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in European Language Diversity 7

Kristiina Praakli in :

An Overview of a Language in Context

Mainz   Wien  Maribor Working Papers in European Language Diversity is a peer-reviewed online publication series of the research project ELDIA, serving as an outlet for preliminary research findings, individual case studies, background and spin-off research.

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Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7

During the initial stage of the research project ELDIA (European Language Diversity for All) in 2010, "structured context analyses" of each speaker community at issue were prepared. These context analyses will act as a starting point for further deepened research by linguists, sociologists and lawyers. Thus, they will form the basis of further case-specific reports and the comparative report which will be the main outcome of the whole project. However, as these will be available for interested readers only at the end of the project, we wanted to publish shorter versions summarising our work so far already at this stage, thus providing up-to-date information for both the academic community and stakeholder groups. This paper, based on the context analysis by Kristiina Praakli, gives a brief and up-to-date overview of the status of and research about .

As all papers appearing in the series Working Papers in European Language Diversity, these context analyses have been subject to an anonymous peer- reviewing process. Whenever the present document is referred to, due reference to the author and the ELDIA project should be made. For more information about the ELDIA project see http://www.eldia-project.org/.

Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7

Table of Contents

1 INTRODUCTION: ESTONIAN-SPEAKERS IN FINLAND ...... 3

2 SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT ...... 3

3 CULTURAL CONTEXT ...... 5

4 LANGUAGE ...... 8

4.1 GENERAL DESCRIPTION OF THE LANGUAGE ...... 8

4.2 LANGUAGE CONTACT AND MULTILINGUALISM ...... 9

4.3 LANGUAGE USE AND MAINTENANCE ...... 10

5 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 12

Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7 Estonians in Finland | 1

1 Introduction: Estonian-speakers in Finland

Native speakers of Estonian in Finland represent a more recent allochthonous speaker group (i.e. a group which has been formed outside ’s geographic area) and they are formed mainly as the result of intensive waves of labour migration. The formation of the Estonian- language communities in Finland has been directly influenced by various changes in society and politics: the collapse of the (1991) and enlargement of the (2004).

According to the latest data from Statistics Finland, there were 29,080 Estonian citizens living in Finland in 20101, and that there were 28,493 people living in Finland who spoke Estonian as their native language2. However, Estonians do not constitute a majority of recent migrant groups – they are the second-largest recent migrant group in Finland after the Russian-speaking minority.

Due to linguistic kinship and similar cultures, geographical proximity, common and uniting historical experiences and events, Estonians and have had close and diverse contact over many centuries. Contacts have been cultivated in all fields, such as commerce, politics, culture, education and tourism. In addition, a close migratory relationship has always been prevalent between Finland and Estonia.

The first large wave of migration of Estonians to Finland took place in the first decade of the 20th century when, due to the fraught political atmosphere, a number of Estonia’s social and cultural figures (such as the writers Friedebert Tuglas and and the painters Nikolai Triik and Konrad Mägi) moved to Finland. An Estonian-speaking community can be considered to have developed in Finland by the early 20th century. When Estonia declared independence in 1918, a considerable Estonian community was already living in Finland – numbering 2000 by some estimates – the largest group of which was in Helsinki. Besides Helsinki, Estonians have also lived in the coastal village of Kabböle (in the municipality of

1 http://www.stat.fi/tup/suoluk/suoluk_vaesto.html#ulkomaidenkansalaiset. Accessed July 11, 2011. 2 http://tilastokeskus.fi/til/vaerak/2010/vaerak_2010_2011-03-18_tie_001_fi.html. Accessed July 11, 2011. Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7 Estonians in Finland | 2

Pernaja in Eastern )3. In addition to the -Helsinki route, there have also been migratory movements between and Viipuri/ in various periods (see more Praakli 2009: 72-76). The Second World War and the occupation of Estonia by the Soviet Union in 1939 cut contact between Estonia and Finland for decades. A select few Soviet citizens had the opportunity to visit Finland as members of tourist groups or to emigrate by marrying Finnish citizens.

Intensive immigration from Estonia to Finland began in the mid-1980s and increased dramatically in the early 1990s. While in 1990 there had been 1,394 native Estonian- speakers living in Finland, in 1995 the number had risen to 8,710, and by late 2004, to 13,978 (see Praakli 2009: 74). After Estonia joined the European Union on the 1st of May, 2004, the labour migration percentage rose rapidly. A new migration trend is to commute between the two countries: working in Finland but still living in Estonia.

On the basis of the latest Estonian emigration statistics it can be concluded that Estonian- language communities in Finland are the fastest growing foreign Estonian communities in the Western Diaspora.

However, there are some problems with determining the number of Estonians and Estonian- speakers in Finland. The public database of Statistics Finland contains information on immigrants based on the following criterion: citizenship (kansalaisuus), country of birth (syntymämaa), and native language (äidinkieli). The problems with the Finnish databases arise from the “Estonian citizenship” and “country of birth: Republic of Estonia” criteria, as well as the native language for . Firstly, not everyone born in Estonia is necessarily an Estonian citizen or an ethnic Estonian; secondly, the country of origin/birth need not correspond to the native language. A very large proportion of persons with Estonian citizenship are not native Estonian-speakers. Most likely the Estonian citizens registered in the Finnish population register include native speakers of Russian, Ukrainian, etc.; there are probably also Ingrian Finns whose native language is either Russian, Estonian, or Ingrian Finnish. At the same time, the Finnish population register includes Finnish citizens

3 See more Punttila, Matti. (1996). Pernajan Kabböle: Suomen ainoa virolaiskylä. In Ritva Liisa Pitkänen & Helena Suni & Satu Tanner (eds.) Kielen kannoilla: Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus 20 vuotta. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja. Helsinki: Edita, 292–311.

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who are actually of Estonian origin and speak Estonian as their native language. There is no information (at least in the public databases) about the number of such individuals. Statistics based on citizenship and country of birth thus overrepresent the number of Estonians in Finland.

Another issue is the citizenship, country of birth and native language of Ingrian Finns originating from Estonia. Many people of Ingrian Finnish background who were born in Estonia but moved to Finland during the Soviet period regard themselves as Estonians, speak Estonian as their native language, participate in the life of the Estonian community and teach Estonian, but most of them are Finnish citizens.

Finnish Estonians cannot be considered to have their own geographic territory in Finland. Although Estonians are spread all over the country, most are concentrated in the vicinity of the capital and other larger cities. According to Statistics Finland (as of 2010), most of the native Estonian-speakers (16,090 people) live in the Uudenmaa region (the capital region), followed by Varsinais-Suomi (centre – ) 2202 people, (centre – ) 1445 people, and Päijät-Häme (centre – ) 889 people. In the Helsinki region the Estonian-speaking population is the second largest after the Russian-speaking community4.

The languages used by the Estonian-language minority are Standard Estonian and Standard Finnish. Specific ethnonyms are lacking for Finland’s Estonians; they identify themselves as Estonians, Finnish Estonians or Estonians living (temporarily) in Finland. Estonians do not consider themselves as a separate minority group in Finland.

2 Socio-political Context Estonians in Finland are not officially recognised as an . There is also no specific legislation with regard to this group.

One of the objectives of the immigration and education policy of the Republic of Finland is developing functional multilingualism among the population of foreign origin. One of the main acts related to recent minority groups (foremost children with immigrant backgrounds)

4 http://pxweb2.stat.fi/Dialog/Saveshow.asp. Accessed July 07, 2011. Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7 Estonians in Finland | 4

is the Basic Education Act (1998)5. There are several activities in the Finnish educational system regulated by legislation for better acquisition of the official languages by immigrant pupils. As it is laid down in 12 of the Basic Education Act, immigrant pupils can also be taught in their native language on request. The objectives and principles of educational activities, bases of studying arrangements, etc., of pupils of immigrant origin are defined in the national curriculum (Perusopetuksen opetussuunnitelman perusteet6).

The principles of educating adult immigrants (aikuisten maahanmuuttajien koulutus) are laid down in the relevant recommended curricula, which are meant for educational institutions providing adult education. The recommended curricula have been in force since the 1st of January, 2007.

The integration of foreigners in Finland is supported by the Act on the Integration of Immigrants and Reception of Asylum (1999)7. If an immigrant who has settled in Finland and has received a residence permit, is unemployed, he/she has the right to receive an Integration Plan and to use the services defined therein. The objective of the integration is that immigrants have to acquire the same knowledge and skills as other residents in Finland, which are needed to participate in Finnish working life and society, while at the same time maintaining their own language and culture.

There is no data on political controversies, conflicts, the status of the group, or on overt discrimination. However, there are some studies on attitudes towards recent migrant groups (Karmela Liebkind et al. 2004; TAT, SEK PRO Oy and 15/30 Research 2009). According to different studies, Finns’ attitudes towards foreigners are variable depending on their nationality, status as a foreigner, and activities in Finland. Based on the results of the studies, it can be stated that proceeding from the closeness of Estonian and Finnish cultures and languages, Finns’ attitudes towards the Estonian minority is generally more favourable, supportive and more understanding than towards immigrants from other, non-European countries (see, for instance, summaries of more recent studies, e.. Liebkind et al. 2004; Jaakkola 2009).

5 http://www.finlex.fi/en/laki/kaannokset/1998/en19980628.pdf. 6 http://www.oph.fi/saadokset_ja_ohjeet/opetussuunnitelmien_ja_tutkintojen_perusteet/perusopetus. 7 http://www.finlex.fi/en/laki/kaannokset/1999/en19990493.pdf. Accessed July 7, 2011. Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7 Estonians in Finland | 5

3 Cultural Context Estonians in Finland do not own cultural institutions such as theatres, museums, libraries or publishing houses, but there are associations or clubs (mostly on a voluntary basis) for cultural activities (organising Christmas parties, anniversaries of the Republic of Estonia, children’s clubs and summer get-togethers).

In Finland there are two kinds of Estonian-related organisations or associations actively operating, which are consolidated by two umbrella organisations with different objectives of activity: the Finnish Union of Estonian Societies (Suomen Viro-yhdistysten Liitto or SVYL, since 1991) and the Union of Finnish Estonians (Suomen Virolaisten Liitto or SEL). About 40 Estonian societies belong to the organisation; the members of those societies are mainly Finns. The main objective of those societies is to introduce Estonian culture to the Finnish population through various activities. The members of SEL consist mainly of societies and clubs from the Estonian-speaking community.

At the national level, the Estonian Embassy in Finland, the Estonian Institute and the Tuglas- Society (Tuglas-Seura) have the main role in introducing and culture. In August 2010, the Estonian House (Viro-keskus) started operating, which consolidates the most essential organisations arranging Estonian-Finnish cultural-, touristic- and economic relations. One of the main objectives of the cultural centre is to strengthen the contacts of Estonians residing in Finland with their home country.

Societies of local Estonians form an important part of the social life of Finnish Estonians. The Tampere Eesti Klubi (Tampere Estonian Club, www.eestiklubi.fi) was established in October 1997. In addition to club activities, in 2003–2004 the Tampere Estonian Club published the Eesti Leht newspaper called Binokkel. The main field of activity of the club is organising Estonian cultural events and celebrating anniversaries, activities for children and teaching Estonian. Societies of Finnish Estonians also operate in: , called Kotka Eesti Selts; Turku, called Turu kandi eestlased; , called Iisalmi Eesti Selts; Oulu, called Oulu Eesti Klubi; , called Lappeenranna Eesti Selts; and Helsinki, called Helsingi Eesti Lastering (Children’s Club in Helsinki).

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The societies activities have remained mainly on a local level: typical activities such as organising Christmas parties, anniversaries of the Republic of Estonia, children’s clubs and summer get-togethers (Union of Finnish Estonians 2006). In November 2002, the Union of Finnish Estonians (Soome Eestlaste Liit) was established in Tampere by representatives of Estonian Societies. However, at this moment, Soome Eestlaste Liit,is not actively operating.

A number of Estonian-themed events take place in Finland, including events organised at the national level. There are, however, no local seasonal festivals exclusively associated with Finland’s Estonian minority. The best-known Estonian-themed event in Finland has been the St. Martin’s Day Fair (Martin markkinat in Finnish) which has been held every November since 1983. The aims of organising the fair have changed over the years, but the main purpose of the event is to promote Estonia to the Finnish public. The fair is primarily intended for Finns, but local Estonians also take part. Martin Markkinat (www.martinmarkkinat.fi) is supported by state authorities: Estonian Institute in Finland (www.viro-instituutti.fi), Estonian Embassy in Helsinki (http://www.estemb.fi), by some municipalities in Estonia, and is also sponsored by private companies.

The city of Tampere hosts Viron viikko (Estonian Week, mainly organised by the Tampere- Tartu Society) every October, which also serves to promote Estonia. This, too, is intended for Finns, but local Estonians also take part. A number of concerts, exhibitions and other events take place in the framework of the week. The week culminates in a traditional Estonian festival evening (Eesti simman). The evening is generally organised by the Tampere Estonian Club. Viron Viikko is supported by state authorities (Tampere city) and by the society of Estophils in Tampere named Tampere-Tartto Seura. The event is also supported by institutions from the “motherland” - the city of Tartu (Estonia).

Finnish Estonians traditionally mark Estonian Independence Day on the 24th of February, Shrove Tuesday (in February), Mother’s Day, St. Martin’s Day on the 10th of November, and Christmas. These events are meant for the local Estonians, but Finns also take part (especially in Independence Day celebrations). The best-known event for the Finnish Estonians are the Summer Days (held since 2002, organised by the Tampere Estonian Club), and Estonians from across Finland take part in these events. The events are mostly supported by Tampere Eesti Klubi or are self-funded. Whereas attendance at the events organised at the national level (the St. Martin’s Day Fair and Viron viikot) reaches several

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thousand, only about 100 turn up at events organised by local Estonians. No data is available on conflicts or controversies around cultural institutions. There is also no research investigating the significance of these cultural activities.

Because of the cultural closeness between Estonia and Finland, there is a fair amount of similarity in mindsets, traditional lifestyles, traditions, customs and ethnic symbols. In general, Finland’s Estonians do not identify themselves publicly through ethnosymbols that express cultural identity as that would make the minority familiar in public life and distinct from other minorities in Finland. Even though a significant part of Estonian identity in the general sense revolves around national handicraft, folk costumes, folk song and folk music, these are not practised on a daily basis in public life, but only on certain holidays and at cultural events (such as song and dance festivals). The most conspicuous marker of Estonian identity in the public space are Estonian grocery stores and the goods of Estonian origin sold there (black , curds and sour cream). There are no restaurants serving Estonian national cuisine in Finland. Typical symbols of Estonian identity used in private spaces include folk handicraft, national symbols (the Estonian flag), Estonian language wall calendars and kitchenware made from juniper and dolomite.

The Finnish Estonian minority is characterised by passivity in public practice of their indigenous culture8. For instance, there are no publicly known folklore-, music-, theatre- or children’s troupe activities exclusively associated with Finnish Estonians. Many Finnish Estonians take part in these activities but as part of Finnish groups. Finnish Estonian art as such also does not exist.

The possibility to learn the Estonian language in Finland are different. There are pre-school play groups for children (on the initiative of the local Estonians) and immersion language classes at the comprehensive schools in Helsinki (Roihuvuori and Latokartano schools). It is also possible to learn the Estonian language at some universities in Finland (in Helsinki, Turku, Oulu and Tampere). The teaching is supported by the state authorities in Finland and in Estonia.

Even though it is not yet possible to speak of Finnish , a number of writers and poets of Estonian origin practice their craft in Finland, primarily known in Estonian

8 See http://www.culturalpolicies.net/web/finland.php?aid=424. Accessed July 7, 2011. Working Papers in European Language Diversity 7 Estonians in Finland | 8

public life: the poet Elo Vee (born in 1974 in Estonia), the children’s writer and artist Annika Tonts (born in 1970 in Estonia), singer Heidy Tamme (born in 1943 in Estonia). Sofi Oksanen (born in 1977), an internationally-known writer with Finnish-Estonian roots is a native speaker of Finnish who was born in Finland.

The members of the Estonian community traditionally do not belong to a certain church or religious community. Religion also does not have any significance for the identity of the group.

4 Language

4.1 General description of the language Estonian belongs to the Finnic (Baltic-Finnic) language group of the Finno-Ugric (Uralic) . The Finnic group is now usually divided into 10 languages: Finnish, Karelian, Ludian, Vepsian, Ingrian, Votian, Estonian, Livonian, Võro and Seto, Meänkieli (Tornedal Finnish) and Kven. Compared to all other Finno-Ugric branches, the are historically and structurally considerably closer to one another than to any other branch. The genetic relationships between the Finnic languages are described in detail by many authors (see Tiit-Rein Viitso 2003). There are several theories and hypotheses on the geographic origin of the Uralic Language Family and the linguistic background of the . A detailed overview about the linguistic background of Estonian is written by Tiit-Rein Viitso (2003).

The present-day of Estonian is based on the Northern Estonian . Standard Estonian, which started to develop in the 16th century, was not uniform. It had two standard varieties – Northern Estonian (or the Tallinn language) and Southern Estonian (or the Tartu language). Gradually standard Northern Estonian started to predominate in the 18th century and became uniform through the language reforms of the early 20th century.

Estonian and Finnish are closely related languages, to some extent also mutually intelligible (especially in vocabulary). Yet, standard Estonian and Finnish differ from one another in many ways. Typologically Estonian is an agglutinating language but more fusional and analytic than the other languages belonging to the northern branch of the Finnic languages.

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In the case of Estonian, the type has decreased and there is tendency towards the inflecting and isolating types. Finnish, on the other hand, is mainly agglutinating, but there are some features of other types (see Metslang 1994).

It seems, however, that the differences between Finnish and Estonian are often experienced as both slightly annoying and funny. In particular, the numerous "false friends” which may cause misunderstandings have given rise to numerous jokes in Finland. Dictionaries or lists of Finnish-Estonian false friends seem to be a popular genre: at least seven such books and booklets have appeared in Finland and Estonia since the 1980's (see Laalo 1992, Alvre 1995, Alvre and Vodja 1995).

There are no significant problems with defining the language spoken by the Estonian community. The language of the members of the Estonian community in Finland does not generally differ from standard Estonian at the basic levels of language; however, it is characterised by largely individual spontaneous and momentary special features, primarily at the lexical and pragmatic level (for instance code-switching features).

4.2 Language contact and multilingualism The members of the Estonian community in Finland have good knowledge of the majority language. Estonians in Finland use two languages every day: besides Estonian as their native language, Finnish is also needed and used for everyday communication, outside home in particular. The members of the group also use other languages, such as Russian (i.e. in the communication with members of the Russian-speaking minority). Nevertheless, Estonian and Finnish are generally used as vehicular languages by Estonians in Finland. Generally speaking Finnish is used in communication with other minorities.

It is difficult to describe the most important changes in the current language situation among the Estonians in Finland. The Estonian-Finnish contact situation is rather short-term and there is no data on this issue. There is not much research on code-switching and code-mixing among minority speakers. These issues have been previously dealt with by Sirje Hassinen (PhD 2002, University of Oulu) and Kristiina Praakli (PhD 2009, University of Tartu), and in articles written by Hanna Jokela and Geda Paulsen (2009), and Kai Stahl (2002). Furthermore, there is no research on loanwords and structural changes in the Estonian

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language in Finland. Some studies deal with the second language acquisition (see Jääskeläinen 2002; Hassinen 2002).

The Finnish-Estonian code-switching phenomenon has been studied by Kristiina Praakli (PhD 2009, University of Tartu). Her study deals with first-generation Estonians living in Finland (Tampere city and surroundings). The objective of the study was to describe and analyse language informants’ bilingual speech and linguistic behaviour from the grammatical and pragmatic-conversational points of view. In the Tampere data, the bilingual language use of first-generation speakers is characterised by major switchovers to Finnish within a sentence. In the language data under study, copying occurs at all language levels, but it is typically more dominant for first-generation speakers at the lexical level. Typical copies are single words that are generally (but not always) phonologically and/or morpho-syntactically integrated. The most frequent types of words are substantives (64%), discourse particles (18%) and (8%), the remaining word kinds (, conjunctions) are of marginal frequency. Based on the language data collected, it can be said that discourse particles are one of the first items to enter the speaker’s native language in a contact situation.

4.3 Language use and maintenance The majority of the literature and research data is very recent. The research on language use and maintenance by recent minority groups in Finland was carried out by Karmela Liebkind et al. (2004), Merja Tarnanen and Minna Suni (2005) and Kristiina Praakli (2009). The choices of the language use of the members of the Estonian community in Finland (as in the case of 25 informants) in different fields (family, work, communication networks, formal institutions) have been studied by Kristiina Praakli (2009). According to the results of Praakli’s survey, the choice of languages by Estonians at home is rather heterogeneous. In the case of marriage within the group, the main communication language between an informant and their spouse is Estonian (excluding changing over to Finnish in conversation situations for some reason). In Estonian-Finnish families, different language choices can be distinguished, with Finnish often dominating. In Estonian-Finnish marriages where the spouses have different languages and ethnic backgrounds, three languages compete in language choices: Estonian, Finnish and English. Most informants (65%) use Estonian when speaking with their children. Language choice between children depends both on the conversational partner and the situation; for children the language used in games is Finnish.

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The results of the survey on language choices in the work place carried out by Kristiina Praakli (2009) show that although Finnish as a communication language is as dominant in the work place as expected, the use of Estonian is not excluded either. The possibilities to use Estonian manifest themselves in different contexts: 1) Estonian is the communication language with Estonian colleagues; 2) Estonian is the communication language with Finnish colleagues; 3) Estonian is the communication language with clients.

Karmela Liebkind (Liebkind et al. 2004) studied the language choices of Finland’s new minority groups in different fields of language use and in passing the language on to the next generation. The results of her study reveal a connection between skills and language choice that defines the heterogeneity of language choices: the better respondents’ Finnish language competence was, the more exclusive the use of the native language became in family communication with children. Approximately half of the Russian and two- thirds of the Estonian women living in Finland primarily or exclusively use Finnish for communicating with their children, which can in turn be explained by the multiplicity of exogamic marriages. Liebkind also assesses the role of the level of education in language choices. It appears that language informants who have higher education (excluding Ingrian Finnish) use their own language (Estonian or Russian) more, depending on how well they speak Finnish.

The results of surveys by Merja Tarnanen and Minna Suni (2005) also refer to the Estonian community as an extremely heterogeneous group by their linguistic behaviour.

There is no data on the use of Estonian in different age groups. There is also no research done on structural and lexical language attrition, or detailed research on the use and maintenance of Estonian in Finland.

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5 Select Bibliography Most of the research about the Estonian minority in Finland was carried out in Estonian or Finnish. There is no research data available in English.

The most important works on the speaking community and language at issue:

ALVRE, PAUL. (1995.) Soome väljendeid eesti vastetega. Tallinn: Valgus.

ALVRE, PAUL & RAUL VODJA. (1995). Pulma poikineen. Virolais-suomalainen vertailusanakirja. -Helsinki-Juva: WSOY.

HASSINEN, SIRJE. (2002). Simultaaninen kaksikielisyys. Läheiset sukukielet viro ja suomi rinnakkain. Oulu: Oulun yliopisto.

JAAKKOLA, MAGDALENA. (2009.) Maahanmuuttajat suomalaisten näkökulmasta: asennemuutokset 1987–2007. Helsingin kaupungin tietokeskus.

JOKELA, HANNA & GEDA PAULSEN. (2009). Võtke minust eesmärki! Lähisukukielet kolmikielisen lapsen käytössa. In Annekatrin Kaivapalu (ed.) Lähivõrdlusi. Lähivertailuja 19. Tallinn: Eesti Rakenduslingvistika Ühing, 61–75.

JÄÄSKELÄINEN, INKERI. (2002). Kun Suomi ja Viro kohtaavat: äännevariaatioita virolais- muuttajien puhesuomessa ja muuttajien kulttuurinen sopeutuminen. Lisensiaattityö. Helsingin yliopiston suomen kielen laitos.

LAALO, KLAUS. (1992) Huvitav lugu = Kiinnostava juttu. Helsinki : Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura.

LIEBKIND, KARMELA et al. (2004). Venäläinen, virolainen, suomalainen. Kolmen maahanmuuttajaryhmän kotoutuminen Suomeen. Helsinki: Gaudeamus.

METSLANG, HELLE. (1994.) Temporal relations in the predicate and the grammatical system of Estonian and Finnish. Oulu: University of Oulu. POHJANPÄÄ, KIRSTI & SEPPO PAANANEN & MAURI NIEMINEN. (2003). Maahanmuuttajien elinolot. Venäläisten, virolaisten, somalialaisten ja vietnamilaisten elämää Suomessa 2002. Elinolot 2003: 1. Helsinki: Tilastokeskus.

PRAAKLI, KRISTIINA. (2009). Esimese põlvkonna Soome eestlaste kakskeelne keelekasutus ja koodikopeerimine. Doktoritöö. Tartu Ülikool. Eesti ja üldkeeleteaduse instituut.

PUNTTILA, MATTI. (1996). Pernajan Kabböle: Suomen ainoa virolaiskylä. In Ritva Liisa Pitkänen &Helena Suni & Satu Tanner (eds.) Kielen kannoilla: Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus 20 vuotta. Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisuja. Helsinki: Edita, 292–311.

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RAUSMAA, HEIKKI. (2008). Tuglase leek loidab. Tallinn: Eesti Keele Sihtasutus.

REUTER, ANNI & MAGDALENA JAAKKOLA. (2005). Venäjänkielisten, vironkielisten ja kaksikielisten maahanmuuttajien sosiaaliset verkostot. In Seppo Paananen (ed.) Maahanmuuttajien elämää Suomessa. Helsinki: Tilastokeskus.

STAHL, KAI. (2002). Suomen kielen vaikutusta kahden Suomessa asuvan virolaislapsen äidinkielisessä puheessa. In Maija Järvenpää & Kirsti Siitonen (eds.) Matkalla toiseen kieleen. Viisi praktikumtyötä äidinkielen ja opittavan kielen siirtovaikutuksista. Opetuksen ja tutkimuksen apuneuvoja 4. Turku: Turun yliopiston suomalaisen ja yleisen kielitieteen laitos, 117–133.

TARNANEN, MIRJA & MINNA SUNI. (2005). Maahanmuuttajien kieliympäristö ja kielitaito. In Seppo Paananen (ed.) Maahanmuuttajien elämää Suomessa. Helsinki: Tilastokeskus, 9−21.

TAT, SEK PRO Oy and 15/30 Research 2009. Maahanmuuttajanuoret Suomessa. http://www.tat.fi/Tutkimukset/Maahanmuuttajanuoret-Suomessa.

VIITSO, TIIT-REIN. (2003) Rise and Development of the Estonian Language. In Mati Erelt (ed.) Estonian Language. Linguistica Uralica. Supplementary Series / Volume 1. Tallinn: Estonian Academy Publishers, 130–230.

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