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SELLING TO THE COURT: LATE-SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION IN SHIRAZ

In modern scholarship, the adjective most frequently the text. Some would have still another bifolio of illu- attached to sixteenth-century manuscript production minated medallions, increasing to three the number in Shiraz is "commercial," a label thought to bejusti- of decorated bifolios before the text proper began. fied by the sheer number of extant Shiraz manuscripts Manuscripts which comprised several poems, such as lacking a patron's name, suggesting that they were Nizami's Khamsa or Jami's Haft Awrang, were given made to be sold on the open market. ' The label, how- additional illuminated bifolios for section headings. ever, should not also be used to imply a mass produc- These could total as many as seven to eight per manu- tion of indifferent quality, for that is ajudgment that script (fig. 1). Shahnama copies did not have these ad- cannot be applied to the luxuriously produced exam- ditional illuminated folios, since it was one continu- ples from sixteenth-century Shiraz.2 ous text, but they had an additional double-folio il- That deluxe Shiraz manuscripts were deliberately lustration of an enthronement with illuminated bor- made to resemble the royal manuscripts produced in ders midway through the text, which showed Luhrasp the reign of Shah Tahmasp and intended for consump- enthroned. The manuscripts would then end with a tion by courtly circles will be argued here. I will also double-folio finispiece. Deluxe Shiraz manuscripts also demonstrate that both the Safavid and Ottoman had numerous illustrations which covered the entire courtly elites sought them and, by placing them in the page,just as the illustrations of the courtly examples historical context of their production, propose a pos- did, often with marginal decoration of gold floral sible group of supporters for the Shiraz workshops. scrolls and animals. Around the end of the 1560's, Shiraz manuscripts In their outside appearance Shiraz manuscripts began to display a degree of richness that reached its looked even more like their courtly counterparts. One zenith in the 1580's.3 During this decade a remark- reason was that the size of the manuscripts was con- able number of illustrated manuscripts were made, in- siderably increased: some equaled the size of the corporating all the outward trappings of sumptuous Shahnama of Shah Tahmasp, which was forty-seven court production. To this end, Shiraz workshops centimeters high;6 some were even larger. One Shiraz spared no expense in the use of costly materials and Shahnama of Firdawsi from circa 1585, now in Istan- the appropriation of the courtly style of painting, its bul, measured an astonishing fifty-three centimeters fashions, and its architectural settings. The imitation in height.7 A second practice that gave them a courtly of courtly models combined with lavish decoration was appearance was their lacquered bindings, which meant to enhance the book's value and establish its shared stylistic features with those on courtly manu- status as a "luxury" object. scripts. Comparing the binding of an anthology from A comparison between the individual features of circa 1550-70, probably produced at Qazvin (fig. 2) luxurious Shiraz manuscripts produced between the with that of a Shiraz copy of the Haft Awrang ofJami end of the 1570's and the 1580's with corresponding from circa 1575 (fig. 3) makes this obvious. 8 Each royal manuscripts from the reign of Shah Tahmasp binding has an outdoor courtly entertainment scene (1524-74) reveals close parallels.4 Both were written with a black background framed by borders of gold on heavily sized, gold-flecked paper and began with floral designs on black grounds. In each, a princely a number of decorated bifolios. All had a double- figure is seated in the center of the composition sur- folio frontispiece, which in the Shiraz examples often rounded by seated and standing courtiers, while depicted Solomon and Bilqis enthroned, 5 always fol- musicians perform and attendants serve food. lowed by an illuminated bifolio at the beginning of When viewed on a shelf, a Shiraz manuscript with

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74 LALE ULUI

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Fig. 1. Illuminated bifolio. Haft Awrang ofJami, ca. 1575. Copied by Hidayat Allah al-katib al-Shirazi. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 751. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

a lacquered binding cannot be differentiated from a a sort of a trademark for attributing lacquered bind- courtly one. Once their outer covers are opened, ings to Shiraz. however, they display significant variation in their The single known exception of a Shiraz manuscript quality of workmanship and style of illustration. The with a lacquered binding and partly lacquered doublures on Shiraz bindings also constitute an ad- doublures is a magnificent copy of the Koran dated ditional important difference. During the second half 1572-86.10 Its binding has floral designs and crushed of the sixteenth century, all Shiraz bindings, whether mother-of-pearl worked into the lacquer. Two con- they were leather or lacquer, had identical leather spicuous lines of crushed mother-of-pearl run hori- doublures similar to those of the Shiraz Haft Awrang zontally across the top and the bottom of the bind- from circa 1575 (fig. 4). The bindings of the courtly ing, providing additional decoration (fig. 6). Its un- manuscripts with lacquered bindings, such as the usual lacquered doublures were not modeled on the anthology from circa 1550-70, however, often have lacquered doublures of courtly manuscripts (fig. 7). lacquered doublures as well (fig. 5). 9 The juxtaposi- Instead, they were closely modeled on a gold block- tion of a Shiraz-style leather doublure with a lacquered stamped leather outer cover of a Shiraz binding, like binding was in fact used so consistently that it became that on a copy of the Shahnama of Firdawsi dated 982

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Fig. 2. Binding, upper cover. Anthology, ca. 1550-70. Topkapi Fig. 3. Binding, upper cover. Haft Awrang of Jami, ca, 1575. Palace Library, R. 1986. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Copied by Hidayat Allah al-katib al-Shirazi. Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Library, H. 751. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

(1574) (fig. 8)." The overall design of a central me- fully illuminated, where the entire surface of each page dallion and four corner pieces of this binding and is covered with decorative motifs (fig. 9).'2 Turning those of the doublures of the Koran appear to have the pages of this Koran is almost like looking through been produced using identical stamps. The border a kaleidoscope. cartouches also have exactly the same shapes. These luxuriously produced Shiraz manuscripts The Koran of 1572-86 is the most lavishly decorated could at times be richer in appearance than some of Shiraz manuscript from the sixteenth century. All of their courtly counterparts. Not all royal manuscripts its pages without exception are fully illuminated. It had the exceptional quality of the Tahmasp Shdhnama. opens with a large uninscribed medallion followed by An unpublished copy of the Gulistan and Bstn of a bifolio of gold oblongs outlined in colors. The next Sa'di dated 961 (1554) has two colophons, both of two bifolios, one of which contains medallions, are which state that it was copied by a certain 'Abd-al similar in design to the illuminated frontispieces found Vahhab al-Husaini al-Mashhadi for Shah Tahmasp.'3 in contemporary Shiraz deluxe manuscripts. All of the It is a royal manuscript with deluxe lacquer painted text pages which follow these opening folios are also bindings and doublures. Its illustrative style also shares

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Fig. 4. Doublure. Haft Awrang of Jami, ca. 1575. Copied by Fig. 5. Doublure. Anthology, ca. 1550-70. Topkapi Palace Hidayat Allah al-katib al-Shirazi. Topkapi Palace Library, H. Library, R. 1986. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, 751. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Istanbul)

a common aesthetic with other Safavid royal manu- found in the royal manuscripts of the earlier Tahmasp scripts from the same period. For example, the ruler's period, all of the twenty-seven illustrations of the royal throne in the Sa'di illustration of a sufi dreaming of Gulistan and Bustan of Sa'di occupy only a small area a heavenly king closely resembles similar thrones from in the text and are simple compositions representing earlier court manuscripts (fig. 10).1 The golden ara- only the basic elements of the incident that is being besque decoration below the throne in the Sa'di man- illustrated. A striking example is the illustration de- uscript and its golden legs are also found on a throne picting Zulaikha soliciting Yusuf's attention, which depicted in the Tahmasp Shahnama.'5 The copy of the represents this scene using only the most basic figures Khamsa of Nizami of 1539-43, which bears Shah and elements (fig. 11).17 The illustrations of the 1554 Tahmasp's name in the architectural frieze on one Sa'di are also much simpler than those from the copy of its illustrations in the high court style of the pe- of the Haft Awrang of Jami produced for Shah riod, also contains such a throne in the illustration Tahmasp's nephew, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza b. Bahram depicting Nushaba recognizing Iskandar from his Mirza, when he was governor of Mashhad between portrait. 1556 and 1565.l' The comparison of one of the more In sharp contrast to the complex compositions complicated renditions of architecture from the 1554

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Fig. 6. Binding, upper and flap covers. Koran, dated 1572- 86. Copied by 'Abd al-Qadir al-Husaini. Topkapi Palace Library, E.H. 48. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Fig. 7. Doublure. Koran, dated 1572-86. Copied by 'Abd al- Qadir al-Husaini, Topkapi Palace Library, E.H. 48. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

Sa'di (fig. 12)19 with any of the illustrations contain- ascended the throne in 1588.22 Although the patron ing a pavilion from Ibrahim Mirza's Haft Awrang shows of this manuscript was not a member of the Safavid the more competent composition of the latter illus- royal family, it has a lacquered binding with lacquered tration.2 0 doublures, both of exceptional, or so-called royal, A second significant manuscript is a copy of the quality. Additionally, its illuminations as well as its il- Dfvn of Hafiz dated 989-94 (1581-86), which was pro- lustrations display the highest standard of manuscript duced for a Sultan Sulayman at Tun.21 This Sultan production current at the time. This was clearly be- Sulayman was the governor of Tun and Tabas, which cause Sulayman Khalifa had accumulated an impres- were both provincial centers in Khurasan, in 1581. sive corps of artisans for his library, many of whom Iskandar Munshi refers to him as Sulayman Khalifa appear to have previously worked for royal patrons. 2 3 Turkman b. Suhrab Khalifa Turkman and says that The illustrations of this sub-royal manuscript also have he was made the governor of Qum after Shah 'Abbas more complex compositions than the royal Gulistan

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Fig. 8. Binding. Shahnama of Firdawsi, dated 982 (1574). Fig. 9. Text folio. Koran, dated 1572-86. Copied by 'Abd al- Copied in the city of (balda-i) Shiraz by Hasan al-Husain al- Qadir al-Husaini. Topkapi Palace Library, E.H. 48, fol. 4v. katib. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1497. (Photo: courtesy (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

and Bistan of Sa'di, which carries the name of Shah which emulated the top quality court manuscripts also Tahmasp. The differences in their level of complex- contained considerably more complex compositions ity become particularly striking when the Sa'di painting than those of Tahmasp's Sa'di (figs. 14, 15, and 17). depicting a pavilion (fig. 12) is compared with a similar However, even though some of the Shiraz illustrations one from Sulayman Khalifa's Hafiz (fig. 13).24 This sub- had more complicated compositions than those of this royal volume of 1581-86 demonstrates that the high particular royal manuscript of 1554, Shiraz manuscripts quality of a manuscript does not always constitute could not reach the same level of refinement as the proof that it was made for royal clientele. Conversely, royal examples in their general conception, calligra- the illustrations of Tahmasp's Sa'di indicate that even phy, and illumination. The only components of the though a manuscript may have been produced for a Shiraz manuscripts which displayed a courtly level of royal owner it may not have been produced at the luxury were the lacquered bindings of some, but even highest possible standards of its time. they were less luxurious than the courtly bindings since The luxurious Shiraz manuscripts of the 1580's they all had leather Shiraz-style doublures.

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Fig. 10. A sufi dreams of a king in heaven. Gulistin and Bastan Fig. 11. Zulaikha soliciting Yusuf's attention. Gulistdn and of Sa'di, dated 961 (1554). Copied by 'Abd al-Vahhab al- Bfstdn of Sa'di, dated 961 (1554). Copied by 'Abd al-Vahhab Husaini al-Mashhadi for Shah Tahmasp. Topkapi Palace al-Husaini al-Mashhadi for Shah Tahmasp. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 673, fol. 41r. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Library, H. 673, fol. 300v. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Museum, Istanbul)

Luxury Shiraz manuscripts which contained lavish links the pavilion to the side of the pool and outside decoration appear to have been produced for courtly stairs which connect the lower balcony to the upper consumption because they reflected the contemporary one are also represented. In the interior of the lower court fashion, architectural settings, and in general floor attendants are preparing food. Around the pa- the architectural environment with which their in- vilion are also people rowing in boats. tended clientele was familiar. One striking example Lakes or pools with pavilions at their center are re- is found in a copy of the Haft Awrang of Jami from ferred to in the documentary sources. An earlier ruler circa 1580 (fig. 14).25 This Shiraz depiction of a lei- of Mazanderan, the Bavandid Husam al-Daula Ardashir sure scene in and around a pool pavilion matches the (1172-1206) had a pleasure garden which contained description given by a sixteenth-century Italian traveler an artificial lake stocked with fish. A pavilion on an of courtly activities in Tabriz. The pavilion has two sto- island in the center of the lake was reached by a draw- ries and a terrace with a canopied structure. In both bridge.2 6 The account of an anonymous Italian mer- stories are open galleries which encircle the walls of chant who visited Persia in the sixteenth century the structure. In the upper story is a small balcony mentions another pavilion in the center of a pool, this which projects into the gallery space. A bridge which time in the center of a fountain in the courtyard of a

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Fig. 12. An uninvited sufi joins a social gathering. Gulistan Fig. 13. Dancing dervishes. Dvan of Hafiz, dated 1581-86. and Bfzstan of Sa'di, dated 961 (1554). Copied by 'Abd al- Copied by Sultan Husain b. Qasim al-Tuni for Sultan Vahhab al-Husaini al-Mashhadi for Shah Tahmasp. Topkapi Sulayman at Tun. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 986, fol. 21v. Palace Library, H. 673, fol. 225v. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Palace Museum, Istanbul) mosque called "Imareth alegeat" (sic) in Tabriz. This laid, and carved inside and out. The building is very text describes a Tabriz pool and fountain within a ancient, but the platform has been recently put up, and court setting which is very similar to the one depicted there is a bridge leading from the side of the fountain in the Shiraz Haft Awrang of circa 1580 (fig. 14). on to the platform. There is a beautiful boat like a bucentaur, which Sultan Sciech Ismael [sic] used often The Italian merchant writes: "[The mosque in Tabriz when a boy (as he still does now) to get into, with four is] very large, but has never been covered in the cen- or five of his lords, and row about the fountain.2 7 tre.... In the midst of the edifice is a large fountain, not springing there naturally, but brought artificially, This description of a courtly activity which matches as the water comes in by one pipe and is emptied by a a Shiraz picture shows the degree of specificity of the second, as they please. This fountain is a hundred paces court milieu in Shiraz illustrations and supports the in length and as many in breadth, and is six feet deep hypothesis that these manuscripts were intended to in the middle, where is built a beautiful platform or represent court life. A number of other Shiraz manu- pedestal on six pilasters of the purest marble, all over- scripts of this period also carry unmistakable echoes

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Fig. 14. Rowing in a fountain pool. Haft Awrang ofJami, ca. Fig. 15. Iskandar and the Seven Sages. Khamsa of Nizami, ca. 1580. Topkapi Palace Library, R. 911, fol. 152r. (Photo: 1580-85. Topkapi Palace Library, A. 3559, fol. 398v. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

of the ambiance and life of the court. The meticu- depicting Iskandar with the Seven Sages (fig. 15).29 lous rendition of architectural detail in the represen- It shows Iskandar enthroned in a chamber within a tation of the pool pavilion implies that some of the centrally placed octagonal pavilion. The walls of the unusual sixteenth-century Shiraz images of pavilions two-story pavilion are represented from the outside; can be utilized to explore aspects of sixteenth-century it also has a roof terrace with a small dome. Five Safavid architecture for which little archaeological courtiers sit in two oblique lines on either side of the evidence survives.2 8 waterway and an ornamental pool in front of the pa- In addition to representing courtly subjects and ac- vilion. The vertical axis is established by the dome, tivities, Shiraz illustrations carried strong echoes of the window and the door on the back wall, the ruler the Tabriz and Mashhad courtly styles of painting. on his throne, three steps leading down from the Some were clearly generated from specific royal mod- throne, and the waterway with the pool. A garden wall els. These models could have reached Shiraz through behind the building has two symmetrically placed gates the movement of artists, through manuscripts, draw- on either side. The representation of a chamber ings, or pounces, or all of those. An example is from embedded in an octagonal structure was a totally new a deluxe copy of the Khamsa of Nizami from circa 1585 feature in the Shiraz repertoire of the 1580's. It was

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Fig. 16. Yusuf's escape from the well. Haft Awrang of Jami, ca. 1575. Copied by Hidayat Allah al-katib al-Shirazi. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 751, fol. 149r. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

------_~ MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION IN SHIRAZ 83 clearly adapted from earlier courtly models, for ex- style illustrations indicate that it was begun at that city, ample, the one from the Tahmasp Shahnama depict- but it then came into the possession of the Qara- ing Firdawsi before Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna.3 0 This qoyunlu prince Pir Budaq b. Jahanshah b. Qara Yusuf, painting also has a ruler enthroned in a chamber in probably during the Qaraqoyunlu occupation of Herat a centrally placed octagonal pavilion with courtiers in 1458, when Pir Budaq was serving as the governor sitting in two oblique lines on either side of the or- of Shiraz. Its first colophon is dated 866 (1461) and namental pool in front of the pavilion. Even the gar- signed by the scribe Shaykh Mahmud Pir Budaqi, who dener who can be seen through one of the gates in may have made some minor additions, presumably at the Tabriz illustration is repeated in the Shiraz image. Baghdad since his patron Pir Budaq resided in that An example that closely emulates the Mashhad style city from 1460 until his death in 1466. 37 It then en- is the scene depicting Yusuf's escape from the well, tered the library of the Aqqoyunlu prince Khalil Sul- from a Shiraz copy of the Haft Awrang of Jami, circa tan b. Uzun Hasan, who was the governor of Shiraz 1575 (fig. 16).31 The Shiraz copy can almost be con- between 1471 and 1478. Its second colophon at the sidered a condensed version of the Mashhad illustra- end of the manuscript is dated 881 (1476) and signed tion of the same subject from Ibrahim Mirza's Haft by Fakhr al-Din Ahmad, who says that the manuscript Awrang of 1556-65.32 The Shiraz scene reverses the was written for Uzun Hasan on Khalil's orders. Since Mashhad composition, and both place the well to one Khalil was then resident in Shiraz as its governor, the side of the page, instead of in the more usual cen- Istanbul Khamsa of 1461-76 must have been completed tral position. Both are set in a rocky landscape; the there.3 8 tall rocks on one side of the composition are balanced The third relevant rendition of the Mi'raj of the by a chinar tree on the other side. The three tents Prophet over the Ka'ba enclosure is in the Bihzadian pitched close together in the middle and left fore- tradition of the reign of the Timurid sultan Husain ground of the Mashhad scene are echoed by the two Mirza and is found in the Herat-based Khamsa of on the right foreground of the Shiraz composition. Nizami dated 900 (1494-95). 3 9 The last one is on a In front of the foremost one in both, a man tickles a detached folio removed from a royal Aqqoyunlu copy young boy under the chin. He is accepting ajug from of the Khamsa of Nizami.40 The copying of this manu- the boy in the Mashhad scene, while he just holds the script was probably begun at Shiraz for Khalil Sultan boy's hand in the Shiraz version. The youth in an b. Uzun Hasan Aqqoyunlu, while he was the gover- orange robe who sleeps against a patterned pillow or nor of the city between 1471 and 1478. Khalil then saddlebag and the man collecting wood at the left in ruled the Aqqoyunlu domains from Tabriz for a few the Mashhad scene are both repeated exactly-but on months in 1478. When his brother Ya'qub eliminated the right-in the Shiraz scene. The well shows Yusuf Khalil after a short time and ascended the Aqqoyunlu and Gabriel with the bucket. Above them, a youth throne, he must have inherited Khalil's Tabriz work- carries a water ewer which matches the one carried shop, as well as this manuscript. Its first colophon at by a similarly placed youth in the Mashhad illustra- the end of the third poem, Laild and Majnfin, bears tion, but he leads a donkey instead of a horse.3 3 the date 880 (1475-76), when Khalil was the gover- In addition to emulating the Tabriz and Mashhad nor of Shiraz. The epithet al-Sultani used by its scribe, courtly styles of painting, some of the Shiraz illustra- 'Abd al-Rahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman, in this colophon tions of the 1580's made distinct references to a se- refers to Sultan Khalil, since this scribe was affiliated ries of illustrations found in earlier courtly manu- with Khalil's workshop until the latter's death in 1478- scripts. One example is a Mi'raj scene found in a Shiraz 79.41 Yfisuf and Zulaikhd of Jami from circa 1585-90 (fig. The manuscript's second colophon at the end of 17).34 It depicts the Mi'rdj of the Prophet over the the last section, Iqbal-nima-i IskandarT, is dated 886 Ka'ba enclosure, a combination used in a number of (1481), which falls in the reign of Khalil's brother Sul- manuscripts in earlier high court styles. The earliest tan Ya'qub. This colophon gives the manuscript's place extant rendition is found in an anthology dated 813- of completion as Tabriz. Its scribe 'Abd al-Rahim signs 14 (1410-11), which was made for the Timurid prince his name with the epithet al-Ya'qubi, which refers to Iskandar Mirza while he was the governor of Shiraz.3 5 Sultan Ya'qub and shows that work on the manuscript The next courtly example is from a copy of the Khamsa must have continued in Tabriz.4 2 The manuscript also of Nizami dated 866-81 (1461-76) (fig. 18).56 Its Herat contains a discursive postscript which further discusses

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Fig. 17. The Mi'raj of the Prophet. Yftsufand Zulaikha ofJami, Fig. 18. The Mi'raj of the Prophet. Khamsa of Nizami, dated ca. 1585-90. Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1084, fol. I r. (Photo: 866 (146I). Copied by Shaykh Mahmud Pir Budaqi. Topkapi courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Palace Library, H. 761, fol. 4v. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

the circumstances of its production. It says that the dition of the Mir'aj was produced, Shiraz was ruled manuscript was begun for the Aqqoyunlu prince by a Turkman governor from the Zu'lqadir tribe. This Khalil; its scribe was known as Anisi; and it was com- line then connects the early Timurid court of Iskandar pleted at Safavid Tabriz for presentation to Shah Sultan, the Qaraqoyunlu court of Pir Budaq, the late Isma'il I by one of his high officials. 4 3 Contemporary Timurid court of Sultan Husain, the Aqqoyunlu courts sources, Qadi Ahmad, Dust Muhammad, and Sam of Khalil Sultan and Sultan Ya'qub, the Safavid court Mirza all mention a close association between the of Shah Isma'il I, and finally the provincial manuscript scribe 'Abd al-Rahim b. 'Abd al-Rahman Khwarazmi production center, Shiraz, under the governorship of whose pen name was Anisi, and Sultan Ya'qub.44 The the Zu'lqadir tribe. Three of the earlier four manu- folio detached from this manuscript which has the scripts had been owned by governors of Shiraz at a Mir'aj scene was evidently completed during the early time when the manuscripts produced in Shiraz were Safavid stage. It records the date 910 (1505) on a small at a royal level. building at the lower left of the picture frame. Later inscriptional notes on Shiraz manuscripts At the time the late-sixteenth-century Shiraz ren- attest that they were owned by members of both the

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Safavid and Ottoman ruling elites.4 5 One of the most humble servant at the Court of Heavenly Resort of His significant of these notes is found on a luxury Shiraz Excellency, Khan Ahmad the Husaini, [signed] Mir copy of the Shahndma of Firdawsi dated 998 (1589- Sayyid Muhammad the painter (naqqash)."56 90), which attests that it was owned by a member of A second Safavid name is mentioned in an owner- the Safavid royal family. 46 It was then purchased by ship note in an illustrated Shiraz Shlahnama of Firdawsi Khayrat Khan, an ambassador to the Safavid Shah Safi dated 971 (1563), 57 which says that the manuscript from the ruler of Golconda 'Abdallah the Qutb Shah once belonged to a certain "Rustam b. Ahmad Shir- (1626-72), during his stay in Isfahan, from the daugh- vani." The same name can be found in three illustrated ter of Khan Ahmad Khan of Gilan and the wife of the Persian manuscripts from the Topkapi Palace Library.58 late Shah 'Abbas, for fifty-five tumans, in 1040 (1631).47 Although it has not been possible to identify this per- The Shiraz Shahnama of 1589-90 must have been son, he appears to have been a discerning collector acquired by Khan Ahmad or his daughter, but the ab- of books. The first of these three manuscripts is a copy sence of their names in the colophon implies that it of the Naqsh-iBadi' of Muhammad Ghazali Mashhadi was bought after it was already completed. Khan dated 982 (1574). 5 It was written by Sultan Muham- Ahmad had become the ruler of Gilan with the sup- mad Khandan at Sabzavar for Sultan Ibrahim Mirza, port of Shah Tahmasp, but had subsequently incurred the most significant royal patron of the time.' Ibrahim the shah's wrath and been imprisoned at Istakhr, near Mirza had been sent as governor to Sabzavar in 1567 Shiraz. He languished there for almost ten years, but by his powerful relative, the shah, where he had stayed was finally released after Muhammad Khudabanda's until 1574.6 The other two books that bear Rustam ascension since he was related to the new shah's wife, b. Ahmad's name are a copy of the 7Tmiirnama of Yazdir was appointed governor of the province of Gilan, and from circa 1570 and a copy of the Salaman and Absal was married to Maryam Sultan Begum, a daughter of of Jami from circa 1590, both illustrated in the met- Shah Tahmasp.4 8 He rebelled again in 1592, during ropolitan court style of their time.6 2 It is therefore the reign of Shah 'Abbas I, and tried to form a mili- significant that his library contained a Shiraz manu- tary alliance with the Ottomans, 4 9 but was defeated in script as well. battle by the Safavid forces and fled to Shirvan, aban- Both the archival documents from the Topkapi doning his household. His Safavid wife and daughter Palace Library and its existing Persian holdings indi- were taken to the royal headquarters and treated as cate that Ottoman bureaucrat-intellectuals were avid royal princesses of the Safavid line.5 0 The note on this collectors of Persian luxury manuscripts. Almost every manuscript indicates that Shah 'Abbas later took one archival booklist from the Topkapi collection includes of Khan Ahmad's daughters as one of his wives.5 ' names of the works of Persian authors. The library Khan Ahmad Khan of Gilan had been educated at houses approximately two hundred sixteenth-century the court of Shah Tahmasp as a child, had married illustrated Persian manuscripts," almost half of them one of Shah Tahmasp's daughters, and was related produced in Shiraz. This ratio increases when only to Shah 'Abbas's mother, Shah Muhammad Khuda- copies of the Persian classics are considered; sixty banda's wife.5 2 According to Sadiqi Bek's biography percent of the total number of this group are from of the court poets, Majmf'at al-Khavdss, he was him- Shiraz workshops. Approximately one hundred of the self an art patron of some significance. Sadiqi Bek men- sixteenth-century illustrated Persian manuscripts from tions three poets and a historian as being in attend- the Topkapi collection have later notes and marginalia ance at his court and Sadiqi Bek may have been there which indicate that they once belonged to members himself as well.58 Iskandar Munshi also mentions a of the Ottoman ruling elite before becoming palace calligrapher, a doctor, and a musician, who had all property. Fifty of these were produced in Shiraz. previously been in royal service, as being in Khan Inscriptional notes testify that Sinan Papa, who Ahmad's service later.5 4 He came from a local dynasty served five terms as the grand vizier between 1579 and of Sayyids, the Kar-Kiya, at Lahijan in Gilan. Accord- his death in 1596, during the reigns of Murad III (r. ing to Dickson and Welch, the Kar-Kiya was an impor- 1574-95) and his son Mehmed III (r. 1595-1603), tant source of patronage in the late fifteenth and owned luxury Shiraz manuscripts. He was one of the throughout the sixteenth century. 55 A painting of a top-ranking, richest, and most influential Ottoman dragon in a private collection may also have been ex- bureaucrats of the last quarter of the sixteenth cen- ecuted for him. Its inscription reads, "Done by this tury. Sinan Papa was executed by imperial decree in

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1596, and his considerable estate devolved to the intended as a gift for the Ottoman sultan.73 One dated state.6 4 Five manuscripts in the Topkapi collection with colophon testifies that it was copied in 970 (1562) and Shiraz-style illustrations contain later notes bearing his another that it was enlarged, illustrated, and illumi- name. 65 nated in 991 (1583).74 The finispiece of the manuscript Inscriptional notes also show that Shiraz manuscripts was added during its enlargement and depicts the were privately owned by individual members of the triumphal entry of a personage into a city accompa- Ottoman royal family. For example, two Shiraz cop- nied by his army.75 The outfits and headgear of both ies of the Khamsa of Nizami dated 945-47 (1538-40) the leader and troops are in a strange style vaguely and 941 (1540) were inscribed "the late (erhume) Sah reminiscent of Ottoman uniforms. Especially the head- Sultan" on their back flyleaves.6 6 Sah Sultan was the gear of the soldiers resembles that of an Ottoman daughter of Selim I and sister of Sfileyman the Mag- janissary. Panegyric verses written to a sultan (rather nificent. These two copies of the Khamsa of Nizami than a shah) on the finispiece miniatures themselves were later bought for the royal collection for fifty gold suggest that this manuscript was intended as a gift for sovereigns each from her estate.67 the bibliophile Ottoman Sultan Murad III.76 The date The flow of Shiraz manuscripts into Ottoman ter- 1583 for the enlargement of the manuscript is also ritories slowed down after the second Ottoman-Safavid significant: a year later the Safavid ambassador Ibrahim peace of 1590 and stopped by the end of the sixteenth Khan Tavaji reached the Ottoman capital bringing a century.6 8 However, they continued to circulate within letter from Shah Muhammad Khudabanda asking for the empire. A deluxe Shiraz copy of the Khamsa of peace." The now dispersed Shahnama would have been Nizami from circa 1585 carries a flyleaf note stating an appropriate gift for that occasion. that the book once belonged to the library of One of the Shiraz manuscripts which once belonged Merzifonlu Kara Mustafa Papa, a son-in-law of the to the grand vizier Sinan Pasa (d. 1596), a copy of the sultan and one of the most influential Ottoman grand Khamsa of Nizami dated 999-1000 (1591), also bears viziers of the seventeenth century.6 9 The ownership some evidence indicating that it was hurriedly turned note on the Shiraz Khamsa is dated [10]95 (1684) and into a luxury manuscript after its initial production.7 " says that the book came to the palace from the estate At the time of its completion it was a manuscript of (muhallefat) of this personage, who had been executed modest proportions. Its eighteen textual illustrations, the year before, indicating that his estate devolved to which appear to date from this time, are all contained the state after his death.7 0 within the text block and are very small in propor- The notes on two manuscripts, a copy of the Khamsa tion to the present size of the manuscript. It was then of Khusraw Dihlavi dated 970 (1562-63) and a Yiisuf transformed into a luxuriously produced, large manu- and Zulaikha of Jami from circa 1575,71 suggest that script, measuring thirty-nine centimeters in height. To Shiraz manuscripts were also used as diplomatic gifts achieve this, it was remargined with the typical pink by the ruling elite and even the shah. The flyleaf note margins of the early Shah 'Abbas I period and given on each is dated 990 (1582) and says, "The book that a pair of illuminated pages at the beginning of the came from the Shah." The notes and their dates in- text, a double-folio frontispiece, a double-folio dicate that these two manuscripts were among the finispiece, and designs around each of its six colo- eighteen books which were sent by Shah Muhammad phons. Khudabanda to be presented to the sultan by the All the stylistic characteristics of the manuscript, Safavid ambassador Ibrahim Khan on the occasion of other than the designs added to the colophon pages, the circumcision festival of ehzade Mehmed in clearly point to a Shiraz idiom.7 9 Its frontispiece and 1582.72 finispiece, which are in an easily recognizable Shiraz The use of luxury Shiraz manuscripts as diplomatic style, were created at the time of the manuscript's gifts for the Ottomans must have increased demand enlargement. All four images used for this purpose for them, since a substantial number of Safavid en- were chosen from already existing material. Even voys were sent to the Ottoman realm during the six- though they were different sizes, each was individu- teenth century. Some may even have been hurriedly ally enlarged to create two pairs of matching folios, prepared for the purpose. The last two pages of text which were then framed by unifying illuminated bor- and the finispiece of a dispersed Shiraz Shiahnama of ders. The illustrations do not represent incidents which Firdawsi bear some evidence that it may have been are found in this text. For example, the left folio of

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z~~~~~~~~~:~ ~ ~ :

,:''" %"' Wg *;-1- i:_ .. ,,,,_,;'I. - .IS: : 6~~~ Fig. 19. Frontispiece. Possibly a scene from a Ysuf and Fig. 20. Frontispiece. An enthronement scene from a Zulaikha ofJami; Zulaikha in chains. Khamsa of Nizami, dated Shahnama. Rustam before a ruler. Khamsa of Nizami, dated 999-1000 (1591). Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749, fol. 2r. 999-1000 (1591). Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749, fol. lv. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

the frontispiece seems to depict an episode from the doublures found on all Shiraz manuscripts of the sec- Yilsuf and Zulaikha of Jami, where Zulaikha is shown ond half of the sixteenth century, 82 further evidence in chains and attended by her ladies-in-waiting. The that Shiraz is its provenance. right folio of the frontispiece was probably originally Sinan Paa's Khamsa must have been transformed meant to illustrate a Shahnama, since it depicts Rustam, soon after its completion in 1591, since he died in easily identified by his tigerskin coat and leopard hat, 1596. It is impossible to determine the exact reason seated before a ruler (figs. 19 and 20). The most luxu- for the change. It appears, however, that a deluxe rious addition was a top-quality lacquered binding, manuscript with the outward trappings of a courtly which truly brought'the book up to the level of a production was needed quickly, to be either presented deluxe manuscript (fig. 21). 80 It is closely related to or sold to the influential Ottoman grand vizier and a number of bindings attributed to courtly centers, that the productive Shiraz workshops were capable of such as a copy of the Duval Ranf Khizr Khan of Amir meeting such a demand in a short time. Khusraw Dihlavi dated 992 (1584-85) (fig. 22). 8 ' Ottoman sources indicate that luxury books were However, this magnificent binding has the typical among the most valuable of the gifts that were brought

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Fig. 21. Binding, upper and flap covers. Khamsa of Nizami, Fig. 22. Binding, upper cover. Duval Rant KhzrKhan of Amir dated 999-1000 (1591). Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749. Khusraw Dihlavi, dated 992 (1584-85). Topkapi Palace (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul) Library, H. 684. (Photo: courtesy Topkapi Palace Museum, Istanbul)

by the Safavid envoys to the Ottoman court. When gifts first was the appointment of Muhammad Mirza, the are enumerated in contemporary Ottoman chronicles future Safavid Shah Muhammad Khudabanda, as the or archival estate inventories, book names always ap- nominal governor of Shiraz in 1572. He was in resi- pear at the top of the lists, if they are included at all. dence in Shiraz until he ascended the Safavid throne The first mention is always given to the copies of the in 1578.84 During his six years in Shiraz, the level of Koran, followed by the rest of the books. In illustra- ostentation of Shiraz manuscripts noticeably increased. tions showing Safavid envoys presenting the royal The presence of a "royal" figure at Shiraz may have Safavid gifts frequently found in Ottoman chronicles, generated a new group of customers who were familiar large books are often prominently represented held with court manuscripts and created some impetus for by men at the head of the presentation group.8 3 a similar taste at Shiraz, while the arrival of a princely The hypothesis that the Shiraz production of espe- governor with his private library at Shiraz may have cially the 1570's and 1580's was for the consumption provided additional models for Shiraz artists. After his of court circles is supported by the fact that the years ascension, many Shiraz nobles who had become inti- 1570-1590 coincide with two significant events. The mate with the future shah during his tenure in Shiraz

---D-^-"-r-l--·---ar*q-·aC-·-ra--· ------1111 MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION IN SHIRAZ 89 were given important positions at court.8 5 It is possible tween the Turkman aristocracy and the shah. The last that the demand for luxury Shiraz manuscripts in- powerful Zu'lqadir governor Ya'qub Khan revolted creased in Safavid court circles when these Shiraz against the shah, but was captured and executed in notables moved to the capital. 1590-91.9° Babayan pinpoints Ya'qub Khan's death as Other important officials already at the capital also the event that marked the end of the civil war of 1576- had Shiraz roots. The most notable of these was Mirza 90 and the final victory of Shah 'Abbas I over the rebel- Salman Jabiri, whose father Aga Mirza 'Ali Jabiri lious Qizilbash.9 ' The Zu'lqadir tribe continued to pro- Isfahani was the vizier of the governor of Shiraz, vide governors of Shiraz for a few more years: they Ibrahim Khan Zu'lqadir, in 1548. Mirza Salman had lost the governorship in 1592-93, but were given it been educated in Shiraz and then gone to the court back a year later.9 2 In the same year, according to of Shah Tahmasp in Tabriz. After holding other ad- Natanzi, the shah farmed out the province of Fars for ministrative posts, he was appointed the supervisor a three-year period for the sum of 120,000 tumans to (nazir) of most of the royal workshops, a post he held a group of notables from the province itself.9 3 Al- until the death of Shah Tahmasp. He was grand vizier though these notables who filled the post of gover- during the reign of Isma'il II and one of the first to nor of Shiraz were members of the Zu'lqadir tribe, reach Shiraz to pay his respects to the new shah when they were no longer the tribal leaders but shahisivans Isma'il II died. He was reconfirmed as the grand vi- whose loyalty to the shah was above their loyalty to zier,8 6 and was closely allied with the crown prince their tribes.9 4 Hamza Mirza, since his daughter was married to the The shah's policy of neutralizing the Turkman mili- prince and his son was the prince's vizier. 87 Until his tary aristocracy meant the abolition of the nearly in- murder in 1583, Mirza Salman was an extremely in- dependent tribal rulers like the Zu'lqadir in Fars. After fluential figure at the Safavid court. less than a year of reinstatement as governors of Shiraz, The first year of Shah Muhammad Khudabanda's the Zu'lqadir lost the governorship' of Fars altogether reign marked the beginning of the twelve-year Otto- in 1594-95. Shiraz was temporarily given to Farhad man-Safavid war (1578-90). 8 For these twelve years, Khan, until a permanent governor could be chosen.9 5 the Ottoman army and its commanders wintered on The governorship was then transferred to Allahverdi the empire's eastern border and had frequent con- Khan, a Georgian slave (ghulam) who was the first tact with their eastern neighbors. This proximity clearly commander (qullar-agasi) of 'Abbas I's new non- made it easier for a wider group of Ottomans to ac- Turkman military corps (qullar).9 ` This marked the quire manuscripts. Thus the intensified Ottoman total collapse of the Zu'lqadir, together with the other demand due to war may also have been one of the Qizilbash tribal groups. reasons for the increase in the production of deluxe After the downfall of the Zu'lqadir, the region of Shiraz manuscripts. Fars became the family property of Allahverdi Khan, In 1590 the production of luxury Shiraz manuscripts who was among the officers of state closest to the shah. began to decline. In that year Shah 'Abbas I (1578- He had risen to high office under the protection of 1612) ended the war with the Ottomans, thus remov- Shah 'Abbas and followed his lead in many matters. ing the Ottoman army and its commanders from the In November of 1595, soon after Allahverdi Khan was immediate vicinity of the Ottoman-Safavid border. given the governorship, artists and craftsmen from "all Much more important was that in the same year, Shah parts of Iraq and Fars" were assembled in Isfahan to 'Abbas ended the civil war which had started with the work on the shah's building projects. 9 7 After the con- death of his grandfather Shah Tahmasp in 1574 and quest of Khurasan in 1598, Allahverdi Khan became had spanned the two previous reigns of his uncle and the commander-in-chief of the Safavid armed forces his father. 'Abbas I had followed the general policy and one of the most trusted companions of 'Abbas of subjugating the Turkman tribes from the beginning 1.98 He constantly accompanied the shah and conse- of his reign, and the end of the civil war established quently must have been absent from Shiraz for much his victory over the entire Turkman military class.8s of the time. As part of his role in building the new From the time of its Safavid conquest in 1503 on, capital city, for example, Allahverdi Khan was en- Shiraz had continuously been governed by members trusted with the task of constructing a bridge across of the Turkman Zu'lqadir tribe, who became deeply the Zayanda river."9 He also seems to have modeled involved in the last stages' of the power struggle be- his activities in Fars on those of the shah in Isfahan.

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Along with the bridge in Isfahan, he constructed a dam manuscript production of the city was supported by in Shiraz.' °° When in 1604-5, 'Abbas I decided to re- its Zu'lqadir rulers. In 1590, after the last powerful settle a community of Armenian merchants he had Zu'lqadir governor of Shiraz, Ya'qub Khan, was ex- brought from Julfa in a new suburb south of the ecuted, the quality of luxury Shiraz manuscripts be- Zayanda river in Isfahan, another small colony was gan to decline. Until 1595, the year when the Zu'lqadir established in Shiraz at the request of Allahverdi tribe lost the governorship of Shiraz to Allahverdi Khan.'' He also built a madrasa in Shiraz, called the Khan, they continued to be produced in Shiraz, but Khan Madrasa, to rival those in Isfahan. 0 2 no longer at the same level of luxury. After 1595 the These activities suggest that the new ghulam ruler quality of Shiraz manuscripts declined rapidly. Illu- of the city was fundamentally different from his Turk- minated areas were considerably reduced; gold-flecked man predecessors. The principle interests of Allahverdi paper, intercolumnar illumination, marginal gold flo- Khan were focused on the capital. He was a high of- ral scrolls and animals-all distinct features of the ficial who functioned in proximity to the shah, rather luxury production of the previous decade-disap- than a provincial governor who principally resided in peared; the quantity of detail was much reduced; the his province, the model presented by the Zu'lqadir range and intensity of colors so characteristic of the governors. This difference can be seen in the men- 1580's were lost; and the utilization of precious pig- tion of Shiraz in the contemporary Safavid chronicles ments such as gold, silver, and lapis blue was decreased as well. They only mention Shiraz under the Zu'lqadir to the extent that yellow pigments were substituted rule whenever it falls within the royal orbit, which was for gold. By the end of the century, they were no relatively rarely. 0 3 The activities of Allahverdi Khan, longer produced at all. however, are much more prominent in the chronicles, The fact that the decline in the Shiraz manuscript which is significant in pointing to the fundamental production coincides so precisely with the Zu'lqadir differences in the nature of the new rule in Shiraz. tribe's loss of power suggests that they were the prin- None of the Shiraz manuscripts contain colophons cipal supporters of this enterprise.'0 4 Even though it that refer to a particular patron, which could mean is known from colophons in Persian manuscripts in that even the deluxe manuscripts were first produced general that kitLbkhanas were not solely part of princely by a workshop and were then acquired by their own- households, but existed in the establishments of pro- ers. In other words, different bookmakers may have vincial governors as well, '°5 it is not possible to apply produced manuscripts underwriting the projects them- this model to Shiraz, since Shiraz manuscripts con- selves on a speculative basis in the hope that they tain no mention of a kitabkhana. It is equally difficult would be able to sell them. It is difficult, however, to definitively to define any other environment in which imagine such a large production of expensive manu- the manuscripts were produced, since they may have scripts solely for what would inevitably have been a been produced in a central kitabkhdna or in individual somewhat unpredictable commercial market. Addition- households, as was remarked by Budaq Qazvini (alive ally, the richness and highly refined style of the deluxe in 1577), ' °6 or perhaps both. manuscripts suggest that they had some financial It appears that the Shiraz workshops responded to backing in spite of the absence of patrons' names, the demand in Safavid and Ottoman court circles for since their production involved considerable expense. deluxe copies of Persian classics in diverse ways; manu- None of the many extant Shiraz manuscripts bears scripts were speculatively produced as luxury objects the name of a Zu'lqadir patron. Consequently, the im- with anticipated buyers in mind, as well as on request. portant question of their contribution to Shiraz manu- This process does not seem to have involved a direct script production remains to be definitively answered. contact between the intended owner of a manuscript It seems unlikely, however, that the powerful mem- and the workshop where it was produced, since none bers of the Zu'lqadir tribe did not have their own li- of the manuscripts reveal such an involvement. In braries with so many manuscripts being produced on other words, the book production industry of Shiraz their doorstep, even though there is no inscriptional was after all "commercial," but one that was supported evidence indicating whether they patronized illus- by local rulers and intended for consumption by trated-book production or simply collected what they courtly circles. It is therefore possible that generations found. of Zu'lqadir governors supported the local manuscript Circumstantial evidence, however, suggests that the production industry, but kept their names out of the

___I_ MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION IN SHIRAZ 91 colophons on purpose. Since they were not produced teenth-Century Shiraz," Iran 16 (1979): 105-16; and Persian for the Zu'lqadir governors to be kept in their libraries Paintings in the John Rylands Libray: A Descriptive Catalogue (London, 1980), p. 155. His view was widely accepted and permanently, but were planned to be sold to the rich repeated by other authors, such as Norah Titley (Persian and powerful, their colophons did not contain a Miniature Painting and Its Influence on the Arts of India and Zu'lqadir reference. Deluxe manuscripts that were Turkey [Austin, Tex., 1984], pp. 94-96). needed as diplomatic gifts may also have been ordered 2. Because of their assumed low (or "commercial") quality, from the Shiraz workshops and again would necessarily Shiraz manuscripts were published only sporadically. S. C. 7 Welch dismissed them completely and argued that Safavid lack a patron's name."' Even the Princeton Shahnama art "struck bottom" between 1564 and 1574 when Ibrahim of 1589-90, which is known to have been owned by a b. Bahram Mirza was inactive as a royal patron, thus disre- member of the Safavid royal family, does not mention garding the prolific Shiraz production of deluxe manuscripts a patron's name.'° 8 from this period (Wonders of the Age: Masterpieces of Early A manuscript of the Masnavi of Jalal al-Din Rumi Safavid Painting [Cambridge, Mass., 1979], p. 30). Sheila Canby's PersianPainting (London, 1993), which is the most dated 1011 (1603), which was probably produced in recent publication in the field, contains a single paragraph Ottoman Baghdad, provides additional evidence that summary of the sixteenth-century Shirazi manuscript pro- members of the Zu'lqadir tribe were collectors of duction activity, and Sheila Blair and Jonathan Bloom do books. After an entire century of ruling Shiraz, the not even mention Shiraz when dealing with sixteenth-cen- most prolific book production center in the Safavid tury Safavid manuscript production in their general study, The Art and Architecture of Islam 1250-1800 (London, 1994). domain, and not having their names mentioned in a Consequently, Grace Guest's Shiraz Paintingin the Sixteenth single colophon, the name of a Zu'lqadir patron, a Century (Washington , D.C., 1949) on Shiraz painting alone certain Imam Verdi Beg b. Alp Aslan Beg Zu'lqadir and Ivan Stchoukine's comparative analysis of Shiraz painting appears in the colophon of the Masnavi of 1603. By with the other known schools of Safavid painting in his Les this time almost a decade had passed after the Peintures des Manuscrits Safavis de 1502 h 1587 (Paris, 1959) remain the only extensive publications devoted to this pro- Zu'lqadir loss of control of Shiraz and their connec- lific school of painting. ° tion to its manuscript production industry,70 which 3. The local manuscript production of Shiraz continued un- also suggests that the names of the Zu'lqadir notables broken from the earlier Aqqoyunlu traditions into the Safavid were kept out of the colophons of Shiraz manuscripts era. It was not affected by any of the royal disturbances in on purpose. the second half of the sixteenth century. Therefore the notion of reduced royal interest in the arts of the book and It appears that after 1595, when Allahverdi Khan the theory that there were no significant Safavid royal pa- became the governor of Shiraz, he did not consider trons do not seem to have any relevance to the Shiraz idiom. the local manuscript production industry important For this theory, see Welch, Wonders of the Age, pp. 27-30, or profitable enough to support. Consequently, by where he describes the act of "sincere repentence" by the the end of the sixteenth century, only five years after shah. A more recent interpretation is found in Layla Diba, "Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia and Its Relationship to Per- the Zu'lqadir governors were removed from the re- sian Painting," Ph. D. diss., New York University, 1994, p. gion, Shiraz manuscripts lost all of their former glo- 11. Political explanations of this act are offered by Rosemary ry and finally became merely a provincial produc- Stanfield-Johnson, "Sunni Survival in Safavid Iran: Anti-Sunni tion. Activities during the Reign of Shah Tahmasp I," Iranian Stud- ies 27 (1994): 125; and Sayyid A. Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam: Religion, PoliticalOrder, and Societal Vew York City Change in Shi'ite Iran from the Beginning to 1890 (Chicago and London, 1984), p. 189. NOTES 4. Here, the term "royal manuscript" refers to those that men- tion the names of royal owners, such as the Tahmasp Author's note: I would like to acknowledge the Barakat Founda- Shahnama; the term "courtly manuscript" designates those tion for partial funding of my research in Europe in 1993-95. that show no obvious evidence of royal ownership, but have This paper is extracted from my doctoral dissertation, "Arts of all the stylistic attributes of the manuscripts produced by the Book in Sixteenth-Cexitury Shiraz," for the Institute of Fine the Safavid court workshop. This stylistic distinction is based Arts, New York University. on all the individual components of the manuscripts, such as bindings, illumination, and illustrations. 1. Basil Robinson first coined the term "commercial" for the 5. Some of these frontispieces are reproduced by Serpil Bagcl, fifteenth-century Turkman and sixteenth-century Safavid "A New Theme of the Shirazi Frontispiece Miniatures: The Shiraz manuscripts (Persian MiniaturePainting from Collections Divan of Solomon," Muqarnas 12 (1995): 101-11. in the British Isles [London, 1967], p. 91). Robinson contin- 6. This is the copy of the Shahnama of Firdawsi with a dedica- ued to expound this view in "Painter-Illuminators of Six- tory page bearing the name and praises of Shah Tahmasp

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b. Isma'il, the second Safavid shah (r. 1524-76). Scholars illustrators, who signed himself "Bihzad Ibrahimi" on two generally agree that this manuscript was commissioned illustrations (fols. 21v and Il v). He may have worked for during the later part of the reign of Shah Isma'il I and was Ibrahim Mirza, as his nisba "Ibrahimi" seems to imply. The finished sometime in the mid-1530's (Martin B. Dickson and third is of its illuminator-illustrator, 'Abd-Allah Shirazi, who Stuart Cary Welch, The Houghton Shahnameh, 2 vols. [Cam- signed his name on one of the fully illuminated opening bridge, Mass., 1979], 1: 3-8). pages. Qadi Ahmad writes that 'Abd-Allah Shirazi was em- 7. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1475. ployed in the kitjbkhana of Ibrahim Mirza for twenty years 8. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, R. 1986 and H. 751. The (Minorsky, trans., Calligraphersand Painters, pp. 189-90). He binding of the anthology (R. 1986) is assigned to Qazvin had worked in the production of this prince's Haft Awrang by both Filiz Cagman and Zeren Tanindi, Topkapz Palace of Jami dated to 1556-65 at Mashhad (Washington, D.C., Museum: Islamic MiniaturePainting (Istanbul, 1979), cat. no. Freer Gallery of Art, 46.12) (Simpson, Sultan IbrahimMirza's 101, p. 48; and Diba, "Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia," cat. Haft Awrang, pp. 300-8). no. 31. 24. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, R. 986, fol. 21v. Four other 9. Some of the courtly manuscripts with lacquered bindings paintings from this manuscript are reproduced in Gagman had leather doublures. These differed considerably from the and Tanindl, "Remarks on Some Manuscripts from the Shiraz type, however, and were of a higher quality with finer Topkapi Palace Treasury," figs. 5, 6, 7 and 10. workmanship. 25. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, R. 911, fol. 152r. For an 10. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, E.H. 48. earlier reproduction of the miniature, see Gfiner Inal, "Re- 11. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1497. The colophon alistic Motifs and the Expression of the Drama in Safavid of this manuscript mentions that it was completed at Shiraz. Miniatures," Sanat Tarihi Yzllgz 7 (1976-77): fig. 11. 12. Fols. 4v and 5r. 26. Lisa Golombek, "The Gardens of Timur: New Perspectives," 13. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 673, fols. 131r and 308r. Muqarnas 12 (1995): 142 from Ibn Isfandiyar, Ta'rikh-i The same scribe has also copied a Gulistan of Sa'di, which Tabaristan, ed. A. Iqbal, 2 vols. (Tehran, 1941), 2: 122-23. has one illustration. This manuscript is said to contain the 27. Anonymous, A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, in the Fif- name of Shah Tahmasp's nephew Sultan Ibrahim Mirza teenth and Sixteenth Centuries, trans. Charles Grey, Hakluyt So- (Marianna Shreve Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza's Haft ciety, vol. 49 (London, 1873), pp. 167-68. Awrang [New Haven and London, 1997], p. 241, fig. 145). 28. This will be the subject of a study jointly with Sussan Babaie, 14. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 673, fol. 41r. which we hope to complete in the near future. 15. Fol. 404r, illustrating Gushtahsp before the Qaisar; Dickson 29. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, A. 3559, fol. 398v. and Welch, Houghton Shdhndmeh, 2: pl. 193. 30. Fol. O1r. Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, vol. 2, 16. London, British Library, Or. 2265, fol. 48v. Stuart Cary pl. 3; Welch, Five Royal Safavid Manuscripts, p. 35, pl. 1. Welch, Persian Painting: Five Royal Safavid Manuscripts of the 31. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 751, fol, 149v. Sixteenth Century (New York, 1976), reprinted as Five Royal 32. Washington, D.C., Freer Gallery of Art , 46.12, fol. 105r. Persian Manuscripts (New York, 1978), pp. 80-81, pl. 24. Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza's Haft Awrang. pp. 124-29; 17. Fol. 300v. The pages measure 34 x 21 cm; the illustrations Welch, Five Royal Safavid Manuscripts, pp. 110-11, pl. 40. measure around 13 x 11 cm. 33. A detached double-folio representation of a second camp 18. Washington, D.C., Freer Gallery of Art, 46.12; Simpson, Sul- scene which appears stylistically to belong to the Shiraz idiom tan Ibrahim Mirza's Haft Awrang, pp. 28-34, and appendix also contains many of the individual motifs from the Mash- A.1.14, pp. 344-45. had illustration. Sotheby's sale catalogue, London, 26 April 19. Fol. 225v. 1990, lot 105. 20. For example, fol. 120r (Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim MiTza's Haft 34. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1084, fol. lr. For an Awrang, pp. 138-39). earlier reproduction of the miniature, see inal, "Realistic 21. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 986. Motifs," fig. 14, and Gfiner inal, "Topkapl Sarayl Mfizesindeki 22. Iskandar Munshi, Tnrikh-i Alam-drayi 'Abb.si (History of Shah H. 1084 No.lu Yusuf ile Zfileyha Yazmasmin Minyatfirleri," Abbas the Great ), trans. Roger M. Savory, 3 vols., vols. 1- Hacettepe Beeri BilimlerDergisi 10, 2 (June 1979): fig. 3. 2 (Boulder, Colo., 1979); vol. 3 (Index) (New York, 1986), 35. London, British Library, ms. Add. 27261, fol. 6r; Norah M. 1: 224 and 2: 549. Titley, Miniatures from Persian Manuscripts: A Catalogue and 23. Filiz Qagman and Zeren Tanmndl, "Remarks on Some Manu- Subject Index of Paintingsfrom Persia, India and Turkey in the scripts from the Topkapi Palace Treasury in the Context of British Library and the British Museum (London, 1977), cat. Ottoman-Safavid Relations," Muqarnas 13 (1996): 134-36, no. 98, p. 39. The same anthology also has a second, simi- figs. 4-7 and 10. The manuscript has three signatures. the lar illustration which covers a double folio (fols. 362v and first is that of its scribe, Sultan Husain b. Qasim al-Tuni, 363r) reproduced by Basil Gray, Persian Painting (Geneva, whose name is found in the colophon. He was a well-known 1961), p. 73. Khurasani calligrapher who had also worked in the library 36. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 761, fol. 4v. Cagman of Farhad Khan (Vladimir Minorsky, trans., Calligraphersand and Tannndi, Topkapz Palace Museum: Islamic MiniaturePaint- Painters:A Treatise by Qdi Ahmad, Son of Mir-Munshi (circa ing, cat. no. 37, p. 25. 5 A.H. 101 /A.D. 1606) [Washington D.C., 1959], p. 170). Farhad 37. Filiz bagman, "Sultan Sencer ve Yalh Kadin Minyatfirlerinin Khan was one of the highest ranking officials in Shah Ikonografisi," in Sanat Tarihinde Ikonografik Arastzrmalar. Giiner 'Abbas's court until his fall from favor and consequent ex- inal'a Armagan (Ankara, 1993), p. 98; Priscilla Soucek, "The ecution in 1598. The second signature is that of one of its Arts of Calligraphy," in Basil Gray, ed., Arts of the Book in

___ _ ___ MANUSCRIPT PRODUCTION IN SHIRAZ 93

CentralAsia (Paris and Boulder, Colo., 1979), p. 26; Priscilla Livres et Lecture dans le monde ottoman 87-88 (1999): 85-107. Soucek, "Illustrated Manuscripts of Nizami's Khamseh: 1386- 46. Princeton, University Library, Persian 1, fol. 474v. 1482," Ph. D. diss., New York University, 1971, pp. 431-32. 47. Louise Marlow, "A Persian Book of Kings: The Peck 38. Cagman, "Sultan Sencer ve Yahli Kadln Minyatfirlerinin Shahnameh," Princeton University Library Chronicle 46, 2 (Win- Ikonografisi," p. 98. ter 1985): 192-214; and idem, "The Peck Shahnameh: Manu- 39. London, British Library, Or. 6810, fol. 5v. Stchoukine, Les script Production in Late Sixteenth-Century Shiraz," in In- Peintures des manuscritssafavis, pl. LXIX; Basil Gray, ed., The tellectual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honour of Martin Arts of the Book in Central Asia, p. 199, fig. 110; Thomas W. B. Dickson, ed. M. M. Mazzaoui and V. B. Moreen (Salt Lake Lentz and Glenn D. Lowry, Timur and the Princely Vision (Los City, 1990), pp. 229-43. Angeles, 1989), cat. no. 140, p. 276. 48. Iskandar Munshi, Trkh-i Alam-ra-yi 'Abbasz, pp. 181-87, 40. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 762. The detached folio 332-33 and 339. bearing this painting is now in the Keir Collection in Lon- 49. Bekir Kitfikoglu, Osmanh-Iran Siyasi M2inasebetleri (Istanbul, don. Basil W. Robinson, ErnstJ. Grube, Glyn M. Meredith- 1962), p. 209. Owens, and Robert W. Skelton, Islamic Paintingand the Arts 50. Iskandar Munshi, Trikh-i Alam-ard-yi 'Abbasz, p. 219. of the Book: The Keir Collection (London, 1976), p. 178, cat. 51. According to Marlow, "The Peck Shahntmeh: Manuscript no. 111.207, pl. 19. Production in Late Sixteenth-Century Shiraz," pp. 241-42; 41. Filiz Cakman, "Topkapl Sarayl Mizesi Hazine 762 no.lu in 1591, Shah 'Abbas sent an embassy to Khan Ahmad "laden Nizami Hamsesi'nin Minyatiirleri," Ph. D. diss., Istanbul Uni- with presents" and asked him to send his five-year-old daugh- versity, 1971, pp. 19 and 29-30; Cagman and Tanindi, Topkapz ter to become engaged to the Safavid prince Safi Mirza. In Palace Museum: Islamic MiniaturePainting, p. 29, cat. no. 45. 1601, when Safi Mirza reached marriageable age, he refused 42. Cagman, Hazine 762, p. 20. to marry her; the shah decided to marry her himself in 1602. 43. Priscilla Soucek, "Sultan Muhammad Tabrizi: Painter at the 52. Iskandar Munshi, Tdrkh-i Alam-drd-yi 'Abbasf, pp. 182-83, 219, Safavid Court," in Sheila Canby, ed., Persian Masters; Five 332-33. Centuries of Painting (Bombay, 1990), p. 58. Soucek thinks 53. Anthony Welch, Artists for the Shah (New Haven and Lon- that the postscript was probably added to enhance its pres- don, 1976), p. 62. tige for its presentation to the Safavid Shah Isma'il. Part of 54. Iskandar Munshi, Trzkh-i Alam-r&dyi 'Abbasi, pp.262-63, 272 the colophon text has been translated in Wheeler M. and 281. Thackston, A Century of Princes: Sources on Timurid History and 55. Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 239a, n. 2. Ac- Art (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), p. 333. cording to Dickson and Welch, Sultan 'Ali Mirza (1478- 44. Minorsky, trans., Calligraphers and Painters, pp. 100-1. Quoted 1504), a ruler from this dynasty, sponsored two well-known by Priscilla Soucek, "'Abd-al-Rahim b. 'Abd-al-Rahman historical works on the Caspian provinces of Gilan and Khwarazmi," in Encycloptedia Iranica, ed. Ehsan Yarshater, 1: Mazandaran and a copy of the Shiihndma of Firdawsi pro- 143. duced in two volumes, both of which are in Istanbul (Uni- 45. Documentation of the artistic patronage of the sixteenth- versity Library F. 1406 and Turkish and Islamic Arts Museum century Safavid ruling elite has been the subject of consid- 1978). They also suggest that a second copy of the Shahnama erable scholarship from the beginning of the twentieth of Firdawsi dated 900-1 (1495-96) "was completed for him century onwards. The existence of Safavid royal and princely at Herat" (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1491). This libraries is attested in primary sources. (For the various is a luxuriously produced illustrated manuscript with a lac- meanings ascribed to kitabkhana and its usual translation as quer painted binding, and it carries an inscription saying "library," see Marianna Shreve Simpson, "The Artist's Work- that it was produced for the library of a Sultan Ahmad. How- shop," Studies in the History of Art 38 [1993]: 105-21.) ever, the fact that its illustrations are in the Aqqoyunlu style Further evidence can be found in the large number of encourages the thought that Sultan Ahmad may have been Persian manuscripts and single-page paintings acquired for Ahmad Padishah (d. 1497) from the Aqqoyunlu dynasty (see Western collections in the nineteenth and early twentieth the genealogical chart provided by Thackston in Khwan- centuries and the albums of calligraphy and painting in damir, Habibu's-siyar, trans. and ed. Wheeler M. Thackston, Istanbul libraries. Lastly, contemporary chronicles which in- 3 vols. (Cambridge, Mass.: Department of Near Eastern clude the careers of artisans as well as documents left by Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University, 1994), 3: the calligraphers and painters themselves also contribute sig- xxiv). nificantly to the understanding of the Safavid royal patron- 56. Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: 256b, n. 1. Re- age; they were most recently reviewed and discussed by Diba, produced by Ernst Grube, "Miniatures in Istanbul Librar- "Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia," pp. 112-22. I1examined the ies: A Group of Miniatures in Albums Hazine 2147, 2153 evidence indicating Ottoman ownership of Shiraz manu- and 2162 in the Top Kapl Saray Collection and Some Re- scripts in a short paper at the Tenth International Congress lated Material," Pantheon 20 (1962): 221, fig. 15. The note of Turkish Art in Geneva in 1995 (Lale Uluc, "The Otto- does not have a date. If, as Dickson and Welch have assumed, man Contribution to 16th-Century Shirazi Manuscript Pro- the patron is one of the khans of Gilan, then it could have duction," in Art Turc/Turkish Art: 10e Congris international d'art been made for Khan Ahmad 1 (1506-34) as well. The fa- Turc [Geneva, 1999], pp. 681-95). I treated the same ma- ther of the princess who sold the Princeton Shahnama of terial in greater depth in Lale UluC, "Ottoman Book 1589-90 (University Library, Persian 1) was Khan Ahmad Collectors and Illustrated Sixteenth Century Shiraz II (r. 1537-68, 1578-92). Manuscripts," Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Mediterranee: 57. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1477. This is one of

_ _Ilq _ _ 94 LALE ULUq

the few names of Safavid owners found on a Shiraz manu- 0. S. G6kyay, "Bir Saltanat Diguini," Topkapt Sarayz Miizesi, script from Istanbul libraries. My research on Shiraz manu- Yzlhgz 1 (1986): 31-39. scripts in Istanbul yielded primarily Ottoman, rather than 73. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 52.20.9 a-d, and Bos- Safavid, owners since it was conducted in Turkey. Similar ton, Museum of Fine Arts, 14.691A, 14.691B, and 14.692. research in Iran would undoubtedly uncover additional 74. Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Les Miniatures orientales de la Col- Safavid owners. lection Goloubew au Museum of Fine Arts de Boston, Ars Asiatica 58. Filiz Cagman and Zeren Tanindl, "Topkapl Sarayi Mfizesi 13 (Paris, 1929), pp. 60-63, pls. LIV-LVII; ErnstJ. Grube, Kfitfiphanesi Minyatfirlfi Yazmalar Katalogu" (in prepara- "Four Pages from a Turkish 16th-Century Shahnamah in the tion). I would like to thank the authors for letting me work Collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York," with the manuscript of their catalogue, which contains the in Beitriige zur Kunstgeschichte Asiens. In Memoriam Ernst Diez, relevant information about the later seals and notes found ed. Oktay Aslanapa (Istanbul, 1963), pp. 237-55; Anthony on all the manuscripts under discussion. Welch, Calligraphy in the Arts of the Muslim World (Austin, Tex., 59. Istanbul, Topkapl Palace Library, R. 1038. Gagman and 1979), pp. 98-99. Tanlndl, Topkaps Palace Museum: Islamic MiniaturePainting, 75. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 14.691B (verso) and 14.691A cat. no. 105, p. 49; Simpson, Sultan Ibrahim Mirza's Haft (recto). Coomaraswamy, Les Miniatures orientales de la Col- Awrang, pp. 238-41, 298-99 and figs. 141-44, 200-2. lection Goloubew, pls. LIV-LV. There is a mistake in Coomaras- 60. This scribe, however, should not be mistaken for an older wamy's catalogue regarding the accession numbers of these and more celebrated calligrapher by the same name who pages. Since he had used 14.691 to refer to two folios, the spent his entire life in Herat and worked at the court of present curator Julia Bailey differentiated them by adding the last Timurid ruler Husain Mirza (1470-1506). Simpson, the letters A and B, and kindly supplied me with the new Sultan Ibrahim Mirza's Haft Awrang, p. 299, n. 1. numbers. Therefore, the numbers 14.691A and 14.691B refer 61. Ibid., pp. 232; Dickson and Welch, Houghton Shahnameh, 1: to two separate folios rather than the recto and verso of the 252, n. 8. same one. 62. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, R. 1520 and R. 915. 76. Lale Uluc, "A Persian Epic, Perhaps for the Ottoman Sul- 63. Fehmi E. Karatay, Topkapz Sarayz Mfizesi Kfitphanesi Farsfa tan," Metropolitan Museum Journal 29 (1994): 57-69. Yazmalar Katalogu (Istanbul, 1961); Gagman and Tanmndl, 77. Selaniki, Tarih-i Selaniki, p. 146. "Topkapl Sarayl Mfizesi Kftfiphanesi Minyat-irli Yazmalar 78. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749. Katalogu." 79. The designs that embellish the manuscript's six colophons 64. Selaniki Mustafa Efendi, Tarih-i Selaniki, ed. M. Ipsirli, 2 vols. are in a style which was more commonly seen in the Khurasan (Istanbul, 1989), p. 585; Ismail H. Danismend, Izahlz Osmanls area, but the overwhelmingly Shirazi characteristics of the Tarihi Kronolojisi, 6 vols. (Istanbul, 1947), 3: 163. manuscript, augmented by its Shiraz style of doublure, en- 65. These are a Shahnama of Firdawsi dated 950 (1543) (Istan- courages the thought that the manuscript was completed bul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1481); a Khamsa of Nizami, in two separate stages in Shiraz. The Khurasan-style colo- dated 980 (1560-61) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. phon drawings can be attributed to a Khurasan artist working 780); an 'Ajd'ib al-makhlftqdt of Qazvini dated 976 (1568- there. 69) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 403); a Kulliyat 80. Diba, "Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia," cat. no. 49. Diba has of Sa'di dated 978 (1570-71) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Li- included the binding of this manuscript in her catalogue brary, R. 924); and a Khamsa of Nizami, dated 999-1000 attributing it to Isfahan. However, the images in her disser- (1591) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749). The tation which are labeled as the Khamsa manuscript of 1591 patronage of Sinan Paa is also discussed by Cagman and belong to another manuscript, a copy of the Shhndma of Tanindl, "Remarks on Some Manuscripts from the Topkapl Firdawsi dated 1006 (1597) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Li- Palace Treasury," p. 145, n. 2. brary, H. 1492). The binding of the Shahndma of 1597 is 66. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 758 and H. 755. very closely related to that of the Khamsa of 1591 (Istanbul, 67. An entry dated 3 Ramazan 985 (24 November 1577) from Topkapi Palace Library, H. 749). Therefore it is hard to un- a sixteenth-century account book (hesap defteri) from the derstand whether her comments really pertain to the Shiraz Topkapi Palace Museum Archives cites the purchase (D. 34, Khamsa (H. 749) or to the one she reproduces which is the fol. 35r). The date of the entry shows that they must have Shhndma (H. 1492). Both the binding and the illustrations been bought for the palace at the time of Sah Sultan's death of the Shahnema of 1597 may be in "the early Isfahan style," (Filiz Cagman, "The Saljuk and Ottoman Periods," in Woman as Diba says. The Shahndma of 1597 also has leather in Anatolia: 9000 Years of the Anatolian Woman [Istanbul, 1993], doublures, but the central field is entirely covered with p. 229). leather filigree work on a polychrome ground and inlaid 68. None of the illustrated Shiraz manuscripts found in the Is- with little pieces of mirror. Diba reproduces the doublure tanbul libraries are dated later than 1602. of the Shahnema of 1597 labeled Shiraz Khamsa of 1591 69. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, A. 3559. ("Lacquerwork of Safavid Persia," cat. no. 49). 70. S. v. "Kara Mustafa Pasha" Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. 81. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 684. Diba, "Lacquerwork 71. Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 794 and H. 727. of Safavid Persia ," cat. no. 48. The illustrations of this manu- 72. Mustafa 'li, Cdmi' u'l-buhfr der Mecdlis-i Sir, dated 1585- script, which are also in the metropolitan Qazvin style, sup- 86 (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, B. 203, fols. 24v-36v); port Diba's hypothesis that this is a courtly manuscript. Mustafa 'li (Gelibolulu), Cdmi' u'l-buhfir der Meca^lis-i Sir, 82. Similar to that of H. 751 reproduced in fig. 4. ed. A. Oztekin (Ankara, 1996), pp. 23-36 and 127-50; 83. For example, large volumes are seen in the representations

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of Shah Quli Khan, the ambassador sent to represent the jurisdiction of the officers of the Safavid state, matters had shah at the enthronement of Selim II in 1568, Toqmaq Khan, now been settled in accordance with the shah's intent; head- the ambassador, who represented the Safavid shah at the strong governors had been removed from office and replaced accession of Murad III in Istanbul in 1576, and Ibrahim by the shah's own proteges" (ibid., p. 674). Khan, the Safavid ambassador at the circumcision festival 96. Ibid., pp. 690-91; Roemer, in Cambridge History of Iran, 6: of 5ehzade Mehmed in 1582. The first is found in Ahmed 265. Iskandar Munshi says at the same time that "it was Feridun Pasa, Nftzhetu 'l-Ahbdr der sefer-i Sigetvdr, dated 976 decreed that every year Allahverdi Khan should take to Fars (1568) (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, H. 1339, fol. 247v) three hundred ghulams and appoint them to major and (Filiz Cagman and Zeren Tanindl, The Topkapz Saray Museum, minor administrative positions throughout every district of the Albums and Illustrated Manuscripts, edited and expanded the province. The revenue accruing from the province should byJ. M. Rogers [New York and Boston, 1986], pl. 155). The be used to defray the cost of arms and equipment." There- second is found in Seyyid Lokman, .5ehinsehname, vol. 1, dated fore, although Fars was not yet converted into crown lands, 989 (1581) (Istanbul, University Library, F. 1404, fols. 41v its finances were now under the control of men who were and 42r) (Nurhan Atasoy and Filiz Cagman, Turkish Mini- personal "slaves" of the shah, rather than members of the ature Painting (Istanbul, 1974), pl. 18). The third is found Turkman Zu'lqadir tribe. in Seyyid Lokman, ehinsehname, vol. 2, dated 1001 (1592) 97. Robert D. McChesney, "Four Sources on Shah 'Abbas's Build- (Istanbul, Topkapi Palace Library, B. 200, fols. 36v and 37r) ing of Isfahan," Muqarnas 5 (1988): 107, translated from (Uluc, "Ottoman Book Collectors," figs. I and 2, p. 98; "The Afushta'i Natanzi, Nuqdwat al-athar. Ottoman Contribution," figs. 3 and 4, pp. 688-89). 98. Iskandar Munshi, Tarikh-i Alam-ral-yi 'Abbasi, pp. 672, 752- 84. Iskandar Munshi, Trankh-i Alam-ra-yi 'Abbasi, p. 207. 54, and 760-61; Savory, in Cambridge History of Iran, 6: 364- 85. Ibid., pp. 237, 332-33. 65. 86. Ibid., pp. 256, 332-33. Hans R. Roemer, in Cambridge His- 99. McChesney, "Four Sources," pp. 109, 113, 124 and 128, n. tory of Iran, vol. 6 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 254. 84. 87. Iskandar Munshi, Trikh-i Alam-ra-&yi 'Abbasi, p. 417. 100. Ibid., p. 128, n. 91. 88. Kfitfkoglu, Osmanls-Iran Siyasi Miinasebetleri, pp. 1-222. 101. Edmund M. Herzig, "The Deportation of the Armenians in 89. Many scholars have written about this phenomenon. The 1604-1605 and Europe's Myth of Shah 'Abbas I," in History most recent and extensive study is by Kathryn Babayan, "The and Literature in Iran: Persian and Islamic Studies in Honor of Waning of the Qizilbash: The Spiritual and the Temporal P. W Avery, ed. Charles Melville, Pembroke Persian Papers in Seventeenth-Century Iran," Ph. D. diss., Princeton Uni- 1 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 67. versity, 1993; and idem, "The Safavid Synthesis: From Qizil- 102. Sayyid Hossein Nasr, "Spiritual Movements, Philosophy and bash Islam to Imamite Shi'ism," Iranian Studies 27 (1994): Theology in the Safavid Period," in CambridgeHistory of Iran, 135-44; earlier studies include writings by Hans R. Roemer 6: 678-79. and Roger Savory in their respective sections in the Cam- 103. It is not even possible to establish a continuous narrative bridge History of Iran, 6:344, 364; and Vladimir Minorsky in of the city's political history or to compile a comprehensive a translator's note in Minorsky, trans., Calligraphersand Paint- chronological list of all its Zu'lqadir governors using the ers, p. 70, n. 198; Roemer additionally treats the role of the better-known Safavid chronicles. Turkman tribes in the Safavid state and reviews the earlier 104. The prominence of the image of Sulayman used in the fron- literature on this subject in "The Qizilbash Turcomans: tispieces of Shiraz manuscripts also supports the hypothesis Founders and Victims of the Safavid Theocracy," in Intellec- that the Zu'lqadir rulers of the region played a significant tual Studies on Islam: Essays Written in Honour of Martin B. role in sustaining manuscript production in Shiraz. The Dickson, ed. M. M. Mazzaoui and V. B. Moreen (Salt Lake association of individual rulers with the archetypal ruler of City, 1990), pp. 27-39. the Koran-in other words, Solomon-was a concept deeply 90. Iskandar Munshi, Trikh-i Alam-drd-yi 'Abbasi, pp. 539 and rooted in the Islamic tradition of rulership. Additionally, 610-11. the former rulers of Fars had already identified themselves 91. Babayan, "Safavid Synthesis," p. 137, n. 6, and p. 142. with Solomon by using the title "varis-i mulk-i Sulayman" (heir 92. Iskandar Munshi, Tarikh-i Alam-r-yi 'Abbasf, p. 631. to Solomon's kingdom), and it is probable that the same 93. Robert D. McChesney, "Waqf and Public Policy: The Waqfs concept was adopted by the Zu'lqadir rulers of the region of Shah 'Abbas, 1011-1023/1602-1614." Asian and African as well. For the title "varis-i mulk-i Sulayman," see Assadullah Studies 15, 2 (July 1981): 187, cites Afushta'i Natanzi, Nuqawat S. Melikian-Chirvani, "Le royaume de Salomon. Les inscrip- al-athdrfi dhikr al-akhyar, ed. I. Ishraqi (Tehran, 1350/1971), tions persanes de sites ach6menides," Le Monde iranien et p. 458. Here, Natanzi uses the term muqta' namud, trans- l'lslam 1 (1971): 34-35; and idem, Islamic Metalwork from the lated as "farmed out" by McChesney. Iranian World. Eighth-Eighteenth Centuries (London, 1982), pp. 94. Babayan, "Waning of the Qizilbash," p. 46, n. 84, and pp. 147-49; for a different interpretation, see Bagcl, "A New 66-67. Shahisivan literally means "those who love the Shah." Theme of the Shirazi Frontispiece Miniatures," pp. 108-9. They were members of various Qizilbash tribes who were For a more detailed discussion of this question, see my dis- ready to break away from the tribe and fight for the shah sertation, "Arts of the Book in Sixteenth-Century Shiraz." in return for an official post. 105. Barbara Schmitz, "Miniature Painting in Harat, 1570-1640," 95. Iskandar Munshi, Trnkh-i Alam-ara-yi 'Abbasi, p. 674. Dur- Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1981, for example, analyzes ing his recounting of the events of the year 1594-95, Iskandar the manuscripts produced at the kitabkhana of the Turkman Munshi comments, "In most of the provinces under the governors of Herat from the Shamlu tribe.

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106. Oleg F. Akimushkin and Anatole A. Ivanov, "The Art of Il- Muhammad kdtib Shirazi, and its place of production, Shiraz, lumination," in The Arts of the Book in Central Asia, ed. Gray, are all mentioned along with the fact that twelve artisans p. 50. worked on it for seven years (Kemal ig, "Tirk ve Islam 107. On the other hand, there is not such a conspicuous absence Muzesindeki Minyatfirlfi Kitaplarin Katalogif" (Catalogue of of calligraphers' or artists' names. For example, a Shiraz copy the Illustrated Manuscripts at [Istanbul's] Turkish and Is- of the Shahndma of Firdawsi has the signature of its illumi- lamic Arts Museum), Sarkiyat Mecmuass [1959], cat. no. 24). nator Husain b. Muhammad on the opening bifolio of illu- 108. See above, n. 46. mination and contains a wealth of information written in 109. New York, Public Library, Spencer Collection, Pers. ms. 12; two lines of script on the finispiece miniature (Istanbul, Barbara Schmitz, Islamic Manuscripts in the New York Public Turkish and Islamic Arts Museum, 1984, fols. 613v and 614r). Library (Oxford and New York, 1992), p. 265. There, its date, 956 (1549), the name of its calligrapher,

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