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The Brittonic Language in the Old North

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The Brittonic Language in the Old North 1 The Brittonic Language in the Old North A Guide to the Place-Name Evidence Alan G. James Volume 2 Guide to the Elements 2019 2 CONTENTS A 3 B 21 C 46 D 103 E 123 F 134 G 136 H 149 I 156 J 167 L 169 M 198 N 219 O 224 P 229 R 248 S 260 T 264 U 283 W 285 3 A āβ (m?) and aβon (f) IE *[h2]eb/p- > eCelt *ābo- > Br, Gaul ābo- (not found in Welsh, Cornish or Breton); OIr aub > MIr ab > Ir abha (OIr dative singular abainn > Ir, G abhainn, Mx awin); cogn. early Lat *abnis > Lat amnis, Skt āp-, apas. See Szemerényi (1996), p. 95, OIPrIE §8.3, pp. 125-6, Watkins (1973), Kitson (1998) at p. 88, and DCCPN p. 5. The root means simply ‘moving water’. Evidence for its use as a river-name in Britain is seen in Ptolemy’s Ábou [potamoũ ékbolai], PNRB pp. 240-1 ‘estuary of the river *Āβ’. This apparently corresponds to the Ouse and Humber (see hū). Hæfe in ASC(E) s.a. 710, apparently the R Avon Stg/WLo (see below) may be another example: see PNWLo p. xviii, SPN² p. 242 and Nicolaisen (1960). Maybe a common noun used to refer to rivers was understood as a name by both the Romans and the English, but cf. [stagnum fluminis] Abae VC131, where Adomnán evidently regards it as a river-name, the R Awe Arg (CPNS pp. 75, 77 and 477). A form with a locative suffix is seen in Abisson PNRB pp. 238-9, ‘perhaps in SW Scotland’, and perhaps in Duabsis[s]is, PNRB pp. 340-1, if that is *Dubabisso, dūβ- (which see) + -āβ- + -isso-. With the suffix –onā- (see –an), Brittonic āβonā- > neoBritt aβon > OW abon > M-MnW afon, OCorn auon, MBret auo[u]n (on Cornish awn, Breton –aven, see CPNE pp. 13-14). Again, āβonā- may have come to be used in Britain as a river-name (see Padel 2013b pp. 26-7), or it may have been taken for such by Latin and Old English speakers, in the simplex (a1) forms below. It seems not to occur in compound place-names in the North, and the examples of name- phrases in (c2) below are doubtful. a1) Avon Water Lnk SPN² pp. 228-9. Avon R Stg/WLo PNWLo pp. 1-2, SPN² pp. 228-9, PNFEStg p. 45: see above. Avon Burn Stg PNFEStg pp. 45-6. Evan Water Dmf PNDmf p. 98. c2) Dalavan Bay Kcb (Kirkmabreck) PNGall p. 103 ? + dǭl-, but probably Gaelic *dail- abhuinn. Denovan Stg (Dunipace) CPNS p. 508, PNFEStg p. 40 + dīn-: Gaelicised if not Gaelic in origin. Pendraven Cmb (lost field-name in Upper Denton) PNCmb p. 82 pen[n]-, + -ï[r]- or -treβ-: see discussions under pen[n]- and treβ. aβall (f, but variable in British) A pre-Celtic and possibly non-Indo-European *oblu- > IE(WC) *h2ebVl- > early Celtic *abalo- /ā- > M-MnW afal, OCorn aual > Corn aval, OBret abal > Bret aval; OIr uball, ubull > Ir úll, G ubhal, Mx ooyl; cogn. Gmc *aplu > OE æppel > ‘apple’. Derived from this, the word for ‘an apple’, proto-Celtic *abal-no-/ā- > early Celtic *aballo-/ā- > Br *aballo-/ā-, Gaul avallo > MW avall > W afall, OCorn singulative auallen, OBret singulative aballen; OIr aball > Ir, G abhall. 4 See Hamp (1979), Markey (1988) and DCCPN p. 5. aβall is a collective noun (as are most names for trees) in all Celtic languages, so ‘apple-trees, orchard’. In the Brittonic languages, the singulative is marked by the suffix –en, but in the Goidelic the singular/plural distinction has eroded. Judging by the genetic and ecological case presented by Juniper and Mabberley (2006) – but disregarding their confused use of philological and toponymic evidence – it is likely that the sweet apple, Malus pumila syn. domestica, had reached Britain in prehistoric times, perhaps in association with horses (which spread viable seeds by defecation). Some seedlings would have yielded good, edible fruit, and would have been cherished, while others were chopped down for woodwork or burning, so some selection would have taken place to produce good fruit trees. It is less certain whether grafting, the only effective technique for propagation, reached Britain before Roman times, though it could have been introduced with trade from the Mediterranean. It is possible, then, that ‘orchards’ of (own-root or grafted) apple-trees were being maintained in Roman Britain. On apples and apple-trees in Celtic myth, legend and folklore, see DCM p. 19. In Aballava, PNRB pp. 232-4, identified as the Roman fort at Burgh-by-Sands Cmb, the suffix -awā- may intensify the collective aspect, ‘a large grove of apple-trees’? Perhaps even a sacred grove? (c2) Carnavel Kcb (Carsphairn) PNGall p. 59 ? + carn-, but could well be Gaelic *carn abhail. aber, abber (usually m, earlier n) IE *haed-, *bher > eCelt *ad-, bero- > eBr *adbero- > lBr *abbero- > OW(LL) aper > M-MnW aber, ‘no evidence’ for this word in Corn (CPNE p. 333), Bret aber (in place-names); the nearest Goidelic equivalent is eCelt *eni-bero- > OIr in[d]ber > Ir, G inbhear, also inbhir from the locative-dative or nominative plural form, and Gaelic i[o]nbhar from a verbal noun form (GG pp. 13, 73 and 264) -*bhor (see below), Mx inver; cf..Lat adfero. See also cömber. On the derivatives of IE *bher in Celtic, see Hamp (1982c). For discussion of the full range of examples across Scotland, see CPNS pp. 458-467, Barrow in Uses pp. 56-7 and map 2.1, and Taylor 2011, p. 83. The double consonant –bb-, by assimilation from –db- (LHEB §64 p. 413), survived into neo- Brittonic long enough to escape lenition (LHEB §132, pp. 545-8), and may be reflected in Bede’s spelling Æbbercurnig for Abercorn WLo (HE I.12 in the Moore ms); cf. also the early, presumably Pictish, spelling Abbordobir for Aberdour in the Book of Deer (CPNS pp. 454, 458 and 465, Jackson, 1972, p. 30). The –or- occurring in æborcurni<c> in the (inferior) Namur manuscript at HE I.12, along with the form quoted above from The Book of Deer, Adomnán’s Stagnum Apor[i]cum (presumably Lochaber Inv, CPNS p. 78), and Aporcrosan for Applecross Ross in AT s.a. 731, all suggest a Pritenic (or at any rate northern P-Celtic) variant of similar origin to G i[o]nbhar above, entailing an IE o-grade -*bhor. See also Koch (1982-3) at pp. 214-16. The form Karibyr 1282, Carribber WLo (PNWLo p. 58), may be plural or a preserved genitive singular. If plural, it may be compared with Eperpuill in the 11th ct. Irish life of St Berach (CPNS p. 225), Aberfoyle Per. If the plural form (at least in the P-Celtic of the Forth Valley) was *ebir, it shows double i-affection in *ad-beri-. The IE root *bher has the verbal sense ‘bear, carry’, cf. 5 M-MnW beru ‘flow’. The early Celtic prefix ad- here means ‘to, together’, so it is ‘a flowing together, a confluence or estuary’: see also cömber. Watson, CPNS p. 461, observes that place-names with aber are ‘not necessarily named after the stream at or near whose mouth it is’, though Aberlady ELo, at the mouth of the West Peffer Burn, is the only evident case, and it is quite likely that an earlier stream-name has been superseded here, see below. Breeze (1999b at pp. 41-3), queries the status of aber in Cumbric (using this term for northern Brittonic of any period) and its use for ‘a confluence’: see *ar-. However, note that Abercarf, Aberlosk, Abermilk and Carribber are all at confluences. On the possibility that confluences and estuaries may have been pagan ritual sites, see Jackson (1948) at p. 56, Nicolaisen (1997) at pp. 250-1, and DCML p. 178. The altar-inscriptions to Condatis found in the Tyne-Tees region may be evidence of a ‘confluence-deity’ cult in that area, see PCB pp. 236-7. The most striking feature of distribution is the absence of aber from Strathclyde, Ayrshire and Galloway, and its ‘total absence between Dumfriesshire and north Wales’ (Barrow in Uses, p. 56 and map 2.1). Replacement by G inbhear could have occurred in south-west Scotland, but even that is uncommon in the region. If a cult of Condatis was of importance in northern Britannia, perhaps *Condatis was the preferred term in that region, though it is only recorded as the name of the Roman-British settlement at Northwich Che (Jackson,1970 at p. 71, PNRB pp 315-16, PNChe2 p. 195, and PNChe4 p xii and p. 1). See also cömber, noting that that element is largely restricted to the Solway basin. In Lothian, where aber occurs at Abercorn, Aberlady and lost Aberlessic, several place-names are formed with Gaelic inbhear- on Celtic or ancient river-names. All of these might have been Gaelicised from aber-, e.g. Inveralmond WLo, Inveravon WLo, Inveresk MLo, Inverleith MLo, also Innerleithen Pbl. However, note King’s (2009) caution against assuming such replacement. Aberlessic in VK(H) remains unidentified in spite of lively controversy (see CPNS p. 460, Jackson (1958) at p. 292, and Macquarrie (1997a) pp. 120 and 124). It was presumably an estuary in ELo, on the southern coast of the Firth of Forth. The implied river-name appears to be *luss- īco, see *lūs and -īg. For Aber Lleu see lǖch. Abercorn and Aberlady were both places of importance in the early Christian period, and gave their names to mediaeval parishes, as did a total of 26 places throughout Scotland whose names contain aber, see Taylor 2011, p.
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