow flowers, and the backside brown fence seems to prove that Pan is capturing this scene in the actual park. The chrysanthemum is usually considered one of

‘four gentlemen’ and symbolizes nobility, but in this work, pink, red, and golden yellow chrysanthemums illustrate a real scene, rather than represent the symbolic meaning of flowers. The bright, overlapping flowers create the lightness, and these flowers make a harmony with the black rocks and brown-and-gray ground.

Moreover, although Pan produced many bird and flower paintings, some of his works of the 1930s and 1940s depict the present-day scenery of China. Military

Fortification at the Mouth of Yong River of 1932 and Ochre Landscape in 1945 are good examples of this. A small painting, Military Fortification at the Mouth of Yong River depicts troops assembled to repel foreign invasion (fig. 26). This small, album-size work demonstrates the military fortification, located on the left top corner of a huge rock, which is surrounded by a river and various hills. The inscription on the painting explains that in the entrance of the Yong river, there is a military fortification on the top of the rocky hills was built in the end of the Qing dynasty. This inscription corresponds closely to the depiction of the painting scene. This kind of composition is also shown in another work, Ochre Landscape, which indicates his actual depiction of China’s scenery during this time.

During the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), Pan and his family fled west to escape the approaching Japanese. They settled in Sichuan, where for a time he served as director of the National Art Academy during its inland exile. Ochre Landscape of

1945 was painted during his period in exile, and focuses on a view similar to that of

Military Fortification at the Mouth of Yong River (fig. 27). However, this time Pan did not use the wavy lines of the river, spontaneous black dots, and a sharp rocky valley of the 1932 work. Instead, he reduced the wavy and black lines of the scene and painted a huge rectangular rock in the center, that becomes his trademark from 1948, and around the rocky hill, he added village houses in both side. Three people wearing Chinese traditional clothing, possibly literati or intellectuals, are chatting on the top. Gentlemen on the mountain are the typical scene in traditional Chinese painting, but this time, they stand near the military fortification in the contemporary view of China. In Ochre

Landscape, the inscription on the top right of the work talks about the war situation by alluding to a battle in the Three Kingdoms period, but another inscription on the bottom left addresses Pan’s personal concern and uneasiness. In fact, like the content of the inscription, the painting title itself, Ochre Landscape, was a well-known genre in traditional Chinese painting from the Yuan dynasty, but Pan’s work depicts the actual view of contemporary China. The dark pine trees and other plants in the bottom and the light two-dimensional hills make a balance in the composition. Moreover, this painting shows Pan’s examination of flat rocks, which is gradually shown from the mid-1930s until the 1940s.

As an art educator, after the first edition, Zhongguo huihuashi was published in

1926, Pan republished the revised book ten years later in 1936. His 1936 revised version reflects Pan’s own new approach to Chinese art history books. First, the 1926 version of the book is composed of 160 pages, but the expanded version of 1936 has 301 pages. The 90 revised book is divided into four periods: ancient, early medieval, late medieval and modern; ancient is defined as the period from the pre-historic period to the Qin dynasty; early medieval, from the Han to the Sui dynasty; late medieval, from the Tang to the

Yuan dynasty; and modern, from the Ming to the Qing dynasty. In addition, Pan clearly divided sections into specific subjects, including the general painting style of the period and Chinese painting’s three major genres: landscape, bird-and-flower and figure painting, but Nakamura’s division of sections are not consistent, compared to Pan’s revised book.190 For example, among the thirty-two painting illustrations of Pan’s 1936 book are no illustrations from Nakamura’s book. The only similarity between the two books is their use of Gu Kaizhi’s Admonitions Scroll, but the image of the work is a different section of the scroll. Hence, even though Pan directly emulated Nakamura’s book in 1926, his 1936-revised version contains Pan’s own interpretation and information about the history of Chinese painting.

Furthermore, one of Pan’s most important modern activities in the 1930s was writing an essay, “A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China” in a supplement of his book, Zhongguo huihuashi, which was published in 1936. This essay traces the imports of foreign, particularly Western, paintings into China from the Qin dynasty to the early twentieth century. Pan indicates that foreign paintings had little impact on Chinese art before the twentieth century although numerous foreign paintings were imported to China. At the beginning of the essay, he stated that the early civilization

190 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi (1936).

91 of the Central Plain (ancient China) grew on its own and absorbed few foreign influences.

Later, due to various factors, including culture, military, commerce, and transportation, exchanges between foreign countries and China gradually developed.191 Then, Pan suggested that painting is a part of human culture and its progress cannot be separated from natural phenomena.192 Generally, he defined four major reasons why Western paintings became prevalent in the twentieth-century China: First, Western paintings had only recently developed the pure beauty of lines and colors in the past thirty or fifty years, which seems to share the metaphysical manner of the East. Second, contemporary

Chinese people might think that anything that is not new or foreign is not useful, and the thriving of reform movements spread this kind of opinion. Third, twentieth century

Chinese intellectuals already knew that traditional Chinese painting had a long history but it is hard to explore new ways for the current time. Essentially, contemporary Chinese believed that it is necessary to embrace new Western elements. Fourth, it is important to experiment with Western painting because the painting materials and artistic styles of these works have unique characteristics, which are certainly different from those of

Chinese paintings.193 Pan concluded:

191 中土為古文明之國，一切文化，均獨自萌芽，獨自滋長，與域外無相關係。稍後，以文化, 武力, 商業, 交通, 進展等諸原因，漸漸發生域外與中土交互之事實。Pan Tianshou, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe,” 233.

192 繪畫為人類文化之一部，其進展，亦自不能離開自然現象之例。Ibid., 233.

193 This is a brief summary of Pan’s essay in Pan Tianshou, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe,” 233-250.

Each type of art that has its own unique value should have the right to coexist in the world. As the old saying “the benevolent sees benevolence; the wise discovers wisdom” indicates, different people have different opinions. People can choose according to the national character and individual taste. According to Laurence Binyon from Britain, “Eastern painting exists as religious painting in the early stage, and it was the same origins with the ancient Italian mural paintings. As it develops, it merges with naturalism. However, the influences of idealism remain. If the scientific ideas did not penetrate into the domain of art, modern art theories in the West would follow the old path of the middle age art and ultimately it is similar to Eastern art.” The foundation of Eastern art is philosophy, while the base of the Western art is science. They have opposite direction in the core and each has its own standard respectively. Although Binyon seems to point out the differences between the paintings from the West and East, or make the Western art incline to the Eastern, or vice versa, it will destroy the characteristics and the intentions of both arts.194

In the original English text, Binyon noted:

I have sometimes thought that if our modern painting had developed continuously from the art of the Middle Ages, without the invasion of scientific conceptions which the Renaissance brought about, its course would appear to have run on very similar lines to that of the painting of the East, where the early

194 原來無論何種藝術，有其特殊價值者，均可並存於人間。只須依各民族之性格，各個人之情趣，仁者見仁，智者見智，選擇而取之可耳。英人秉雍氏 Laurence Binyon 謂：“東方繪畫，最初形為宗教美術，與古意大利之壁畫同宗。其後漸形發達，致入於自然主義一途；然宗教唯心主義之氣味，固時瀰漫於其間也。西洋近代之畫學，使無文藝復興以後之科學觀念參入其中，而仍循中古時代美術之古轍，以蟬嫣遞展，其終極，將與東方畫同其致耳。” 原來東方繪畫之基礎，在哲理；西方繪畫之基礎，在科學；根本處相反之方向，而各有其極則。秉雍氏之言，固為敘述東西繪畫異點之所在，實為贊喜雙方各有終極之好果，供獻於吾人之眼前，而不同其致耳。若徒眩中西折中以為新奇；或西方之傾向東方，東方之傾向西方，以為榮幸；均足以損害兩方之特點與藝術之本意。Pan Tianshou, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe,” 249-250. For more about Pan’s view, see Lu Xin 卢炘, “Chongxin renshi chuantong Pan Tianshou bainian jinianzhan ji Pan Tianshou yishu yantaohui zongshu 重新认识传统—“潘天寿百年纪念展”暨“潘天寿艺术研讨会”综述 (New understanding about tradition and analyzing his art through Pan Tianshou’s centenary exhibition and its symposium),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 34, No. 6 (1997), 36.

religious art, so like in aim to that of the early Italian frescoes, flowered gradually into naturalism, always pervaded by a perfume of religious idealism.195

Pan used Binyon’s writing in order to emphasize the value of both Eastern and Western painting.196 At the end of his essay, Pan Tianshou mentioned the British art historian and modernist poet Laurence Binyon, the author of Painting in the Far East: An Introduction to the History of Pictorial Art in Asia, Especially China and Japan.197 Pan almost directly summarized Binyon’s opinion on art, which indicates that he actually read Binyon’s book during that time. Thus, the 1936 essay tells us that Pan acknowledged the current Western art movement. It also references his concept of cultural nationalism—the nation as a product of its unique history and culture, because it was widely spread in China during that time.198 It was also promoted by the GMD (Guomingdang) government policy.

Cultural nationalism is shown through Pan’s whole essay, and especially in his conclusion, in which he said, “Each type of art has its own national character and

195 Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East: An Introduction to the History of Pictorial Art in Asia, Especially China and Japan (London: Edward Arnold, 1908), 26.

196 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi (1936), 250. Other Chinese painters including Xu Beihong and Huang Binhong who used Chinese ink painting format and medium were also inspired from Western/European art during the twentieth century. Two artists were studied in Shu-Chin Wang, “Realist Agency in the Art Field of Twentieth-Century China – Realism in the Art and Writing of Xu Beihong (1895-1953),” (PhD diss., School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2009) and Claire Roberts, “The Dark Side of the Mountain: Huang Binhong (1865- 1955) and Artistic Continuity in Twentieth Century China,” (PhD diss., Australian National University, 2005).

197 Pan Tianshou, Zhongguo huihuashi (1936), 249. Pan’s direct quotation of Binyon’s words in Laurence Binyon, Painting in the Far East: An Introduction to the History of Pictorial Art in Asia, Especially China and Japan (London: Edward Arnold, 1908), 26.

198 Yoshino Kosaku, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry (London: Routledge, 1992), 1.

94 individual taste, and different people have different opinions on the same issue, which is the representation of national characteristics.”199 The social and political atmosphere a year before the Second Sino-Japanese War might have contributed to Pan writing this essay. In addition, it gives a new perspective to Pan, in particular his interest in the present art world in East and West. Under these circumstances, Pan began to think that preserving Chineseness would be a way of pursuing modernity in traditional Chinese painting.

Highlighting the significance of national character was popular during the 1930s.

After numerous Chinese intellectuals enthusiastically absorbed the Western artistic style and tried to synthesize Western and Chinese art in the 1920s. Among them, some Chinese who well studied about Western art, such as Xu Beihong, Huang Binhong, and Fou Lei, began to reconsider about Chinese art itself and attempted to find a suitable form of traditional Chinese art in the present time. For example, a prominent Chinese art critic and translator, Fou Lei (1908-1966) wrote an essay, “The Crisis in Modern Chinese Art” in 1932. He said:

First of all, Chinese art is at a totally different extreme from contemporary Western for it is grounded in [Chinese] philosophy, literature and ethics. But from the Late-Ming dynasty (seventeenth century) the once great artistic creativity of China has gradually declined, to the point where for a long time no one has been expert in sculpture and the decorative arts have strayed into the hands of clever artisans lacking true talent. Only the area of painting has been spared. Yet the majority of its exponents merely follow old traditions and reiterate the work of ancient

199 Pan Tianshou, “Yuwai huihua liuru Zhongtu kaolüe,” 250.

masters. Below we will discuss two masters who emerged prior to the resurgence of modern art: Wu Changshi (1844–1927) and Chen Shizeng (1873–1922). They are praiseworthy for having rescued Chinese painting and directed it away from the decadent style of the academic school . . . Now I will attempt to explain the reasons for the mismatch between Eastern and Western perspectives on art. The first [reason] is aesthetics. The first of Xie He’s Six Principles of Painting (fifth century) is the most important, informing the other five, which relate to technique. This first principle is the famous phrase ‘Spirit Resonance which means vitality’ (qiyun shengdong) . . . The role of art in China is closely related to poetry and ethics. If art cannot communicate an understanding of cosmic harmony and knowledge of life, then there is no point to learning and scholarship.200

When he wrote about the contemporary Chinese art world, Fou Lei clearly thought that

Eastern art and Western art have different characteristics. This original essay, written in

French, was commissioned by the editor of the French magazine L’Art Vivant(Living Art) before Fou Lei’s departure from Paris and the following year, after returning to Shanghai, it was republished in Chinese.201 Claire Roberts proposes that Fou Lei wrote this essay from the perspective of a young Chinese man sojourning in Paris, and he explored art as an indicator of national crisis, because living abroad made him more aware of cultural difference and his own Chineseness and gave his concerns a patriotic inflection.202 This kind of social and cultural environment could encourage Pan to write his own essay, “A

Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China.” Although Binyon’s writing is

200 Claire Roberts, Friendship in Art: Fou Lei and Huang Binhong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2010), 40-43. This quotation is from the direct translation, “The Crisis in Modern Chinese Art,” by Claire Roberts.

201 Ibid., 32.

202 Ibid., 32.

96 considered outdated now, the important point is that Pan’s reference to Binyon’s name is evidence that he had an opportunity to study Western art and foreign publications during the late 1920s and 1930s. Binyon’s essay also relates to a time when exports out of Japan were booming. Binyon was a British curator who studied Chinese art, not a representative of contemporary Western art. But I think Pan’s role as a professor who taught mainly students who wanted to be oil painters put him in a position of defining his field in relationship to theirs. This text is a serious engagement with that condition of his life and work, as well as what he may have perceived as a key issue in the Chinese art world of the time.

During that time, Pan was exposed to new kinds of art movements in China, such as the development of Art Deco and Graphic Arts, which were already popular in

Shanghai, where Pan worked.203 According to Craig Clunas, Chinese artists displayed their works at the 1925 Paris Exposition Internationale, which was organized by Lin

Fengmian and designed by his friend Liu Jipiao. Liu, trained in Europe as an architect, was later appointed head of the design department at the Hangzhou academy.204 Clunas suggests that this exhibition was event rich for an understanding of modern China’s cultural dilemmas and it was explicitly intended by its organizers to act as a prelude to a

203 For more specific information about these art movements in Shanghai, see Ellen Johnson Liang, “Art Deco and Modernist Art in Chinese Calendar Posters,” in Kuo, Visual Culture in Shanghai 1850s -1930s, 242-243.

204 Craig Clunas, “Chinese Art and Chinese Artists in France (1924-1925),” Arts asiatiques, Tome 44 (1989), 100.

97 major Chinese involvement in the exhibition.205 Also, during the 1930s, the modern

Chinese woodcut movement flourished and Lin Fengmian, who was the director of

National Hangzhou Arts Academy where Pan worked, encouraged students to study woodcut techniques.206 Thus, it is possible to assume that Pan Tianshou could have a chance to see the new kinds of art movements as a professor at National Hangzhou Art

Academy. These environments stimulated Pan to think about the current status of

Chinese painting compared to European painting, and this potentially helped Pan to achieve his unique artistic style.

Cultural nationalism is a valid topic, but better transition needed. Pan’s participation in the exhibition of the Chinese Painting Society in 1937 shows what key aspects of cultural nationalism were circulating in Pan’s circles and in the art world generally during this period. The manifesto of the Chinese Painting Society of 1930 clearly indicates some key aspects of cultural nationalism. It reads:

In the current situation of comparison between the cultures of the world, there is nothing that fails to give us a feeling of indignation and shame. Particularly, the decrepit state of our art world makes us feel that our responsibility toward the future is even greater, and we cannot shirk it by shifting this burden to others . . . Painting is certainly the most valuable way of displaying culture. By its basic nature, it is the site where the most elevated aspects of human morality may be lodged. Because of this, in most civilized nations, which are driven by their heaven-bestowed characters, there is no one who does not know to seriously promote their tradition of painting, so as to develop

205 Ibid., 100-101.

206 Andrews, Century in Crisis, 215.

in the people harmonious sentiments . . . Japan is the descendent of our nation’s culture, although because of differences of natural character it never fundamentally resembles us . . . Therefore, they [Japanese] are able to solve appropriately questions of international status and specialized professional problems . . . The mission of the society is: (1) to develop the age-old art of our nation; (2) to publicize it abroad and raise our international artistic stature; (3) with a spirit of mutual assistance on the part of the artists, to plan for a [financially] secure living. Our capabilities are limited, but with human help and the grace of heaven, there is nothing that cannot be accomplished. To do this with people of like mind and to promote the development of our nation’s art, this is our common aspiration.207

Pan Tianshou himself actually joined the exhibition of the Chinese Painting Society in

1937, submitting his painting, Autumn Mountains, which depicts peaceful scenery of a mountain village in autumn.208 Julia Andrews and Kuiyi Shen suggest that “promotion of traditional Chinese art, artistic patterns, and by implication, native cultural patterns, was a progressive activity for its time.”209 The continued practice of quasi-traditional Chinese painting in modern China may be an active, idealistic, self-conscious, and even modern phenomenon.210 Thus, the period between 1936 and 1937 is one of the important moments in Pan’s life and art. He devoted it to building a sense of cultural nationalism, which was a movement of moral regeneration, seeking to reunite the different aspects of

207 Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, “The Traditionalist Response to Modernity,” 83-85. The original text is in Zhongguo meishu nianjian (Shanghai: Shanghai shi wenhua yundong weiyuanhui, 1948), shi 6.

208 Huang Jusen 黃菊森, Zhongguo huahui diliujie huaji 中国画会第六届画集 (Shanghai: Shanghai yishu tushushe, 1937), 11.

209 Andrews, “The Traditionalist Response to Modernity,” 91.

210 Ibid. 79.

99 the nation—tradition and modernity, agriculture and industry, science and religion—by returning to the creative life-principle of the nation.211 The Chinese Painting Society is a good example to show how “the intellectuals (chiefly historical scholars and artists) have been the formulators of the historicist ideology of cultural nationalism and established its first cultural institutions.”212

After he constructed the ideological idea in his art theory, Pan began to pursue his own unique artistic vocabulary in his artwork. It can be interpreted as reforming traditional Chinese painting and adding a modern flavor, in particular manipulations of form, which he finally accomplished in 1948. According to Julia Andrews, “Pan believed fervently in preserving and transmitting the techniques of the masters, but he made a compositional breakthrough in the late 1940s that took his work a step beyond that of any of his predecessors. It is very possible that his decades of employment in a school dominated by modernists, which included three years as director from 1944 to 1947, stimulated his development of flat, angular, abstract effect.”213

More importantly, Pan employed finger painting in order to strengthen his flattened works. His first finger painting was Vultures from the Distant Sea of 1932. This technique was used for Pan’s inventive manipulation of form and his unique style was

211 John Hutchinson, The Dynamics of Cultural Nationalism: The Gaelic Revival and the Creation of the Irish Nation State (London; Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987), 14.

212 Ibid., 9.

213 Julia F. Andrews, “A Shelter from the Storm,” in Andrews, Between the Thunder and the Rain, 191.

100 fully realized in Black Chicken on the Rock of 1948 (fig. 28). Kuiyi Shen points out that

“this piece represents the modernity of his painting and his predominant concern with the formal organization of the pictorial surface, and his forceful brush and daring composition impart a freshness and graphic power that helped Chinese painting truly move into the twentieth century.”214 As Shen states, the graphic power of the painting might be paralleled in graphic or woodblock art during that time. A huge wide rectangular rock rendered in quick simple ink lines with his finger and hand occupies almost the entire painting surface in Black Chicken on the Rock. The overall shape of the rock shows its flatness. Although black wet dots of moss, a bamboo tree, green grass, and a black chicken are added over the rock, these are decorative elements rather than volume creating. The ninety-degree angle of the rock at the end of the upper left part and the inscription, located in the upper part of the rock, intensify the two-dimensionality of the painting.

The Historical Reconstruction of Traditional Ink Painting

While absorbing present artistic changes from outside and inside China, Pan expanded his interest in Chinese historical painters and poets and devoted himself to

Daoism and Buddhism. This section is divided into three parts. First, it traces Pan’s engagement with the seventeenth-century Individualists, focusing on Shitao and Zhu Da.

214 Kuiyi Shen, “Wu Changshi and the Shanghai Art World in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries” (PhD diss., Ohio State University, 1999), 238.

101

Second, it examines Pan’s devotion to Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. Finally, this section deals with Pan’s attempt to innovate traditional Chinese painting during the

1930s and 1940s, while showing how past artistic styles, such as those of Gao Qipei, and the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou inspired Pan to achieve his inventive artistic vocabulary around 1948.

1. Experimenting with Various Artistic Styles

Pan devoted himself to various kinds of paintings, not only adopting past masters’ styles but also developing his own artistic styles. Lang Shaojun points out that “Pan delved deeply into tradition and drew influences from Ma Yuan and Xia Gui’s robustness,

Dai Jin’s vigor, Shen Zhou’s smoothness, Zhu Da’s singularity, and Wu Changshi’s simplicity and lushness, while constructing his intrepid personality and unique mentality.”215 Pan Gongkai also suggests that the carefree quality of Pan Tianshou’s art may be sought in a movement begun by literati after the Song dynasty, which led artists to explore their subjective experiences rather than objective existence.216 This more spontaneous approach in Chinese painting flourished in the works of Xu Wei (1521-

1593), Zhu Da (also called Bada Shanren, 1626-1705), Shitao (1630-1724), and the Eight

215 Lang Shaojun 郎绍君, “On Pan Tianshou,” in Lü, Pan Tianshou yishu, 47.

216 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 24. 102

Eccentrics of Yangzhou as well as those of late nineteenth and early twentieth century’s artists, such as Zhao Zhiqian (1829-1884) and Wu Changshi (1844-1927).217

In particular, Ni Yide explains that Pan Tianshou’s works show the inheritance from Zhu Da and Shitao.218 As I have mentioned above, many public exhibitions and publications enabled Pan to deepen his interest in traditional Chinese painting, in particular the styles of Shitao and Zhu Da. For example, during the 1910s and 1920s, one can find at least seventeen periodical articles about Zhu Da, but in 1929, seven magazines and newspapers introduced his works, which definitely shows the increasing popularity of Zhu Da during that time. The subjects of the seven paintings are varied. Three works are landscapes, and one painting depicts four kinds of tree.219 Three are bird-and-flower paintings.220 Pan Tianshou was one artist who supported this public interest. Pan’s

217 Ibid., 24.

218 Ni Yide 倪胎德, “Du Pan Tianshou jinzuo—shitan Zhongguohua shi, shu, hua, yinde jiehe 读潘天寿近作—试谈中国画诗, 书. 画, 印的结合 (Reading Closely Pan Tianshou’s Painting and Discussing the Harmony of Chinese Painting’s Poetry, Calligraphy, Painting, and Seal),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 8, No. 3 (1961), 61.

219 Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren shanjutu 八大山人山居圖 (Bada Shanren’s Painting, Living in a Mountain),” Shenshui huabao 沈水画报, No. 15 (1929): 1, Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren shanshui 八大山人山水 (Landscape Painting of Bada Shanren),” Lianyi zhi you 联益之友, No. 102 (1929), 2, Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren shanshui 八大山人山水 (Landscape Painting of Bada Shanren),” Minyan huakan 民言画刊, Vol. 10 (1929), 2, and Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Ming Bada Shanren songbai tong chun tu 明八大山人松柏桐椿圖 (Bada Shanren’s Painting of Pine Tree, Empress Tree and Toona Sinensis),” Huabei huakan 华北画刊, Vol. 27 (1929), 1.

220 Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren Xiaodanfu 八大山人小堂幅 (Small Painting of Bada Shanren),” Huabei huakan 华北画刊, No. 30 (1929), 1, Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren huaniao 八大山人花鸟 (Bird-and-Flower Painting of Bada Shanren),” Guocui yuekan 国粹月刊, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1929), 1, and Bada Shanren 八大山人, “Bada Shanren huaniao 八大山人画鸟 103 interest in Shitao and Zhu Da was enhanced by the public viewings of work by the two masters. Through this experience, Pan thought that he could use the artistic vocabulary of two masters to renovate Chinese ink painting. Displays from private collections of works by the two masters were part of the Nationalist government’s First National Art

Exhibition, which opened on April 10, 1929 at New Common Education Hall on National

Products Road in Shanghai’s South City.221 After he visited an exhibition of Shitao and

Zhu Da in 1929, Pan wrote a poem, After the Visit to the Exhibition of Paintings by the

Two Great Masters Shitao and Zhu Da.222 According to Ralph Croizer, the National Art

Exhibition of 1929 came at the end of a decade that had seen modernism begin to seep into the debate about what kind of art was needed in a modern China.223 Pan was one of those searching for a new kind of art for China.

From this period, Pan also ardently studied Zhu Da’s famous subjects, such as fish, flowers, and birds until his late career. Zhu Da was born in 1626 as a descendant of the prince of Yiyang of the Ming imperial family.224 His literary and artistic family had cultivated poets, calligraphers, painters, seal carvers, and art connoisseurs over four generations; Zhu Douzheng (1541-1589), a poet, calligrapher, painter and seal carver,

(Bird Painting of Bada Shanren),” Weibao 蔚报 (Bird Painting of Bada Shanren),” Weibao 蔚报, Vol. 6 (1929), 2.

221 Andrews, “Exhibition to Exhibition,” 38.

222 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 76-77.

223 Croizer, “When Was Modern Chinese Art?,” 25.

224 Wang, Master of the Lotus Garden, 13.

104 was his grandfather and Zhu Moujin was his father.225 Zhu Moujin (died 1644), who was a deaf-mute scholar, had learned from his father and capably rendered works in the styles of Wu School masters such as Shen Zhou and Wen Zhengming.226 Raised in such an artistically nurturing environment, Zhu Da started to study poetry at the age of seven, and became accomplished in calligraphy, seal carving and painting. As an imperial descendant, he received a good classical Confucian education, and in his late teens, took the civil service examination, passing the first-level test in the early 1640s. The Ming dynasty collapsed in 1644 and the Manchus established the Qing dynasty. In the following year, when the Qing army came to his hometown of Nanchang in Jiangxi, the young man took refuge in the Fengxin Mountains, west of Nanchang. Zhu Da found shelter in a temple in 1648 and became a Buddhist monk. He later became a disciple of the prominent Chan master Yingxue Hongmin of the Caodong sect in 1653. During the

1670s, Zhu Da expanded his social relationships outside of Buddhism, becoming friends with Qing officials, including Qiu Lian, who later became an official in Linchuan,

Jiangxi. After the death of his Buddhist teacher, Yingxue, he gradually moved toward the secular world. His specific cause for leaving Buddhist life remains unclear.227 His attempt to reenter secular society also was not easy; his mental health declined in 1680. His

225 For more information about Zhu Da’s portrait, see Richard E. Vinograd, Boundaries of the Self: Chinese Portraits, 1600-1900 (Cambridge [England]; New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 63-67.

226 Joseph Chang and Qianshen Bai, In Pursuit of Heavenly Harmony: Paintings and Calligraphy by Bada Shanren from the Estate of Wang Fangyu and Sum Wai (Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Art, 2003), 1.

227 Ibid., 2-4.

105 subsequent eccentric behavior might be related to trying to escape the threats from the

Qing government, which tried to compel him to take a civil examination for government service.228 As of 1684, Zhu Da began to use the name “Bada Shanren,” which literally means “Mountain Man of Eight Greatnesses,” and entered an artistically productive period.229 According to Chu-tsing Li, Zhu took his name from a sutra, because the term means four directions and four corners.230 After the early 1690s, he lived as a hermit and devoted more and more time to painting and calligraphy, occasionally travelling. In 1701, he set up a studio and continued to paint until his death in 1705.231

In his early period, Zhu Da painted a strictly limited range of subjects, mainly flowers and fruit. After returning to the secular world around 1680, however, he began to render a wider range of subjects, including birds and fish. After the 1680s, his painting style becomes more mature and fully exposes the artist’s actual emotions. The adoption of the name, “Bada Shanren,” in 1684, moreover, signals a profound shift in his career from Buddhist monk to artist. His paintings make use of more constructive and powerful compositions and brushstrokes starting in the late 1680s. Zhu focused especially on eagle and lotus paintings around 1700. His achievement in bird-and-flower paintings was an

228 Wang, Master of the Lotus Gardens, 14, and Wen C. Fong, “Stages in the Life and Art of Chu Ta (A.D. 1626-1705),” Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 40 (1987), 8.

229 Fong, “Stages in the Life and Art of Chu Ta,” 8.

230 Chu-tsing Li, “A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines: Chinese Paintings in the Charles A. Drenowatz Collection,” Artibus Asiae. Supplementum, Vol. 30 (1974), 212.

231 Chang, In Pursuit of Heavenly Harmony, 1-9 and Wang, Master of the Lotus, 23-81.

106 important legacy to later generations. In addition, Zhu’s various life careers as a

Confucian scholar, Chan Buddhist monk, and artist enabled him to syncretize

Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism in his work. His art thus uniquely fuses these three prominent philosophical traditions.232

Pan admired Zhu Da’s art throughout his life. He painted Zhu’s favorite subjects, such as lotus, birds, and fish into his late career.233 Especially, from an early age, Pan adopted Zhu’s eagle and lotus subjects, and Zhu’s philosophical syncretism inspired him.

In his early years, Pan began to paint lotus paintings, and during the middle period he expanded the boundary of his painting subjects into birds and fish. After the early 1930s, he produced more bird-and-flower paintings, which was a major theme in Zhu Da’s artworks. He sometimes directly emulated Zhu’s subjects and style while adding his own flair—using fingers to create a spontaneous and expressive mood, creating a deep spatial depth, and constructing a unique composition with painting and calligraphy in harmony.

Vultures from the Distant Sea of 1932 is one good example of this (fig. 29).234 In this

232 For more about Zhu Da’s philosophical syncretism, please see Mina Kim, “Lotus and Birds in the Cincinnati Art Museum: Philosophical Syncretism in the Transitional Work of Bada Shanren (1626-1705)” (MA thesis, The Ohio State University, 2012).

233 Another twentieth century Chinese artist, Qi Baishi also frequently reused Zhu Da’s favorite subjects in his art. For more works of Qi Baishi, look at Jung Ying Tsao and Carol Ann Bardoff, The Paintings of Xugu and Qi Baishi (San Francisco: Far East Fine Arts, 1993) and Catherine Yi- yu Cho Woo, Chinese Aesthetics and Qi Baishi (Hongkong: Joint Pub. Co (HK), 1986).

234 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 79. 107 painting, the subject of the vulture first appeared.235 It becomes one of the favorite motifs in Pan’s art.

This work is also one of Pan’s earliest finger paintings.236 Finger painting was not popular in traditional Chinese painting, but after Gao Qipei (1660-1734) painted many artworks of this genre, the later generations, especially the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou continued this tradition. As we have seen, Pan practiced finger painting under the teaching of a local Ninghai painter, Yan Yuanxuan.237 In this painting, there are two vultures sitting on a rough rock in the left foreground, with Pan’s inscription in the middle, and the land in the background. The inscription describes the two strong vultures of the remote sea sitting on a broken rock, while listening to the sound of the water from morning to evening in a cold, rainy autumn day. In the inscription, Pan said that because he had not recently created any finger paintings, he felt unsatisfied with this work, but when Pan saw his Vultures from the Distant Sea, he thought of Qieyuan (Gao Qipei).238

The inscription by Pan also highlights that finger paintings should express the rhythm of the finger and the characteristic of the ink, but its achievement lies beyond the brush and ink, and thus the experience of finger painting represents the accumulation of knowledge

235 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji, 31.

236 Xie Qing 谢青, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu 潘天寿指墨画研究 (The research on Pan Tianshou’s finger painting),” Meishu yanjiu 美术研究 (Art Research) No. 3 (2010): 66-69.

237 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 78.

238 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji, 31.

108 and experience with ink.239 In addition, this painting prompts us to think about Zhu Da’s eagle paintings. During his later career, in particular between 1699 and 1702, Zhu often dealt with eagle subjects in his works. In Two Eagles of 1702 one eagle, located on the bottom, is looking towards the left side and another in the upper part is staring at the right side (fig. 30). Two eagles sit on the rock and their powerful expression is quite similar to those of Pan’s Vultures from the Distant Sea. Pan’s painting hence shows how Pan absorbed the artistic vocabulary of past masters and reused it to produce his own artworks.

Another of Zhu Da’s subjects that inspired Pan is fish. The Mandarin Fish of 1933 illustrates only one fish (fig. 31). The inscription describes the mandarin fish as having a huge mouth, thin scales, colorful upper body, and a white belly, and this delicious fish is caught in Hangzhou. The shape of the fish is moreover quite similar to Zhu Da’s fish in

Fish and Duck of 1689 (fig. 32). First of all, the fish of both artists has black, gray ink dots and scales are covered in their upper bodies and white bellies. Second, each fish seems to be floating on the water. Fish paintings, as normally produced by Chinese masters, are depicted in underwater, but Zhu Da was one of the first artists who depicted fish in an imaginary world. Third, they reveal their individual expressions through their eyes: both fish look uncomfortable. Hui-shu Lee proposes that Zhu Da expressed his psychological feeling and thought through ordinary objects, including through distortion

239 For more about Pan’s finger painting, see Xie Qing, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu,” 67, Zhou Zhen 周振, “Laofu zhili neng kangdong-Qiantan Pan Tianshoude zhihua yishu 老夫指力能扛鼎－浅探潘天寿的指画艺术” in Chen Zhenlian 陈振濂, Pan Tianshou zhuanji: tuxiang, wenxian 潘天寿专辑: 图像, 文献 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007), 22-31, and Deng Bai, Pan Tianshou pingzhuan, 80-98.

109 of the pictorial space, and in some of his favorite themes, aquatic creatures such as fish are located in the imaginative space; some swim underneath the water and others stand outside it. Pan adopted Zhu’s paintings of ordinary creatures, particularly fish and birds that express inner feelings and thoughts in an imaginative pictorial space, which will be discussed further in the next chapter.

The various kinds of birds that Zhu Da frequently painted were also Pan’s favored subjects. For example, one bird with closed eyes is sitting on the rock in Sleeping Bird of

1945 (fig. 33). Pan used simple boneless brushstrokes when he depicted birds. Zhu’s simple shape of the rock is also emulated in Pan’s work. Another Zhu Da painting, Two

Birds of 1692, depicts a roosting bird sleeping on one foot, with a three-toed claw and closed eyes (fig. 34). The use of wet brushstrokes for the bird’s features in Pan’s Sleeping

Bird represents his attempt to emulate Zhu’s bird as well. Pan’s love of Zhu Da’s style became a basic foundation for the development of his inventive artistic vocabulary.

Around 1948, Pan achieved this mature artistic style, which is characterized by the abstract manipulation of forms, emphasis on the flat surface of the painting, and rich ink tonalities. In Spiritual Eagle of 1948, for instance, the strong, staring eagle in the center is expressed with various kinds of ink tones. The combination of wet and dry brushstrokes and finger painting techniques create a flat body (fig. 35). The flat surface of the rock behind the eagle enhances this two-dimensionality. Furthermore, Pan’s inventive manipulation of forms is fully realized in Black Chicken on the Rock of 1948 (fig. 28). A wide square rectangle rock, which occupies almost the entire painting surface, is executed in quick, simple ink lines with his fingers. It seems to be floating on the air, like Zhu Da’s 110 rock painting. Through his esteem of a past master, Zhu Da, Pan learned this kind of distortion or imagination of the pictorial space.240

Generally, the definition of literati/scholar-officials is intellectuals who enjoyed paintings, poetry, and calligraphy, while studying Confucianism. They compiled histories, expounded and transmitted the classics, wrote poetry and other literature, composed and performed music, all but monopolized the art of calligraphy, and, after the Song dynasty, made up most of the major movements in painting.241 They usually produced their paintings with ink on paper because these materials were easily accessible. Among their favorite motifs were bamboo, orchids, plum, and chrysanthemum. Confucian scholars considered these four plants to be symbols of unwavering loyalty, integrity and fidelity.

James Cahill points out that subjects such as bamboo, orchids, and plum might seem too general in their symbolism to be suited to occasions of this kind and they are ordinarily read as expressions through symbolic forms and expressive brushwork of the elevated

Confucian attitudes of the artist, his personal character, his freedom from commercial constraints, and so forth.242 Pan followed this Confucian tradition. He illustrated plum

240 Pan’s inspiration from the past masters is well explained in Liu Mo 刘墨 and Gu Chengfeng 顾丞峰, Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong, Pan Tianshou, Fu Baoshi: chuantongde yanxu yu yanjin 齊白石黃宾虹潘天寿傅抱石: 传统的延续与演进 (Shenyang: Liaoning meishu chubanshe, 2002), 79-89.

241 James Cahill, Hills Beyond a River: Chinese Painting of the Yuan Dynasty, 1279-1368 (New York: Weatherhill, 1976), 4. For more detailed information about literati, see Wen C. Fong, Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy, 8th-14th Century (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 42-46.

242 James Cahill, The Painter’s Practice: How Artists Lived and Worked in Traditional China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 21.

111 blossoms, orchids, and bamboos in his Plum Blossom, Orchid and Bamboo of 1933, and arranged these three plants in a seasonal order; in other words, bamboos, a symbol of winter, placed first; plum blossoms, a symbol of early spring are next and then orchids, a symbol of summer located at the end (fig. 36). Another work, Orchid, Bamboo and Stone of 1941, also displays orchids and bamboo (fig. 37). Ironically, however, the inscription talks about spring after rain, and Pan actually produced this piece after plum blossoms bloomed. That means he painted it in spring, but the motifs of the painting are different seasons’ objects: orchids and bamboo. The light gray stone that is dividing the place into two parts—those of orchids and bamboo—represents the time gap between the two plants.

The clear arrangement of space shows how Pan used Confucian subjects and how he organized the pictorial space according to his symbolic intention.

Pan was interested in Daoism as well, in particular Zhuangzi. Daoism emphasizes spontaneous action and freedom from constraints of this world. Dwelling in the

Mountains in 1931 may suggest Pan’s desire to live in nature (fig. 38). The composition of this work follows the typical landscape elements: namely, it has a river, rocks, trees, and mountains. The inscription mentions organic natural scenery with mulberry trees, hemp trees, pear trees and chrysanthemums, and one old recluse living in a deep in the mountains. Although Pan illustrates traditional objects in this work, the description of a hermit is quite unusual and interesting. In traditional landscape paintings, a gentleman inside a pavilion usually sits crossed-legged on the floor while reading a book or

112 meditating, but in Pan’s work, this recluse is sitting on a chair. Although chair-sitting scholars are sometimes shown in Ming paintings, in this painting, Pan would seem to depict a contemporary intellectual. This elderly man might be Pan Tianshou himself, who wanted to escape from the secular world, or a representation of his hope to live as a recluse.

Another painting, Watching Fish of 1948, illustrates a concept from Daoism, in particular Zhuangzi (fig. 39).243 There is a fish and seaweed below, and then a simplified long rectangular rock above. A gentleman on the top is watching the fish beneath him.

The large figure of a gentleman is unusual as a background element. This indicates that the main object is the man who wears traditional clothing. In other words, the composition of the painting is reversed, namely the man and the upper part of the flat surface rock is much larger than the part of the pond, which generates an illusion in the imaginary place that the man is looking at a far away pond.

Buddhism, especially Chan Buddhism, was the most important religion to Pan

Tianshou. For example, he produced numerous Buddhist-related paintings such as those of lotuses and monks through his lifetime. Chan Buddhism developed between the sixth and the eighth century in China.244 It did not originate in the Chinese appropriation of

243 Roger T. Ames and Takahiro Nakajima, Zhuangzi and the Happy Fish (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2015), 23-29.

244 Jeeloo Liu, An Introduction to Chinese Philosophy: From Ancient Philosophy to Chinese Buddhism (Malden, MA; Oxford: Blackwell Pub, 2006), 304.

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Indian Buddhist texts, but can be traced to Indian Buddhist practices.245 The heritage of

Chan Buddhism has not been clearly established, but the teaching of it originated from

India. Chan teaching did not particularly rely on written sutras; instead, teaching were orally transmitted from one patriarch to another. The twenty-eighth patriarch

Bodhidharma (470-543) was said to have brought this teaching to China in the sixth century, and the Chinese Chan School assumed him as its First Patriarch.246 Chan

Buddhism was supported by the Tang court, which contributed to the establishment of the

Chan sect.247 This lineage continued with Huike (487-593), Sengcan (dates unknown),

Daoxin (580-636) and Hongren (601-674).248 After the fifth patriarch, Hongren, the Chan

School was divided into two schools, the Northern School, of which Shenxiu (605-706) was a leader, and the Southern School, which was controlled by Huineng (638-713).

Simply put, the Northern School emphasized gradual enlightenment, but the Southern

School highlighted the importance of sudden enlightenment.249 Pan was especially

245 Peter D. Hershock, Chan Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), 66.

246 Jeeloo Liu, An Introduction to Chinese Philosophy: From Ancient Philosophy to Chinese Buddhism (Malden, MA; Oxford: Blackwell Pub, 2006), 304.

247 Hu Shih, “Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism in China Its History and Method,” Philosophy East and West, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Apr., 1953), 5. For more about Chan Buddhist doctrines such as Chan’s self- cultivation, Xiaolian Liu, “A Journey of the Mind: The Basic Allegory in Hou Xiyou ji,” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews (CLEAR), Vol. 13 (Dec., 1991), 36.

248 John R. McRae, Seeing Through Zen: Encounter, Transformation, and Genealogy in Chinese Chan Buddhism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 2-3.

249 For more about the two paradigms, see Mario Poceski, Ordinary Mind as the Way: The Hangzhou School and the Growth of Chan Buddhism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 194-198. And for more about the relationship between language and non-language in Chan Buddhism, look at Youru Wang, “Liberating Oneself from the Absolutized Boundary of 114 interested in Chan Buddhism and the Southern School’s doctrine of sudden enlightenment, which is continuously shown through his works.

Pan’s devotion to Buddhism began from a young age. Many Chan Buddhist artists inspired Pan. First, numerous artists from the late Ming to the Qing dynasty were

Buddhist monks. As we have seen, Zhu Da, who belonged to Caodong sect in Chan

Buddhism, is a key figure. One of the Caodong practices is “silent illumination.” This

Southern School’s theologies faithfully followed the notion of the innately pure, vacuous, radiant mind without any defilement.250 Zhu Da reflected Buddhist motifs and concepts through his artworks and evidently expressed a Buddhist-related theme in his early period’s works; he mostly painted objects from everyday life including pomegranates, flowers, vegetables, and, most importantly, the lotus. After he returned to the secular world around 1680, Zhu began to deal with various subjects such as animals, flowers and insects, and developed his artistic style around the early 1690s. He expanded his painting subjects and moved toward a more mature style while retaining lotus motifs in his art. His use of lotuses shifts to a much larger portion of the whole composition. That he made lotus paintings until his death in 1705 suggests a continuous connection with Buddhism.

In addition, among the important doctrines in Chan Buddhism, the Southern School emphasizes illogical, unconventional approaches, inner harmony in daily activity and

Language: A Liminological Approach to the Interplay of Speech and Silence in Chan Buddhism,” Philosophy East and West, Vol. 51, No. 1 (Jan., 2001), 83-99.

250 McRae, Seeing Through Zen, 134. For more about Caodong (Soto) School, see William M. Bodiford, “Dharma Transmission in Soto Zen: Manzan Dohaku's Reform Movement,” Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 46, No. 4 (Winter, 1991), 423.

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“sudden enlightenment.”251 These ideas would become one of the factors that encouraged

Zhu to create his own spontaneous and expressive style and to choose everyday life subjects such as mynah birds, vegetables, flowers, and animals in his art. Edmund Capon has proposed that the emphasis on spontaneity and simplicity of Chan doctrine transmitted to Chan paintings and even literati paintings was a way of representing “self- cultivation, self-realization, and self-expression.”252 The contemporary Chinese artist, Wu

Guanzhong provides some sense of this concept. He suggests that “the art of Pan

Tianshou is not just one for pleasing the eye and enlightening the mind and it is an exploration into the vastness and loftiness of the spiritual world. To put it in simple, everyday terms, his ‘antique’ spirit is a test for his single-minded search for form, and his richness comes from the concentration and thoroughness in his use of ink.”253

Pan’s teacher, Li Shutong was also an influential figure. As mentioned in an earlier chapter, Li was a professor at the Zhejiang First Normal School in Hangzhou where Pan

251 Jan Fontein and Money L. Hickman, Zen Painting and Calligraphy; An Exhibition of Works of Art Lent by Temples, Private Collectors, and Public and Private Museums in Japan (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1970), XVI, and Chung-yuan Chang, Original Teachings of Ch’an Buddhism: Selected from the Transmission of the Lamp (New York: Pantheon Books, 1969), 129- 147, 174-181.

252 The terms, “self-cultivation, self-realization, and self-expression” come from the book, Edmund Capon and Mae Anna Pang, Chinese Paintings of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, XIV- XXth Centuries (Sydney: International Cultural Corporation of Australia, 1981), 16. For more about stylistic characteristics of Chan Buddhist art, see James Cahill, Three Alternative Histories of Chinese Painting (Lawrence, Kansas: Spencer Museum of Art, University of Kansas, 1988), 100-101, and Fong, Beyond Representation, 348.

253 Chu-tsing Li, “Wu Guanzhong’s Biography and the Theoretical Foundations of His Art,” in Lucy Lim, Wu Guanzhong: A Contemporary Chinese Artist (San Francisco: Chinese Culture Foundation of San Francisco, 1989), 26.

116 attended from 1915, but Li suddenly became a Buddhist monk in 1918. Although Li did not teach at the school after he became a monk, Pan visited Li Shutong and began to study Buddhism. Many works reflect Pan’s interest in Buddhism. The early paintings are

Old Monk of 1922 (fig. 10) and Bodhidharma of 1924 (fig. 17). Monks in each artwork are meditating and their gestures come from the concept of sudden enlightenment that is central to Chan Buddhism. In another piece, Reading the Sutra of 1948, one monk, located at the right side of the painting, seems to be reading a Buddhist sutra, but his eyes indicate that the monk has finished reading the sutra and is actually meditating (fig. 40).

Pan produced this work with his fingers and nails. During this period, the finger painting technique becomes one of Pan’s favorite methods. Pan thus frequently used past ideas as his painting subjects, and through his paintings, he showed his broad knowledge of traditional philosophical concepts—Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism.

2. Disseminating Traditional Chinese Painting and Developing His Inventive Artistic

Vocabulary

Many artists, including Pan Tianshou, tried to promote traditional Chinese painting through publications and participating in various artistic activities from the 1930s. For instance, Xu Beihong promoted a curriculum that borrowed heavily from his training in

France, but at the same time his works around this time demonstrate his attempts to

117 reconcile native traditions and skills.254 According to Weihong Du, Xu’s efforts to find a suitable balance can be broken down into two broad categories: Chinese content expressed through overall Chinese appearance, but with supplementary Western-style realist technique, and Chinese content expressed in totally Western-derived technique and appearance.255 In 1930, a quarterly journal, called National Central University College of

Education Quarterly (Guoli Zhongyang daxue jiaoyu xueyuan jiaoyu jikan) of the

National Central University, where Xu Beihong worked, identifies Xu as a Western painting professor, but his lion painting, published in this journal, follows the format and medium of traditional Chinese painting, ink on paper with a seal and an inscription.256

Xu’s two horse paintings, published in 1936, use the same style. As a Western painting specialist, Xu Beihong demonstrated how Chinese painting could be used as a new form in the present art world.257

During that time, numerous intellectuals more enthusiastically attempted to introduce Chinese painting outside China. In 1930, the Chinese government had sent to

254 Du, “A Turning Point for Guohua?,” 222.

255 Ibid., 222.

256 Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Yishujiayu ke xiyanghua jiaoshou Xu Beihong-[huatu] 艺术教育科西洋画教授徐悲鸿作-[画图] (Painting of Western Painting Professor Xu Beihong in the Department of Art Education),” Guoli Zhongyang daxue jiaoyu xueyuan jiaoyu jikan 国立中央大学教育学院教育季刊, Vol. 1, No.1 (1930), 1.

257 Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Zhongguo meishuhui disanjie meizhan chupin zhi wu-[qilliang] 中国美术会第三届美展出品之五-[凄凉] ([Desolation]-Painting of the Third Art Exhibition by Chinese Art Society),” Zhongguo meishuhui jikan 中国美术会季刊 (1936): 1 and Xu Beihong 徐悲鸿, “Huama 画马 (Horse Painting),” Jiangsu jiaoyu (Suzhou) 江苏教育(苏州), Vol. 5, No ½ (1936), 1.

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Belgium a large amount of educational and agricultural goods to commemorate trade relations with Belgium, and at the same time exhibited approximately one hundred eighty

Chinese artworks, including those of Huang Binhong, Gao Qifeng, Gao Jianfu, Chen

Shuren and Xu Beihong in the Exposition Internationale de Liège.258 Moreover, Huang

Binhong, a well-known ink painter, continued to highlight the importance of traditional

Chinese painting at that time. Jason Kuo states that “Huang Binhong was very much aware of the nature of European art being introduced to China on almost a daily basis, but

Huang believed that the tradition of Chinese painting was rich enough for contemporary

Chinese painters to draw upon and ultimately Chinese painting and European painting have the same goal.”259 In other words, Huang asserted that the art of each nation has its own characteristics, and therefore art from different nations could not be easily combined, which is an almost identical argument as the one in Pan’s 1936 essay that I have discussed in the previous section.260

This social and cultural mood obviously encouraged Pan Tianshou to assert the significance of traditional Chinese painting. First, he constantly presented his works through various publications. Among them, his figure painting, Intoxicated, was shown in

1932 and he wrote his essay, “The Origin and Factions of Chinese Flower Painting” in

258 Roberts, Friendship in Art, 23.

259 Kuo, Transforming Traditions in Modern Chinese Painting, 38. For more about Huang’s concept about Western and Chinese painting, see Kuo’s book in page 39. There is Huang’s direct quotation, written in 1943.

260 Ibid., 31.

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1933.261 Then, in 1934, Pan published many artworks such as a flower painting, Autumn

Thought, and three landscape paintings in three magazines, Meishu zazhi, Yifeng, and

Wenyi chahua, a bamboo painting in Wenyi chahua, and his calligraphy in Jiangsu xueseng.262 In particular, when the magazine, Yifeng presented artworks of faculty members at the National Hangzhou Art Academy, Pan’s work was the only Chinese painting.263 The other works were Western-style figure paintings, nude sculptures, and nude oil paintings.264 The following year, more of Pan’s artworks were published, including a lotus painting in Xuexiao shenghuo, a landscape painting in Xuexiao shenghuo, and a shrimp painting in Hanxie zhoukan.265 A steady stream of Pan’s works that were exhibited in public exhibitions were introduced through publications. A Beggar that is almost identical his previous work, A Beggar of 1924, was painted for the 1936

Fourth Art Exhibition of Chinese Art Society (fig. 6).266 The magazine Dongfang zazhi published another painting, Red Lotus, that was painted for the Chinese and German

261 Pan Tianshou, “Taozhitu,” 1 and Pan Tianshou, “Zhongguo huahuihua zhi qiyuan jiqi paibie,” 1-11.

262 Pan Tianshou, “Qiusi,” 20, Pan Tianshou, “Shanshui (Guoli Hangzhou yizhaun disijie zhanlan guohua xuanzuo),” 17, Pan Tianshou, “Pianfan mingri shi Guazhou,” 72, Pan Tianshou, “Shuimo shanshui,” 8, Pan Tianshou, “Zhugutu,” 7, and Pan Tianshou, “Pan Tianshou xingshu-shufa,”1.

263 Pan Tianshou, “Pianfan mingri shi Guazhou,” 72.

264 Ibid., 72.

265 Pan Tianshou, “He,” 20, Pan Tianshou, “Shanshui,” 1, and Pan Tianshou, “Yishu yu yiren: Xiandai huajia—Pan Tianshou,” 109.

266 Pan Tianshou, “Zhongguo meishu hui disijie meizhan chupin zhiyi, gai,” 1. 120

Cultural History to celebrate the cultural exchange between China and Germany in 1936 and showed a view of the actual exhibition hall.267

Moreover, the Chinese art world seemed to be increasingly interested in Pan

Tianshou’s life and paintings. For example, a collaborative work, The Warm Breath of

Spring by Pan Tianshou and Li Guangzu was published in Xuexiao shenghuo.268 In

Apollo (Yaboluo), Pan’s photo was displayed with other professors of drawing, Western painting, and music (piano), while the magazine Guohua reported that Pan jointed a group tour during the spring break in 1936.269 Furthermore, Pan’s lectures or personal talks were printed by the periodicals, evidence of Pan’s growing reputation during that time. Shi Xiaoxiang summarized Pan’s opinion about Chinese painting in the magazine,

New Youth (Xinqingnian).270 Shi also reported that in March 1941, Pan visited the new capital and toured several famous places nearby, and then he gave a lecture on Chinese painting, focusing on how painting makes people cultivate individual character.271 Pan also published another essay, “Discussion on Painting and Poetry,” in that year, which

267 Pan Tianshou, “Zhongde wenhuashi de yiye-Zhuhe,” 1.

268 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Li Guangzu 李光祖, “Chunnuan 春暖 (The Warm Breath of Spring),” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No.135 (1936), 1.

269 Pan Tianshou, “Guohua jiaoshou-Pan Tianshou xiansheng,” 3 and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Huatan baodao-Pan Tianshou dengyouzong,” 11.

270 Shi Xiaoxiang 施曉湘, “Pan Tianshou lunhua 潘天寿论画 (Discussion on Painting by Pan Tianshou),” Xinqingnian 新青年, Vol. 6, No. 3 (1941), 4.

271画之古雅，不特能陶冶世人品格, 且能传之永久陶治后世人之品格，名曰寿世之畏。 Ibid., 4.

121 collected important sayings of past masters, including Gu Kaizhi, Shitao, and Zhu Da.272

He constantly attempted to disseminate Chinese art and philosophy to students and the public. In his essay, “Writing about Seal Carving” of 1947, Pan praised the development of seal carving in the Song and Yuan periods.273 In the same year, Pan also wrote

“Buddhism and Chinese Painting,” which is about the development of Buddhism and

Buddhist painting from the Tang dynasty.274 At the same time, Pan briefly mentioned the contemporary situation in poetry and prose in the magazine Ningxian.275 In the following year, he wrote very brief comments about various genres in Chinese art and continued to introduce his own paintings, such as Bamboo and Rock.276 Thus, these publications demonstrate how Pan actively participated in distributing Chinese art and ancient philosophy during that time.

While emphasizing the significance of traditional Chinese painting to the public,

Pan attempted to develop his personal artistic styles. Inspiration from past masters’

272 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Lunhua jueju 论画绝句 (Discussion on Painting an Poetry),” Yinyue yu meishu 音乐与美术, Vol. 2, No. 12 (1941), 2.

273 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou tan yu lu, 151.

274 Ibid., 176.

275 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Jinren shiwen Jinren shiwen (Modern Poetry and Prose),” Ningxian 宁献, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1947), 1.

276 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhoumo caifeng-cuzhi yin 周末采风-促织吟(Weekend Folk Songs— Cricket Songs),” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 369 (1948): 4, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhoumo caifeng-huasong 周末采风-促织吟(Weekend Folk Songs—Pine Tree Painting),” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 328 (1948), 4, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Zhushi 竹石(Bamboo and Rock),” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 458 (1948), 4.

122 artistic styles and philosophical understanding of Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism became a basic foundation of his inventive artistic vocabulary. For example, finger painting was an increasingly important technique for Pan’s art. Finger painting has a long history in China. The first known artist to experiment with finger painting was Zhang Zao in the latter half of the eighth century. Zhang also used worn-out brushes and sometimes rubbed his whole hand over the silk. At the end of the Ming dynasty, Wu Xu, Li Pu (d.

1670), and Wu Wei (1636-1696) were known finger painters. The best-known finger artist in Chinese art was Gao Qipei. He spent his youth in Jiancheng, near Nanchang, began to copy paintings at the age of eight, and produced his first finger painting around

1710. He met a fellow finger painter, Wu Wei, in 1696, which might have inspired him to create his own finger paintings.277 Ornamental Rock with Flowerpot of 1708 shows

Gao’s spontaneous execution of finger painting through the rhythm of dry and wet ink lines that vitalize the volume of the rocks (fig. 41). There are exotic rocks in the center of the pictorial space, and behind these rocks a flowerpot is located on the left. The artist exploited the effect of combined nail and fingertip pressure. Klaas Ruitenbeek points out that Gao Qipei was influenced by Xu Wei and Zhu Da. In addition, Gao’s chief themes, such as figures, animals, flowers and birds, were produced through finger painting techniques that were favored by the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou.278 The so-called Eight

Eccentrics also especially adopted previous masters’ subjects and painting styles such as

277 Klaas Ruitenbeek, Discarding the Brush: Gao Qipei (1660-1734) and the Art of Chinese Finger Painting (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1992), 16-20.

278 Ibid., 28-32 and Xie Qing, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu,” 66-69.

123 boneless manner and finger painting techniques, while adding to them an appealing sense of virtuoso spontaneity. Yangzhou is located on the northern bank of the Yangzi River, where the north and south axes of the Grand Canal intersect and served as an important artistic hub in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.279 The city had been economically and culturally prosperous since the Sui and Tang periods and was a trade center for commodities such as tea, salt, rice, handicrafts, industry, and services including marine architecture, jewelry-making, and entertainment. From the middle of the Ming dynasty, Yangzhou became a center for merchants who enhanced the city’s cultural prosperity by supporting art markets.280

The artists’ pursuits of individualized and original styles were a result of the cultural and economic demands of the Yangzhou art market in the eighteenth century.

During that period, the Qing government established the Salt Transportation

Superintendence in Yangzhou that brought great economic prosperity. As a result,

Yangzhou merchants enjoyed their cultural lives in the company of the intellectuals attracted to the city, which further enhanced the flourishing art market. Yangzhou painters pursued eccentricity and individualism in their works, but they were heavily dependent on the wealth and patronage of Yangzhou. Wealthy merchants loved

Yangzhou artists’ eccentric and individualized manners. According to Wai-kam Ho,

279 Ginger Cheng-chi Hsu, A Bushel of Pearls: Painting for Sale in Eighteenth-century Yangchow (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001), 3.

280 Ibid., 4, and Andrews, Between the Thunder and the Rain, 97. For more geographical, cultural, economical, social and political information about the city, Yangzhou, see Tobie Meyer-Fong, Building Culture in Early Qing Yangzhou (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2003).

124 some merchants enjoyed patronizing art productions and tried to emulate the lives of the intellectual elite.281 The most prominent salt merchants who wanted to be considered part of the intellectual elites were patrons of the Eccentrics of Yangzhou.282 Because of this social environment, Yangzhou artists preferred to include elements from styles of the previous individualists, such as Shitao or Zhu Da, in their artworks because their major patrons—Yangzhou merchants—appreciated them. Although many of the Yangzhou

Eccentrics came from scholarly backgrounds, they did not or could not afford the traditional lives of scholar-artists. A large number of them had to support themselves with additional income from the art markets.283 Among the Eight Eccentrics, only the finger paintings of Luo Ping have survived.284 Jonathan Hay suggests that Luo Ping was influenced directly by Gao Qipei and among the earliest artists, he realized the significance of Gao’s style. Other of the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou, especially Gao

Fenghan, Li Shan, Li Fangying and Zheng Xie all loved Gao Qipei’s artistic style.285

According to Chongzheng Nie, the Eccentrics of Yangzhou also introduced new ideas and methods in bird and flower paintings, bamboo paintings and rock paintings, which allowed them full play in the expression of their individuality that influenced later

281 Wai-kam Ho, Eight Dynasties of Chinese Painting: The Collections of the Nelson Gallery- Atkins Museum, Kansas City, and the Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland: The Museum; Bloomington, Ind.: distributed by Indiana University Press, 1980), 376.

282 Giacalone, The Eccentric Painters of Yangzhou, 13.

283 Ibid., 13.

284 Ruitenbeek, Discarding the Brush, 56.

285 Jonathan Hay, “Luo Ping: The Encounter with the Interior Beyond,” in Ruitenbeek, Discarding the Brush, 105.

125 generations.286 I argue that Pan Tianshou was one of those strongly influenced by their iconoclastic approach.

Pan’s love of Gao Qipei and the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou appeared at an early age.287 Pan was educated by a local finger painter, Yan Yuanxuan, and his first published finger painting, Vultures from the Distant Sea, appeared in 1932. When he participated in the White Society in the early 1930s, Pan and its members highlighted the importance of studying Yangzhou painters’ works as their role model. Around 1948, he produced a number of striking finger paintings that display his own inventive artistic vocabulary.288 Pan Gongkai has proposed that “the significant characteristics in terms of

Pan Tianshou’s brushwork and ink rendition can be summarized in succinctness and certainty, robustness and straightforwardness, roughness and condensation, and using finger painting techniques.”289 Such concepts are most apparent in his late 1940s’ works.

First, his execution of flat rectangular rocks, one of the trademarks was nearly completed in 1947. The huge rectangular shaped rock in Ink Landscape of 1947 occupies the center and upper part of the surface (fig. 42). Although small rocks and trees are located in the bottom and middle of the painting, the giant rock is the major element of this work. The

286 Chongzheng Nie, “The Qing Dynasty,” in Barnhart, Three Thousand Years of Chinese Painting, 275.

287 Xie Qing, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu,” 66.

288 Vinograd, “Modern Passage,” 40.

289 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 24-43 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou huihuaji fajianxi 潘天寿绘画技法简析 (Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe: jing xiao Zhejiang sheng Xinhua shudian, 1995), 5-8.

126 surface of the upper rock is mostly clean, but the heavy brushwork of the bottom part creates the volume of the whole rock. His rock looks like those of a Ming dynasty painter,

Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) and a Qing painter, Shitao. Despite the vast difference in scale, the overall composition reminds me of Old Cypress of Wen Zhengming (fig. 43).

In Wen’s painting, a gnarled old cypress is placed in the center of the composition and a larger rock dominates the left side as in this painting by Pan Tianshou. However, although the overall shape of the left part rock in two works seems to be quite similar,

Wen added many textural strokes and wavy black lines on the rock that create some sense of volume. Pan intentionally reduced the lines of rock except a bottom left, which enhances the two dimensional feeling of the rock. The inscription also articulates his view of the significance of artistic activity—doing a painting is beyond the material activity of brush and ink—and is like religion. Ink Landscape is a good example to show the point at which Pan gradually reached his own style of painting rectangular rocks. The shapes are becoming sharper than in his previous rocks, and the bottom group of small square rocks shows the experimentation with his unique style. Pan also rendered the upper part of the rock so that it looks flat, compared to those of Wen, who emphasizes the two-dimensionality of the rock.

Second, as we have seen, his finger painting, Watching Fish of 1948 exhibits more developed ways of constructing his composition in created on a large flat rock (fig. 39).

Although he worked as a professor at Shanghai Art College, Pan resigned the post of the president of the National Art College (also called National Hangzhou Art Academy) under unfavorable political circumstances and devoted more time to producing paintings. 127

That intense focus would seem to be one of the reasons Pan achieved his own artistic vocabulary around 1948. He chose an elongated hanging scroll format in Watching Fish of 1948; with a width of thirty-two centimeters and length of one hundred fifty-four centimeters, which intensifies the flatness of the surface.

Third, Pan’s self-reflective image is added in Eagle on a Pine Branch of 1948 (fig.

44). In this finger painting, there are flat rectangular shaped rocks, thick mosses in the front, and an eagle on a pine branch in the upper part. The eagle is gazing down at the rock below with a confident eye. Although the wet black ink of the mosses applied to the surface of the rocks adds texture, the simple outlines of the bottom rocks create a two- dimensional flat space. The gray, monotone body of the eagle enhances this sense of flatness. The inscription explains that Pan painted this work when the strong floral scent of an ash tree spread in September 1948 and induced a calm and peaceful mood. This poised, confident eagle seems to indicate Pan’s self-assuredness as an artist. Finally,

Pan’s achievement of his own artistic vocabulary is completed in Black Chicken on the

Rock in 1948 (fig. 28). The shape of a vast wide square rock covers almost the entire pictorial space, and the text of the inscription on the rock demonstrates his manipulation of two-dimensional forms. Pan’s expressive application of ink in this finger painting also displays his developed skill of constructive composition.290 In the inscription, Pan mentioned that he had not produced any finger-painted artworks for three years, but this time he tried to, even though he had only a small amount of ink. Thus, it is possible that

290 For more about Pan’s finger painting, look at Xie Qing, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu,” 66- 70.

128

Pan chose the finger painting technique that was developed by Gao Qipei (1660-1734), in order to generate the flat surface in this painting. Instead of using his brush, Pan directly dipped his hands, fingers and fingernails into the ink to promote an abstract depiction of the rock. Furthermore, the ambiguous leaves of bamboo trees, grass and mosses may have been inspired by Zhu Da’s imaginative pictorial surface and reinterpreted as Pan’s own, mature manipulation of organization and composition. Thus, Black Chicken on the

Rock is a significant work that shows how Pan transformed the past masters’ artistic vocabulary into his own inventive artistic style.

Conclusion

Pan encountered modern art movements during his first overseas trip to Japan in

1929. Thanks to this trip, he was able to expand his understanding of national identity and his experimentation with this concept is reflected through his artworks. Pan started to experiment with realistic images from nature. As a professor at the National Hangzhou

Art Academy, he was exposed to European culture and art. Also, he published the essay,

“A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China” in 1936, which demonstrates his interest in Western/imported art and his sense of Chinese national characteristics, which was a popular concept in Chinese society at the time.

Simultaneously, Pan eagerly explored the artistic styles of a limited selection of past

Chinese masters such as Shitao, Zhu Da and the Yangzhou painters. While attempting to disseminate traditional Chinese painting through various publications, he broadened his 129 interest in past Chinese artistic styles, philosophy and religion. Finally, in 1948, Pan

Tianshou achieved his own inventive artistic vocabulary.

130

Chapter 3

Expanding Boundaries of Traditional Chinese Painting

Political Expressions for a New Society

This chapter focuses on Pan Tianshou’s association with the dramatic change in art policy after 1949. He actively faced a current crisis, the radical change of artistic policies, and began to experiment with a new art form by combining two traditional genres—bird-and-flower and landscape, while actively participating in the government’s requirements. In other words, Pan examined and transformed not only the preexisting ideas of art but also cultivated his traditional aesthetic values despite the constantly shifting sands of Communist Party doctrine. His constructive composition and emphasis on the pictorial surface are much more enriched in this period. While experimenting with figure paintings, Western perspective techniques, a monumental scale, and the combination of the landscape and bird-and-flower genres, Pan successfully produced various types of paintings, including works for public viewing that were suitable for the popularization in their decorative and symbolic functions for the People’s Republic of

China, which continued into the Cultural Revolution. Thus, these political pressures

131 allowed Pan to generate his new artistic vocabulary—the unification of traditional and contemporary aesthetics—and new art forms for the present society.

1. Challenging a New Genre, Figure Painting and His First Attempt to Produce

“Popular” Art

After the establishment of the PRC in 1949, the Communist party emphasized the principles of Mao Zedong (1893－1976)’s “Yan’an Talks on Literature and Art” and assumed the control of cultural and educational institutions.291 On March 8, 1949, the

National Beiping Arts College was taken over by the army by order of a military official,

Ye Jianying (1897-1986), who was in charge of administering Beiping for the social projects of the Communist Party. At the same time, the Art Workers Association was established on July 1949 under Jiang Feng’s control. According to Jiang Feng (1910-

1982), art workers should have two tasks—they had to paint educational artworks to serve the workers, peasants, and workers and productive artworks by using modern printing technology. 292 Thus, the first arts policy of the new government from 1949 to

1952 highlighted that artists were required to popularize their art and to serve the people in practical ways. The First National Art Exhibition was held at the National Beiping Arts

291 For more about Mao’s Yan’an Talk, see Kirk A. Denton, Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature, 1893-1945 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996), 458-484, and Margaret Hillenbrand and Chloë Starr, Documenting China: A Reader in Seminal Twentieth- Century Texts (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2011), 58-71.

292 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 37.

132

College in conjunction with the July 1949 Congress of Literary and Arts Workers. Jiang worked very hard to promote “popular” art such as New Year pictures (nianhua), illustrated storybooks (lianhuanhua), and propaganda paintings.293 He strongly disapproved of traditional ink painting, which was associated with the bourgeoisie.

In September 1951, Jiang Feng was transferred to the National Academy of Art in

Hangzhou (also called National Hangzhou Art Academy), where Pan Tianshou worked as a professor. This school was renamed the East China Campus of the Central Academy of

Fine Arts (CAFA). Chinese painting and Western painting were combined into the

Painting Department and most faculty members and students were ordered to go to the countryside such as Yiqiao, a suburban village in Hangzhou.294 About ninety-five percent of the faculty, including Pan and the students at the East China campus of CAFA, were sent to the countryside in 1949 in order to experience peasant life, which was part of the thought reform process.295 Pan was reassigned to a minor administrative position as a director of National Fine Arts Research Center, but he was not permitted to teach.296 The new painting department, directed by revolutionary veteran Mo Pu, did not teach traditional bird-and-flower or landscape painting, but only emphasized figure painting.

293 Ibid., 49. For more about general historical overview during the PRC period, see Arnold Chang, Painting in the People’s Republic of China: The Politics of Style (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1980), 29-35, and Michael Sullivan, “Art in China since 1949,” The China Quarterly, No. 159, Special Issue: The People’s Republic of China After 50 Years (Sep., 1999): 712-722.

294 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 154.

295 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 41.

296 Ibid., 49.

133

Thus, as a way of responding to a new artistic policy, Pan Tianshou had to experiment with a new type of figure painting starting in 1950. He was frequently required to travel to Yiqiao village in Sandun District on the suburb of Hangzhou with Lin Fengmian and senior students.297 The Enthusiastic Turning-in of Grain for Collective Use of 1950 illustrates peasants storing grain in a barn (fig. 45). In the bottom right, five peasants are carrying grain, and in the middle, six people move grain into storage and one peasant is reporting their harvest to two officials. Although the painting contains some landscape elements, including trees in the middle and background, the subject depicts the citizens of an an idealized, peaceful, and prosperous Communist society.

The following year, 1951, Pan Tianshou was sent with his colleagues and students to form a Land Reform working team in northern Anhui, and his task was to explain the recently promulgated Marriage Law to locals and to assist with accounts.298 The government’s policy underlined that artists had to experience the present-day peasant life and through that, they would obtain the persuasive power needed for popularizing their artworks.299 Thus, during this period, Pan tried to capture life scenes of peasants. Bumper

Harvest of 1952 reveals his new challenge to make a suitable art form for a new society

297 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 256, and Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 264. For more general information about paintings during the PRC period, see Wu Zuoren 吴作人, Zhongguo xinwenyi daxi, 1949-1966: meishuji 中国新文艺大系, 1949-1966 美术集 (Beijing: Zhongguo wenlian chuban gongsi, 1993).

298 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 265-267.

299 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 83 and Xiaoping Lin, “Challenging the Canon: Socialist Realism in Traditional Chinese Painting Revisited,” Third Text, Vol. 21. No. 1 (January 2007), 50.

134

(fig. 46). It depicts three peasants carrying the harvest grain and one soldier, wearing a

Mao suit, leading them into a house. The diagonal composition of a cart and an ox invites the viewer into the door, where a worker is drying grain. Pan’s use of thin black outlines makes it look like a woodblock print, as was required in the period, but the uneven lines display his lack of confidence about a new art form. Xiaoping Lin argues that Pan’s peasants show “the infectious smile of Socialist Realism that is an artistic challenge to the canon of traditional Chinese painting, and yet also provides refreshing human warmth that is lacking in figures before the founding of the People’s Republic in 1949.”300 Pan actually confessed to his difficulty when he worked on figure paintings. He said that he tried to study figures for three years, but he could not do them well.301 He ridiculed himself with an old saying, “Be an apprentice at the age of sixty-six,” and described himself as a man who started to learn carpentry at sixty-six.302 However, his use of natural elements, including chicks and chickens on the bottom left of the painting, an ox and plants in the upper part harmonize well with the figures. In particular, the curly tree in the back hints at his matured style in landscape painting and does not interrupt the overall composition; it even enhances the feeling of peaceful rural life. The inscription,

“Shou (Pan Tianshou) learning to paint (shou xuehua)” indicates his diligent effort to pursue a new genre that he had never attempted before. Although he did not enjoy the

300 Lin, “Challenging the Canon,” 53. The similar discussion is also shown in Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 145.

301 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 154.

302 Pan Tianshou, Moyun guofeng, 43.

135 new arts policy, the “Popular Art” of the new era, Pan did not give up his artistic passions; instead he began to produce a new genre, figure painting, in order to produce more suitable art for a new government.

2. Searching a New Taste for Chinese Communist Society under the Reform of

Chinese Painting

In 1953, China prepared its first five-year economic development plan, focusing on industrialization and technological improvement, which was catalyzed by a broad range of technical assistance by the Soviets and the end of the Korean War. Martin Powers argues that “cultural politics has been an important driving force in the evolution of style, particularly in the modern era.”303 Pan had to change his artistic style because of the

Communist government’s policy. According to Julia Andrews, “the year 1953 marked an important transition from a rigid emphasis on popularized subjects and forms to the administration of art as a professional, specialized undertaking . . . The two most important practical results of this change were promotion of Soviet-style oil painting and the revival of guohua.”304 In a session of the Shanghai Art Workers Political Study Group on March 1953, the poet and political instructor Ai Qing (1910-1996) claimed that

Chinese painting should be thoroughly reformed through synthesis with Western art. In

303 Martin J. Powers, “The Cultural Politics of the Brushstroke,” The Art Bulletin, Vol. 95 No. 2 (June, 2013), 313.

304 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 110.

136 the speech, he emphasized that paintings should be painted by the people and new guohua must have new content and new forms: painters must have feelings toward living, laboring, and struggling people.305 Six months later, another key figure, Zhou Yang

(1908-1989), stressed the importance of new contents and national forms, which were influenced by Leninist-Stalinist art doctrines.306 Although the belief that Eastern and

Western art should be synthesized contradicted Pan Tianshou’s strongly held beliefs,

Zhou’s emphasis on national heritage, or at least a reform of the guohua movement, was somewhat beneficial to ink painters, including Pan Tianshou.

In 1953, Pan returned to his typical subjects, landscape and bird-and-flower, and began another experiment by combining these two genres in order to produce a suitable form of Chinese ink painting under the PRC. Pan Gongkai suggests that Pan Tianshou believed that beauty is intimately connected to nature.307 Pan Tianshou reexamined landscape and bird-and-flower objects instead of practicing figure paintings to represent

Chinese nature. Pine, Plum Blossoms and Doves of 1953 was painted in response to the

World Peace Conference that was held after the end of the Korean War (fig. 47).308 This large work illustrates various colored doves gathering together in spring: it begins with his typical landscape elements, including pine trees and plum blossoms. In the middle, a

305 Ibid., 111-118.

306 Ibid., 119-123.

307 Pan Gongkai, “Noble Winds and Strong Bones Meet Their Spirit,” in Chiu, Art and China’s Revolution, 76.

308 Pan Tianshou, Moyun guofeng, 47.

137 group of birds sit together on a rectangular rock, and on the left, another group of peaceful doves is shown. The green pine leaves and pink-and-red plum blossoms provide a cozy shadow in the upper part of the composition and amplify the peaceful mood.

Although his depiction of the doves is not masterful, Pan uses these unfamiliar motifs that symbolize peace to express his desire for appreciation of this universal value. This work also displays his new challenge to combine two genres—landscape and bird-and- flower—for the first time in his life.

Pan was chosen to participate in the Second Congress of China Literary and Art

Workers. Fortunately, the Ink Painting Department was reopened in the East China

Campus of the Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA) at the same time, due to the party’s policy shift from popularization to specialization after 1953. Previously, CAFA had three independent departments of painting, sculpture and applied art, but after 1953 the Communist administration added a color-and-ink painting (caimohua) department to their previous art curriculum. The curriculum in painting consisted of watercolor painting, drawing, design, New Year pictures, illustrated storybooks, propaganda paintings and a little oil painting.309 Young art students produced Chinese paintings combined with Western techniques such as chiaroscuro, one-and two-point perspective, and foreshortening. Between 1953 and 1955, thirty-nine graduates of the East China campus became art instructors at the school, including Fang Zengxian, Zhou Changgu,

309 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 137.

138

Song Zhangyuan, and Li Zhenjian. Criticizing their new color-and-ink painting, Pan

Tianshou expressed his views that the new figure paintings were not Chinese painting.310

In addition, Pan himself tried to use Western style techniques, and applied those to his painting. He left many pencil sketches of natural elements such as trees, flowers, and scenery in the 1950s (fig. 48). Through these practices, Pan expanded his painting style.

A Distant View of Zhejiang of 1954 reflects his study of nature and Western-painting techniques from his sojourns in the countryside (fig. 49). This hanging scroll that describes a local view, Zhejiang in Hangzhou, uses Western perspective for the first time in Pan’s painting career. There are two huge black trees, a pagoda on a small hill, and boats. A curved river and a pale blue mountain increase the Western perspective effect and a close-up view of the trees supports this result. The depiction of the trees in the foreground also reminds us of Japanese woodblock prints and is somewhat awkward under the standard rule of Western perspective. However, government officials liked this painting and reprinted it in color, which was rare during that time.311 From 1953, Pan continuously seemed to search for a new style—experimenting in a new kind of bird-and- flower painting—for the new Chinese society. The reform of Chinese painting helped

Pan go back to his favorite subjects, bird-and-flower and landscape, but these subjects now held a different meaning. His first new trial of synthesizing traditional aspects and

310 Ibid., 142.

311 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 164.

139 currently required artistic styles is not completely successful in some sense, Pan was able to create a new art form by combining two painting genres.

3. His Experimentation with Various Styles and Genres

The national Chinese Art Association (CAA) became very active between 1953 and 1957, in particular organizing exhibitions and publishing books of art criticism and art. During this period, a balance between Soviet inspired artworks and traditional paintings was maintained, and after 1956 Chinese painting (guohua) was more accentuated than in previous years. Important guohua exhibitions began to be held in

1953: The First National Guohua Exhibition of 1953 manifested “the special traits of national art, and many reflected the new life of the people and the beauty of their great motherland.”312 The Second National Art Exhibition contained work in various media such as color-and-ink paintings, oil painting, watercolors, sculptures, prints, drawings, and New Year pictures.313 More importantly, throughout 1955, guohua was also exhibited although political themes, and progressive Soviet styles dominated.314

312 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 161-162. The original source from Quanguo guohua zhanlanhui zuopin mulu (List of works in the National Guohua Exhibition) (Beijing: Art Workers Association, 1953).

313 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 162.

314 Laing, The Winking Owl, 22-23.

140

Under the somewhat positive treatment of ink painting, Pan Tianshou produced two paintings in 1955. First, Corner of Lingyan Gully depicts the Mount Yandang (fig. 50).

Pan, like other artists, had been sent to the countryside and required to study real Chinese nature and the society of workers, peasants, and soldiers, which allowed him to take free trips to famous natural sites. He decided to visit Mount Yandang in southeastern

Zhejiang.315 Sunday excursions were also arranged for professors to climb the mountains around the West Lake in Hangzhou. This work was produced during this period.316 The detailed flowers and plants in the painting are quite new, compared to Pan’s previous works. Flowers and plants on the rocks are located around a curved gully after Pan painted his distinctive square rocks. The more realistic treatment of the flowers may result from his new study of Western drawing. This is one of the first works in which Pan began to combine landscape with flowers, but the flowers and plants are too dominant in the scene, and they interrupt the otherwise perfect harmony of the overall composition.

There are colorful botanical elements around a pond, a number of rocks with plants, and the cliff-like mountains. In order to emphasize the lavish botanical elements, Pan made them much bigger than the normal proportions. The top plants that are almost coming out from the surface show Pan’s efforts to stress the vitality of the scene. Although the overall composition looks quite busy, his execution of water without wavy outlines tries to balance out the whole composition. However, the perspective is somewhat awkward, neither flat nor three-dimensional. Pan stated that “it is easy to make color spectacular,

315 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 185.

316 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 84.

141 but it is not easy to make it elegant. It is easy for ink to be elegant, but it is not easy for it to be popular. By matching color with ink, the difficulty of using color is alleviated.”317

However, it definitely supports his sense of capturing real nature while responding to political policy, the Five-Anti Campaign that was launched in 1952 and designed to target the capitalist class. Thus, the mandate for scientific realism, at least in part, combined with national art forms. Pan tried to produce an actual view of China by using flowers and contemporary architecture in his paintings, which made the paintings more approachable to the labor class. The second work of 1955 is Clearing After April Rain and it has the opposite effect: landscape elements seem to overpower, but his use of various plants and trees of different sizes affords viewers great pleasure. These two works manifest the emergence of Pan’s continuous effort to synthesize two genres, landscape and bird-and-flower.

More importantly, a more positive change in the CAA happened in 1956 due to the

Hundred Flowers Campaign. In March 1956, Mao announced a policy that signaled a new direction in art. The Communist government stated that the main form of art exhibitions should be a large-scale or national format, and artists were to be allowed the freedom to choose their own works for exhibition, which supported the revival of traditionalism at the Third Guohua Exhibition.318 Pan’s Corner of Lingyan Gully of 1955

317 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Tingtiange huatan suibi 听天阁画谈随笔 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1980), 8, 34-35, and Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 85.

318 Galikowski, Art and Politics in China, 56-62, Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 165-166, and Laing, The Winking Owl, 23-27.

142 was considered one of the most beautiful of the published works from this exhibition by the government (fig. 56). Moreover, the Chinese Painting Department was set up again in the East China Campus of the CAFA in 1956, and Pan was able to resume his teaching in

Chinese ink painting. Pan emphasized that bird-and-flower and landscape paintings were needed to decorate newly constructed public buildings and demand for these paintings began to increase.319 After the Hundred Flowers Campaign in 1956, the government stressed that artworks for the exhibitions should be a large-scale or national format but allowed the freedom of artists when they select their works.320 He also produced many paintings that were used to decorate newly constructed public buildings. His two four- meter-long paintings, Flowers in Yandang Mountains in My Memory and Landscape

Radiating Beauty, were hung in the Hangzhou Hotel.321

Due to another new policy, the Great Leap Forward from 1958 to 1961 highlighted national and popular Chinese art in the international world, and thus Pan’s works revealed more political expressions for responding this policy.322 The titles of these

319 For more about Pan’s reaction about the hundred Flowers campaign, see Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 , “Pan Tianshou xiansheng tan baihua qifang he Zhongguo huade tedian (Pan Tianshou discusses the policy of letting one hundred flowers bloom and the characteristics of traditional Chinese painting),” Xin Meishu 新美术, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1981), 74. For more on Pan’s opinion about Guohua under the PRC, see Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shei shuo Zhongguo hua birantaotai? 誰説中囯画必然淘汰? (Who says traditional Chinese painting is destined to die out?),” Meishu Yanjiu 美术研究, Vol. 4 (1957), 22-24.

320 Laing, The Winking Owl, 23-27.

321 Lü, Pan Tianshou yishu, 223.

322 Galikowski, Art and Politics in China, 83.

143 works, such as Transporting Iron Ore by Sailboat of 1958, directly followed the party policy, but the presentation of the works themselves are quite different, compared to other contemporary painters who plainly showed political themes and subjects (fig. 51).

In other words, his titles seem to follow the party’s requirement, but the painting elements and representations are his own interpretation in many ways. Pan was assigned to visit China’s then-largest hydroelectric power station in Xin’anjiang, Zhejiang province. After visiting the site, he chose to portray the natural scenery of the neighboring Tongguan mine from which the iron ore was extracted to the west of Xin’an

River, instead of painting the construction site as other artists did. The main theme of the work is iron ore that was shipped along the river and the sailboats continuing their journey outside the frame in the foreground. At the same time, the eyes of viewers are drawn back to the rocky shore on the right and stop at a huge pine tree, located in the middle ground. The tree juts out from behind the rock and stretches across the landscape, which creates a three-dimensional optical illusion effect. Behind the tree, the rocky hills continue and at the end of the upper hill, viewers’ eyes are drawn back to the rectangular rock in the background. This circular composition heightens the vitality of the whole piece.

In conjunction with the official permission to experiment with various contents and styles in his works, Pan recovered his position as an art educator and painter. In 1957, he was inaugurated as vice president of the East China Campus of the CAFA. In particular, as a teacher, Pan ardently began to publish many writings, including “A Research on the

Inscriptions on Chinese Painting” and “A Talk on the Style of Chinese Traditional 144

Painting.” 323 He was retroactively elected as a deputy of the First National People’s

Congress through by-election and was named the Honorary Academician by the National

Academy of Arts of the Soviet Union in 1958.324 In the following year, the East China campus of the CAFA was renamed as the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts, and Pan was appointed as the president. He attended the Second National People’s Congress and he was invited to hold an exhibition was held in the Former Soviet Union on invitation.325

The Great Leap Forward sought to establish a prosperous and ideal Communist utopia in China. Its two main characteristics were “everyone to become a steelmaker” and

“the People’s Communes,” and one slogan of the movement was surpassing Great

Britain’s industrial production, which indicates the goal of the campaign was quite international.326 The policies also encouraged the training of worker-peasant-solider- artists and emphasized national and popular art that had its roots in international factors.327 Under the beginning of the new policy, artists were forced to abandon their personal work and join the “great tide of socialist construction.”328 Many artists, including guohua painters, began to prepare works in celebration of the tenth anniversary

323 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 258.

324 Ibid., 258.

325 Ibid., 258.

326 Galikowski, Art and Politics in China, 56-62, Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 78-80, 203, and Liang, The Winking Owl, 29-31.

327 Galikowski, Art and Politics in China, 83.

328 Ibid., 80.

145 of People’s Republic of China as part of the 1958-1959 campaign.329 They produced albums illustrating the poems of Chairman Mao.330 Pan’s work, This Land So Rich in

Beauty of 1959, illustrates how Pan followed the new campaign, portraying a line from one of Mao Zedong’s poems (fig. 52).331 The front small hill and the mountain in the background are painted in a clean, bright blue and the same type of blue gradations gives unity to the whole composition. Right behind the blue hill, the trees with red leaves are in the foreground, and after a white river that creates a balance between the two lands, the mountain and a lighthouse on its top are visible in the distance. Unlike his previous or present painting, Pan used bright colors, especially blue, green and red, without dominating black ink outlines and the simple execution of the overall composition and black outlines looks like woodblock prints or folk paintings. This is an example to show that Pan followed two slogans—“Faster, Better, Cheaper” and “Every Home a Poem,

Every Household a Painting,” of the Great Leap Forward.332 The depiction of China’s natural scenery was considered suitable for celebrating the tenth anniversary of the PRC.

Pan Tianshou thus found a new possibility of ink painting that was suited to the arts policies of the day while continuing his favorite subjects, landscapes and bird-and- flowers. I think that his painting was influenced by the newly changed policies, but his experimentation with preserving past artistic styles and responding to present art policies

329 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 78-70, 228.

330 Ibid., 225.

331 Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity,” 90.

332 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 225.

146 began to bear fruit in his final aesthetic breakthrough. In his last period Pan created his own new genre: a powerful combination of landscape and bird-and-flower paintings.

4. Creating a New Genre through Synthesis of Bird-and-Flower and Landscape

After the Great Leap Forward Campaign, conflicts within the upper ranks of the

Chinese Communist Party made for rapidly shifting and unpredictable cultural policies.333 According to Julia Andrews, “this confusion was compounded by events such as the famines of 1959, 1960, and 1961 and the Sino-Soviet split of July 1960, which culminated in a state of national crisis. Perhaps to release mounting social pressure, cultural controls were briefly liberalized between 1961 and 1963.”334 In this political environment, Pan was elected as the vice chairman of the Chinese Artists Association

(CAA) and produced A Scene of the Waterfall at the Little Dragon Pond in 1960 (fig.

53).335 In this period, Pan painted in a much freer manner than before, perhaps due to the

333 Xue Nong suggests that bird-and-flower painting can be used for politics in his article, Xue Nong 雪农, “Huaniaohua chuangzuo zatan 花鸟画创作杂谈 (Talking about the Creation of Bird-and-flower Painting),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 6, No. 4 (1959), 11. This suggestion displays the Chinese Communist government shifted art policy that highly emphasized the figure paintings of real peasants, workers and soliders. Due to this changed social and political mood, Pan was able to develop his own artistic form, combination of two genres, bird-and-flower and landscape. Another article, Yu Jianhua, “Huaniao hua you meiyou jiejixing (Does Bird-and-flower Painting Have Class Character?),” Meishu 美术 (1959), 6-7 also deals with bird-and-flower painting subject, which shows the cultural and artistic mood in 1959.

334 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 78-80.

335 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 258.

147 relaxed arts policy, but the theme of the work surely portrays the beautiful landscape of mountains and rivers in China. In this context, the artist’s personal search for beauty and the political trend in which the beauty of the nation’s land was imbued with patriotic significance conveniently converged. It shows the waterfall at the Little Dragon Pond, located in Mount Yandang in southern Zhejiang province, to which Pan was sent in 1955.

Various trees and plants in different sizes from the front to the background are depicted.

The clear distinction of three grounds created by appropriating Western perspective brings out the grandeur of nature in Mount Yandang. The grandiosity is strengthened through his inscription, “the peaks and valleys at Mount Yandang are unimaginable to mankind as if they were masterpieces of gods, making it extremely difficult, if impossible at all, for artists to depict.”336

The second campaign of a series of campaigns to cover the walls of the newly constructed museums and government buildings in the capital with historical and politically significant paintings was launched in 1961. Numerous artists were called to

Beijing under the direction of Luo Gongliu (1916-2004).337 The 1959 campaign had produced such iconic landscapes as Fu Baoshi (1904-1965) and Guan Shanyue (1912-

2000)’s This Land so Rich in Beauty and Shi Lu (1919-1982)’s Campaign in Northern

Shaanxi, both of which identified China’s physical territory with the greatness of its leader. Although he did not join this campaign, Pan continued to hold the post of

336 Pan Tianshou, Moyun guofeng, 62.

337 Andrews, Painters and Politics in the People’s Republic of China, 243.

148 chairman of the Zhejiang branch of the CAA and attended the National Higher Education

Conference on teaching materials in Liberal Arts, presenting his new curriculum for the

Chinese Painting Department at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts.338 He proposed dividing instruction into the three traditional genres of Chinese painting, figures, landscapes, and birds and flowers. This offered the potential of reviving the two classical themes in the face of the dominant position of socialist realist figure painting of the academy. In 1962, his individual exhibition was held in Hangzhou and Beijing. In addition, at a teaching seminar on drawing, he openly rejected the then-prevalent idea that Western academic drawing, with its emphasis on light, shade, and volume, was a necessary foundation for Chinese painting instead emphasizing only the Western practice of sketching, in combination with Chinese outline painting, painting from life, and copying old paintings. This was part of his implementation of a new approach to teaching painting.339 As a continuation of the Beijing campaign, Pan painted Wild Flowers in

Yandang Mountain in 1962 for the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in Beijing.340 This work mainly focuses on botanical subjects, a pictorial vocabulary that he probably learned from his previous trip to Yandang. Such landscape elements remind us of his pencil sketches in the 1950s.

338 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 258.

339 Ibid., 259-260.

340 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 180-181.

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Pan, moreover, continuously experimented with two genres—bird-and-flower and landscape painting, which shows his unceasing search for a new modern cultural nationalism. Pan’s attempt was supported by the contemporary intellectuals such as Tian

Qing. He states that although a variety of art forms differ in execution, they can all improve people’s spiritual role equally, and praises the combination of landscape and bird-and-flower painting.341 A Creek After Rain, dated 1962, is one of the artworks that he had been invited to produce on a large scale for hotels and public institutions (fig. 54).

Another version of this painting was also painted for the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse in

Beijing.342 It describes a view after rain in a creek: there are fresh green plants, huge twisted pine trees, and rocks, which create a sense of diagonal composition from left to right. By contrast, the stream in the background flows from the top right to the bottom left, which forms another diagonal composition. The contrast of dark and gray ink tones between the front and the back enhances the fresh feeling after a rainstorm. His continuous experiment and attempt at synthesis of landscape and bird-and-flower, finally reaching its climax after 1962. Pan himself said:

I combined bird-and-flower with landscapes, and added materials to the painting by coupling the distant view with close-ups. By doing so, I make the painting livelier and rich and full of changes on different levels. For example, painting an eagle or a buzzard requires an open and wide picture plane, because it is a ferocious bird and suitable for painting of large size. If an eagle appears in the foreground, I paint towering rocks and pouring waterfalls in

341 Tian Qing 田青, “Women xuyao shanshui he huaniaohua 我们需要山水和花鸟画 (We need landscape and bird-and-flower painting),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 6, No. 4 (1959), 13.

342 Pan Tianshou, Moyun guofeng, 95.

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the distance, and even a pale touch of the mountains, focusing on the close up instead of the distant view. In other words, the foreground is the main theme and the background subsidiary. I also try to combine landscapes with bird-and-flower painting. In that case, I take more distant views rather than close ups, and focus on the distant scenes to represent the mountains [in classical perspectives of] level distance, high distance and deep distance.343

As examples, A Corner of the Little Dragon Pond in 1963 shows how Pan’s experiment achieved a good result (fig. 55). It portrays a close-up view of the Little

Dragon Pond at Mount Yandang: a white circular pond locates in the center and because of that, the viewers’ gazes go down to the flowing water and stop at the front red flowers, and then continue to the various plants such as white, blue, red flowers in a circular configuration from right to left. He carefully organizes rectangular rocks and the different tones of botanical elements in a neat composition, and the contrast between the white water and dark rocky surface generates a perfect balance in the composition. In his 1963 essay, Pan says, “I am currently engaged in a combination of bird-and-flower painting with landscape painting, and our comrades can also try to do this combination. I think combining figure with bird-and-flower paintings, or landscape with figure paintings is also an innovative path.”344 Fortunately, Pan’s innovation of combining landscape with bird-and-flower painting were increasingly valued by art authorities. The next year, he

343 我画的花鸟与山水结合，在取近景时配上远景以增加画中的材料，使之更为丰富热闹，又有层次变化。如画鹰和鹫，要求画面空旷开阔，因它是凶猛的禽鸟，宜于画大幅，近景画鹰，远处可配上峥嵘的岩石和倾泻的。。。甚至淡淡的远山，取近少取远，以近景为主体，远景为客体。我也尝试山水与花鸟的结合，取远少取近，以取远景为主，也表现了平远的，高远的，深远的山川景象。Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” 113-114.

344 我正在搞花鸟和山水结合的尝试，同志们也可试一试，搞山水和花鸟的结合，或人物和花鸟的结合，或山水和人物的结合，我看这也是创新的一个路子吧。Ibid., 113.

151 produced The Brilliance of Auspicious Clouds of 1964 for the Hangzhou Hotel as his biggest “hotel painting” (fig. 56). He also attended the Third National People’s Congress and held a solo painting exhibition in Hong Kong.345 Although an odd debate—whether bird-and-flower painting possessed “class characteristics”—was played out in the party art journal, Meishu, throughout this time, the Communist government considered Pan’s paintings to be in line with their policy.346

Regardless of whether or not one might see in it “class characteristics” in it, The

Brilliance of Auspicious Clouds is Pan’s achievement of a mature synthesis of the bird- and-flower and landscape genres. There are various detailed flowers and plants at the bottom similar to those rendered in his other recent paintings and pencil drawings. It begins with the enormous rectangular rocks, and three birds and huge pine trees, a stream, and mists flow naturally from them. However, instead of horizontally dividing the surface into three grounds from the bottom to the top, Pan considers a general way of looking at ink painting by dividing it into a horizontal sequence: the right half as the foreground, a pine tree and one eagle as the middle, and the tumbling stream and mists lead the background. The tremendous pine tree, whose trunk starts from the left end of the huge rock, enriches the diagonal composition. A bird, standing on the pine tree,

345 Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting,” 181 and Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 260.

346 Andrews, The Art of Modern China, 177. The class debate is discussed in Cheng Zhide, “Huanniao hua he meide jiejixing (The Class Character of Bird-and-flower Painting and Beauty),” Meishu 美术, No. 6. (1960), 46-51, and Jin Weinuo, “Huanniao huade jiejixing (The Class Character of Bird-and-flower Painting),” Meishu 美术, No. 3 (1961), 47-50.

152 clarifies the middle ground, and the contrast between dark trees and bright sky and mists augments the deep special effect. This approximately nine-meter-long painting shows

Pan’s brilliant combination of the two genres. Numerous commissions in this period by the Communist authorities to decorate public buildings indicate that his artworks were well received.347 Through his unceasing efforts, Pan Tianshou finally created his unique combination of landscape and bird-and-flower painting, which was able to fulfill two conditions: pursuing his own artistic style of ink painting and responding to the arts policy of the current society. Various external pressures pushed Pan to create his new artistic vocabulary, which he achieved within the parameters of his personal artistic integrity. He selectively unified elements of traditional and contemporary aesthetics, for present-day society. Synthesizing his choices from tradition and modernity was his form of political expression during the PRC period.

Reinscribing Traditional Chinese Painting

Although the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government strongly urged artists to invent a new type of art for the new society, Pan continued to paint traditional

Chinese-style paintings that were inspired by past masters. In other words, Pan had to produce his works for public use under the government’s control, but at the same time he

347 For more about Pan’s life and artistic activity during the 1960s, look at Gao Tianmin 高天民, Liushi niandai: Pan Tianshou yu tade xuesheng: Jinian Pan Tianshou danchen 110 zhounian zhopinji 六十年代: 潘天寿与他的学生: 纪念潘天寿诞辰 110 周年作品集 (Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 2007), 9-24.

153 dealt with traditional themes and subjects for his personal fulfillment as an artist and to demonstrate the importance of traditional Chinese painting as an art educator. From the mid-1950s onwards, he encouraged the Chinese art world to pay attention to Chinese tradition by publishing books on classical artists such as Gu Kaizhi, Wang Meng and

Huang Gongwang. Many writings and paintings show how Pan attempted to help

Chinese people understand the history and artistic styles of traditional Chinese painting and how they might be used in present-day society. Simultaneously, his artistic style became fully mature by adding the reflection of his personal feelings and thoughts. Thus, even though external pressure and the constantly shifting sands of the Communist Party doctrine-dominated society, his deeply rooted attachment to traditional aesthetics allowed

Pan to continue his inventive artistic vocabulary and a personal artistic integrity.

1. Seeking Refuge in the Past

After the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established on

October 1, 1949, as we have seen, the Communist party took control of arts policies. The practice of painting in ink, with or without color, on paper or silk was categorized as guohua (national painting or Chinese painting).348 Guohua artists at the major art academies, including Pan Tianshou, were required to practice drawing from life, especially from live models of peasants, soldiers and workers. While he diligently

348 Andrews, “Traditional Painting in New China,” 556.

154 practiced this new requirement during the early 1950s, Pan continued to favor his long- favored subjects in his spare time.

Plum and Confucian Scholar of 1950 is reminiscent of the past, when he was freely able to choose various themes, subjects and styles (fig. 57). A Confucian scholar wearing traditional clothing, is bent over his desk. Next to the book, there are a teacup and book boxes. The viewers can see the scholar’s private space through an oval-shaped window, which was one of the frequently used and important architectural features of the traditional Chinese garden. Moon-shaped or oval-shaped windows and gates were popular in the southern part of China, including Suzhou and Hangzhou. The earliest recorded Chinese gardens date from the Shang dynasty (1600-1046 BC), which means the description of Pan’s oval-shaped window reflects a depiction of the past, instead of the present. Outside the window, plum blossoms bloom. Plum blossoms are one of the earliest flowers to bloom after enduring cold winter weather. Because of this characteristic, the literati revere plum blossoms as a symbol of hope and perseverance.

The inscription, Pan’s own poem, is located at the bottom of the painting, and it describes in his hand the peaceful winter scenery after snow, and how the scholar could not sleep.

Another inscription, located at upper right, says that Pan painted this finger painting. Due to the traditional type of poem and painting theme to display it as evidence of his supposedly evil thinking, the Red Guards made chalk marks on it during the Cultural

Revolution (1966-1976). This painting may be Pan’s personal confession that he was reminiscing about the good old days when he could paint freely. From this point on, his

155 interest in traditional philosophy, especially Confucianism could not be directly conveyed through his art, which now had to follow the doctrine of the Communist Party.

Moreover, in this period Pan continued to work in an imaginary landscape genre that was at odds with current government art policy—which emphasize of the description of real people in present-day China. Landscape in Jet Black Ink of 1953 is an imaginary landscape scene set in nameless mountains (fig. 58). There are literati-style rocks, a tall pine tree, a waterfall, smaller rocks, and distant mountains, but because of the medium— jet-black ink—the overall feeling of the work is powerful and the thick black brushwork in the trees, grass, and rocks invigorate the scene. The inscription on the upper part of the painting tells us several important things. First, Pan mentioned a huge impact from Zhu

Da’s art and artistic concepts. The inscription points out that a pine tree and rock painting of Zhu Da (also called Geshan) in jet-black ink depicts a cold winter day after snow. Pan indicated that he was inspired by Zhu’s work, but the content and artistic style are his own. Pan also stressed that artworks must pursue dissimilarities within similarity and find differences between black and white spaces that Zhu Da had already begun to explore in his pioneering paintings. Second, in the inscription, Pan said that he painted this work on a sweltering summer day, and so this piece made him feel cool and fresh. The inscription mentions that this work, Landscape in Jet Black Ink, is an imaginary landscape. In other words, Pan produced this work on a hot day, inspired by Zhu’s winter landscape painting.

It proves that this is not a depiction of any real or actual view of current China. Third, the last part of the inscription might be a metaphorical expression. During the early 1950s,

Pan was in some sense forced to paint different kinds of subjects, including figure 156 painting and popular art, against his wishes. The Communist Party insisted on specific elements in their art policy—promoting a mass audience and the real depiction of peasant life. Pan’s works, The Enthusiastic Turning-in of Grain for Collective Use of 1950 and

Bumper Harvest in 1952 simultaneously show that he tried to produce more suitable art for a new government and that he was struggling with the new task. Landscape in Jet

Black Ink represents Pan’s desire for freedom or free will. That is why the Red Guards also made a chalk mark on this painting during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), as a sign of violating the Communist government policy.

The combination between the past artistic subject and Pan’s own inventive style is shown in Sleeping Cat of 1954 (fig. 59). The subject, a cat, is another favorite object in

Zhu Da’s paintings. The cat is sleeping on the edge of a rock and the rock occupies more than two-thirds of the painting. The most ingenious characteristic of this work is the manipulation of pictorial surface. The grass and one chrysanthemum flower at the bottom form an ambiguous space. Although moss-like dots on the bottom right part of the painting suggest the ground, there is no clear division between the land and sky. Because of that, the huge square rock seems to be floating in the air. The lower part of the rock that is clearly exposed at the bottom left also enhances the floating effect. It is very hard to imagine that this kind of enormous rock actually would be hovering above the ground, but he creatively executed the pictorial space. Pan slightly divides the flat rock into two segments: the left rock looks heavier than the right rock, but the right part of the rock extends beyond the painting, which creates an implicit balance between two sections of the rock. The gray and black ink dots of the moss partially covered by the right edge of 157 the rock, and climbing along the central crevices create mass, but at the same time the V- shaped crevices at the unmodelled surface of the boulder and the light brown color in the center of the rock strengthens an effect of weightlessness.

Generally, brown, gray and black colors dominate the overall composition of this work, but the yellow chrysanthemum flower with green leaves and the white cat with black dots are the only elements painted in other colors. The diagonal position from the cat at upper left to the bottom chrysanthemum makes a stable balance on the painting’s surface, and this flower seems to point to the main object, the cat. The harmony between the heaviness and lightness of the composition shows Pan’s thoughtful play with pictorial space. This kind of invention, on which he had worked since 1948, appeared consciously in his later works. Pan’s innovations would seem to be inspired by the works of Zhu Da, such as Mynah Birds and Rocks of 1690 and Two Mynahs on a Rock in 1692 (fig. 60).

The diagonal composition of the painting, simple lines, the ambiguous division of the rocks, the inverted triangle-like shaped rock, and birds on the rock are the artistic vocabulary of him.

Moreover, Pan’s inscription, located in the upper right, gives an ironic feeling. It says that in the afternoon there is a gallant cat on the rock, and the cat looks like it is sleeping but is actually hiding a mouse. Although Pan did not directly mention that why he wrote this, it might be the political complaint, as was the case in some paintings of the late 1940s, after he had been dismissed as academy director by a more fervent supporter of the Nationalist Party. The inscription also indicates that Pan painted this work in early

158 spring, and the cat looks brave, but the actual image of the cat shows it sleeping soundly.

The year 1954 was one of Pan’s experimental years, when he tried to find an art form suitable for public display under the Communist government. After he practiced the mandatory figure paintings of real peasants, workers and soldiers in the rural Chinese scenery during the early 1950s, Pan replaced actual human figures with birds in 1953, and in the following year he painted a realistic landscape painting of Zhejiang with a modified Western perspective technique. In fact, despite his diligent efforts, Pan expressed his dissatisfaction with these tasks. Thus, the cat possibly might be the representation of Pan Tianshou himself.

As a dedicated artist and patriot, Pan faithfully attempted to follow the newly required art forms for the present society, but the period between 1949 and 1954 was an uncomfortable time for him. Nevertheless, he continued to work with themes, subjects and artistic styles from the past while adding his own inventive interpretations. This kind of activity in this period can be considered a kind of metaphoric language to express

Pan’s desolate reality and memories of his previous life.

2. Shedding New Light on Chinese Tradition

In 1955, when Pan painted Corner of Lingyan Gully, the government critics considered this painting one of the most beautiful works at the Third Guohua Exhibition.

Furthermore, when the Communist government announced its new policy, the Hundred

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Flowers Campaign, ink painters, including Pan Tianshou, gradually obtained more freedom to produce their works as they wished. The Department of Chinese Painting at the academy was restored in 1956 and Pan was promoted to vice president of the East

China Campus of the Central Academy of Fine Arts (CAFA) in the following year. These changes stand in obvious contrast to Pan’s experiences during the early 1950s, when he was frequently obligated to go to the countryside and experience rural life and was not even permitted to teach. After 1955, he was more widely accepted by the government and the Chinese art world as an artist and art educator. As he began producing various works that were deemed to meet the Communist government’s requirements, he highlighted the importance of traditional Chinese art and tried to revitalize it.349

First, in this period Pan published quite a few articles and books on traditional

Chinese painting and the artistic styles of past masters. One article, “Who Says

Traditional Chinese Painting Is Destined to Die Out?” (Shei shuo Zhongguo hua biran taotai), published in 1957, accentuates the ongoing importance of Chinese ink painting

349 For more about Pan’s traditional Chinese painting style during the PRC period, see Liu Mo 刘墨 and Gu Chengfeng 顾丞峰, Qi Baishi, Huang Binhong, Pan Tianshou, Fu Baoshi: chuantongde yanxu yu yanjin 齊白石黃宾虹潘天寿傅抱石: 传统的延续与演进 (Shenyang: Liaoning meishu chubanshe, 2002), 120-141 and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天壽畫集 (Shanghai. Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1963). The book, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Tingtiange huatan suibi 听天阁画谈随笔 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1980) also shows Pan’s general idea about Chinese painting in terms of using brush, ink, color, and finger painting technique and creating composition although it is somewhat unclear when Pan mentioned these collected writings. You can find a more affordable version, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge (Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2003), 33- 96, which has a chapter of Tingtiange huatan suibi 听天阁画谈随笔.

160 during the PRC period.350 Pan said that the Communist party leaders understood the substantial characteristics of cosmopolitanism and they accepted an innovative approach to build a new body of socialist literature.351 In order to promote traditional Chinese painting, he wrote various articles. For instance, he wrote two essays, “The Research on

Chinese Painting’s Inscriptions” (Zhongguohua tikuan yanjiu) and “The Discussion on the Chinese Traditional Painting Style” (Tantan Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge) in the same year.352 Another writing, “Characteristics of Traditional Chinese Painting”

(Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge tedian) suggests that traditional Chinese painting stresses the use of ink, composition, blank spaces, color, shading, perspective, spiritual momentum, inscriptions and seals, which makes the painting even richer and vitalizes the unique beauty of form.353 Pan thus tried to reinvigorate traditional Chinese painting within the Communist art policy.

Second, Pan narrowly focused on specific historical Chinese masters who were especially well-known for their expressive and individual styles. He began to publish

350 Pan Tianshou, “Shei shuo Zhongguo hua birantaotai?,” 22-24.

351 Ibid., 24.

352 Pan Tianshou, “Zhongguohua tikuan yanjiu,” 119-148, and Pan Tianshou, “Tantan Zhongguochuantong huihua de fengge,” 149-167. Pan continuously wrote various essays about Chinese painting and these are well documented in Pan, Pan Tianshou meishu wenji. You can also find a more affordable version, Pan, Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge (2003), 1-33, which has a chapter of Tantan Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge 谈谈中国传统绘画的风格.

353 Pan Tianshou, “Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge tedian,” 16-36.

161 books about Gu Kaizhi, Huang Gongwang and Wang Meng.354 Pan’s pair of art history books, Gu Kaizhi and Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng, published in May of 1958, were commissioned for the series “Zhongguo huajia congshu.” The first book, Gu Kaizhi, introduces artistic styles of Gu Kaizhi, who was renowned as the patriarch of early

Chinese figure painting. He was born in Wuxi, Jiangsu province, during the fourth century and his most famous work is The Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court

Ladies (also called The Admonitions Scroll), which illustrates episodes of an eighty-line poem about Confucian ethical behavior composed in 292 by the courtier Zhang Hua

(232-300) to admonish Empress Jia (fig. 61).355 Wen C. Fong explains that this handscroll is highly regarded by numerous artists and art historians because of the depth of subtlety of emotional states, of the human desires and aspirations, and of body language, particularly the depiction of eye contact and the observations of figures that reflect Gu Kaizhi’s sophisticated understanding of pictorial form and manipulation of its expressive power.356 This scroll, which depicts scenes of Confucian filial piety with some

Daoist elements and is dated to the Jin dynasty, also signifies the long history of

354 Pan Tianshou, Gu Kaizhi, and Pan Tianshou, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng. Pan’s book about Gu Kaizhi is republished in Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Tangqian 历代画家评传. 唐前 (Xianggang: Zhonghua shuju Xianggang fenju, 1979) and his book about Huang Gongwang and Wang Meng is republished in Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Yuan 历代画家评传. 元 (Xianggang: Zhonghua shuju Xianggang fenju, 1979).

355 Shane McCausland, Gu Kaizhi and the Admonitions Scroll (London: British Museum, 2003), 7.

356 Ibid., 9.

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Confucianism and Daoism in China.357 In the early twentieth century, images from the painting were well-published by scholars at the British Museum.358 The painting thus exemplifies the traditional Chinese technique of outline painting, yet was highly praised by modern European scholars. It is part of global art history, and is probably one reason why Pan chose Gu Kaizhi as a book subject.

Gu Kaizhi was one of the artists whom Pan admired, especially in terms of Gu’s process of creating a painting, pouring the artist’s thoughts and feelings into the subject, capturing the spiritual character and attitude of the subject, and revealing the spiritual character of the artist’s mind.359 Pan Gongkai proposes that “Pan Tianshou’s artistic style is one of majesty, of singularity and of simplicity, characterized by a vigorous beauty, and also by the strength of character that permeates his works.” 360 Pan Gongkai argues that “Pan Tianshou followed Gu Kaizhi’s idea of transmitting the spirit, and that the spirit is the dominant factor that determines if the form is adequate.”361 Pan Tianshou’s book on Gu consists of five chapters with twenty-six illustrations; the first chapter deals with three characteristics of Gu Kaizhi in terms of his talent and painting style. The next analyzes Gu’s unique style and its evaluation by later generations. The third chapter

357 Ibid., 10.

358 Laurence Binyon, Admonitions of the Instructress in the Palace: A Painting in the Department of Prints and Drawings, British Museum, reproduced in Coloured Woodcut (London: Printed by order of the Trustees of the British Museum, 1912).

359 Pan Tianshou, Tingtiange huatan suibi, 7-8.

360 Pan Gongkai, Gaofeng jungu, 24.

361 Ibid., 24.

163 introduces the history of Gu’s painting, and the fourth is about The Admonitions of the

Instructress to the Court Ladies and its schematic diagram. The final chapter summarizes

Gu’s painting theory. This analytical writing thus displays Pan’s deep and insightful understanding of Gu’s art as a potential model for the present rather than simply gathering biographical information. This book has been republished in Hong Kong and

China several times after Pan Tianshou’s death.362

His other book of the same year, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng, had equal personal significance.363 Huang Gongwang was born in Changshu, Jiangsu and is considered one of the Four Masters of the Yuan Dynasty, a list that also included Wu

Zhen, Ni Zan and Wang Meng.364 He spent his last years in the Fuchun Mountains near

Hangzhou and devoted himself to Daoism. One of his well-known works is Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains of 1350, which describes the Fuchun Mountains where Huang lived (fig. 62). According to the inscription in this handscroll, Huang started this painting in 1347, when he retired to the Fuchun Mountains, and finished it in 1350.365 Tao

Zongyi’s essay, “Secrets of Landscape Painting of Huang Gongwang,” published in 1366, is a collection of thirty-two short notes on Huang’s paintings and the theory and practice

362 Pan Tianshou, Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Tangqian. For more about Gu Kaizhi’s life and writings such as “Discussions on Paintings,” see William R.B. Acker and Yanyuan Zhang, Some T’ang and pre-T’ang texts on Chinese Painting (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1974), 43-82.

363 Pan Tianshou, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng.

364 For more information about the Four Master of the Yuan Dynasty, look at Maxwell K. Hearn, “The Artist as Hero,” in Fong, Possessing the Past, 299-324 and Wen C. Fong, “Revival and Synthesis: Yuan Literati Painting,” in Fong, Beyond Representation, 431-502.

365 You can see the whole translation of its inscription in Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, 111.

164 of painting in the Yuan period.366 Huang was interested in the artistic styles of early masters, in particular Dong Yuan and Li Cheng, and advised on how to paint landscape paintings, in terms of specific uses of brush, composition and objects.367 Pan’s book,

Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng, includes eleven illustrations by Huang Gongwang and seven illustrations by Wang Meng and consists of four chapters; the first chapter begins with a general introduction to social background and their artistic roles, and the second focuses on Huang’s life and artistic achievements. The third chapter deals with Wang’s life and artistic accomplishments, and the final one summarizes the artistic positions of two artists in the Yuan dynasty and their impact on later generations.368 As an art educator, Pan tried to help the Chinese public and his students become aware of traditional Chinese masters, especially literati painters, who were usually neglected in the

PRC. This book was also republished in 1979 after the Cultural Revolution.369 I believe that Pan chose these two artists because they studied the artistic styles of early masters as innovative literati painters, they excelled in landscape and literati-related subjects, and

366 Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, 85-86.

367 Cahill dealt with more detailed contents of Huang Gongwang’s essay, “Secrets of Landscape Painting,” in this book, Hills Beyond a River, 86-88.

368 Pan Tianshou, Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng.

369 Pan Tianshou, Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Yuan. More various activities such publications and exhibitions of Pan Tianshou were supported by the Pan Tianshou Foundation. See Zaixin Hong, “Arts Philanthropy in China; Pan Tianshou Foundation Makes its Mark.” China Exchange News, Vol. 23 No. 3 (1995): 19. After the Cultural Revolution, many Chinese followers and students of Pan Tianshou also published numerous books about his life and art. One of them, Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou yanjiu 潘天寿硏究 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan chubanshe: Xinhua shudian jingxiao, 1989) is a good example. This book deals with Pan’s life from his young age, his impact on traditional Chinese painting, reminiscences of Pan by his students and followers, and artistic styles in his painting and calligraphy.

165 their achievements of own artistic styles, their positions in the art of the Yuan dynasty, and their impact on later generations were all huge. Pan chose these artists as role models in order to demonstrate the most distinctive characteristics of traditional Chinese painting to the world.

Pan’s works from 1958 show his growing confidence in art. Eagle on the Rock of

1958 illustrates a massive bird of prey perched on an angular boulder (fig. 63). Wild grass, mosses and a small rock occupy the foreground, and the eagle, staring out at upper left, is crowded between a huge rectangular rock with simple mosses and the artist’s inscription. The contrast between the concentrated, dark ink of the eagle’s dense plumage on the top and the large expanse of white rectangular rock gives balance to the whole composition. Another contrast between the flat pictorial space of the simplified rock executed with his fingers and hands and the voluminous body of the eagle and overlapping plants at the bottom reflect how Pan carefully managed pictorial space. At the same time, this work displays Pan’s inspiration from past masters. In the inscription located in the top right of the painting, Pan mentioned that the seventeenth-century painter Gao Qipei executed his finger paintings to achieve a variety of dry ink tonality, and now Pan himself has done this finger painting in order to experience the same feelings as Gao. Pan also said that while painting this piece, he was delighted because he felt that he communed with the past master, Gao Qipei.370 Moreover, this piece points out

Pan’s interest in another artist, Zhu Da. First, the eagle, leaning forward, reminds us of

370 For more about Pan’s finger painting, look at Xie Qing, “Pan Tianshou zhi mohua yanjiu,” 66- 70.

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Zhu’s Mynahs (fig. 60). Second, Pan’s eagle’s body is not outlined, but is rendered only in broad strokes of wet ink. This is called the boneless manner, which is the same technique that Zhu Da employed. Third, the bird’s expressive eye glancing up in Pan’s painting is also similar to Zhu’s. Fourth, the floating rock, with its manipulation of space and visual ambiguity, is used by both artists. Finally, the eye of the eagle expresses Pan’s confidence, which is shared by Zhu’s depictions of animals with human expressions.

During the late 1950s, as a teacher and artist, Pan enjoyed a renaissance because he was generally reaccepted into the Communist art world, and hence Eagle on the Rock reflects not only Pan’s own artistic interpretation but also the emblematic artistic elements of Zhu

Da and Gao Qipei.

In addition, Pan invariably continued with traditional subjects, including the four gracious plants and the artistic vocabulary of past masters in his later years. In Blunt

Brush Orchid and Rock of 1960, he painted the long square rocks with mosses and orchids behind them (fig. 64). Although he only painted two objects, the variety of ink tonality shows his mature brushstrokes. The black line of the upper part rock is executed with wet ink, and the gray lines of the lower part of the rock are rendered in dry ink.

Conversely, the leaves of the orchids are painted in dry black ink and the flowers are depicted in wet gray ink. The black part of the work occupies the center of the pictorial space and the gray colored elements are spread to the outside. The painting thus maintains lightness and heaviness in perfect balance. The inscription, located on the top left, notes that Pan painted this work in early spring, when magnolia flowers bloom. The interesting thing is that the content of the inscription and the painting elements are 167 different. This shows that this painting is an imaginary piece. It also reveals Pan’s enjoyment of a classic subject and his talent in poetry, while expressing his personal feeling and thought.

A Small Pavilion by Withered Trees of 1961 demonstrates his interest in artistic manners of the past master, Ni Zan (1301-1374) (fig. 65). Ni Zan is considered one of the

Four Masters of the Yuan dynasty, along with Huang Gongwang, Wu Zhen, and Wang

Meng. He was born into an elite family in Wuxi, Jiangsu province and was given a

Confucian education. He collected famous antiquities, paintings, and calligraphy and was known for his obsessive habits of washing his hands constantly and avoiding unclean people, quirks interpreted as showing his purity of spirit. During the 1340s, due to exorbitant land taxes by the Mongol government as well as droughts and floods, numerous peasant revolts arose in the Jiangnan region. Ni suddenly distributed all of his possessions to his relatives and friends and moved into a houseboat. He spent a wandering life traveling around the Taihu (Lake Tai) and the relatively peaceful southeast regions. During that period, he began to develop his distinctive style and finally returned to his hometown in 1371.371 Ni generally produced pale, monochrome dry ink paintings.

The Rongxi Studio in 1372 shows his unique manner, particularly the great areas of the untouched paper that indicate the expanse of water, a rustic empty hut, no human presence, and the sparse use of ink (fig. 66). Rocks, sparse trees, an empty pavilion, a vast amount of water, and small mountains and hills are major elements in this and his

371 Cahill, Hills Beyond a River, 114-120.

168 typical paintings. The thin trees, the empty hut without human figures, and pale ink tones enhance the feeling of loneliness and desolation.

Pan’s painting, A Small Pavilion by Withered Trees of 1961 displays some distinctive features of of Ni Zan’s style despite its mountainous rather than river side setting (fig. 65). The thin tall trees, an empty hut and angular rocks are found in both works although Pan’s foreground rocks have much sharper corners and rectangular shapes. Tall, withered trees that seem to point to the sky create a vertical effect in the pictorial space in both paintings. Pan imitated Ni’s vast empty space, although he replaced the water with sky. More importantly, Pan painted the empty hut without any people, which is one of Ni’s trademarks. Generally, the overall composition of Pan’s piece is like a zoom-in shot of Ni’s Rongxi Studio. Pan intentionally focused on this scene in order to highlight how he was aware of Ni’s artistic vocabulary but efficiently transformed Ni’s distinctive characteristics. The inscription, located in the top right, further illustrates Pan’s admiration of Ni Zan. It mentions that Pan painted a small pavilion and old trees in order to emulate Ni’s freewheeling and elegant brushstrokes.

Pan also admired Ni’s implicative and profound expression of desolation and wrote of his regret that present-day artists lacked such artistic talent. This inscription thus reveals

Pan’s strong admiration of Ni’s artistic style and his wish is that his students paid more attention to the past masters and learned their artistic vocabulary. Because of his deep devotion to the past master, this painting, A Small Pavilion by Withered Trees also got a red chalk mark by the Red Guards and led to Pan’s persecution during the Cultural

Revolution. 169

3. Pan’s Efforts to Innovate Chinese Painting

During the early 1960s, his new public art form was highly regarded by the

Chinese Communist government and he actively produced paintings for the public.

However, at the same time, Pan constantly published essays about traditional Chinese painting in order to get students and the public interested in the traditional style. For instance, he wrote “Learning Calligraphy and Chinese Painting Composition” (Shuta xuexi ji guohua buju) in May 1961, “Poetry and Painting Complement Each Other”

(Shihua ronghe xiang de yizhang) and “The Collection and Storage of the Past Chinese

Painting” (Guhua shoucang he baoguan) in September 1961, and “Discussion on

Creativity” (Chuangzuo suotan) in December 1961.372 The following year, Pan put out four essays, “The Painting and Art of Ren Bonian” (Ren Bonian de huihua yishu) in April,

“Bone Method in Use of the Brush” (Gufa yongbi) in July, “Brief Discussions on the

Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou” (Lüetan Yangzhou baguai) in September and “On the

Basis of Teaching” (Guanyu jichu jiaoxue) in November.373 He published “The

372 Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shuta xuexi ji guohua buju 书法学习及国画布局 (Learning Calligraphy and Chinese Painting Composition),” in Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录 (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984), 46-71, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Shihua ronghe xiang de yizhang 诗画融和, 相得益彰 (Poetry and Painting Complement Each Other),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 1-4, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Chuangzuo suotan 创作琐谈 (Discussion on Creativity),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 79-86.

373 Pan Tianshou, “Ren Bonian de huihua yishu,” 116-120, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Gufa yongbi 骨法用笔 (Bone Method in Use of the Brush),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 121-127, Pan 170

Innovation of Chinese Painting” (Guohua chuangxin) in July 1963 and “Composition on

Chinese Painting” (Guanyu Zhongguohua de goutu) from August 1963 to May 1964.374

Particularly, Pan’s long time friend, Wu Fuzhi, who was a member of the White Society that Pan organized in 1932, published an essay, “The Paintings of Pan Tianshou” (Pan

Tianshou guohua yishu) in 1962 that explained Pan’s artistic characteristics, subjects and his adaptation of past masters’ styles, a testimonial to the appreciation Pan’s art enjoyed in the contemporary art world.375

Among his many publications, this dissertation particularly focuses on several essays, which show Pan’s dedicated attempt to reinscribe traditional Chinese painting during the 1960s as an art educator. First, in December 1961, he wrote about “Discussion on Creativity” (Chuangzuo suotan). The main subject is about the importance of a painting process, while examining artistic characteristics of Gu Kaizhi and Shitao. Pan says that in the process of painting the artist possesses his own thoughts and feelings, and therefore what constitute the object’s soul and mind are often expressed through the eyes of the artist.376 During the 1960s, Pan also gave numerous lectures to his students and the

Tianshou, “Lüetan Yangzhou baguai,” 87-92, and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Guanyu jichu jiaoxue 关于基础教学 (On the Basis of Teaching),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 93-101.

374 Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” 107-115 and Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Guanyu Zhongguohua de goutu 关于中国画的构图 (Composition on Chinese Painting),” in Pan, Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu, 5-45.

375 Wu Fuzhi, “Pan Tianshou guohua yishu,” 41-43. For more about Wu Fuzhi’s art and life, see Wu Fuzhi 吳茀之, Wu Fuzhi zuopin duoying 吳茀之作品掇英 (Hangzhou: Xiling yinshe, 2001).

376 在作画过程中画家有他自身的思想感情，对象的灵魂和思想，要通过作者来表现。Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Chuangzuo suotan,” 81. 171 public, which indicates his dedication to teaching people and showing how traditional

Chinese painting can be revived in the contemporary art world and society. For example, in the 1961 lecture at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts, he highlighted that for the future of Chinese painting, “we [Chinese art students] need to improve and master skilled traditional techniques blended in the so-called ethnic or national style, as well as adopting new Western techniques [Western sketch drawing].”377 The following year, for middle and high school students, Pan presented a lecture. He pointed out that “Chinese painting and Western oil painting have their own characteristics and strengths. The problem of

Nationalization is not an easy one to solve. Reforming new techniques requires a considerable understanding of the foundation of oil painting.”378

Second, the argument of another essay, “Bone Method in Use of the Brush” (Gufa yongbi), published in July 1962, is related to the “Six Principles of Chinese Painting” by the sixth-century critic and art historian, Xie He, and Pan summarized the difference between Chinese painting and Western painting in this essay as in his previous lectures.

He argued:

377 。。。熟练传统技法，研究民族风格，同时吸收西洋技法，也可能成为一种很高的绘画。Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “1961 nian, zai Zhejiang meishu xueyuan zuo Zhongguohua jiangzuo 1961 年, 在浙江美术学院作中国画讲座 (Lecture on Chinese Painting at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts in 1961),” in Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou tan yi lu, 26.

378 中国画的基础和油画的基础，各有其特点和长处。民族化的问题不是那么简单容易的，必须对西洋油画有相当基础以后，才能创造和变革。Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “1962 nian, zai Zhejiang meishuyuan fuzhong zuo Zhongguohua jiangzuo 1962 年，在浙江美术学院附中作中国画讲座 (Lecture on Chinese Painting at the Middle and High School Attached to Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts in 1962),” in Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou tan yi lu, 26.

172

Chinese painting and western painting differ in many ways. Take the drawing of spherical object such as the full moon, for example. Chinese method would depict it with a line of circle, whereas Western method tends to show the contrast of light and shadow, emphasizing the quality and the three-dimensional sense of an object. In particular, when painting a round object on white paper, the part with light is often depicted in grey, and the part under shadow in black. Instead of drawing the edge of the object, lines are used for the crossing of lighted and shaded areas, which help to further define the sense of a ball shape . . . Kang Youwei belittled Chinese painting publicly and rejected any scientific aspect in Chinese painting techniques. He also despised the use of lines in Chinese painting, while highly praising and worshiping Western styles. Even many Chinese neglected the value and role of Chinese painting and new development and innovation were needed for Chinese painting. This could only be done by adopting the strengths of Western techniques while keeping the national characteristics at the same time.379

Third, Pan also aimed to inspire people to be interested in recent Chinese painting.

In April 1962, he wrote a short essay about a nineteenth century painter, Ren Yi (also called Ren Bonian). “The Painting and Art of Ren Bonian” (Ren Bonian de huihua yishu) begins by introducing Ren in a brief biography.380 Then, Pan explained the environmental

379 在中国画中与西洋画不一样，如画明月，圆球等物体，按照中国画的表现方法，只用一条线构出圆圈就了事，而西洋画则要表现明暗，追求物体的立体感和质量感。纸是白色，则明部画灰色，暗部画处黑色，物体本身没有线，需画上明暗的交叉线或斜线，而且要画背景，使物象的圆球感觉更为明确。。。康有为贬低中国画，他否定中国画的科学性，也否定线在中国画中的作用，崇洋媚洋，拜倒在洋人的足下，自此，身为中国人却不提倡国画，自暴自弃，中国画衰落了。当然，国画要发展，要创新; 西洋画也要提倡，而且还要发展，但要有中国的民族特点。Pan Tianshou, “Gufa yongbi,” 122-124. The title of this essay comes from the Six Principles of Xie He.

380 Pan Tianshou, “Ren Bonian de huihua yishu,” 116-117. For more about the popularity of Ren Yi, see Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Ren Bonian huabiao zhenji 任伯年花鸟真迹 (Bird-and-Flower Painting of Ren Bonian),” Guoxue zazhi 国学杂志, No. 1 (1915), 1, Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Ren Bonian huaniao zhenji 任伯年花鸟真迹 (Ren Bonian’s Bird-and-Flower Painting),” Guoxue zazhi 国学杂志, No. 1 (1925), 1, Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Ren Bonian huahui 任伯年花卉 (Ren Bonian’s Flower-and-Plant Painting),” Dingluan 鼎脔, No. 5 (1925), 1, Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Huahui 花卉 (Flower-and-Plant Painting),” Funu zazhi (Shanghai) 妇女杂志 (上海), Vol. 12, 173 impact of Shanghai in Ren’s art, Ren’s artistic characteristics in figure painting, his study on Western techniques, the difference in painting style between Ren Yi and Wu Changshi,

Ren’s admiration of Zhu Da, and his prominent status as a member of the Shanghai

School.381 Ren especially loved Zhu Da’s boneless manner and studied Zhu’s bird-and- flower painting, landscape painting, and calligraphy.382 Pan concluded:

One of the prominent painters, Wu Changshi became well-known at an early age, and remained one the the leading artists in his late life, which was quite uncommon for Chinese artists in the history. Wu’s paining style was greatly influenced by Ren Bonian (Ren Yi) —a leader of the late Qing Shanghai School of painting— who was highly regarded in the southern area. Other than Wu, he also influenced many great artists such as Wang Yiting, Chen Shizeng, Zhang Shuqi (Chang Shu-ch’i), and Qi Baishi, all of whom took Ren’s methods or spirits and developed into their own creative painting styles. Only later did Wu consider himself associated with the Shanghai School, and after Ren passed away he became another leading artist in the later period of the School.383

No. 3 (1926) 9, Ren Bonian 任伯年 and Hu Gongshou 胡公寿, “Hu Gongshou Ren Bonian hezuo pushi 胡公寿任伯年合作蒲 (A Joint Work, Cattails and Rock by Hu Gongshou Ren Bonian),” Lianyi Zhiyou 联益之友, No. 17 (1926), 0, Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Huaniao—Ren Bonian Wang Yiting, 花鸟-任伯年王一亭 (Flower-and-Bird Painting—Ren Bonian and Wang Yiting),” Meiyu zazhi 美育杂志, No. 1 (1928), 1, and Ren Bonian 任伯年, “Ren Bonian xieyi lizhou 任伯年写意立轴 (Xieyi style hanging scroll of Ren Bonian),” Huabei huakan 华北画刊, No. 10 (1929 年), 0.

381 Pan Tianshou, “Ren Bonian de huihua yishu,” 118-120.

382 Ibid., 120.

383 吴昌硕年岁长，成名也晚; 一个大画家，出名早，年岁长，后来处成就又很高，这样的大画家，在历史上是不多的。任伯年在江南一带名声远扬，威望极高，受其影响者甚多, 除了吴昌硕取法任伯年以外，其他如王一亭，陈师曾，张书旗，齐白石诸前辈，都模其笔意，取其方法，嗣后各取所长，自树一帜，各具面目，各有成就。任伯年死后，吴昌硕起来了，成为上海画派的另一个首领。又可说是 “后海派” 的领袖。 Ibid., 120.

174

Fourth, Pan thought that the eighteenth-century Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou was one of the groups who reflected unorthodox artistic styles, and because of that, their art could be reused for improving traditional Chinese painting. He referred them as reformists in an essay, “Brief Discussions on the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou” (Lüetan

Yangzhou baguai), published in September 1962.384 Pan compared the difference between the orthodox Four Wangs and unorthodox Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou in terms of the historical background, politics, and social conditions.385 He explained:

Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou emerged as a group of eight painters in favor of a more expressive and individualist style, in contrast to the orthodox ideas about painting of the so-called Six Masters —Four Wangs [Wang Shimin (1592-1680), Wang Jian (1598-1677), Wang Hui (1623-1677), Wang Qi (1642-1715)], Wu [Wu Li (1623-1718)], and Yun [Yun Shouping (1633- 1690)]—whose works were more conservative and subtle. The Eight Eccentrics were therefore deemed as nonconformist artists and disregarded by the followers of the orthodox masters. This view was owing to the Qing’s suppression policies which led to obedience of most artists and scholars so as not to be seen as rebels. They abided by the law, followed the orthodox rules and acted cautiously. This is the historical background that contributed to the orthodoxy of the Six Masters. At that time in the Qing dynasty there was no established Imperial Painting Academy as in the Song and the Ming, but rather a Hall of Fulfilled Wishes (“Ruyi Guan”) where painters were recruited and organized to serve the court; it was also where painting techniques were discussed and from which the court style was spread to the rest of the empire. The dominant painting style in Ruyi Guan was quite different from those in the Imperial Painting Academies of the Song and Ming. In the Song dynasty, it was mainly the Ma-Xia school of landscape painting, named after two masters Ma Yuan and Xia Gui; In the Ming dynasty, it was the

384 Pan Tianshou, “Lüetan Yangzhou baguai,” 87.

385 Ibid., 87-89.

175

Zhe school of painting founded by Dai Jin and in the Qing dynasty, the Four Wangs were dominant. 386

He pointed out the reason why Yangzhou could develop during that time. He mentioned:

Why did the Eight Eccentrics emerge from Yangzhou, rather than from Hangzhou or Suzhou? Yangzhou in the Qing Dynasty was the economic center of the Jiangsu province, as well as the commercial hub connecting the North and the South. Southern goods such as handicrafts were first shipped to Yangzhou, before being distributed to the North through the canals. Another renowned good was salt, one of the necessities heavily controlled by the imperial authority. The approved salt merchants were mainly concentrated in Yangzhou, and consequently, there was a considerable size of bureaucratic system established in the city which governed the trade of salt from the Huai river. In my memory as a local in Ninghai, monopoly salt was sold at a fixed price strictly monitored by the authority, and private trafficking was of course forbidden. Thus, historically, imperial bureaucracies reaped these revenues directly by controlling salt production and indirectly by selling salt rights to merchants who then sold the salt in retail markets. After Yangzhou became a commercial center, it is not hard to imagine how painters could thrive and make a good living in the busy and wealthy city by selling art decorations to local businesses. This greatly contributed to the development and prosperity of painting.387

386 八怪是革新派，当时被视作 “歧途或” 偏派, “为四王吴恽所谓的” 正统派 “所不容，备遭排斥和歧视。这也与当时的历史背景有关，由于清朝实行民族压迫的政策，弄得文人都战战兢兢小心翼翼，不敢轻举妄动，画家都只好奉公守法，画画也重法则，讲陈规。四王之所以被推崇为 “正统派”, 就是这个原因。在绘画方面，当时虽然没有画院，但设有 “如意馆” ，招集画家研习画事，影响全国各地的画家。清代的 “如意馆” 与宋, 明的画院不同，宋代的画院以马，夏的水墨苍劲派为主，明代的以戴文进为首的浙派势力占主导地位，清代则以四王的正统派为主。Ibid., 87-88.

387 “八怪” 为何会出在扬州？不出在杭州？也不出在苏州？清代的扬州，是江苏的经济中心，也是南北方商业枢纽。南方的手工业品及其它商品，特别是盐商要向盐务机关卖盐，从运河水运北方各城市，扬州成为必经要道。当时扬州管理盐务的行政机构也十分庞大，因为淮盐都在这里集中，然后再转运外地，自然扬州也就成为盐业的集散点。我是宁海人，从前买盐三个铜钱一斤，私人不准卖盐，只有官盐出售，卖私盐是非法的。所以，历史上的盐业生产和销售，都由政府严加控制。。。扬州又是商业中心，外地画家到了扬州可以卖画谋生，因为私商需用书画装饰门面，招徕生意，所以绘画的发展，自然容易了。 Ibid., 89-90. 176

Then, Pan explained that “although in the early Qing dynasty, Shitao had lived in

Hangzhou, Suzhou, and Jiaxing, [a famous seventeenth-century master], Shitao settled down in Yangzhou at his sixties and lived there for two decades until his death.”388

Through this essay, Pan clearly manifested the historical lineage from the seventeenth- century artists, Shitao and Zhu Da to the eighteenth-century painters, the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou. He said:

The Ming royal family members, Shitao and Bada [Zhu Da] were not orthodox and they had freehand brushwork (also called xieyi style) . . . In my opinion, it is accurate to argue that Shitao was the pioneer of artistic style of Yangzhou paintings. The Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou suddenly appeared, which was a result of a great relationship with Shitao. If Shitao did not lead, the development of the Eight Eccentrics [of Yangzhou] was impossible. The Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou began active from the periods of Emperor Kangxi, Yongzheng to Qianlong for a hundred years long, and gradually died out afterwards. Ever since Emperor Daoguang opened five ports including Shanghai for international trade after the opium war, Shanghai has replaced Yangzhou as the economic and cultural center of the southern area.389

This essay gives us a clue in his voice why Pan argued that the significance of the Eight

Eccentrics of Yangzhou’s artistic styles and why he wanted to use them for innovating traditional Chinese painting in the contemporary Chinese art world.

388 石涛晚年是在扬州度过的，住了二十年，死在扬州。石涛在清初，飘泊在苏杭一带，住过杭州，苏州，嘉兴等地，六十岁后才选定扬州为落脚点。Ibid., 90.

389 。。。明代的皇族石涛，八大是非正统派的，他们搞大写意。。。我认为，石涛开扬州画派这个说法是正确的。 “扬州八怪” 突然兴起，这与石涛有很大关系，倘若没有石涛来领先, “八怪” 是发展不起来的。 “扬州八怪” 起于康熙年间，到雍正，乾隆止，经历了一百多年之久。乾隆以后， “八怪” 也逐渐消逝了。鸦片战争爆发，上海等地实行了五口通商，在道光时上海开辟商埠，从此，江南的文化中心转移到上海。Ibid., 88-90.

177

Finally, one of Pan’s writings, “The Innovation of Chinese Painting,” (Guohua chuangxin) published in July 1963, demonstrates how Chinese painting can be renovated in the twentieth century.390 First, he defined that “the main innovation should be the spirits that the subject represents. All literary and artistic works should have thought and the spirit of the times. Old ideas and subject matter are incompatible the new era and a new trend.”391 Pan suggested that “innovation in painting is valued, and (we are) against inheriting past (unthinkingly). I would like to stress that innovation should come in all aspects, from the content to the form, from the subject matter to the techniques, and also from the style to the taste.”392 Thus, “innovation should be undoubtedly an utmost wish and goal of every painter.”393 Second, in terms of traditional pen and ink, “innovation is inseparable from the traditions and characteristics of Chinese painting . . . Innovation should be based on the traditional learning [tradition], give full play to the characteristics of Chinese painting, and embrace Chinese national characteristics.”394 Third, “(when it comes to art), a nation has a national style, and a region has a regional style. Each individual certainly has his own style as well. One can argue that the national and

390 Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” 107-115.

391 题材的思想性是创新中的主体，一切文艺作品，都应具有时代思想和时代精神，旧思, 旧题材与新时代格格不入，不再能适应新时代和新风尚了。Ibid., 107.

392 画贵创造，反对因袭。创新不能简单看，我认为从内容到形式，从题材到技法，从风格到意趣，都要创新。Ibid., 108.

393 创新，可说是每个画家的共同宿愿。Ibid., 108.

394 创新离不开中国画的传统和特点。。。创新应在学习传统的基础上进行，充分发挥中国画的特点，保持中国民族特色。Ibid., 110.

178 regional styles together shape an artist’s personal style.”395 Fourth, “the innovation in

Chinese painting is inseparable from the basic skills, which will provide a solid foundation for innovation. Sharpening the skills includes two aspects: ideological exercise and artistic practice.”396 Pan concluded that “innovation on Chinese painting is a very complex issue, but it is the priority of the development of Chinese painting.”397

This essay is a summary of Pan’s innovative ideas in Chinese ink painting with regards to an important concept—reinterpretation of traditionalism in a global world.

Before we move on, we need to keep in mind that China has a different culture and history, compared to other areas. In this essay, he stressed that Chinese painting embraces

Chinese characteristics because a nation has a national style and a man has an individual style that is based on national and regional characteristics. This kind of national characteristic was already evident in his 1936 essay, “A Survey of the Introduction of

Foreign Painting into China,” that examined the survey of the history of Western art and outlined the difference of national and regional characteristics between East and West.

Pan thought that expressing Chinese national characteristics in Chinese painting is one of the ways of rediscovering traditional Chinese painting and through this, Chinese painting can stand out in global culture. If it goes further, Pan’s consideration of social and

395 一个民族有一个民族的风格，一个地域有一个地域的风格，一个人有一人的风格，有了民族风格和地域风格，才有个人的风格。Ibid., 111.

396 国画的创新离不开基本功。练好基本功，将使创新有扎实的基础。锻炼基本功应为思想上的锻炼和艺术上锻炼两个方面。Ibid., 114.

397 关于中国画的创新，是个很复杂的问题，也是国画发展的当务之急。Ibid., 115.

179 cultural conditions perhaps is the representation of modernity.398 The suggestions of

Richard Vinograd will help our understanding. He says, “the visual complex is placed in the context of a Chinese modernity, defined not in terms of a break with the past, but in terms of a social condition—an urge to preserve a self-conscious Chineseness.”399 Thus, to Pan, preserving Chineseness and national characteristics is the way not only to develop innovations within traditional Chinese painting, but also to pursue modernity.

4. Achieving Modernity in Pan’s Art

From the mid-1950s, Pan’s efforts to promote traditional Chinese painting was gradually accepted, and at the same time he developed his own artistic style more concretely. In particular, starting in the mid-1960s, Pan transformed ordinary subjects to reveal his deeper emotions. Waiting for Snow of 1962 depicts three birds sitting on the rock (fig. 67). The rectangular rock, which outlined with his fingers or hands, Pan occupies almost the entire picture plane, and around the edges of the rock, moss is painted in splashed ink. Dark black bamboo leaves are located in the center of the bottom and leaves with gray ink are extended to the middle right, while creating a slight diagonal composition. Above the bamboo leaves, dry grasses are on the top right. The flat surface of the rock builds a sense of two-dimensional design, but the arrangement of bamboo

398 Harrison, Art in Theory, 126.

399 Richard Vinograd, “Relocations: Spaces of Chinese Visual Modernity,” in Hearn, Chinese Art: Modern Expressions, 168.

180 trees and grasses makes a three-dimensional effect. At first glance, the overall composition looks heavy, but Pan covered the big rock with light brown and left the center empty, which vitalizes lightness in the painting. This work shows his excellent management of ink tonality. The architectonic effect of the rock displays how Pan carefully organized the painting space. His inventive composition—the left part of the rock looks like it is floating on the air as a closed space, but the right part of the rock continues to the outside of the picture plane as an open space—also manifests Pan’s creative manipulation of forms.

In addition, this painting reflects his study on past masters. First, his use of the finger painting technique indicates Pan’s influence from Gao Qipei (1660-1734) and second, his use of mosses on the rock with dots reminds us of those of Wang Meng

(1308-1385) of the Yuan dynasty, and most notably Shitao (1642-1707) in the early Qing period. Third, the choice of bamboo, a literati symbol of winter, shows Pan’s Confucian knowledge. Fourth, the inscription on Waiting for Snow mentions that the snow is soon to come and Pan is waiting for snow. This painting was produced in the autumn of 1962, which means that the purpose of this work was for his personal leisure rather than fulfilling a commission or following the party doctrine of depicting realistic scenes of people living the Communist life. In fact, this piece also has a Red Guard chalk mark on the painting surface to indicate that this artwork goes against the art policy of the Chinese

Communist government during the Cultural Revolution. Finally, Pan’s frequent adoption of ordinary subjects such as birds, fish, lotus flowers, and rocks, and his imaginary compositions are one of Zhu Da’s famous characteristics. He produced numerous 181 paintings of birds on rocks, including Mynah Birds and Rocks of 1690 and created an imaginative pictorial space through his works. Pan’s Waiting for Snow suggests an imaginary pictorial surface by letting the bottom of the rock float on the air like that of

Zhu Da.

Pan adopted another of Zhu Da’s representative subjects: the eagle.400 Zhu’s eagle paintings appeared beginning in 1699, when he achieved his mature artistic vocabulary.

Before this period, he usually produced paintings of other kinds of birds, including chickens, mynahs, bulbuls, chicks, geese, quail, and sparrows. However, his eagle paintings, Two Eagles of 1699, Eagle in 1700-1701 and Two Eagles of 1702, are very distinctive. Generally, the eagle is considered as a symbol of power, strength or heroism, and an eagle beneath a pine tree simply represents longevity.401 Due to these symbolic meanings, the ruling class has favored the eagle as a subject since the Yuan dynasty.402

However, scholar-officials (also called literati) began to love the eagle theme for different reasons. Many literati refused to serve the foreign Mongol rulers during the Yuan period,

400 In the Ming dynasty, the Ming court also widely produced eagle paintings. This issue is well explored by Hou-mei Sung’s article, Hou-mei Sung, “Eagle Painting Themes of the Ming Court,” Archives of Asian Art, Vol. 48 (1995), 48-63.

401 Wolfram Eberhard, A Dictinary of Chinese Symbols: Hidden Symbols in Chinese Life and Thought (London; Boston: Routlegde & Kegan Paul, 1986), 89 and Jing Pei Fang, Symbols and Rebuses in Chinese Art: Figures, Bugs, Beasts, and Flowers (Berkeley, Calif.: Ten Speed Press, 2004), 66.

402 Charles Alfred Speed Williams, Chinese Symbolism and Art Motifs (Boston, Mass.: Tuttle; Enfield: Publishers Group Worldwide [distributor], 2006), 184. For more information about symbolic meaning in Chinese animal painting, look at Hou-mei Sung, Decoded Messages: The Symbolic Language of Chinese Animal Painting (New Haven: Yale University Press; Cincinnati, Ohio: Cincinnati Art Museum, 2009).

182 and the representation of the eagle in ink monochrome symbolized their integrity as

Confucian scholars.403 Zhu’s monochrome ink eagle paintings are close to the probity of a Confucian scholar who disobeyed the rule of the Manchu government as a member of the Ming imperial lineage. In Two Eagles of 1702, Zhu Da painted two eagles perched on rocks (fig. 32). Each eagle stares in a different direction—the upper eagle looks to the right side, and the lower one looks to the left side. The rock shapes are quite distinctive and support the two birds like a stage. Two big branches on the top intensify this stage- like effect. Zhu’s whole composition highlights the two eagles. Through his eagle paintings, Zhu asserted his mature style and his integrity as a man living in a difficult time.404 Pan Tianshou admired him greatly.

Pan reused this eagle subject in order to express his own integrity as an artist, and whenever he painted this subject, he almost always used the finger painting technique.

According to Shi Qun, Pan’s finger painting had a forceful momentum that push his painting convey deeper meanings.405 The first recorded eagle painting, Vultures from the

Distant Sea, was painted in 1932 (fig. 29). The inscription indicates that Pan painted this work while thinking of Gao Qipei and Pan tried to express the rhythm of the fingers and

403 Patricia Bjaaland Welch, Chinese Art: A Guide to Motifs and Visual Imagery (North Clarendon, VT: Tuttle Pub., 2008), 73.

404 For more information about Zhu Da’s art and life, see Peter C. Sturman and Susan S. Tai, The Artful Recluse: Painting, Poetry, and Politics in Seventeenth-Century China (Santa Barbara: Santa Barbara Museum of Art; Munich: Delmonico Books/Prestel, 2012), 94-109.

405 Shi Qun 师群, “Tan Pan Tianshou zhihua zuopinde yiyun 谈潘天寿指画作品的意蕴 (Discussing the meaning of Pan Tianshou’s finger painting),” Oriental Art 东方艺术, No. 14 (2005), 73.

183 taste of the ink found in his work. 1932 is the year Pan organized the painting society, the

White Society and began to refine his view of art and life. Although this finger painting no longer exists, it demonstrates how Pan combined his eagle subject and finger-painting technique. Pan’s other eagle paintings, Spiritual Eagle (fig. 35) and Eagle on a Pine

Branch (fig. 44) appeared in 1948. This is the time when Pan achieved his most distinctive style and artistic vocabulary. The eagles in these two paintings look young, strong and healthy, and their confident body gestures seem to reflect Pan’s self-assured attitude as a mature artist. Unsurprisingly, the Red Guards seem to have realized that these works reveal Pan’s personal thoughts and feelings, and in consequence the Red

Guards marked Spiritual Eagle with chalk during the Cultural Revolution.

Under the rule of the Communist government, Pan began his renaissance period from 1958. His newly reformed painting style was highly regarded by the government and his academic career as an art educator was restored. Pan published two books, Gu

Kaizhi and Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng in May 1958 through the Shanghai Fine

Arts Publishing House, in order to launch the history of traditional Chinese painting and to reinforce the importance of traditional Chinese painting to society. In the same year,

Pan produced another eagle painting, Eagle on a Rock, using the finger painting technique (fig. 63). The robust eagle sitting on a stable rock reflects his self-confidence as an artist. In the inscription on the painting, he refers to his artistic conversation with the early Qing finger painter, Gao Qipei and his deep satisfaction derived from this communication. During 1963 and 1964, Pan Tianshou gave a talk based on his article,

“Density and Sparseness” (Xushi yu shumi) at the Zhejiang Academy of Fine Arts to 184 introduce Chinese landscape and bird-and-flower painting to his students.406 While emphasizing the importance of traditional Chinese painting, Pan concurrently produced public artworks to serve the Communist party that has eagle images. The Brilliance of

Auspicious Clouds of 1964 is a huge painting—approximately four meters long and nine meters wide (fig. 56). This tremendous piece is the complete version of Pan’s unique combination of two genres, landscape and bird-and-flower painting. In 1964, Pan actively painted this kind of large public art and he was well regarded by the government. That might be the reason why Pan chose the eagle subject in this painting to exhibit his self- assured stance. His confidence continued to be evident in Bright Eagle of 1965 (fig. 68).

This small painting depicts an eagle that sits on a stable rock. Its strong claws, evenly arranged feathers, bright eyes, and comfortable pose prove the assurance of the eagle.

Thus, this kind of confident gesture that was previously displayed in Zhu Da’s eagle works is transmitted to Pan.407 Pan selected Zhu’s beloved subject, the eagle, and expressed his psychological feelings and thoughts, and in this case, his confidence, through it.

Over the course of the following year, however, Pan began to encounter a number of difficulties. After the Cultural Revolution was launched in May 1966, he was accused of being a reactionary academic authority and persecuted harshly. In early spring of that year, he painted his last eagle painting, The Eagle on the Rock, Glancing with Anxiety

406 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou meishu wenji, 76-118.

407 Lee, “Bada Shanren's Bird-and-Fish Painting and the Art of Transformation,” 12-22.

185 and Resentment, which mirrors Pan’s precarious circumstances (fig. 1). His previous eagle paintings exhibit his confidence, but this piece lays bare his anxiety and resentment.

In his previous eagle paintings, Pan always used the finger-painting technique, he did not use this technique in The Eagle on the Rock, Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment of

1966. Instead, he retained other distinctive characteristics in this work. First, a single eagle stands stolidly on a tall but unsteady rock. Although the right part of the rock continues outside of the pictorial space, the narrow bottom looks as though its foundation is insecure. The foliage at the bottom seems to be floating in the air. Second, its eyes, staring at the left side, are unfocused and hopeless. Third, the eagle’s pose—sticking out its neck painfully—represents the anxiety and resentment of this painting. Fourth, the uneven, lackluster feathers of the eagle highlight the difficult situation. Finally, the inscription on the upper right of the painting mentions that this eagle’s gaze is filled with fear and resentment, and its eyes look like a lake full of sorrow. Like Zhu Da, Pan intentionally used the eagle to represent his feelings and thoughts and to reveal his human expressions—confidence, pride, sorrow, and fear.408 Pan deliberately chose eagle paintings to express his personal feelings and thoughts, which can be regarded as an indirect self-portrait. Because he never painted a self-portrait, Pan would seem to reflect his expression through this eagle.

The last extant work of Pan Tianshou is Plum Blossoms in Moonlight (fig. 69).

408 Through his project, I could not deal with the relationship between Pan Tianshou and Symbolism that was an artistic and poetic movement in late nineteenth century and its main theme is the expression of mystical ideas, emotions and states of mind, but it might be related in some sense. I hope future researchers are able to examine this interesting issue.

186

This landscape painting was produced in the spring of 1966, right before the Cultural

Revolution broke out. There are wild grasses, a plum tree trunk, the continued gnarled plum tree trunk, gray clouds, the plum branches with a few blossoms, and the moon that is blocked by dark clouds. The twisted plum trunks with broken lines and dark washes, dark clouds, the blocked moon, and the even darker plum flowers work to form a gloomy, bleak and desolate landscape. The inscription on the painting says that the breath of life arises from the past—in this case, the snow of the Yin and Zhou dynasties—while the heavens consist of iron and stone, and when the myriad flowers are gone, the lonely plum blossoms bloom in spring. According to the inscription, he painted this work between the end of March and the end of April, right before the Cultural Revolution was launched in

May of 1966. Pan was deeply apprehensive that something might go wrong in the present society and expressed his gloomy thoughts through this piece. Thus, his last landscape painting seems to represent a premonition of the impending disaster—the Cultural

Revolution.409 After the Cultural Revolution, Pan was accused of being a reactionary academic authority and seriously persecuted until his death in September, 1971.

409 Shelley Drake Hawks writes Pan’s very detailed situation and treatment during the Cultural Revolution in her dissertation, Shelley Drake Hawks, “Painting by Candlelight during the Cultural Revolution: Defending Autonomy and Expertise under Maoist Rule (1949-76)” (PhD diss., Brown University, 2003), 119-149, 306-323, and 399-415. Although Pan was seriously persecuted during the Cultural Revolution, he was greatly admired by later generations right after the Cultural Revolution and his works became popular. For more detailed information about the purchase of Pan’s works, look at Wang Houyu 王厚宇, “Huaiyinshi bowuguan cang Pan Tianshou qifu zuopin 淮阴市博物馆藏潘天寿七幅作品 (Seven Works by Pan Tianshou Collected by the Huaiyin Municipal Museum),” Meishu 美术, Vol. 27, No. 12 (1989), 56-58.

187

Conclusion

After the People’s Republic of China was established in 1949, Pan had to confront many different situations. The Communist government forced him to follow new art policies, and Pan struggled with this discipline, but he never stop trying to contribute to his country and its art world, eventually bringing his views of traditional themes and styles into the mainstream. After his constant experiments, he achieved a new artistic style by combining two traditional genres—landscape and bird-and-flower painting, which was highly regarded by the Communist Party. However, at the same time, as an artist and art educator, Pan constantly developed his unique artistic style in his art and tried to let the people and students know the distinctive characteristics of traditional

Chinese painting. He dealt with traditional themes and subjects and stimulated the current

Chinese art world through various publications in order to propose that Chinese tradition can be useful for a contemporary society. For a brief period between 1958-1966, his attempts to find a suitable art form and theoretical framework for China’s contemporary art world met with appreciation and official approval. Moreover, his personal way of reusing selections and particular elements from the past artistic vocabulary, combined with the eccentric compositions that emerged from an artistic sensibility steeped in both

Chinese and Western painting, and his experimental combinations of genres and techniques culminated in a brilliantly original style and artistic vision that survives him.

The results, accidentally or intentionally, speak the language of global modernity.

188

Epilogue

This dissertation explored the rediscovery of traditional Chinese painting, focusing on Pan Tianshou, in terms of the fusion of Chinese tradition and cultural modernity and a deep engagement with both the art of certain unorthodox past Chinese masters and contemporary trends. Pan said, “If tradition cannot pave the way for future artistic possibilities, then it is a dead tradition.”410 To him, tradition was an inherited culmination of characteristics of masters from the past. He argued that tradition and innovation are inseparable characteristics of art.411 His modern transformation of artistic consciousness and modern sense of identity enriches understanding of traditional Chinese painting in the twentieth century.

This study aimed to offer an alternative perspective on reinscribing tradition and modernity in Chinese art and to develop a new understanding of the rich artistic and intellectual intersections of China with Japan and the West/Europe in the twentieth century. Through his teachers, Li Shutong, Chen Shizeng and Wu Changshi, Pan learned the popular artistic trends of the time in Japan, while studying past masters’ artistic styles.

His first book, Zhongguo huihuashi, was as greatly indebted to a Japanese book as was

410 Pan Tianshou, Pan Tianshou meishu wenji, 12.

411 创新离不开中国画的传统和特点。Pan Tianshou, “Guohua chuangxin,” 110.

189

China’s art education system in the 1920s. We have also examined Pan’s early study of past masters’ artistic styles, his interest in the Confucian classics and classical poetry, and his learning from contemporary masters, such as Ren Yi (also called Ren Bonian) and

Wu Changshi. Pan’s voice was distinctive among Chinese intellectuals’ responses to the general social and cultural background of the early twentieth century. Among the many

Chinese intellectuals and artists with whom he actively participated in social and cultural movements, I focused on a few, Huang Binhong, Xu Beihong, and Chen Shizeng, to argue for the similarity of Pan Tianshou’s general mission of defining a productive future for Chinese art, even if their approaches to painting were not always the same.

I also discussed his gradual development of modernity in Pan’s work through his encounters with Western and Japanese modern art movements and construction of his own strong artistic vocabulary. He both explored verisimilitude in images from nature and investigated the more abstract artistic styles of the seventeenth-century Individualists and the eighteenth-century Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou. After he began working at the

National Hangzhou Art Academy, a modern institution, Pan frequently experienced modern activities such as participating in the organization of the art exhibitions, submitting his works to exhibitions and publications, and organizing a painting society.412

Pan’s 1936 essay, “A Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China,” was written in this context, and represents both the depth of his knowledge of Western art and his commitment to highlighting the importance of Chinese tradition. The kind of thought

412 Lu Xin, Pan Tianshou, 16.

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Pan expressed in this essay—that traditional Chinese painting expresses national character—was a timely one at the end of the Nanjing decade, and was a concept prominent in writings of the 1930s by many well-known art-world intellectuals, including

Xu Beihong, Huang Binhong, and Fou Lei. Beyond reconsidering the ideological value of traditional Chinese painting to artists of the mid-twentieth century, this dissertation explored the gradual development of Pan’s inventive artistic vocabulary, the progressive improvement of his theoretical ideas in Chinese art, and his constant attempts to disseminate the significance of traditional Chinese painting.

In the People’s Republic of China period, Pan continued to deal with traditional subjects, especially the bird-and-flower and landscape genres, and expressed his inventive manipulations of form and space, as well as his gestural application of expressive ink, to negotiate a Chinese national modernity despite a shifting and dangerous political climate. This research investigated both of these issues—Pan’s engagement with less productive contemporary activities and his innovations in traditional Chinese ink painting. In the early 1950s, synthesizing traditional aspects and the currently required artistic styles was not completely successful. However, through these indefatigable attempts, Pan created a completely new art form—combining bird- and-flower and landscape painting, and often presenting it on a monumental scale for viewing by the public. Political pressure sometimes would be painful to Pan, but these let him acquire his new artistic vocabulary—the unification of past and present aesthetics for the contemporary society. At the culmination of his painting career, he simultaneously

191 diligently worked to reinscribe traditional Chinese painting for a new society through his numerous publications.

Like many other works, his 1966 eagle painting exhibits the flatness of the eagle’s withered body against a two-dimensional rock in an unmistakable expression of alienation. One is struck by how much this work might have been the subject of a passage by the prominent American art critic, Clement Greenberg. In “Modernist Painting,”

Greenberg says:

It was the stressing of the ineluctable flatness of the support that remained most fundamental in the processes by which pictorial art criticized and defined itself under Modernism. Flatness alone was unique and exclusive to that art. The enclosing shape of the support was a limiting condition, or norm, that was shared with the art of the theater; color was a norm or means shared with sculpture as well as the theater. Flatness, two-dimensionality, was the only condition painting shared with no other art, and so Modernist painting oriented itself to flatness as it did to nothing else.413

The article was originally delivered as a radio address in 1960, and broadcast on the

Voice of America. It is virtually impossible that the two men, Pan Tianshou in the

People’s Republic of China and Clement Greenberg in the United States, might have known of one another at the height of the Cold War, when China was almost completely closed to outside communication. Nevertheless, besides the flatness of the pictorial support so crucial to Greenberg’s argument, we find him focusing on the Modernists’

413 Clement Greenberg, “Modernist Painting,” Art & Literature, No. 4 (Spring, 1965): 195. First published in Forum Lectures (Voice of America), Washington DC, 1960 and reprinted with slight revisions in Art & Literature, Lugano in 1965.

192 valorization of the properties of pigment and determined self-definition. Pan’s work does indeed share with modernist painting its manipulations of form, unbalanced compositions, exploitations of raw ink, and self-evaluation, in his case through inscriptions.414 Before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, Pan could easily encounter works or reproductions that reflected the state of European modernist art movements. Through the artistic activities and conversations with his colleagues at the

National Hangzhou Art Academy, his students, and in the school library, he had good access to materials on the most progressive European movements. In his 1936 essay, “A

Survey of the Introduction of Foreign Painting into China,” he mentioned the aspect of

Western painting that most appealed to him: the pure beauty of lines and colors. Well before Greenberg, Pan had already defined for himself what he found important in modernist art. It is not inconceivable that, despite his protestations to the contrary, this aspect of European art had seeped into his consciousness and informed his own opinion about which aspects of Chinese aesthetics were more suitable to the modern era. In any case, it is striking that he achieved his first peak of gestural ink work in his 1948 finger painting, just at the moment the American abstract expressionists began their vigorous experiments.

We might think about why similar thoughts about art appeared in different places.

There are various opinions when Modern art began in the Western world. Among them,

Greenberg proposed that Edouard Manet’s (1832-1883) painting became the first

414 Ibid., 194.

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Modernist ones by the virtue of the frankness with which they declared the surfaces on which they were painted.415 Like the Western world, from the mid-nineteenth century

Chinese artists, including those of the Shanghai School, tried to establish modernity in their own ways. The important point is that during the same period many artists and intellectuals coincidentally pursued modernity in the multiple areas of the world. Thus, we might agree that the twentieth-century was the period when multi-centered modernisms developed. The career of the Chinese ink painter, Pan Tianshou, might serve as one representative example, perhaps, unconsciously going beyond modernity to modernism. For him, this modernity was based in the rediscovery and redefinition of traditional Chinese painting and its creative reuse in the contemporary art world. Now, several decades after his death, it also contains the beginning of its recognition in the global world.

415 Ibid., 194-195.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Guanyu jichu jiaoxue 关于基础教学 (On the Basis of Teaching).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 93-101. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Guocui hua shanshui shanshi (erfu) 国粹画山水山石(二幅) (Two Quintessence Paintings: Landscape Painting and Mountain and Rocks Painting).” Taipingyang huabao 太平洋画报,Vol. 1, No. 3 (1926): 31.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Guohua chuangxin 国画创新 (The Innovation of Chinese Painting).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 107-115. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Guohua jiaoshou-Pan Tianshou xiansheng 国画教授- 潘天授先生 (Chinese Painting Professor, Pan Tianshou).” Yaboluo 亚波罗, No. 17 (1936): 3.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Guohua xieshengji 国画写生集. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1957.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “He 荷 (Lotus).” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No. 104 (1935): 20.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Heshui yangyang jiangshui shangshang 河水泱泱江水汤汤 (Huge and Strong Wavy River).” Yilin 艺林, No. 1 (1926): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Huatan baodao-Pan Tianshou dengyouzong 画坛报导- 潘天授等游踪 (Report of Art Circles—Tours of Pan Tianshou and Others).”

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Guohua 国画, No. 2 (1936): 11.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Jinren shiwen 近人诗文 (Modern Poetry and Prose).” Ningxian 宁献, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1947): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Yuan 历代画家评传. 元. Xianggang: Zhonghua shuju Xianggang fenju, 1979.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Lidai huajia pingzhuan. Tangqian 历代画家评传.唐前. Xianggang: Zhonghua shuju Xianggang fenju, 1979.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Lunhua jueju 论画绝句 (Discussion on Painting an Poetry).” Yinyue yu meishu 音乐与美术, Vol. 2, No. 12 (1941): 2.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Lüetan Yangzhou baguai (Brief Discussions on the Eight Eccentrics of Yangzhou).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 87-92. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Pan Tianshou shicun 潘天寿画集. Hangzhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 1991.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Pan Tianshou xiansheng tan baihua qifang he Zhongguo huade tedian (Pan Tianshou Discusses the Policy of Letting One Hundred Flowers Bloom and the Characteristics of Traditional Chinese Painting).” Xin Meishu 新美术. Vol. 2, No. 1 (1981): 74.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Pan Tianshou xingshu-shufa 潘天寿行书-书法 (Running Script Calligraphy by Pan Tianshou).” Jiangsu xuesheng 江苏学生, Vol. 4, No. 4/5 (1934): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Pianfan mingri shi Guazhou 片帆明日是瓜洲 (Tomorrow One Sailboat Arrives at Guazhou).” Yifeng 艺风, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1934): 72.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Qingting—Baishe huazhan 蜻蜓-白社画展 (Dragonfly in the 220

Exhibition of the White Society).” Liangyou 良友, No. 74 (1933): 16.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Qiusi 秋思 (Autumn Thoughts).” Meishu zazhi (Shanghai) 美术杂志(上海), No. 3 (1934): 20.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, “Ren Bonian de huihua yishu 任伯年的绘画艺术 (The Painting and Art of Ren Bonian).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 116-120. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Ru chi shenzhe shanshui—Baishe huazhan 入尺深赭山水— 白社画展 (Deep Ochre Landscape).” Wenhua 文化, No. 43 (1933): 49.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shanshui 山水 (Landscape).” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No.111-112 (1935): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shanshui—Guoli Hangzhou yizhaun disijie zhanlan guohua xuanzuo 山水—国立杭州艺专第四届展览国画选作 (Landscape—Hangzhou National Art College Selected This Work for the Fourth Chinese Painting Exhibition).” Meishu zazhi (Shanghai) 美术杂志(上海), No. 3 (1934): 17.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shei shuo Zhongguo hua birantaotai? 谁说中囯画必然淘汰？ (Who Says Traditional Chinese Painting is Destined to Die Out?).” Meishu Yanjiu 美术研究. Vol. 4 (1957): 22-24.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shihua ronghe xiang de yizhang 诗画融和, 相得益彰 (Poetry and Painting Complement Each Other).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 1-4. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shuimo shanshui 水墨山水 (Landscape Ink and Wash Painting).” Wenyi chahua 文艺茶话, Vol. 2, No. 8 (1934): 8.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shuta xuexi ji guohua buju 书法学习及国画布局 (Learning

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Calligraphy and Chinese Painting Composition).” In Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录, edited by Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青, 46-71. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Shuixian mudan 水仙牡丹 (Narcissus and Peony).” Canghai 沧海, No. 7 (1924): 8.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Taozhitu 陶醉图 (Intoxicated Painting).” Yaboluo 亚波罗, No. 8 (1932): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Tingtiange huatan suibi 听天阁画谈随笔. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1980.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Yishu yu yiren: Xiandai huajia—Pan Tianshou 艺术与艺人: 现代画家—潘天寿 (Art and Artists: Modern Painter-Pan Tianshou).” Hanxie zhoukan 汗血周刊, Vol. 5, No. 6 (1935): 109.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zashi 杂诗 (Miscellaneous Poem).” Canghai 沧海, No. 6 (1924): 4.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongde wenhuashi de yiye-Zhuhe 中德文化史的一页-朱荷 (One Painting—Red Lotus of Chinese and German Cultural History).” Dongfang zazhi 东方杂志, Vol. 33, No. 2 (1936): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo chuantong huihuade fengge tedian 中国传统绘画的风格特点 (Characteristics of Traditional Chinese painting).” Meishu 美术. Vol. 16, No. 6 (1978): 16-36.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo huahuihua zhi qiyuan jiqi paibie 中国花卉画之起源及其派别 (The Origin and Factions of Chinese Flower Painting).” Qiantu 前途, Vol. 1, No. 4 (1933): 1-11.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史. Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1926; 1936.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史. Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshe, 2011; 2013.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. Zhongguo huihuashi 中国绘画史. Beijing: Dong fang chubanshe, 2012.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)).” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 7 (1926): 164-172.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)).” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 9 (1926): 192-197.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo huihuashi lüè (xuqian) 中国绘画史略（续前) (A Brief History of Chinese Painting (continued)).” Xin yishu banyuekan 新艺术半月刊, Vol. 1, No. 9 (1926): 203-209.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhongguo meishu hui disijie meizhan chupin zhiyi, gai 中国美术会第四届美展出品之一, 丐 (One of the Painting, Beggar, for the Fourth Art Exhibition of Chinese Art Society).” Zhongguo meishu hui jikan 中国美术会季刊, Vol. 1, No. 2 (1936): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhoumo caifeng-huasong 周末采风-促织吟(Weekend Folk Songs—Pine Tree Painting).” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 328 (1948): 4.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhugutu 竹谷图 (Painting of Bamboo Valley).” Wenyi chahua

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文艺茶话, Vol. 2, No. 8 (1934): 7.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhoumo caifeng-cuzhi yin 周末采风-促织吟(Weekend Folk Songs—Cricket Songs).” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 369 (1948): 4.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhushi 竹石(Bamboo and Rock).” Zhegan luxun 浙赣路讯, No. 458 (1948): 4.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿. “Zhuzhu 朱竹 (Red Bamboos).” Liangyou 良友, No. 39 (1929): 33.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Li Guangzu 李光祖. “Chunnuan 春暖 (The Warm Breath of Spring).” Xuexiao shenghuo 学校生活, No. 135 (1936): 1.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Wang Bomin 王伯敏. Huang Gongwang yu Wang Meng 黄公望与王蒙. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1958.

Pan, Tianshou, Jan Walls, Yvonne Walls, ed. Pan Tianshou. Vancouver: North America Fine Arts Pub. House, 2006.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱. Pan Tianshou hualun 潘天寿画论. Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1999.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Ye Shangqing 叶尚青. Pan Tianshou lunhua bilu 潘天寿论画笔录. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe, 1984.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱. Pan Tianshou shuhuaji 潘天寿书画集. 2 Vols. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Wang Jingxian 王靖宪. Pan Tianshou shuhuaji 潘天寿书画集. Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1982.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Pan Gongkai 潘公凱. Pan Tianshou tanyilu 潘天寿谈艺录. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe. 1985.

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Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Xu Jianrong 徐建融. Pan Tianshou yishu suibi 潘天寿艺术随笔. Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 2001.

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 and Xu Jianrong 徐建融. Zhongguo chuantong huihua de fengge 中囯传统绘画的风格. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 2003.

Pan Tianshou jinianguan 潘天寿纪念馆. Haishang shierjia zhanlan tu lu 海上十二家展览图录. Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe, 2003.

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Rao Yu 饶嵎. Shi Zhecun Mu Shiying Liu Na’ou xiaoshuo xinshang 施蛰存穆时英刘吶鸥小说饶屿. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1992.

Ren Bonian 任伯年. “Huahui 花卉 (Flower-and-Plant Painting).” Funu zazhi (Shanghai) 妇女杂志 (上海), Vol. 12, No. 3 (1926): 9.

Ren Bonian 任伯年. “Huaniao—Ren Bonian Wang Yiting, 花鸟-任伯年王一亭 (Flower-and-Bird Painting—Ren Bonian and Wang Yiting).” Meiyu zazhi 美育杂志, No. 1 (1928): 1.

Ren Bonian 任伯年. “Ren Bonian huabiao zhenji 任伯年花鸟真迹 (Bird-and-Flower Painting of Ren Bonian).” Guoxue zazhi 国学杂志, No. 1 (1915): 1.

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Ren Bonian 任伯年. “Ren Bonian huahui 任伯年花卉 (Ren Bonian’s Flower-and-Plant Painting).” Dingluan 鼎脔, No. 5 (1925): 1.

Ren Bonian 任伯年. “Ren Bonian huaniao zhenji 任伯年花鸟真迹 (Ren Bonian’s Bird- and-Flower Painting).” Guoxue zazhi 国学杂志, No. 1 (1925): 1.

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Appendix A: Figures

Figure 1. Pan Tianshou. The Eagle on the Rock, Glancing with Anxiety and Resentment 侧目鹰石, 1966. Ink and color on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 2 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 389.

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Figure 2. Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (1897-1971).

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji 潘天寿书画集 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), 245.

238

Figure 3. Li Shutong (1879-1940). Self-portrait 自画像, 1911. Oil on canvas. The University Art Museum, Tokyo University of the Arts.

Source: Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, The Art of Modern China (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2012), 31.

239

Figure 4. Chen Shizeng. Viewing Paintings 读画图, 1918. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper.

Source: Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, The Art of Modern China (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2012), 36.

240

Figure 5. Chen Shizeng. Beijing Customs 北京风俗图, 1914-1915. Album leaf, ink and color on paper. NAMOC, Beijing.

Source: http://www.namoc.org/en/Collection/200902/t20090205_66133.html

241

Figure 6. Pan Tianshou. A Beggar 行乞, 1924. Ink on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou: ceye 潘天寿: 册页 (Xianggang: Hanmoxuan chuban youxian gongsi, 1997), 9.

242

Figure 7. Pan Tianshou. Flowers in Autumn 秋华湿露, 1923. Ink and color on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 11.

243

Figure 8. Wu Changshi (1844-1927). Wild Roses and Loquats 野生玫瑰枇杷, 1920. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper. Shanghai Museum.

Source: Julia F. Andrews and Kuiyi Shen, The Art of Modern China (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 2012), 24.

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Figure 9. Wu Changshi (1844-1927). Chrysanthemums 菊花, 1924. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper. Museum of Fine Arts Boston.

Source: http://www.mfa.org/collections/object/chrysanthemums-30252

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Figure 10. Pan Tianshou. Old Monk 秃头僧, 1922. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper.

Source: Xiaoneng Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future: Master Ink Painters in Twentieth-century China (Milan, Italy: 5 Continents Editions; New York: Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, 2010), 345.

246

Figure 11. Pan Tianshou. The copy of a couplet of Li Shutong, 1931. Pan Tianshou Memorial Hall.

[Photograph by Mina Kim]

247

Figure 12. Couplet by Li Shutong, 1913.

Source: Siliang Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting” (PhD diss., University of Kansas, History of Art, 1995), fig. 15.

248

Figure 13. Pan Tianshou. Loquat 设色枇杷, 1918. Ink and color on paper. 74 X 43.5 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 1.

249

Figure 14. Xu Wei (1521-1593). Lotus and Crab 荷蟹, Undated. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. 114.6 x 29.7 cm. Palace Museum, Beijing.

Source: Wen C. Fong and James C. Y. Watt, Possessing the Past: Treasures from the National Palaces Museum, Taipei, with contributions by Richard M. Barnhart (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art: Distributed by H. N. Abrams, 1996), 231.

250

Figure 15. Pan Tianshou. Lotus 拟缶翁墨荷, 1923. Ink on paper.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 30.

251

Figure 16. Zhu Da. Lotus after Xu Wei 仿天池生画荷, 1692-94. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. Keith McLeod Fund. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Source: Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 147.

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Figure 17. Pan Tianshou. Bodhidharma 参禅老衲, 1924. Ink and color on paper. 82.2 x 39 cm.

Source: Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou: ceye (Xianggang: Hanmoxuan chuban youxian gongsi, 1997), 8.

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Figure 18. Pan Tianshou. White Clouds in the Mountains 青山白云, 1928. Ink on paper. 179 x 55 cm.

Source: Yu Yang 于洋, Chenxiong qigu zhuyihun: Pan Tianshou renge yijing 沉雄气骨铸艺魂: 潘天寿人格艺境 (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 2010), 45.

254

Figure 19. Wang Meng. Dwelling in the Qingbian Mountains 青卞隐居, 1366. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. 141 x 42.2 cm. Shanghai Museum.

Source: Robert L. Thorp and Richard Ellis Vinograd, Chinese Art & Culture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers, 2001), 307.

255

Figure 20. Pan Tianshou. Fragrant Orchids in a Deep Valley 空谷幽芳, 1928. Ink on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天壽畫集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 16.

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Figure 21. Pan Tianshou. Red Bamboos 绯袍, 1928. Ink and color on paper. 150.8 x 46.2 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集(Pan Tianshou’s Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 18.

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Figure 22. Zhu Da. Mynah Birds and Rocks 八哥鸟岩石, 1690. Leaf b, “Myna birds and rocks,” Two handing scrolls, ink on satin. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City, Missouri (Nelson Fund).

Source: Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 121.

258

Figure 23. Pan Tianshou. Chrysanthemum 黄菊, 1929. Ink and color on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 21.

259

Figure 24. Lin Fengmian. Autumn Outing 秋游, 1930. Hanging scroll, ink, pencil, and watercolor on silk. 124.5 x 54 cm. Keith McLeod Fund.1980.146.

Source: Tung Wu, Painting in China since the Opium Wars (Boston, Mass.: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1980), 17)

260

Figure 25. Pan Tianshou. A Mynah Bird 鸡冠八哥, 1929. Ink and color on paper. 150.5 x 47.6 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 19.

261

Figure 26. Pan Tianshou. Military Fortification at the Mouth of Yong River 甬江口炮台, 1932. Ink on paper. 33.4 x 40.5 cm.

Source: Xiaoneng Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future: Master Ink Painters in Twentieth-century China (Milan, Italy: 5 Continents Editions; New York: Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, 2010), 355.

262

Figure 27. Pan Tianshou. Ochre Landscape 浅绛山水, 1945. Ink and color on paper. 107.9 x 109 cm.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 33.

263

Figure 28. Pan Tianshou. Black Chicken on the Rock 磐石墨鸡, 1948. Ink and color on paper. 68 x 136.5 cm.

Source: Lü Zhangshen, Pan Tianshou yishu 潘天寿艺术 (Hefei: Anhui meishu chubanshe, 2011), 52-53.

264

Figure 29. Pan Tianshou. Vultures from the Distant Sea 穷海秃鹰, 1932. Ink and color on paper. (no longer extant)

Source: Claire Roberts, “Tradition and Modernity: The Life and Art of Pan Tianshou (1897-1971),” East Asian History, No. 15/16 (June/December, 1998): 79.

265

Figure 30. Zhu Da. Two Eagles 二鷹, 1702. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. C. C. Wang Family Collection.

Source: Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 198.

266

Figure 31. Pan Tianshou. The Mandarin Fish 桂鱼, 1933. Ink on paper. 33.4 x 40.7 cm.

Source: Xiaoneng Yang, Tracing the Past Drawing the Future: Master Ink Painters in Twentieth-century China (Milan, Italy: 5 Continents Editions; New York: Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, 2010), 359.

267

Figure 32. Zhu Da. Fish and Duck 鱼码头, 1689. Detail from the handscroll, ink on paper. Shanghai Museum.

Source: Wang, Fangyu and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 68-69.

268

Figure 33. Pan Tianshou. Sleeping Bird 睡鸟, 1945. Ink on paper.

Source: Siliang Yang, “Pan Tianshou and Twentieth-century Traditional Chinese Painting” (PhD diss., University of Kansas, History of Art, 1995), fig. 94.

269

Figure 34. Zhu Da. Two Birds 两鸟, 1692. Leaf b. Two album leaves, ink on paper. Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm.

Source: Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: the Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 138.

270

Figure 35. Pan Tianshou. Spiritual Eagle 灵鹫, 1948. Ink on paper. 89 x 33.4 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), fig.13.

271

Figure 36. Pan Tianshou. Plum Blossom, Orchid and Bamboo 梅兰竹, 1933. Ink on paper. 88.9 x 38.5 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), fig.4.

272

Figure 37. Pan Tianshou. Orchid, Bamboo and Stone 兰竹石, 1941. Ink and color on paper. 137.5 x 34.5 cm.

Source: Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000), 21.

273

Figure 38. Pan Tianshou. Dwelling in the Mountains 山居, 1931. Ink on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 26.

274

Figure 39. Pan Tianshou. Watching Fish 濠梁观鱼, 1948. Ink on paper. 154 x 32 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 (Taibei: Yishujia chubanshe, 1980), 107.

275

Figure 40. Pan Tianshou. Monk Chanting a Sutra 读绖僧, 1948. Ink and color on paper. 68 x 136 cm.

Source: Yu Yang 于洋, Chenxiong qigu zhuyihun: Pan Tianshou renge yijing 沉雄气骨铸艺魂: 潘天寿人格艺境 (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 2010), 52.

276

Figure 41. Gao Qipei. Ornamental Rock with Flowerpot 观赏岩石花盆, 1708. Ink on paper, each leaf 24.2 x 28 cm. In “Album of Flowers,” Album, twelve leaves. Marshall H. Gould Fund, Courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

Source: Klaas Ruitenbeek, Discarding the Brush: Gao Qipei (1660-1734) and the Art of Chinese Finger Painting (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1992), 72.

277

Figure 42. Pan Tianshou. Ink Landscape 水墨山水, 1947. Ink on paper. 60.5 x 68 cm.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Pan Tianshou huihuaji fajianxi 潘天寿绘画技法简析 (Hangzhou: Zhongguo meishu xueyuan chubanshe: jing xiao Zhejiang sheng Xinhua shudian, 1995), fig. 3.

278

Figure 43. Wen Zhengming. Old Cypress 古柏, 1550. Handscroll, Ink on paper. 26.04 x 48.9 cm. The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art.

Source: http://search.nelson-atkins.org/collections/objectview.cfm?Start=3

279

Figure 44. Pan Tianshou. Eagle on a Pine Branch 松鹰, 1948. Ink and color on paper. 148.8 x 47 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 (Taibei: Yishujia chubanshe 1980), 121.

280

Figure 45. Pan Tianshou. The Enthusiastic Turning-in of Grain for Collective Use 踴躍爭繳農業税, 1950. Vertical scroll, ink and color on paper.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Moyun guofeng: Pan Tianshou yishu huiguzhan 墨韵国风 : 潘天寿艺术回顾展 (Xianggang: Kangle ji wenhua shiwu shu, 2011), 42.

281

Figure 46. Pan Tianshou. Bumper Harvest 豐收, 1952. Vertical scroll, ink and color on paper, 49.5 x 37.2 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Lu Xin 卢炘, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000), 27.

282

Figure 47. Pan Tianshou. Pine, Plum Blossoms, and Doves 松梅群鴿, 1953. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper, 177.2 x 286.4 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Moyun guofeng: Pan Tianshou yishu huiguzhan 墨韵国风 : 潘天寿艺术回顾展 (Xianggang: Kangle ji wenhua shiwu shu, 2011), 44-45.

283

Figure 48. Original Pencil Sketches by Pan Tianshou on paper, 1950s. 26.5 x 39.5 cm.

Source: Lü Zhangshen, Pan Tianshou yishu 潘天寿艺术 (Hefei: Anhui meishu chubanshe, 2011), 175.

284

Figure 49. Pan Tianshou. A Distant View of Zhejiang 浙江远景, 1954. Ink and color on paper, 135 x 34 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou: ceye 潘天寿: 册页 (Xianggang: Hanmoxuan chuban youxian gongsi, 1997). 24.

285

Figure 50. Pan Tianshou. Corner of Lingyan Gully 灵岩涧一角, 1955. Ink and color on paper, 117 x 120 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou shuhuaji 潘天寿书画集 Vol.1 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), 94-95.

286

Figure 51. Pan Tianshou. Transporting Iron Ore by Sailboat 铁石帆运, 1958. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper, 249 x 242 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 141.

287

Figure 52. Pan Tianshou. This Land So Rich in Beauty 江山多娇, 1959. Ink and color on paper, 72 x 30 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 1 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 147.

288

Figure 53. Pan Tianshou. A Scene of the Waterfall at the Little Dragon Pond 小龙湫一截 , 1960. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper, 162.3 x 260 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 150-151.

289

Figure 54. Pan Tianshou. A Creek After Rain 雨霁, 1962. Horizontal scroll, ink and color on paper, 141 x 363.3 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 190-191.

290

Figure 55. Pan Tianshou. A Corner of the Little Dragon Pond 小龙湫一角, 1963. Hanging scroll, ink and color on paper, 107.8 x 107.8 cm. Collection of Pan Tianshou Memorial Museum.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 207.

291

Figure 56. Pan Tianshou. The Brilliance of Auspicious Clouds 光华旦旦, 1964, ink and color on paper, 365.8 x 853.4 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 2 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 360-361.

292

Figure 57. Pan Tianshou. Plum and Confucian Scholar 梅花高士, 1950. Ink and color on paper. 136.7 x 42 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), fig.17.

293

Figure 58. Pan Tianshou. Landscape in Jet Black Ink 焦墨山水, 1953. Ink on paper. 183.3 x 66 cm.

Source: Chen Zhenlian 陈振濂, Pan Tianshou zhuanji: tuxiang, wenxian 潘天寿专辑: 图像.文献 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007), 49.

294

Figure 59. Pan Tianshou. Sleeping Cat 睡猫, 1954. Ink and color on paper. 87 x 76.2 cm.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 76.

295

Figure 60. Zhu Da. Two Mynahs on a Rock 八哥岩石, 1692. Hanging scroll, ink on paper. Han Pei-yuan Collection.

Source: Fangyu Wang and Richard M. Barnhart, Master of the Lotus Garden: The Life and Art of Bada Shanren, 1626-1705 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 136.

296

Figure 61. Attributed to Gu Kaizhi (344-406). The Admonitions of the Instructress to the Court Ladies 女史箴, 6th-8th century. Handscroll, ink and colors on silk. The British Museum.

Source: http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/asia/t/admonitions_s croll.aspx

297

Figure 62. Huang Gongwang (1269-1354). Dwelling in the Fuchun Mountains富春山居, 1350. Handscroll, ink on paper. 33 x 636.9 cm. National Palace Museum, Taiwan.

Source: Wen Fong and James C. Y. Watt, Possessing the Past: Treasures from the National Palaces Museum, Taipei (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art: Distributed by H. N. Abrams, 1996), 300-301.

298

Figure 63. Pan Tianshou. Eagle on the Rock 鹫石, 1958. Ink on paper. 128.5 x 64.5 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou 潘天寿 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1996), fig.29.

299

Figure 64. Pan Tianshou. Blunt Brush Orchid and Rock 秃笔兰石, 1960. Ink on paper.

Source: Pan Gongkai 潘公凱, Gaofeng jungu: Pan Tianshou huihua yishu 高风峻骨: 潘天寿绘画艺术 (Beijing: Gaodeng jiaoyu chubanshe, 2011), 37.

300

Figure 65. Pan Tianshou. A Small Pavilion by Withered Trees 小亭枯树, 1961. Ink and color on paper. 139.5 x 62 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou: ceye 潘天寿: 册页 (Xianggang: Hanmoxuan chuban youxian gongsi, 1997), 46.

301

Figure 66. Ni Zan (1301-1374). The Rongxi Studio 容膝斋, 1372. Yuan Dynasty. Hanging scroll, ink on Paper. 74.7 x 35.5 cm. National Palace Museum, Taiwan.

Source: Robert L. Thorp and Richard Ellis Vinograd, Chinese Art & Culture (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., Publishers, 2001), 307.

302

Figure 67. Pan Tianshou. Waiting for Snow 欲雪, 1962. Ink and color on paper. 67 x 57.9 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu chubanshe, 1991), 17.

303

Figure 68. Pan Tianshou. Bright Eagle 赠传熹灵鹫, 1965. Ink on paper. 69.5 x 51.5 cm.

Source: Pan Tianshou 潘天寿, Pan Tianshou huaji 潘天寿画集 Vol. 2 (Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2004), 386.

304

Figure 69. Pan Tianshou. Plum Blossoms in Moonlight 梅月, 1966. Ink and color on paper. 182 x 152 cm.

Source: Chen Zhenlian 陈振濂, Pan Tianshou zhuanji: tuxiang, wenxian 潘天寿专辑: 图像. 文献 (Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2007), 15.

305

Appendix B: Table

Table. Comparing Shina kaigashi and Zhongguo huihuashi

Nakamura Fusetsu’s Shina kaigashi Pan Tianshou’s Zhongguo huihuashi (1913) (1926)

Part I: Early History Part I: Early History Chapter 1. Pre-Ha Painting Chapter 1. Ancient Painting

Chapter 2. Han Painting Chapter 2. Han Painting

Chapter 3. Six Dynasties Painting Chapter 3. Painting of the Wei-Jin and Six 3.1. General Introduction to Six Dynasties Periods Dynasties Culture 3.1. General Introduction to Wei-Jin and 3.2. The Wei-Jin Period Six Dynasties Culture 3.3. The Period of the Northern and 3.2. Painting of Wei-Jin Southern Dynasties 3.3. Painting of the Northern and 3.4. The Sui Dynasty Southern Dynasties

Chapter 4. Painting of the Sui Dynasty

Part II. Painting of the Medieval Period Part II. Painting of the Medieval Period Chapter 1. Tang Painting Chapter 1. Painting of the Tang Dynasty 1.1. General Introduction to Tang Culture 1.1. General Introduction to Tang Culture 1.2. Early Tang Painting 1.2. Early Tang Painting 1.3. Late Tang Painting 1.3. Later Tang Painting 1.4. Theory of the Tang Dynasty Painting

306

1.4. Tang Dynasty Painting Criticism

Chapter 2. Five Dynasties Painting Chapter 2. Painting of the Five Dynasties 2.1. Painting of Southern Tang 2.2. Painting of Early and Late Shu 2.3. Landscape and Miscellaneous Painting of the Five Dynasties Period

Chapter 3. Song Dynasty Painting Chapter 3. Painting of the Song Dynasty 3.1. General Introduction to Song Culture 3.1. General Introduction to Song Culture 3.2. Song Painting Academy 3.2. Song Painting Academy 3.3. The Development of Painting Style 3.3. Song Painting in the Song Period 3.3.1. Landscape Painting 3.3.1. Development of Landscape 3.3.2. Buddhist and Daoist Figure Painting Painting 3.3.2. Evolution of Buddhist and Daoist 3.3.3. Bird and Flower Painting Figure Painting 3.3.4. Ink Plum Blossom and Bamboo 3.3.3. Development of Bird and Flower and Miscellaneous Painting 3.3.4. Painting Criticism of the Song 3.4. Theory of Song Painting Period

Chapter 4. Yuan Painting Chapter 4. Painting of the Yuan Dynasty 4.1. General Introduction to Yuan 4.1. General Introduction to Yuan Culture Culture 4.2. The Evolution of Yuan Painting 4.2. Yuan Painting

Part III. Early Modern Painting Part III. Early Modern Painting Chapter 1. Ming Dynasty Painting Chapter 1. Painting of the Ming Dynasty 1.1. General Introduction to Ming 1.1. General Introduction to Ming

Culture Culture

307

1.2. Ming Painting Academy 1.2. Ming Painting Academy 1.3. Landscape Painting 1.3. The Evolution of Ming Landscape 1.3.1. Zhe School 1.3.1. Zhe School 1.3.2. Court Painting 1.3.2. Court Painting 1.3.3. Wu School Painting 1.3.3. Wu School Painting 1.4. The Evolution of Buddhist, Daoist, 1.4. Buddhist, Daoist, and Genre Painting and Genre Painting of the Ming Dynasty 1.5. Bird and Flower Painting and 1.5. Bird and Flower Painting and Miscellaneous Painting Miscellaneous Painting

Chapter 2. Qing Dynasty Painting Chapter 2. Painting of the Qing Dynasty 2.1. General Introduction to Qing Culture 2.1. General Introduction to Qing Culture 2.2. Landscape Painting 2.2. The Evolution of Landscape Painting 2.3. Figure Painting 2.3. The Evolution of Figure Painting 2.4. Bird and Flower and Monochrome 2.4. Bird and Flower and Miscellaneous Ink Painting Painting

308

Appendix C: Chinese Characters

Ai Qing 艾青

Baishe 白社 caimohua 彩墨画

Chang Shu-ch’i (Zhang Shuqi) 张书旗

Chen Duxiu 陳獨秀

Chen Shizeng 陳師曾

Dingluan 鼎脔

Fu Baoshi 傅抱石

Gao Qipei 高其佩

Geshan 个山

Guan Shanyue 关山月

Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 guohua 国画

He Tianjian 贺天健

Hu Gongshou 胡公寿

Huang Binhong 黃賓虹

309

Huang Gongwang 黄公望

Jiang Feng 江峰

Jin Nong 金農

Kang Youwei 康有为

Kuncan 髡殘

Li Lu yinpu 李盧印譜

Li Shutong 李叔同 lianhuanhua 连环画

Luo Gongliu 罗工柳

Mao Zedong 毛泽东 mei lan ju zhu 梅蘭菊竹 minzu zhi xingge 民族之性格

Nakamura Fusetsu 中村不折

Ni Zan 倪瓒 nianhua 年画

Oga Seiun 小鹿青雲

Omura Seigai 大村西崖

Pan Tianshou 潘天寿

Qi Baishi 齊白石

Qieyuan 且園

Ren Yi/ Ren Bonian 任頤/任伯年 310

Rou Shi 柔石 tingtiange 聽天閣 sijunzi 四君子

Shi Lu 石鲁

Shitao 石涛

Wang Meng 王蒙

Wang Yachen 汪亚尘

Wang Yiting 王一亭

Wu Changshi 吴昌硕

Wang Hui 王翚

Wang Jian 王鉴

Wang Shimin 王时敏

Wang Yuanqi 王原祁

Wen Zhengming 文徵明

Wu Fuzhi 吳茀之

Xie He 谢赫

Xieyi 写意

Xieshi 写实

Xiling yinshe 西泠印社

Xu Beihong 徐悲鴻

Xu Wei 徐渭 311

Yan Yuanxuan 嚴遠軒

Ye Jianying 叶剑英

Zhang Zhendou 张振铎

Zheng Xie 鄭燮

Zhou Yang 周扬

Zhu Da 朱耷

Zhu Wenyun 诸闻韵

Zhuangzi 莊子

312