The Revolutionary Age A Chronicle and Interpretation of International ,Events
VoL I, No. 36 Saturday, June 21, 1919 Price 3 Cents Workers' Control· of Industry , , H, ERE is a counter.. revolutionary magazine, Capitalist industry, moreover,is an autocra<;,r. Start of Soviet Russia, means workers' control of industry. ' ,', Strugglmg Russia (which is financed by Ameri- ing with the small employer, up to the great masters of How does this work? ' T. " can banks with Russian mOQey), carrying on a fInance, the capitalist class absolutely controls industry. In proletarian Russia, '-the factories are put in the r 'Very large campaign of advertising against the Work- This autocratic control of industry culminates in the control of the workers. The 'system of control starts r men's and ,Peasants', Republic of Russia. This mag- absolute control of the industrial life of the nation at the bottom, with the workers, not, with a bureau- a~ine_ insists that Bolshevism is "the central world and of the world-exercised hy finance-capital, by the : cratic state, or politicians, or capitalists. Every factory t', Il".blem." , great banks and industrial monopolists, by an insign elects a Factory Committee, from among the workers - The cOn,Scious capitalist press is now stressing this ificant minority of the people. and: the technical staff, which is supreme within the I~ - "~ of Bolshevism. They now recognize that it is, ' The workers have no say in the management of in- factory. Where the cIlpitalist owner has not been I , not a problem of pro-German agents, of mass murder, dustry under this industrial autocracy. They have no eliminated (-in many cases he is temporarily retained , of'chaos in-Russia; nor simply a Russian problem-it vote'in the management of production, or in the dis as a manager) ~e is subj ect absolutely, in all his actions, , is~e central world problem of Socialism against Cap- posal of the goods they produce. They must accept to the control of the Factory Committee, which regul italism. . the decisions of the industrial autocrats. They may ates the purchase and sale of products, factory, con . 'The 'determining factor in international events is ease their bondage a bit here and there, by means of d4tions, wages, hours, etc. nOt ~t Germany has been crushed, or that a number But one. factory, is not independent of any other -of small nations 'have emerged to "independence," or factoty,-production is a complicated process that re ~at' the world is being divided territorially and finan Rush Your Seconda! quires centralized management. The vario\¥l factory cially. The determining factor is that out of all tbis, Resolved, by the Joint Meeting of the branches' of committees in a particular locality; accordingly, elect , Local Cuyahoga County, (Cleveland); having a~ aver ,~"utof the war and the collapse of. Capitalism; has age of 1821 members in good standing for the year 1918, representatives to a Lower' Workmen's Council of eJl¥rged 'the definite proletarian struggle for Social that we initiate -the following referendum motions, to be 'Control, which regulates the relations of factory to ,;.,n; " ThIS struggle for Socialism is no longer a theory submitted -to the party membership of the United factory in a particular district. These various Councils "i$)latOO in action; it is now a fact of life itself, the States: " , of Control are centralized into an All-Russian Superior Resolved, that the act of the National Executive Council of Control, which unifies factory prodllctjon , _at' vital problem for Capitalism and the proletariat. Committee in expellintr f.rom the Socialist Party of " i, In me~ting the probl.elT!' Capitalism is fi~ht!ng for its Michigan from the SOCIalist Party of the United States, in all the country. The central organ of industrial ',very eXistence. And It IS unscrupulous 10 ItS use of a' state with 6,000 members, witlwut giving the state , control is the Supreme Council of National Economy, ~hodS. The workers of Russia initiated this world a trial or even a hearing in its own defense, is hereby which unifies the Workmen's Organs of Control,the stiuggle for Socialism; and so international Capital rescinded and annutledand the Socialist Party of !peasants' committees of management,. and the Soviet Midhigan restored to all the rights and privileges of ~~m, represented by the Allies, concentrates its attack membership in the Socialist' Party of the United States. Government~ In this way 'are unified production, dis upon the workers of Russia as tlte resolute defenders Resolved, that the action of the National Executive tribution, wages and conditions of' labor. , of- ,theinteresfs of the workers of the world. Starv Committee of the Party in arbitrarily suspending the This is t'he basis of industrial democracy, of work i ,&tion,counter-revolutionary plots, assassination,in Russian, Ukrainian, Lithuanian, Lettish, Polish, South ers' control of industry. All ,these committees and I -y~ion and terror,-aU these·means are used in a desp- Slavic and Hungarian' Fe;de,rations from dte Party is councils of control are elected from the bottom by hereby rescinded and annulled. ' tIP, I, - ,erat~. struggle to crush Socialist Russia. Resolved. that the action of the majority of the the workers, who are industrial citizens -and use the --""""fhe apologists- of Capitalism try to complicate the National Executive Committee, which is largely com industrial vote to control the management of product problem; ,They try to make, it difficlllt for the workers posed of candidates for re-election in the referendum ion. ·,to !understand. just, c1osed~, in holding up and refusing to tabulate the 'It is on the basis of this workers' control ofindustry , ",But'the problem is very simple. It is not a problem vote on Referendum B 'and C, for the election of the -the end of capitalist industrial autocracy and the National ExecUtive' Committee, International Del~es Of democracy, or of, communizing women, or of mass anel International Secretary,. and calting a National profit-power of the capitalists-.-that the workers and murder, or of any of the lies sprea~ so feverishly by Convt'ntic;m, is hereby rescinded arid the na.tional secre peasants of Russia are construct-ing aneW society. the: bourgeois press and 'other agents of Capitalism. tary instructed to immediately tabulate the vote and to The "central world problem of Bolshevism," accord r~e crux --of the "Russian problem" is simply this: declare tohe oandidates receiving the highest number ingly, is a simple workmen's proposition. It is within of votes eleated, in accordance with the National 7iJor,kers' control of indUftry. Party Constitution., , the comprehension -of every man and woman who 'Let us for a moment consider -the purpose of the Resolved. that the action of the National Executive, works for a living in shop, mill or mine; easily com Soviet Governm~nt. The political power of Capitalism Committee in prepariitg to place the property of the prehended. ·in spite of the ,distortions of a mercenary (and its' ally, the nobility) has been crushed. The ,Socialist Party in tfJe hands of a Board of Directots, press.' The "central world problem of Bolshevism" three to be elected for three years, three for six years workers have conquered political, power. The workers and, three for nine 'years; these directors not being means simply -the determination of the proletariat to are usin(! this power to crush' the industrial "o'wer of ~ubjeotto recall by either the National Executive crush the industrial autocracy' of Olpitalism and , the taPftalists,....,-giving the land to the I'easants and Comrnitltee or the member~hip of . !!he Party, be reversed introduce the industrial -democracy of Socialism,-:- the-.!actories t~ t~e 'lvcJrkers. lA: capitalist ~epublic and rescinded. ' workers' control of'industry. ' '~S'uch as prevails m our own country) recognizes the 'J'lhe Soviet (iovernment itself. which !s of a political • rights" of capital as supreme: the whole social ~ys unions; but this slight advantage is offset by the in- character- wlJile elected industrially by the workers in tt:01 is based upon the supremacy of capital. The So creasing power and tyranny of capital. , the factor-ies and the peasants in the fields, is.a tempor viet RepUblic. which is a republic of -the masses of' the Under this system, the workers do not work to live, ary affair. I t serves two purposes: 'I) to crush the p~le, recognizes the rights of the workers alone. The they live to work. They live to produce wealth and political power and the resistance of the capitalists, basis of the Soviet Republic is workers' control of power and pleasure for the masters of industry. Russian or alien; and 2) to develop the conditions for, ~ndustry,-industriat. democracy. Slowly, painfully, in , This industrial autocracy of capital controls the gov the construction of a new ind'ustrial government. When , 'spite of starvation and alien invasion, the Russian ernment. It controls the press. It controls the schools. the introduction of Socialism in Russia (and the masses are crusbing the power of capital, freeing the It controls because these industrial' autocrats have the world) is completed, then th~ Soviet Government, the workers from the tyranny and the exploitation of' cap wealth,and wealth under Capitalism means power. dictatorship of the proletariat, will disappear, having ,ital, lUld constructing a new society of communist labor This industrial autocracy is able to purchase the serv accomplished its purpose: then the, only government 'and f,raternity, of workers' control of industry, in ices 'of a Inercenary army of intellectuals, educators, which wilt remain (which is not a government 'in the which labor shall work for the peace art'd happiness of politicians and journalists, whose task it is to deceive old sense) will De the industrial administration cotn the people. and not for the, profit of the capitat.ists. the masses and promote the supremacy of Capitalism. prised in tohe management and regulation of produotion ;, ,The Russian revolutionary masses are introducing Democracy in government becomes a fraud under a for the workers. This final "government" is now be~ 'Sooalism. This fact is against the in,terests of Cap system where industrial autocracy prevails. ing constructed by the, Soviet Republic, through ,the itali&m, since ir Socialism proves, a success in Russia Out of the industrial autocracy of Capitalism comes Factory Committees, the Workmen's Councils of Con the, workers of the world will struggle for, a similar the misery and oppression of otI\e workers, wars and all trol and, the Supreme Council of National Economy. objective. Capitalism, accordingly, It1()bilizes against the evils that afflkt humanity. Out of this system dev It is a simple proposition, this workers' control of the Socialist workers of Russia in order to crush the elops the class struggle or the proletariat to overthrow industry: but it means the end of Capitalism. That workers of the world. Capitalism ..•. is why Capitalism, predatory, reactionary, hrutlil. ,re , What is Capitalism? Capitalism is a social system As a contrast to this terrible system, the Soviet Re presented by the Allies .. is determined to crush the ,based upon private property, upon the private owner- public of Russia looms as an oasis in the desert, as Soviet Republic. shi.p of industry by the capitalists. The workers are the Promised Land of working class emancipation. This means to crush everywhere the developing pro deprived of industrial property; they must secure a First of all. the government of Spviet Russia is a letarian movement for workers' control of industry, job in order to live, and these jobs are dispensed by the 1~'orkinfl class g01!ernment. The capitalists are exclud whiclt alone can bring peace, liberty and happiness to capitalist owners of industry. The owner of industry ed from participation in this government, since the the workers. is out to make profits ; he employs the workers simply dass interests of the capitalists compel them to exploit Capitalism means oppression. misery and degrad in order that they shall produce profits for him. 'J'lhe the workers; a~d the Soviet Government is a govern .1tion for the workers. The democracy of Capitalism wages of the workers do not represent all the values niel~t of the workers. Where a capitalist government (limited to politics) is a fraud. a means for the op produced by thei~ labor; the employers appropriate uses its power against the workers and for the capital presgion of. the workers. Capitalism and its demo part of these values, a S1lrplus value over and above il';ts. the Soviet government uses its power against the cracy mean want, ·unemployment. starvation wages, the value represented in the wages. which becomes the l'r.pitalists and for the workers. oppression for the workers: and wealth. ease and lux profit of the capitalist class. In other words, the work The purpose of the Soviet government is to break urv for the capitalists. ers are robbed of a portion of the fruits of their labor. the power of the capitalists. and develop the conditions Industrial democracy. workers' control of industry, out of which booty the capitalists acquire wealth and for the introduction of Socialism. means tohe world for the workers, peace, liberty, hap power. Socialism, in the theory of Marx and the practice piness. 2 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE Saturday, Jane 21, 1919
old~til11ers who were repudiated completely by the Con The Revolutionary Age ference of May 17-18, now declared illegal. The Russian Offensive The Left Wing.elements of Chicago are not worried A Chronicle and Interpretation of International Events HE Allies are. still at tbeir miserable business 0 about this Tammany Illaneuvre. and are against partic "making peace" while waging war against Sovie tl'1pation in the "nunp" conference. This 'probably T " ~ Russia,-a war that constitutes aggression again~ means more expulsions. the peace and liberty of the world . (. . LoUIS C. FltAINA ••• : ...... , ... , Editor But since the hulk of the Party is now Left Wing, . Contributing Editors the moderates must !'oon expel the whole party. Let In Paris. the Peace Conf'Crence has "recognized' ~·1··,..· the "Russian Government" of the Czarist Admira l JOHN RElm SEN KATAYAMA them! They'll have a ntee batch of expUlsion orders. and revolutionary Socialism will have the Party. Kolchak. 1 N. I. HOURWICH I. E. FERGUSON Ip New York City, the offices of t11e Soviet Repn LUDWIG LORI': EADMONN MACALPINE sentative Martens have been raided and aU paper :1.• C. E. RUTHENBERG " Bulwark of Reaction seized. ~hile 'vVashington teems with rumors of de, " portation. HE dominant fact emerging out of-the convention "-:t. of t11e American Federation of Labor is the These two facts occuring almost simultaneously' ~~ ISSUED EVERY SATURDAY T apparent conclusion of "a temporary partnership indicate a new offensive against ,the workers of Russia By LOCAL BOSTON, SOCIALIST PARTY between organized labor and the employing clement and equally against the workers of the world. H. C. STEINER, Business Manager fOl: the suppression of Bolshevism, to accomplish Soviet representative Martens. according to the which the former is ('()nceded to he the best equipped ,. ~~5 Washington St., Boston, Mass. hn11rgeois "law of nations," is co"ered by diplomatic This is the declaration in a news story by LOllis Sei immunity. even if not recognized. But the, Allies Subsrril'tioll $1.00 for si.'I: months (26 issltes) bold. appearing in the N"!'w York World of June Tn, apparently. decided to prevent German violation 0 Rundle orders 2C a copy This is not at all surp.1sing,---except, perhaps, to the the "law of naf lttS" only in order ·that they migh yellow Socialist who all these vears has been buttress freely violate it themselves. ing the A. F. of L. as a misleader of labor. Two of these yellows-J. Mahlon Barnes and Max S. Hayes There is dispute whether the Allies have actuallJ Aggression Against Mexico -are at the convention, still pursuing their mIserable. "recognized" Kolchak as a rnvernment. But that is role of equivocation. . . . immaterial: the fact is that the Allies ha'l'e now ,,"t 0r\DITIONS areheing developed which may mean in an official form the aid and clI-operation they lIa't'e C American intervention in Mexico. International The A. F. of L. started as a movement to smash the rendered the reactionary forces of Admiral Kolchak old Knights of Labot, which in that day was·a radteal capital. particularly Americap finance-capital. is using' in ·their war against the people of Russia. The Allies, organization. It developed as, a craft union organ all its resource!' to bring about a state of affairs pro in fact. "recognizea" the Czari!lt gangster Ko1chak viding the prctext for intervention. ization of the worst sort, actually splitting up labor 1110nths ago, by provid,ing him with moral encourage instead of uniting it. In all its years of supremacy, It i$ the oil well .. of Mexico, particularly, and its ment. with arms. munitions. food. money. The AlIieE the A. F. of L. officially through its bureaucracy was oth('r natural n'~otllTeS generally. which are beckoning h fore, be to organize and reorganize all grades and Clear the Decks! strata of labor on broad class lines, not only nationally, rheN. E. C~ Speaks IV but internationally. Not as trade union~ nor even as RILE it is being repUdiated by the P:.rty for mere industrial unions, but 'as one working class union." its criminal actions in trying to spli~ thc Party, .lis article, "The SoCialist Task and Outlook," in How? By means of "Socalist propaganda"! W the N. E. C. "justifies" itst:lf in a declaration "t',Call of May 21. Morris Hi11CJllit admits that the This is sheer evasion. Industrial tll110nism implies to the membership. The declaration is siglll:J by James ~cond International broke down ,-although Oneal, A. I. Shiplacoff, Dan llogan, Seymour Stedman, :ludiates the' Third Communist International. His "one workiug class union." To speak of ~'Socialist propaganda" is another evasion, since the whole issue George H. Goebel, Fred Holt, Fred Kra1i"1 and John ·sal, in fact, is to re-constitute the old Interna M. vVork,-four of whom were prU-~ The Control of Government VERY action, whether in the press or in words, By Nicholas I. Hourwich scrap of paper,--certainly a defiance of "lawfully ( . against the "constitu,tional order" and the "law stituted authority;" and theWorld, moreover, e E ful authorities" of the United States is now-a attacks the Senate with ironic remarks to fhe effect days severely punished. The prisons are filled with submitted to Ger'many by the "Council ~f Four" of \V all Str~t care very little whether or not the Se•. political prisoners, and new laws are being proposed the Allies. ratifies the treaty! to "preserve our government by law." Not. satisfied Whatever. ill this instance. happt'n to he the motives with the number of politicals in prison, the bourgeois of tht" Senate majority. the very fact of its rt"fllsaT to This attitude of the World toward the Senate, I press accuses the g~vernment of "leniency," almost of of the highest institutions of tile American state, c criminal favoritism, toward the "seditious elements" ill the final analysis, be explained on political considl -and demands more repressive measures and severer ations: the 11' orld's adherence to the Democratic Pal penalties. More than one organ of the press recom The Communist Intemationallo the and its campaign to discredit the Republican major mends that the "citizens" take "the law into their OWil Proletarians of the World in the Senate. But, upon closer !'lcutiny, the I'V 01'1, harnls;" which, translated into ordinary human lan The Third CommU11ist Tnternational on April 3 position in this case discloses a much deeper and mOl guage, means: that instead 'of the court law there addressed the proletarians of the world in the follow significant social fact than party rivalry between "th should be a resort to Lynch Law,-burnings, hangings ing circular leHer, entitlell "The Latest Atfl1dty ('If Democrats and the Republicans. It appears as anothe and dept:edations by mob violence. the Socialist Government at Berlin:" demonstration of the mockery of the bourgeois-par T,he German Social-Democratic Government has liamentary representative form of government, which Bourgeois justice exists and. is directed against the is the object of praise as a manifestation of the "higher recently perpetrated a crime. The ~vernmen.t of undesiraoble elements of our class society,-against wisdom" and "eternal justice" by the journalistic and worker-strikers, Socialists, revolutionary agitators, ScheidI'm ann mercilessly caused ·Leon Tyshko to be executed. Comrade Tyshko had represented the Polish Academic mercenary guard of Capitalism, when this against all who rise in protest at the infamy of cap praise promotes its purposes. italist "order" and parasitism. Bourgeois justice is :iocial-Democratic Party in the Second Tnternational. chiefly directed· to preventing the liberation of the For more than thirty years Tyshko fought in the ranks When a "disagreement" arises between Congress or worktng masses from exploitation, misery and oppres of rhe workers for the Social-Democratic Cau~e. He the Senate and the Sociafists,-let the rebels be punish sion. was at the head of the heroic F'('lish proletariat when edby the law. But when such a disagreement arises the first barricade was erected at \'\tarsaw and 1.od7.. hetween the legislative organ of the government and But the indignant adherents of "severe and strict He spent many years in prison because he had come Wall Street.-the attitude changes, and the slogan jusstke" cease indignating as soon as the role of viol out for the interests of the workers. In 1906 he was hecomes: "To hell with the Senate! Long live Wall ators of the "lawful. institutions and authoHties of the se.ntenced ·to eigh.t years at hard labor; as soon as he Street !" land" is usurped by Capitalism. The bourgeois press succeeded in escaping from captivity, he resumed his in this case, forgetting its duty as the vigilant eye of share ,in the struggles of the S~ialists. What does all this mean? It again confirms the cor "law and order," becomes the apologis.t,of the·respect The Ebert revolution found him 1n a Gennan jail, rectness of the rev.olutionary Socialist concerning the able violators of "government by law/,arnl-even greets into which the Government of Wilhelm II 'had· con substance of bourgeois parliamentarism,-as indicated these violations with the joy characteristic: of a signed 'him. He was one of the most unselfish com l)y Marx and adhered to by the Communists of to-day. mercenary guard. batants and an important factor in the German .rev i olution. standing in the same rank with Karl L·ieb In all so-called parliamentary states, affirms the Consider. for instance, what such a "respectable" knecht . and Ros:, Luxemburg. He was one of the revolutionary Socialist, the actual power of govern newspaper as the New York World, actually an organ chief leaders of the Spartacus group and later of the ment is vested in big capital-the capitalists and the of the Wilson Administration, says in its editorial of ('..erman . Communist Party. Intern¥ional Socialism hankll: parliament-Congress and the Senate-that is, the "law making bodies," exist only in order to deceive June 10: had no more unselfish. more energetic comrade than Tyshko. who has now been shot by order of Schei the people. to oppress.:and exploit the people, that is, '."Vhat difference will it make in the United States demann and his cohorts, who yet still dare to caU the working class; and this oppression is carried on whether Germany ref'llses to sign the treaty or the themselves Socialists. Comrade Tyshko was a failh "in the name of the people," as it were. Senate ref4tses to ratify it? In either case the t~chnical ful warrior in the interests of the working classes and And so long as a legislative body performs this func state of war wiII continue. At the worst Wall Street of communist ideas. He was executed because he tion, inherent in the substance of the capitalist state, lias 110 more to fear trom tile protesting German Gov was a mortal enemy of the bourgl'oisie. The Com the will of this legislative body is heralded as sacred, ernment thaft trom the United States Senator who 1~' munist Jlllternattional lis ronviDiced that tbe day is and every person \.Vho violates it as a working class sist that there ,fhall bef.Jo treaty of peace unless they approaching when the working class of Gennany wiU measure is a "seditious person" and "blasphemer." But, write it." mete out justice to the hangmen of the Communists, as soon as the legislative body becomes suddenly cap-· to Scheidemann, Ebert and Noske. ricious. or its mechanism is out of gear and refuses to Let us, first of all, explain the issue in question. In (Signed) T'he President of the Executive Committl'e work normally in the direction indicated by the r:apital accordance with the Constitution of the United State~, of thl' Communist International, Zinovieff ists.-the impertinent parliament or Congress is dIs which at other times the W orId defends with foam solved, i,ts decisions are vetoed or simply completely frothing at the mouth, every treaty of the United States ignored. with a foreign power can come into force only after being ratified by the Senate. The Senate, having just ratify the treaty should apparently prove sufficient to Parliament, or Congress, is nothing but a marionette opened i,ts sessions and comprising a majority of Re make the World declare the treaty null and void. A in the hands of WaJI Street, that is of finance capital; publicans .. ref'llses, out of purely political consider treaty is not a treaty unless ratified by the Senate, In and it is finance-capital that actually constitutes the ations based upon opposition to the Democratic Party accord with the ConSotitution. It would seem, therefore, "government." This is the Socialist conclusion derived administration. to ratify the peace treaty as-drafted and that the World propost"s making the Constitution a from the utterances of' the U?orld. The Party Repudiating the N. E. C. 50,000 ary sentiments of the rank and file within the party as THE seven reactionary autocrats of the National "The expUlsion of nearly members by seven Execut.ive Committee, who suspended or expelled men of the National Executive Committee is an exhi manifested in the St. Louis program on the war; be it hition of bureaucratic stupidity ullparallelletl even hy therefore, 40,000 members of the Socialist Party, in an effort ·to the processes of capitalist governments. control the Party for a small clique of counter-rev "Resolved, that the ~ialist Party local delega~es olutionary petty bourgeois, reckoned without their host. "\Ve, the members of Local Philadelphia in General of Union County of'the State of New Jersey, herewith A blast of indignant protest is sweeping through the ~1eeting assembled, condemn .the outrage perpetrated endorse, the Manifesto and Program of the Left Party. which ·is determined to become revolutionary ,by the N. E. C. and regard it as a challenge to the \Ving."- , I· spite of all the autocrats in the Party or out of it. ..<;elf-respect and revolutionary class consciousness of the rank and file. We, therefore. call upon every local The State Executive Committee of the Socialist This protest was started by Local Cleveland, which Party of Ohio, through its Secretary, A. Wagenknecht, ,nitiMed referendums to ,repudiate the N. E. C. acts. of the party to communicate to the N. E. C. that they l do not recognize their ukase against the rank and file is carrying on a campaign of educatiot1 against· the Then the Convention of the Socialist Party of Mass. and that they will. in their actions totally ignore the trai·torous "N. E. C. Seven," repudiating their miser . repudiated the tyrannous acts of the N. E. C. seven, decisions of the National ,Executive Commiottee." able acts. ..~ , four of whom were pro-war and against the St. Louis " Resolution. Local Union Comity (Elizabeth, N. a(lopted a Local McKeesport, Pa. resolves: "That we condemn J.) Ihe at,tion taken by the National Executive Committee At .the same t.ime. the German Federation of the resolution. 3G against 4, to "protest and ignore the action taken 'hy the N. E. c.. and ·to count the so-callecl al1(1 demand that the N. E. C. immediately re-instate Socialist Party was in convention at Rochester. N. Y. 'suspended' comrades as members of the Socialist the suspended organizations, and we further demand A storm of protest swept the convention when the del I'hat the party membership and the party membership egates. were ,informed by a telegram from national Party." Local Union County emphasized its action by further adopting the following: only, shall decide the matter of the suspension of these executive committeemen Katterfeld and Wagenknecht organizations." Local McKeesport then proceeded to that seven members of the N. E. C. had usurped the "Whereas, the trend of world events and .the experi adopt. unanimously, the Left Wing Manifesto and right and power to suspend and expel 40,000 members ence of the revolution in action have demonstrated the Program. of the Socialist Party. Resolutions were adopted necessity for a clear cut definition of the ~ocialist against the outrage. The German Federation adopted position'; and The N. E. C. has sent Otto Branstetter to "re-organ· the Left Wing Manifesto and Program, which is the ize" the party in Michigan, but is meeting with no "crime" of the ·seven expelled Federation. Will the "\Vhereas. ~he growth of opportunism and hour results. in spite of Adolph Germer whistling bravely Savage Seven now. expel the German Federation? gois parliamentarism within the Socialist Party has to keep up his courage. made a re-statement of the revolutionar\' Socialist Loral Philadelphia 'has adopted resolutions stigmat Let the party act. Let it repudiate the reactionary position imperative; and, J izing the acts of the N. E. C. as "a deliberate and N. E. C. Let it realize the fruits of its conquest of the treach'!rous assault upon the revolutionary rank and "Whereas. the tendency of the officialclom withil) party for revolutionary Socialism. To the Left Wing file o! the Part)'," and concluding: the party has been in contradiction with the revolution- -the party, the future, and Socialism! Saturday, Joe 2'1,------1919 THE REVOLUTIONARY AGE 6 The Character of the Russian Revolution HE liberal and Social-Revolutionist~Menshevik By' Leon Trotzky struggle to exert an influence of their own over'"the scribes and politicians are much concerned over workers, the petit bourgeois continued constantly harp~ T the question of the sociological significance of the From "The Proletrian Revolution in Russia," ing on their "statesmanship," their "patriotism," and . I~ussian Revolution. Is' it a bourgeois revolution or by N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky thus fell into a slavish dependence on the groups of some other kind of a revolution? At first glance, this counter-revolutionary capital. They simultaneously academic theorizing may appear somewhat enigmatical. with the Girondistes, he cut off their heads. This w~s .Iost the possibility of any kind of liquidaton even' of The liberals have nothing to gain by revealing the class cruel, there is no denying it. But this cruelty did not the old barbarism which enveloped those sections of interests behind "their" revolution. AlJd as' for the prevent the French Revolution from becoming Great, the people who were still attached to them. The strug petit bourgeois "Socialists," they do not, as a general withi,n the limits of its bourgeois dJarader. Marx, in gle of the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki for rule, make use of theoretical analysis in their politicai whose name so many mal-practices are nf>W perpetrated influence over the proletariat was more· and more as activity, but rather of "cor-:.non sense," which is simp it: 6ur country, said that the "whole French terror, suming the form of a struggle hy the proletarian part) ly another name for mediocrity and lack of principle. was simply a plebeian effort to dispose of the enemies to obtain the leadership of the semi-proletarian masses The fact is that the Milyukov-Dan estimate, inspired of the.bourgeoisie." And as the same bourgeoisie was of the villages and towns. Because they "voluntarily" by Plekhanov, as to the bourgeois character of the very much afraid' of the same plebeian methods of handed over their power to the bourgeois cliques, the Russian Revolution,contains not a single grain of disposing of the enemies of the people, the Jacobins Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki were obliged to .. theory. Neither Yedinstvo, nor Retch, nor Den, nor not only deprived the bourgeoisie of power, but applied hand over the revolu~ionary mission to show that the Rabochaya Gazeta, its head seriously affected, takes a rule of blood and iron with regard to the bourgeoisie, attempt to decide fundamental questions of tactics by any pains to formulate what it understands by a bour whenever Ilhe latter made any attempt to halt or to a mere reference to the "bourgeois" character of our Jeois revolution. The intention of their manoeuvres "moderate" the work of the Jacobins. It is apparent, Revolution can only succeed in confusing-the minds:of IS purely practical: .to demonstrate the "righf' of the therefore, that the Tacobins carried out a bourgeois the backward workers and deceiving the peasants. bourgeois rev,alution to assume power. Et.ren though revolution without the bourgeoisie. , In the French Revolution of 184B, the proletariat is . the .Soviets may represent the majority of the politic- Referring to the English Revolution of 1648, Engels already making heroic efforts for independent action. ally trained population, even though in all the demo wrote: "In order that the bourgeoisie might pluck all But as yet it has neither a clear revolutionary -theory cratic elections, in city and in country, the capita:list the fruits that had matured, it was necessary that the nor an authori~tive class organization. Its importance parties were swept out with ec1at,-"so long as our revolution should go far beyond its original .aims, as in production is infinitely lower than the present eco revolution is bourgeois in character," it is necessary was again"the case in France ill 1793 and in Germany nomic function of the Russian proletariat. In addi to preserve the privileges of the bourgeoisie, and to in 1848. This, to be sure, is one of the la~lJs of the tion, behind I84B there stood another great revolution; assign to it in the government a role, 'to which it is by e'l'Oilltioll of bourgeois society." . We see that Engels' which had solved the agrarian question in its own way, no means entitled ~y the alignment of' }>olitkal groups Law is directly opposed to Plekhanov's ingenious and this found its expression in. a pronounce~ isolation within the country. If we are to act in accordance structure, which the Mensheviki have been accepting of the proletariat, particularly that of Paris, from the with the principles of democratic parliamentarism, it and regarding as Marxism. peasant masses. Our situation in this respect is im is clear that power belongs to the Social-Revolutionists, It may of course be objected that the Jacobins were mens~ly more favorable. Farm mortgages, ohstructive either alone, or in conjunction with ,the .Mensheviki. themselves a bourgeoisie, a petite bourgeoisie. This is obligations of all kinds, oppression, and the rapacious But as "our revolution is a bourgeois revolution," the absolutely. true. But is that not also the fact in the exploitation by the church, confront the Revolution as princi{lles of democracy are suspended, and the repre-' case of the so-called "revolutionary democracy" head inescapable questions, demanding courageous and un sentatlves of the overwhelming majority of the peop,le ed by the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki? Bet compromising measures. The "isolation" of our party receive five seats in the ministry, while the represent ween the Cadets, the party of the larger and lesser from th'e Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, even atives of an insignificant luinority get twice as many. propertied interests, on the one hand, and the Social an extreme isolation, even 'by the method of single To Hell with democracy! Long live Plekhanov's So Revolutionists on the other hand, there was not, in any chambers, would by no means be synonymous with an ciology I of the elections held in city or country, any intermedi isolation of the proletariat from the oppressed peasant "I suupose you would like to have a bourgeois rev ate party. It follows wi~h mathematical certainty that and city masses. On the contrary, a sharp opposition olution without the bourgeoisie ?~' asks Plekhanov, slyly, the petite bourgeoisie must have found its political of the policy of the revQlutionary proletariat to the invoking the support of dialectics and of Engels. representation, in the ranks of the Social-Revolution faithless defection of the present leaders of the So "That's just it!" interposes Milyukov. We Cadets hits. The Mensheviki, whose. poley differs by not a viets, can only bring about a salutary differentiation !WOuld be ready to relinquish power, which the people hair's breadth from the policy of the Social-Revolu among the peasant millions, remove the pauperized evidently do not wish to give us, But we cannot fly tionists, reflect the same class interests. There is no peasants from the treacherous in'fluence of the power in the face of science." lAnd he refers to Plekhanov's contradiction to this condition in the fact that· they fill Social-Revolutionist muzhiks, and convert the So "Marxism" as his authority. . are also supported hy a part of the more backward or cialistic ,proletariat into a genuine leader of the popUlar, Since our revolution is a bourgeois revolution, ex conservative-privileged workers. \.vhy were the So "plebeian" revolution. plain Pl~anov, Dan, and Poti-essav, we must bring cial-Revolutionists unable to assume power? In what And finally, a mere empty reference to the bourgeois about a pohtical coalition between the toilers and their sense and why did the "bourgeois" character of the character of Ilhe Russian Revolution tells us absol exploiters. And in the light of this Sociology, the Russian Revolution (if we assume that such is its utely nothing about ,the international character of' its clownish handshake of Bublikov and Tseretelli is re:' character) compel the Social-Revolutionists and Men milieu. And this is a prime factor. The great Jaco~in vealed in its full historical significance. . sheviki to supplant the plebeian methods of the Jacob revolution found opposed to it a backward, feudal, The trouble is merely this, that the' same bourgeois ins with the gentlemanly device of an agreement with .Jl1onarchistic Europe. The J acobin regime fell and character of the Revolution which is now taken as a the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie? It is manifest gave way to the Bopapartist regime, under the burden justification of the coalition between the Socialists and that theexplanatiQn must be sought, not in the "bour of the superhuman effort which it was obliged to put the capitalistS, has for a number of years been taken geois" character of our revolution, but in the miserable forth in order to maintain itself against the united by these very Mensheviki as leading to diametrically character of our petit bourgeois democracy. Instead forces of the middle ages. The Russian Revolution, opposite conclusions. of making the power in its hands the organ for the on the contrary, 'has before it a Europe that has far Since, in a bourgeois revolution, they were wont to realization of the essential demands of History. our outdistanced it, having reached the highest degree of say, the governing power can have no other function fraudulent democracy deferently passed on all real capitalist development. The present slaughter shows than to safeguard the domination of, the bourgeoisie, power to the counter-revolutionary, military-imperial that Europe has reached the point of capitalistic satur it is clear that Socialism can have nothing to do with istic clique, and Tseretelli, at the Moscow Conference, ation, that, it can no longer live and grow on the basis it, its place is not in the government, but ill the op even 'boasted that the Soviets had not surrendered their of the private ownershi,p of the means of production. position. Plekhanov considered that Socialists could power under pressure, not after a courageous fight This chaos of blood and ruin is a savage insurrection lIot under any conditi01ls take part in a bourgeois gov 'alld defeat, bllt voluntarily, as all evidence of political of the mute and sullen powers of production, it is the ernment, and he 'savagely attacked Kautsky, whose ··self-effacement." The ge!ltlelless of the calf, holding mutiny of iron. and steel ag-ainst the dominion of' profit, resolution admitted certain exceptions in this connec out its neck for the butcher's knife. is not the quality against wage slavery. against the miserable deadlock tion. "Tempora leagusque mutantl1r"--the gentlemen which is going to conquer new worlds. of our huinan relations. Capit;>lism, enveloped in the of the old regime so expressed it. .. , And that appears The difference between the terrorists of the Con flames of a war of its own IT. .ing. shouts from the to be the case also with the "laws" of the Plekhanov vention and the Moscow capitulaters is the difference mouths of its cannons to hum; dty: "Either conquer Sociology. bet ween tigers and calves of one age,-a difference over me, or I wilfbury you in my ruins when I fall!" No matter how contradictory may be the opinions' in courage. But this difference is n'ot fupdamental. of the Mensheviki and their leader. Plekhanov, when It merely veils a decisive difference in the personnel All the evolution of the past. the th{)usands of years you compare their statement before the Revolution of' the democracy itself. The }acobins were based on of human history, of class struggle. of cultural accum with their statements of today. one thought does dom the classes of little or no prop.erty. including also what mulations. are concentrated now in the sole problem inate both expressions, and tHat is, that you cannot rucliments of a prnletariat were then already in exist of the proletarian revolution. There is no otller ans carry out a bourgeois revolution "without the bour ence. In our case. the industrial ,working clasl' has wer and no other escape. And therein lies the trem geoisie." At first blush this idea would appear to be worked its way out of the ill-defined democracy into a endous strength of the Rnssiall Reyolution. J.t j'l not axiomatic. But it is merely idiotk. position in History where it exerts an in'ftuence of a "national," a bourgeois n'voilltioll. :\nyone who of it thus. is c1wellin ill the realm of the The history of mankind did not begin with the Mos pl'imary importance. The /,I'lil bUlll"Yl',lis democracy conceives s cow Conference. There were revolutions before. At was losing the most valuahle revolutionary qualities hallucinations of the 18th :1I1d 191!h centuries. Our fatherland in time is tlte 20th ('enlll!"Y. The further the,end of the 18th century there was a revolution in to the extent to which these qualities \\"el"l~ being dev France, which is called, not without reason, the "Great eloped hy the proletariat which was outgrowing the lot of the Russian Revolution depends c1il'ectlv on the Revolution." It was a bourgeois revolution. Itl one tlltelage of the petite bo·urgeoisic. This phenomenon course and on the {)tlil:O'lU' of'the \\';Jr, that is. on the of its phases power fell into the hands of the Jacobins, in turn is due to the incomparably higher plan to which evolution of class contr:1dictions in Europe. to which who had the support of the "Sans-c11lottes." or semi ('apitalism had evolved in Russia as compared with this imperialistic war is gh'ing a catastrophic nat'lre. proletarian workers of the city population. and who the France of the closing 18th century. The revolu The Kerenskys and Kornilo\'s began tno earlv using. set up between them and the r;irondistes. the liberal tionary power of the Russian proletariat. is' based upon the language of competin~. autocrats. The Kaledins party of the bourgeoisie. the Cadets of their day. the its immense productive power. whkh is 1110st of all showed their teeth too soon. The renegade Tseretelli neat rectangle of' the guillotine. Tt wa'); only the dictat apparent in war time. The threat of a railroa T was the claim of the Allies that the Russian masses War Against the People was startled by a cry from (he latter,- whose pistol was \Vould acclaim intervention as providing the opport gone! I unity to throw off the "vile yoke" of the Bolsheviki. over, it is to a very large extent an army of passive '''Gone!' said the officer cross!y. 'YOLl ought to Instead, events are proving that the Russian masses resi~tance .... know better than to lose your gun! Where did you Hre eager to throw off the wle yoke placed by this .. During the winter just past, this vanishing army wear it?' counter-revolutionary intervention upon their liberty. entered the cities occupied by the Allies, and, in the ":Meekly the orderly indicated the position of his The whole course of intervention 'proves that it is guise of refugees, or 'loyal' Russians, received food, holste.r on his right hip. t·he desperate purpose of international Capitalism to clothing and shelter. Under the protection of the ., 'But you shouldn't wear it so far back: growled impose an alien will upon the Russian people. The Allieu guns it spent the perio.d of bitter cold weather the exasperated officer. 'Keep it wel\ to the front like masses of- Russia have had ample opportunity to over in comfort, perfecting its plans for the on-coming mine. Look here!' And ~he slapped his 0\\,11 holster, throw the Soviet Government, if they wished; but in spring, carrying on its propaganda of .hostility against worn well to the front 011 his Lelt. Tlsen the red of spite of starvation, in spite of war from the whole the I nterventionists, and mingling with tlhe troops chagrin spread over his face. 'Lord!' 'he eried. l\line's. world, the revolutionary masses refuse to make a which had come half way round the world to render gone, too!'" counter-revolution, refuse to overthrow their govern it harmless." The workmen of Siheria act as they can against the ment. This is how this "vanishing army" fights: invaders. Captairi Moore says: . Nothing but contemptible dishonesty could now "Take the case of one of· their earlier engagements "The trans-Siberian Railroad is virtual\y in the claim that the Russian people welcome interve:1tion. with the japanese. The attack was south of Habar hands of the Bolsheviki-Bolshevik firemen, engIneers, In' Siberia, the Allies have crus~ed the liberty of the ovsk. It was significant that the japanese took scarce conductors, repairmen, signalmen, switchmen, station masses, have imposed a bayonet aut.ocracy upon the ly any prisoners. Tohat was because a few of the Bol masters and, to· a large extent, telegraph. operators. people, have supported the infamous Kolchak and his sheviki held hack the Japanese, giving the main Russian 1':ot only do these men absorb graft, but trains move reactionary coterie. The masses of Siberia, accord front time to break up. Then, when the Japanese only at their will, or if against their will, are wrecked. ingly, are against the Allies and their intervention. forces moved forward, they passed through tlhe Bol And if instead of accepting the statement that all of sheviki army-:without knowing it I-and actually ask the fighting Bolsheviki are to be found on the 'Ekate This is proven by an article in the June issue of ed it where it was! H:earsfs Magazine, written by Frederick F. Moore, rinburg front: tlhe newspaper correspondents would Late Captain, Intelligence, of the American Exped "What the japanese force thought it saw was large understand the situation better if- they could realize itionary Force in Siberia, under the title "The Vanish numbers of badly dressed peasants, husily at work in that all Siberia, all Russia, is a front.' ... ing Army of the Bolsheviki." . the fields." This rev01utionary sabotage is used al\ along the Overwhelmed· by superior munitions and equipment, line against the Allies, who answer with executions Captain Moore Jrrakes the unequivocal statement: the Bolshevik masses of Siberia adopt their own forms and the' Cossacks with Bogging and worse. The. Sa "Ninety-five per cent. of the people in Siberia are Bol of fighting. This is how they secure weapons: viet as an institution in Siberia has been crushed by sheviki." It is clear, then, that the Allies' mission in alien reaction,z but it lives inthe hearts of the masses. Siberia is to restore the rule of a reactionary minority ":\ truck-load of Kolchak's machine-guns at Omsk ttlisappeared while in transit from one barracks to an ]n a. moment, at the appropriate moment, the masses of 5 per cent.-surely a case of making the world will rise and assert their Communist independence. safe for democracy! other, and the men who were making the transfer dropped from sight. Some of out officers and soldiers Considering this testimony of a non-Bolshevik, what But, what is more important, Captain Moore proves know how the Bolsheviki added to their own supply becomes of the Allies claim concerning "being invited" the point. The Siberian masses, according to him, of pistols. It has been estimated tlhat ten per cent. of by the Russian people? Lies, all lies. They cannot have adopted the· policy of passi'fe resistance and sab the American officers travelling with orderlies had shoot the Russian masses into submission, nor can otage. It is an effective expression of the will of the their automatics either taken by stealth or: snatched they bribe them into ac~epting reaction by promises of masses. The Captain says: from the holsters in crowded railroaa stations. One food. Man does not ·Iive by bread alone. "The Allies in Siberia have been surrounded by an of these ofiiGersexpostulated with a thief. 'Here!' The news that cOJ:l1es from Siberia, in spite of the army without uniforms or other visible military equip h·:: shoured. That's my gun!' 'Well, yotYf'e wrong,' blockade, indicates an appalling condition of misery ment, without any apparent machinery of organiz"tion. was the reply in good English; 'it's. mine, and you'd .and oppression there, under the "civilized" domination This army. has the ability to vanish without being better not start any trouble here.' It seemed good of the Allies. missed, to reassemble when and where it ohooses, to set advice. In a criminal war of plunder and aggression, the llP a front if it so desires, or, if it sees fit, to' dissolve "One story going the rounds is to the effect that an most criminal episode is the intervention of the Allies again. concealing itself once more under the wings of officer of high rank, while pushing his way through a in revolutionary Russia. The proletariat of the world the very host which is seeking to overcome it. More- jam of people in a station, followed by his orderly, must end this abominable crime. All Power to the Workers! I-TESE are the resolutions adopted at a special con Resolutions Adopted at the Chicago Convention ations ; not by special committees or trustees not elected T vention called to express the stand of Local Cook by and not reSpOnsible to the membership. County (Chicago) on questions before the party, aad May 17·18, 1919 d) Establishment of a Central Lecture Bureau, lll::tde up of one delegate to each ten member~. Nearly and of a Pr~ss and Information Bureau. 100 branches were represented, with membershi]> over of Socialism, like a1\ other platforms, can contain only e) Standardization of party platforms, propag:mda, Gooo. one demand: All power to the working class--:-:local dues and methods of organization. power as the basis for further gains of power. "Be it resolved, that the following propositions shall The foregoing was offered as a composite resolution; discussed and adopted item by item. The further res eonstitute the platform of .Local Cook County of the 3) We favor organized Socialist Party activity in eo-operation with class-conscious industrial unionism, olutions dealing with party questions of general applic Socialist Party until further a~tion by a future Cook ation are as follows: County Convention, and shall be binding upon all in order to unify industrial and political class-conscious Officials, candidates,. speakers and committees of Loral propaganda and action. 7) Whereas the National Executive Committee of Cook County: the Socialist Party of the United States has obscured 4) We are opposed to Socialist Patty association . the class nature of our organization hy the raU for an . I-a ) We favor international alliance of the Social with other groups not committed to the revolutionary Amnesty Convention; and l'1ass struggle, such as La'hor parties, Nonpartisan ist Party of the United States only with the Communist 'Whereas it is essential at aU times to keep the class groups· of other countries, such as the Bolsheviki of leagues, People's Council, Municipal Ownership lea gues al1d the like. nature of our organ:ization clearly defined by non- affi Russia, Spartacans of Germany, and so forth, accord liation with non-working class organization; ing to the .<:all issued for the Third International by 5-a) The political action of the revolutonary pro Be it resolved: that this Convention is opposed to the Bolshevik Party of Russia, and upon the program leta riat is not limited to the use of the ballot; we reaHze as presented in this call. the action of the National Executive Committee in that our primary dependence must be on the mass calling' the Amnesty Convention now set for July.,4th, l-b) We demand that the National Executive power and the mass political action of the proletariat; and that we recommend that this call be, rescinded. and we realize also, that this mass power and this mass Committee of the Socialist Party and our International 8) -Resolved that this Convention go on record as Delegates shall take at ohce some decisive action to political action at:e more clostly related to the indus trial struggle of the proletariat than to routine politics. endorsing the I. W. W., and that it will do all within rut off our party from the Bureau or Congress of the its power to acquajnt the American workers with rev Second International. :;-h : The activity of the Socialist Party in polit olutionary industrial unionism. 2-a) Socialist Party platforms, proceeding on the il'al rampaigns shall keep distinct the class nature of 9) Endorsement of Sunday Schools, under :mE'-:JlJWt}ilJTIoNARY' AGB'-' !f Sat1irday,~~Une 11, !ti9 . - ...... -.." . . '- ~ The·· Leff'Wmg ... Marlifesto .and Progralll. FTE~ .h.aving· i~~~ed th~ domin.ant. mo~e~~ . By:Lauis.... C.Fraina· Buf parliamentarism <#nnot co~qu.e(the p.o wer.of; !?oclahsm ~nd. mdlcated .the sOC1alcondlhons . . ," .~III ' _~he state for theprol;e~na!. ,TolmCljpDe that.S~~l-~, A. th~t produc~d ~t, the Manl~esto proce~s. to pro- ,RevOlutionarySocialiBm Ism ~an:se(u~ a majorIty 10 the parhanre'!ts' ~(~beel"':,,: Ject the fu~damental~ ?f rC!voluttonary Soclaltsm: ". .' " ... , <_ .. ; _ . . Utopta,a r~fusal to underst~~ that .Capltaltsm.~.". ~ev.olutton~r~ SOCIaitsts bold, witft .the .founders of theIr s.oclal· mstafnltty produces po~ttcat mstablhty;. !lse theyowet" ,of th~ state to dls{'ranch~se~:thewor~~!S... ,!~ ~clenti:fic Socla!lSfII, that there a~ two oollunant ~clal!ses they have ~ sed~ced ,by Impenahsm and are, now -If necessary. " .. " . '.'. : ~. ,.-,':." ,~ .... ' 111 modern soclety-'-the bourgeQlsle~and the. proletanat; united with Imperialism. - . ' . The conqiiest of the-power of the state': is· an evi-;;'a- .;'; that between these two classes 1& struggle must go on. . R 1" S' I' , 1 . I" .', " . 'oi'.. _,..14 , until the working class, through -the abolition of the ". e~o utt(~nary Octa Ism. IS ~ncompromlsll!-g, res,? - pa~ la~entary act.. ,I~. IS accornph,shedit,lot by , th~.- capitalist state and' the establi.hment of the dictator- ute, revolutIOnary, because It butlds upon the tndustnal legtslattve representatives ,of the proletartat/-bphby- . ship, of the pro!et!lriat, creates a .Socialist syst~ Rev- pr~e.tariat, yV"hichis actua~ly a producing class, expro- the mass power: of. theptoletarii:tin 'action, by' ,.th~ olutlOnfiry Soclahsts do not bebeve that they can be pn~ted o! aU .~ropert.Y' m -whose consc~otisness the dynamic mass action of the ptoletariat:·· ·The SUpft:ine v()ted IDbto tpoh wer. ITht.ey struggleletfO!' tthe Thoonquest of technological tOtegratIon' of ' the . 'machine ptocess power. of the proletariat . inheres· in the political mass power 'Y e revou lonary ,pro ana. en comes ''L. 'd' I d h· ,'. _&.' d" -, d 'k'''' h' '. '. .' ...... -' the transition period from Capitalism to Socialism, ~,as, eve .ope t e con~epts \U mt~g:ate. un1Ontsm_ an· s~rt e, !~ usmg. t ~ 'lruiustrt~l powe~ of the p.roletanat of which )Marx speaks in his Critrcism of the GOthtl mass actIon. Revoluttonary Soclahsm adheres to the for. poht~al obJecttves. ..., , ' , -- ;'." Pro{J,ra,ffI : ."Between .the capitalistic soc?ety and the. com- class .str~ggle because through the class struggte alone'~ .The Belgian \VQrkers s.ecu.'red the f~nchise by ineatls m~ntstlc, bes the ,Period of the 1'evol~lonary trans,form- -the mass struggi~n. thhr. industrial I)roleta- of .the political strike. ' The Russian rc:;iolution started atl~~ of the o,:,e IDtO the other. This corruponds to a . . '. d'· . d' fi 11-' . h 1"'1' 'k' h Th' , .. ' ,. pohtlcal tranSItion period, in which the state cannot ~Ia' ~ecure Imm~ lat~co~esslons a!l . na y !m~se . Wit po Itlca strl~s of. t e masses. ,e prP]t.. iot be anyt'hoing else but the revoluwonary dictatorship oflts_wtll upon SOCIety, to thiS way forc.mgthe vactllatmg the process of conquenng the POvv-erof the state n. the proletariat:" .'.. aristocracy nf labor and tqe petite pourgeoisie to make start 'with the political mass strike,' whieh alon~ •. The class struggle is fundamental. to Socialism. It the deCision of aligning with the proletariat. . dynamic, which alone represents pO~er and canJmobil~ is the material ,basis for realizing the ideal of Socialism. . The class struggle, according to Marx, is a political ize the'proletariat for therevolutioriary struggle against, But, the class struggle is not as simple as moderate struggle. It is a political struggle in the sense that its 'Capitalism.' . : -. '.. Sociali-smmakes it appear. . . . purpose is poIitical-t~e overthrow of one social sys~' Revolutiona!y Socialism, accordingly, recognizes I The two dominant classes in society are the pl'oleta- tern and its government, and'the introduction of anew that the sup~me fonn-of proletarian poli~ical action ,.iat and the bourgeoisie,-the workers 'and the capital- socia1system and its ·gevernment. The n:volutionary is the political mass strike. Parliamentarism is' a factOr i~ts. In between these two dominant class divisions class stru~le is political, since its objective is the con- in developipg this mass strike; parlicimentarism, if it ' there are other minor divisions, which are .an import-' quest .by. the rev,?lutionary proletariat of the power is revolutionary' and adheres' to the class struggle, per:' ant factor in -the social struggle. of the state. . .' . fonns necessary service'in mobilizing, the proletariat Moderate Socialismcompf\ises its policy in an attack The state ,is the expression of a particular social for the mass struggle against Capitalism. . -" npon the larger capitalists, the trusts; and maintains svst.em and its ruling· class. It is organized to impose Moderate Socialism refuses ,to recognize this SI1'" that all other divisions in society-including the lesser the will of a class upon society. The state is organized reme forITi 'Of political action.. limits and stultifies p, . £'apitalists and the middle. class, the petite bourgeoisi'C, coercion: the bou~eois state is' organized to coerce itical action into legislative routine and~ petty 'bou -are material for the Socialist struggle al!'ainst Cap- the proletariat. The proletariat must conquer this j!eois parliamentarism .. -q'his is a riegation of the tlla~ italism. Moderate Socialism says, in sub~tarice: So- state, destroy this state, destroy this poI,i,tical power character of the proletarian. struggle, 'l!; :betr~yal~~ th~ dalism is a Struggle of all the people against the trusts of the capitalist ruling class, and organize a new Pro tasks of the Revolution. ,.....'. :!nd hig' capital: and it makes the realization'of Social- It·tarian stat~ for the cOercion of the bourgeoisie h,' The power of the proletariat to conquer Capital. ism depend 1100n .the unity in action of "the people," the proletariat. , -' . _lies not in its numbers-which ,are 'scattered and C4 of the worke"s, ,the small -capitalists. the small invest- Revolutionary Socialism does not propose to "cap he nullified-but in its control of the indu:;.tftal process. ors. the orofe~sions.-in short.· moderate Socialism ture" thebollrgecois pjtrliamentarv state, but to conque,. The mobilization of. this proletarian industrial controi actuallv. depenrl5 ttnol1 the petite bourgeoisie for the and destroy it. Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly. ~I!'ainst Capitalism means the end of Capitalism: and r~alization of Socialism. But these non-proletarian repudiates ,the policy of introducing Socialism by means 'this proletariap industrial' control can be mobilized r1a~ses fire not ata11 'revolutionary, simply "liberal;" of le~slative measures on the basis of the bourgeois onlv by means of the 'politiCal mass strike. . :lnd moderate Socialism in aotion becomes dependent "tate. This stat~ is a .bourieois state: how, then, can What is the purpose of the final political mass strike, l'pon a liberal progressivism which makes for State' it introduce Socialism? As long as the bour/!'eois of revolutionary mass action? . To conquer the pow.er rapitalism and promotes Capitalism; and which. more-·· parliamentarY state prevails. the capitalist class is innf tlte state. How is this a,ccomplished?-By desttoying, flver, under the conditions of Impedalism is directly power: it can baffle the will of the proletariat, since 'the·' bourgeois parliamentary state and organiting. a ~onntef-revolutionarv. all tlte~ political ·power. the army and the police, the new &tate; the state of-the organized producers. of the - Revolutionarv Socialism, in accord with Marx and nresi'and industry. are in the control of the caoitaHsts,.workers in the plants and the farmers in the fields. ,the aetlla I facts of the class struggle, makes the real- The r .. volutionarv proletariat must' exoropriate' all The revolutionary proletariat organizes a new state, ;7.:!tion of Sociali!'m depf'nd upon the industrial pro- ,these, hv the confluest pfoower, by annihilating" thp hi:tsed on industrial divisions and tlte industrial ~anch- I('tariat. Revolutionary Socialism, moreover, e~cludes POlitit:alpower of the capitalists, before it can begin ise, . . .~. "'. the aristocr:!cv of labor from therevoltttionarv move- thf' task of introducinl! Socialism. But the abolition of the ibQllrgeois ~litical &tate. l11ent. thest' skilled workt'rs beinl!' united in policy with Rf'vol\ltionary .Socialism, according-Iv, proposes torlnes not immediately dispose of' the ,political state. petty hn11rrr ... ois pmP'"es"ivism. The realization of' So- ronouet the riower of the state. It proposes to conclIIer Th"'n,roletariat itseff ne,~ a state 9uring the otransitin~ cialis." is the task of one class alone-the class of the. hv m"~ns of political aotion in the M nr.'rinn sensp: nf'riod from Capitalism to 'Socialism. a state rep) prn1etariat.And politiC'll aetion ill the re~olutionarv Marxian sense itU!' force; with whjchto coerce the bOltr.geoisie. ·.Th~ rla!'s struP'gle of revolutionary Socia1i.sm mObil- ~oes not si..,pl" Inpan narliamentarism. but the closs state is an orlfcln of coercion: The bourl!'eois dtate : i7.es the industrial proletariat al!'3inst Capi~lism.~tbat (lrtion of-;:heproletariat in anv f01:!!J that, has as its . coerces the proletariat. The proletariat must organize "rolptariat which is homol!'eneous. united and discil>- Obiective tN~ conouest of the power of the state,' . a' ! f' 8 THE REVOLtMNONARY AGE Sat~a..v, Jane 21, 1919 The New International N speaking of the .international confe~ence p~opos~d By Samson Freiman form of the Party are certainly not sufficient proof by the CommunIst Party of Russia' (which dtd of the Party's vindication of its honor. In words it I not invite the official Socialist' Party, but its Left from the masses, but that is part of the proc'Css. went as far as Kerensky in his speeChes---perhaps not \Ving), Alexander Trachtenberg at tYle time insisted Friedrich Adler's defense of his assassination of so far-but its deeds have failed to convince ,as they that ,the Socialist Party itself was worthy of inclusion, the Austrian Premier tries to justify his act in conson have been inconspicuous and not at att in keeping with since it adhered to the principles of' internationalism ance with the best traditions of Socialist history. The the tone of its program. The official policy of the du~ing the war. No matter whether this statement backround that he describes as leading him to choose party was bourgeois pacifism, not revolutionary So is insjncere or only erroneous, the que!JI:ion which it to do his heroic deed is in a great measure the hack cialism. It was wett enough for Max Eastman ro , takes up ought to be set clear to an. It bears on a ground in which our Socialist Party found itself dur justify this policy of words by the official Party, but subject of extre.me. importance to' the success of the ing America's participation in the -war. Assassin- J fear that his defense is meant more as an apology Revolutionary Movement throughout the world. . alion was a method of expression to which the indi f or his oWn failings. His argument is not convincing. If therl" i~ anyone formula which is necessary as vidual might resort. bllt a Party had to fin(l other In fact. he cxemplifies the general aetiol" of the Party __ a means for a successful' revolution that formula is, meatl~ of expression. positive mass means in order to hurcailcrac.\· in his pt'rsona.1 acts. In a measure, we .111 t'he fonfidence of, the masses.;' Conversely, any vindicate its name and traditions. might parrion Eastman for accepting his horn of the .lets which violate the confidence which the masses By its faihire to present a clear and positive front llilemma in starting the'Liberator. yet we cannot close have in a revolUtionary organization is a direct and of opposition to the government during the prosec nur eycs, to the fact that the first issues of the mag open violation of Socialist principles. t.he success ution of the war the Socialist Party of Amerka (I azine werc a betrayal of . the Socialist cause. Of of the Soviet Government of Russia lies, for one speak of thc official party, not the membership whose course under the mask, of Eastman's words it might thing, in the fact that the Soviets won the confidence will was baffled) has failed to do. 'its part and does have been found that he was camouflaging his language of Jhe masses and held it. Perhaps one of the most not deserve representation at the conference of the in order to issue his magazine during the hard months im ressive and' suggestive statements that I have read Ne~ International,-that is, not until the Left Wing of the war. But that is just rite polricy that leads to ruin. ,on the Ru~sian Revolution is a statement appearing conquers the party. .The mere verbal adherence to Diplomacy has always been the tool of the masters. in the New York Times in an article by Arthur Ran prlnciplcs slIch as are expressed in the St. Louis .Plat- The successful avengers of oppression have been some about a year ago. His observation was frank and uncompromising under all con nat the r.eople of the Ukraine---"When the ditions. The true representative of the pro iituation in the Ukraine was at its worst The Most Important Book of the Year - Just Out! letariat expresses himself in unequivocal· having once tasted the fruits of Soviet insti hll1guage. tutions were loath to let this Institutior( slip The Proletarian Revolution The ~t. Louis platform was never reatty f-~m their lives, although it was the Soviet rarri-c!t out by the bureaucrac)" nor was it Jrganiza:tior: which caused all the bitter in Russia meant in sincerity. It degenerated into fighting tha~ took place ~n the Ukraine and pctty hourgeois pacifism and nationalism. tore that fertile land asunder. In spite of By N. Lenin and Leon Trotzky Both Berger and Hillquit finally sponsored an the immediate miscry clearly attt.ibut- Edited, with an Introduction, Notes the Majority Report. It is interesting to able to the Soviets the masses had recogni~- and Supplementary Chapters recall some events leading up to the adoption ed the true worth of the Soviets and were By Louis C. F raina of the St. Louis Program. . witting to pay the price, counting nothing too This unique book traces the course of the great Rltssian Re\, After the break in diplomatic relations dear if they could only- win back the self olution from March 1917 to October 1918, in the words of the two hetween the United States and Germany, the government that _was their's under Soviet masters of the Revolution. Jt consists of a mass of articles anri pamphl",ts written dllrillfl leaders ()