sign in sign up
<<
Home , Islamic fundamentalism, School of thought

and Conflict Studies

Volume 19 Number 1 Article 5

5-2012

Islamic : A Quantitative Analysis

D. Dustin Berna Nova Southeastern University, [email protected]

Follow this and additional works at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs

Part of the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons

Recommended Citation Berna, D. Dustin (2012) "Islamic Fundamentalism: A Quantitative Analysis," Peace and Conflict Studies: Vol. 19 : No. 1 , Article 5. DOI: 10.46743/1082-7307/2012.1136 Available at: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs/vol19/iss1/5

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Peace & Conflict Studies at NSUWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peace and Conflict Studies yb an authorized editor of NSUWorks. For more , please contact [email protected]. Islamic Fundamentalism: A Quantitative Analysis Abstract Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social movements. An anti-system is designed to criticize governmental and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. What is lacking in the of many Western politicians, practitioners, the media, and the general public is a basic understanding of Islamic fundamentalism; specifically, the causes. This is the first quantitative analysis of potential causes of Islamic fundamentalism. I have created a unique data that contains every Islamic fundamentalist group that is or has been in operation from 1970 through 2008. This fundamentalist data set has a total number of 16,072 fundamentalist movements. I will utilize the negative binomial fixed effects regression model and a comparison of each independent variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by looking at each independent variable’s minimum, mean, and maximum score.

Keywords: Americanization, anti-system social movement, globalization, Islamic fundamentalism, social movement theory, westernization

Author Bio(s) D. Dustin Berna graduated from the University of New Orleans with his Ph.D. in 2008. His two major fields of study were Middle Eastern politics and international relations. American political institutions were a third and minor field. He is currently an Assistant Professor of Political Science and Conflict Analysis and Resolution in the Graduate School of Humanities and Social Sciences at Nova Southeastern University. His research specializations include Middle Eastern politics, Islamic fundamentalism, religious , social movements, terrorism, and political institutions. He is currently working on the Encyclopedia of Islamic Fundamentalist Movements (Under Contract with Praeger Publishing House): This is a two volume Islamic fundamentalist movement encyclopedia that will categorize, describe, and explain the ideological and biographical backgrounds of more than 700 known Islamic fundamentalist movements that have been in operation since 1970. Email: [email protected]

This article is available in Peace and Conflict Studies: https://nsuworks.nova.edu/pcs/vol19/iss1/5 Peace and Conflict Studies

Islamic Fundamentalism: A Quantitative Analysis

D. Dustin Berna

Abstract

Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social movements. An anti- system social movement is designed to criticize governmental institutions and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. What is lacking in the mindset of many Western politicians, practitioners, the media, and the general public is a basic understanding of Islamic fundamentalism; specifically, the causes. This is the first quantitative analysis of potential causes of Islamic fundamentalism. I have created a unique data set that contains every

Islamic fundamentalist group that is or has been in operation from 1970 through 2008. This fundamentalist data set has a total number of 16,072 fundamentalist movements. I will utilize the negative binomial fixed effects regression model and a comparison of each independent variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by looking at each independent variable’s minimum, mean, and maximum score.

Introduction

The field of Conflict Analysis and Resolution is one of the most unique fields found within the social sciences in part because of its inherent multidisciplinary roots where multiple academic schools of thought have found a common objective of analyzing and resolving many types of conflicts. The Matrix of Conflict Analysis and Resolution is growing and its scholarly canon is expanding with great robustness; however, there are voids. One such gap in the literature is research that deals with the causes of Islamic fundamentalism.

To fully understand Islamic fundamentalism it is essential that we figure out its potential

Volume 19, Number 1

121 Peace and Conflict Studies causes. Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social movements. An anti-system social movement is designed to criticize governmental institutions and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. An anti-system fundamentalist movement does this while basing its criticism in . Also, anti-system social movements are reactive in and occur in reaction to events and forces in the socio-economic, political, and cultural arenas. Islamic fundamentalism forms in reaction to and in defense against the results and consequences of forced assimilation, modernization, industrialization, globalization,

Americanization, and westernization, all of which have penetrated the larger Islamic community. There is no consensus as to what causes the rise of Islamic fundamentalism or an as to why some states have more Islamic fundamentalist movements than other states. This article provides preliminary answers by quantitatively measuring an

Islamic-majority nation-state’s degree of fundamentalism in relation to conditions which can cause social movement formation. To do this, Islamic fundamentalist movements are treated as social movements. Classic social movement theory consists of four schools of thought: resource mobilization theory, political process theory, Marxist theory, and new social movement theory. The fundamental conditions associated with each classical social movement school of thought have been quantified and are used as independent variables.

This article is divided into five parts. First, I look at the causes of Islamic fundamentalism as explained by the existing literature. In the second section, I propose my theory that Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently social movements and are best explained through an amalgamation of the four classic social movement schools of thought. I also hypothesize that the fundamental conditions associated with each classical school of thought are positively associated with the degree of Islamic fundamentalism. Third, I explain my analytic design and rationale behind using the negative binomial fixed effects regression

Volume 19, Number 1

122 Peace and Conflict Studies model and a comparison of each independent variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by looking at each independent variable’s minimum, mean, and maximum score. The fourth part is an explanation of my data and both independent and dependent variables. As a dependent variable, I used a unique data set that contains every

Islamic fundamentalist group that is or has been in operation from 1970 through 2008. The fundamentalist data set I created has a total N (total number of fundamentalist movements) of

16,072. Finally, I explain the results, which indicate a strong correlation between Islamic fundamentalism and the fundamental conditions associated with the classical schools of social movement thought.

The Causes of Islamic Fundamentalism

Scholars offer five significant explaining the causes of Islamic fundamentalism. First, some argue that worsening , unemployment, and poverty facilitate fundamentalism (the socioeconomic ). A second prevalent found in the literature is that cultural tension between and the West, which is the result of modernization, Westernization, and Americanization, is facilitating fundamentalism. Third, many scholars argue that fundamentalism is a result of the Soviet Empire imploding and the political/social vacuum left in its place. Fourth, some argue that individuals become Islamic fundamentalists in personal of crisis in order to be closer to God. Fifth, some of the literature explains fundamentalism as the result of a specific catalyst, such as the Palestinian refugee problem, the 1979 Iranian , the radicalization of Egyptian society, or the assassination of Sadat.

The first prevalent explains the underpinning causes of Islamic fundamentalism as directly related to socioeconomic issues and assumes that worsening economies facilitate fundamentalism. Chibber (1996) attributes the electoral achievements of fundamentalist political parties to national economic factors. Throughout the ,

Volume 19, Number 1

123 Peace and Conflict Studies

organized Muslim extremists have kept states’ infrastructures working during periods of

economic hardships or national disaster. Political alienation incited by economic deprivation

influence fundamentalist movements which may seek to rectify perceived or real alienation

through the creation of either armed or political groups and sometimes through both (Walz

1986; Keddie 1988, 2003; Jaber 1997; Saad-Ghorayeb 2002; and Mortimer 1991). However,

Grasso (1995) argues that Islamic fundamentalism is the result of more than just simple

economic factors and can be explained by Islamic social structure; specifically, the level of

development, degree of urbanization, the pattern of distribution of wealth and income, and

differences in patterns of consumption. These factors create a multilayered look into the role

economics and related factors in the development of fundamentalist groups. Dillman

(1992) argues that in many post-colonial societies, a single party came to power following

independence from colonizing nations, and he asserts those parties instigated the movement

to gain independence from colonizers. However, as socioeconomic conditions worsen in

post-colonial nations, fundamentalist political parties arise and achieve significant electoral success. Although post-colonial independence movements and subsequent economic

conditions influence the development of fundamentalist groups, Almond, Appleby, and Sivan

(2003) argue that the uneven distribution of economic development and natural resources in

are the root causes of fundamentalist group development. They assert that recessions,

depressions, inflation, strikes, unemployment, and famine create attitudes and grievances

expressed by feelings of relative deprivation among particular groups in the population

leading to a rise in fundamentalism.

A second prevalent argument in the literature is that Islamic fundamentalism is the

result of the loss of traditional Islamic because of Westernization, Americanization,

and modernization. Many scholars have explained the rise of religion as a political force

creating the tensions associated with modernization (Ayoob 1981; Dessouki 1982; Esposito

Volume 19, Number 1

124 Peace and Conflict Studies

1980; Keddie 1988; Lewis 1990, 1967;; Mortimer 1991). Pipe (1983) and Tibi (2002) argue that suffer from a double crisis, which facilitates Islamic fundamentalism. First,

Muslims suffer from socioeconomic and political crises deriving from the imposed integration of Islamic civilization into a world dominated by the West. Secondly, Muslims suffer from an crisis brought on by exposure to cultural . The general feeling among Islamic fundamentalists is that since the Crusades, the Western world has engaged in a campaign to destroy Islam. In response, Islamic fundamentalists have formed groups as a method of standing up to the Western world (Zarzar 2001). Almond, Appleby and Sivan (2003), and Wickham (2002) argue that it is imperative not to underestimate the importance of Western in explaining the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. As numerous scholars have cited, the disappearance of traditional Islamic civil society over the last century via Western imperialism has led to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism (Weinberg and Pedahzur 2004; Berman 2003).

The third explanation for the cause of Islamic fundamentalism is the implosion of the

Soviet Empire. With the end of the , Islamic fundamentalism emerged as a global security issue that poses serious challenges to state authority in the Middle East (Khashan

2000). The demise of the bipolar international structure associated with the Cold War facilitated the rise of Islamic fundamentalism because the two superpowers had effectively contained the escalation of existing conflicts (Tibi 2002). The bipolar Cold War world was synonymous with global stability; when the Cold War ended, that global stability evaporated.

During the Cold War, regional and domestic conflicts within the Islamic world were subordinated via the American-Soviet rivalry. However, with the end of global bipolarity, there is no adequate international political security structure to manage international changes which resulted in the increase of Islamic fundamentalism (Horsman and Marshall 1994).

Hilal Khashan (1997) argues that the collapse of the Soviet Union contributed to Islamic

Volume 19, Number 1

125 Peace and Conflict Studies militancy in three ways. First, extremists saw the fall as clear proof of the unworkability of man-made . Second, the breakup of Yugoslavia, a by-product of the

Soviet collapse, triggered the Bosnia-Herzegovina War which led to the mass execution of tens of thousands of Muslims, and Western governments did very little to stop Serbian ethnic cleansing. As a result, much of the Islamic world became frustrated with Western apathy and the hypocrisy of U.S. foreign policy as it relates to human . Third, the end of East-West ideological rivalry created a vacuum in international relations whose balance hinged in sustaining balanced conflict. The United States found itself without a major enemy. Finally,

Bernard Lewis (1990) argues that Islamic fundamentalism is the direct result of the Soviet

Union’s invasion into in 1979 and the formation of the Mujahedeen.

The fourth explanation of Islamic fundamentalism is interconnected with the arguments above. The fourth explanation is that individuals turn to Islamic fundamentalism in personal times of crisis and to be closer to God. Phebe Marr (1994) argues that when facing serious socioeconomic problems, crises of , government ineptitude, and rapid and disruptive change, the Middle East has turned increasingly to Islam for solace and solutions. Muslims are just like Christians or Jews, during hard times individuals turn to their sacred teachings and religious leaders for guidance and solace.

The remaining argue that fundamentalism is the result of an outside catalyzing event. Specifically, Islamic fundamentalism is the direct result of the displacement of Palestinians after the establishment of the state of Israel. According to

Khashan (1997), Islamic fundamentalism results from the decline of Arab which took its most significant blow after the Arabs lost the 1967 Six-Day War. In fact, the

Egyptian Brotherhood claims that the lack of spirituality caused Egypt’s defeat. However,

Voll (2004a, 2004b) argues that the birth of modern Islamic fundamentalism began in Egypt in 1928 with the establishment of the , which was the result of

Volume 19, Number 1

126 Peace and Conflict Studies

socioeconomic inequality facilitated by imperialism. Lia (1998), Sagiv (1995), and Kepel

(1985a, 1985b) argue that modern Islamic fundamentalism emerged after the 1981

assassination of President Anwar Sadat. The assassins were identified as Islamic

fundamentalists, members of a group called al-, who hoped to spark an Islamic

revolution in Egypt. Finally, many scholars have argued that Islamic fundamentalism is the

result of the Iranian Islamic Revolution. This position has been particularly argued by

Abrahamian (1982, 1989, 1993), Khomeini (1989), and Keddie (1988, 2003). Each of these

scholars systematically notes the ’s success as the direct result of the

Shah’s restrictive political institutions that started opening (or cracking) religious ,

socio-economic inequality, and poverty.

Social Movements and Fundamentalism

The best way to understand the causes of Islamic fundamentalism is to view fundamentalist movements as social movements. Each classic social movement school of thought has competing assumptions associated with the formation and duration of social movements. Interestingly, each of these conditions is positively associated with the degree of fundamentalism as measured by the number of fundamentalist movements found within majority Islamic-based nation-states. The fundamental conditions associated with each of the classic schools of thought include the elements found in resource mobilization theory, socioeconomic structural inequality found in , political institutions and the sociopolitical structures found in political process theory, and the post-modern found in

the new social movement theory.

The first group of conditions are those associated with Marxism. Karl Marx (1978)

had a legitimate argument when he asserted that when the state oppresses, enslaves, and

ignores the masses long enough, they will revolt. Marx was correct when he argued that

individuals get involved in action when their has reached its breaking

Volume 19, Number 1

127 Peace and Conflict Studies point; they will then unite against their antagonists and forcibly change both the socioeconomic and sociopolitical institutions of the state. However, it did not occur to Marx to ask what makes individuals engage in collective action; he simply assumed that collective action was a direct result of society’s structural development rather than individual choice.

This is a legitimate argument; however, it does not explain why Muslims join fundamentalist movements. In this aspect, the resource mobilization theorists (the second classic social movement theory) are correct in their critique of the Marxists; resources, of both the group and at state levels, are imperative for a movement’s formation and success. What makes resource mobilization theory different from Marxist explanations of social movements is that it focuses on societal breakdown(s). In order to mobilize politically, groups require resources and they must mobilize these resources, that is, use them or put them into effect (McCarthy and Zald 1977; Tilly 1978; Freeman 1979). I define resources here as money and population; however, I deviate from the resource mobilization theorists by also including as a resource. Also, resource mobilization theory is based on the that participants in social movements are inherently rational.

The third classical social movement theory is political process. Political process theory is a response to resource mobilization theory. Political process theory criticizes resource mobilization theory for neglecting the fact that social movements develop and act in both sociopolitical arenas and governmental institutions which significantly influence the trajectories of social movements (Eisinger 1974; Kitschelt 1986; McAdam 1982, 1986, 1988; and Tarrow 1989). Political process theorists argue that resource mobilization theory falls short because it assumes that social organization, integration, and resources, rather than grievances, discontent, and sociopolitical institutions are most important to a social movement’s participants. In other words, resource mobilization theorists are putting the cart before the horse; a movement cannot have resources until it has grievances. The foundation

Volume 19, Number 1

128 Peace and Conflict Studies

of political process theory is that political institutions play an integral role in social

movement development.

The final classical social movement theory is the new social movement theory. New

social theory emerged in the advanced industrial world after the social protests of the 1960s

and 1970s subsided. New social movement theorists argue that recent social movements

represent an entirely new form of social protest and reflect new goals and values. New social movements are interested in intangible goods that would enhance the of life for all sectors of society (Kitschelt 1981; Melucci 1996; Offe 1985). New social movement theorists assert that one of the most important differences between new and old movements lies in the tactics that each relies on to achieve its goals.

Hypotheses

Based on the literature discussing each of these social movement theories, I derived the following four hypotheses to examine how conditions associated with each social movement school of thought influence the degree of fundamentalism:

H1: Socioeconomic inequality as described by Marxist social movement theory is positively associated with the number of Islamic fundamentalist groups present within the nation-state.

H2: Resources as described by resource mobilization social movement theorists are positively associated with the number and success of Islamic fundamentalist groups present within the nation-state.

H3: The degree of openness of political institutions as described by the political process social movement theorists has an inverted-U shaped relationship with the number and success of Islamic fundamentalist movements; the number of movements should be the strongest in systems which are neither highly democratic nor highly autocratic.

H4: Ideas as described by the new social movement theorists are positively associated with the number and success of Islamic fundamentalist groups present within the nation-state

Volume 19, Number 1

129 Peace and Conflict Studies

Analytic Design

The goal of this article is to determine the conditions that are influencing the number

of Islamic fundamentalist movements in Islamic-majority nation-states by utilizing quantitative methods. To do this, I utilize the negative binomial fixed effects regression model and a comparison of each independent variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by looking at each independent variable’s minimum, mean, and maximum score. My findings show that each of the social movement conditions is positively associated with the degree of fundamentalism, as measured by the number of Islamic fundamentalist movements. My data on the number of fundamentalist movements are in the form of yearly counts; therefore, I use negative binomial regression. The negative binomial model incorporates observed and unobserved heterogeneity into the conditional mean (Long

1997). Thus, the conditional variance of my dependent variable (number of fundamentalist movements) becomes larger than its conditional mean, which remains unchanged. Negative binomial regressions are designed to handle continuous variables with distributions containing zero values and large positive skews, which explain my fundamentalist data.

According to Robinson, Lawton, and Taylor (2003) negative binomial regressions effectively control for over dispersion by adding a stochastic component to the model. If the numbers of within a year are not independent, the variance may be greater than the mean. If such an over dispersion exists, as it does in counting fundamentalist movements, negative binomial models are more appropriate (Cameron 1990), but pooling multiple observations over for each fundamentalist group violates the independence assumptions required for unbiased parameter estimates. This can be corrected by clustering data through random effects (Guo 1996) or fixed effects models.

Often, as in my data, the variance exceeds the conditional mean, resulting in what is

called over dispersion. The negative-binomial model actually accounts for over dispersion.

Volume 19, Number 1

130 Peace and Conflict Studies

It is essentially a negative binomial model (a variant of the Poisson model) that is commonly

used to deal with over dispersion parameter that varies across states. Hausman, Hall, and

Griliches (1984) suggested further refinement that starts with the negative multinomial model

and makes additional assumptions about the distribution of the random effect that effectively

allow the over distribution parameter to vary across both regions and time. This approach,

called the negative-binomial model with random effects, does not work with my data. After

running the Breusch and Pagan Lagrangian multiplier test for random effects, I was able to

determine that random effects models were inappropriate; therefore, I decided to run fixed

effects models. Standard negative binomial models assume that regression coefficients are

fixed between groups and that error terms are not correlated. These models are inadequate

for complex sampling designs, such as my fundamentalist movement data. Finally, I used the

Xtnbreg regression command in Stata. Xtnbreg is a convenience command for population-

averaged models by using xtgee, (nbreg) link (log) to obtain estimates.

Data and Variables

Dependent Variable

I have created a data set that contains every Islamic fundamentalist movement that is,

or has been, in operation from 1970 through 2008. If the group, political party, or issue-

oriented movement meets the following conditions it was included in my data set: First, the

movement, group, political party, or issue-oriented militant movement must be non-secular in its beliefs, ideas, or dogmas. Second, it also must encourage, sponsor, or condone the lack of separation of church and state within government, state institutions, education, or educational institutions. Third, for a movement to be considered fundamentalist it must have socio- political objectives, and not just religious ones. The theoretical justification behind this definition of a fundamentalist movement must be broad enough to encompass multiple types of movements; thus I use words such as group, political party and issue-oriented militant

Volume 19, Number 1

131 Peace and Conflict Studies

movement. This terminology in broad enough to catch most organized movements of people

without excluding any. No fundamentalist movement is secular and their proponents do not

have to believe in the lack of separation between church and governmental institutions.

Finally, to separate religious movements from fundamentalist movements, I note that the

movements must have socio-political objectives and not just religious ones.

In the fundamentalist data set I created, there is a total N (total number of

fundamentalist movement-years) of 16,072. I obtained this number by taking each Islamic

nation-state and counting every fundamentalist movement present for every year, and then

summing the years. However, a problem that has arisen with counting the number of

fundamentalist movements is that the size of the fundamentalist movement is not taken into

account; this could have significant ramifications for the reliability of my data. To rectify

this, I counted large movements (over 900 members) three times. I chose 900 because most

small fundamentalist movements throughout the Islamic world have less than 400 active

members and medium-sized Islamic movements have no more than 700 members.

Furthermore, based on my findings there are virtually no differences between a small and

medium sized fundamentalist movements. However, there are significant differences between small or medium movements and that of a large movements, specifically influence, membership, resources, and power.

Independent Variables

I only looked at nation-states with a 50% or more Muslim population. All population

statistics were obtained from the Department of State’s Country Study webpage. This is a 39-

year study covering the years from 1970-2008. The following nation-states are included in this paper: Iran, , Azerbaijan, Bahrain (1971), Bangladesh (1972), Brunei (1984),

Djibouti (1977), Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Iraq, Mauritania,

Morocco, Qatar, Pakistan (1972), Oman, , Syria, Tajikistan (1991), Tunisia,

Volume 19, Number 1

132 Peace and Conflict Studies

Turkey, Turkmenistan (1991), United Arab Emirates, (1991), Yemen (1990),

Kazakhstan (1991), Eritrea (1991), Ethiopia, Tanzania, Afghanistan, Somalia, , and

Kyrgyzstan (1991).

The following are the total numbers of fundamentalist movements in each nation-state included in this paper. The total number of movements is shown with the number of unique groups in parenthesis: Iran 1329 (76); Algeria 452 (35); Azerbaijan 8 (4); Bahrain 212 (12);

Bangladesh 803 (39); Brunei 0; Djibouti 0; Egypt 616 (45); Indonesia 1125 (66); Jordan 434

(22); Kuwait 22 (6); Oman 35 (2); Saudi Arabia 421 (37); Syria 872 (35); Tajikistan 168 (9);

Tunisia 159 (9); Turkey 435 (25); Turkmenistan 7 (2); United Arab Emirates 32 (2);

Uzbekistan 96 (8); Yemen 208 (17); Kazakhstan 24 (5); Eritrea 30 (5); Lebanon 1748 (92);

Libya 542 (24); Iraq 1283 (149); Mauritania 49 (3); Morocco 224 (10); Qatar 2 (1); Pakistan

1203 (67); Ethiopia 437 (7); Afghanistan 728 (27); Somalia 349 (10); Sudan 667 (29);

Kyrgyzstan 81 (4); Palestine 1261 (62).

Outside Ideological Force

What I also add here is the presence of an outside ideological force. The presence of outside ideological force plays a significant role in determining how many fundamentalist movements a state will have. There are three significant outside ideological forces in the

Islamic world: Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United States. Iran and Saudi Arabia do what I call group facilitate. Group facilitate is when Iran or Saudi Arabia operates clandestine operations within different Islamic states via sponsoring domestic movements found within other states in order to facilitate their own interests and force other governments into compliance. The United States, on the other hand, does not group facilitate; instead, it influences the state leadership via economic and/or military aid and the presence of U.S. troops. Theoretically, American ideological influence is inherently different than that of

Iranian or Saudi Arabian. American ideological inference is top-down, meaning the aid is

Volume 19, Number 1

133 Peace and Conflict Studies given to the state, not individual Islamic groups or movements. On the other hand, Iranian and Saudi Arabian ideological influence is, for the most part, bottom-up; they give aid directly to movements. There are a few exceptions to my argument concerning the U.S. and its top-down influence, specifically the and Mujahedeen in Afghanistan and the current aid it gives to Sunni groups in the Iraq.

During the last twenty-nine years, the international community has seen Iran emerge as an ideological hegemon that has significantly influenced domestic politics and domestic development of Shiite Muslims. Furthermore, during the same period, the international community has seen Saudi Arabia achieve the same ideological hegemonic standing as Iran but with the Sunni Muslims. Both enjoy a unique position in the world of Islam due to their strategic locations, natural resources, and historical and cultural role in the development of the Islamic civilization. I theoretically define a significant outside ideological force as an outside influence that meets each of the six criteria: firstly, the outside support must be in the form of financial, military, or humanitarian aid from a state other than where the fundamentalist group is located. Secondly, there must be a physical presence of the ideological force within the country via state representatives, scholars, religious leaders, state sponsored militia, military, or any group representing the ideological state. Or, the members of the fundamentalist group must be trained in or educated in the foreign state. Thirdly to be considered significant, more than one group must receive the above explained influence.

Fourthly, the ideological force cannot be working with, for, or influenced by the state in which the fundamentalist group is working. Fifthly, the ideological force must influence a fundamentalist group for two or more consecutive years. Sixthly, the United States ideological influence is excluded from this variable because U.S. influence is captured in the presence of U.S. troops and U.S. aid.

Volume 19, Number 1

134 Peace and Conflict Studies

The Marxist variables included here are the nation-state’s total percentage of the

population’s poverty level and unemployment. The World Bank’s data on unemployment and

poverty are very limited. To rectify this, I have used the CIA World Fact Book From 1989-

2007. For data prior to 1989 I used numerous sources which include books and articles

concerning Middle Eastern poverty and unemployment. The Resource Mobilization

variables include the total population (thousands), total GDP (millions of dollars), total ODA

(millions of dollars), total American financial aid (millions of dollars), and secondary school enrollment (ratio of the total enrolment in secondary education). All data from the above independent variables were obtained from the World Bank’s World data set. The Political

Process variables include the polity variables from the Polity IV Project, specifically,

Executive Recruitment, Executive Constraints, and Political Competition. Also used to measure Political Process are the variables from the CIRI Data Project and they include: Political Rights, Extrajudicial Killings, Disappearances, Political

Imprisonment, and Torture. The following variables were used to measure the post-modern ideas associated with New Social Movement theory: , Freedom of

Religion, Freedom of Movement, Freedom of Assembly and Association, Women’s Political

Rights, and Workers Rights; all of which were obtained from the CIRI data project. Finally, the presence of an Outside Ideological Force which is a dichotomous variable that looks at whether there is a significant outside ideological force present. Also used to measure ideas are the number of United States troops in each nation-state included here (data was obtained from the Global U.S. Troop Development).

Results

Marxist Theory

The socioeconomic inequality variables associated with Marxist theory suggest a positive and significant relationship between socioeconomic inequality and the number of

Volume 19, Number 1

135 Peace and Conflict Studies

fundamentalist movements within the nation-state. The percentage of the total population within the nation-state living below the poverty is positively associated with an increase in the number of fundamentalist movements. Also, the percentage of the total population unemployed within the nation-state is positively associated with an increase in the number of fundamentalist movements. Given these results, we see that socioeconomic inequality is a key predictor of fundamentalist movements, thus helping to prove hypothesis number one,

which argues socioeconomic inequality as described by the Marxist social movement theory

is positively associated with the number and success of Islamic fundamentalist groups present

within the nation-state.

For every percentage increase in total poverty there was a .008 increase in Islamic

fundamentalism. This indicates that states with more poverty will have more Islamic

fundamentalist movements. To confirm this, I looked at the poverty variable’s effect on the

number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and

maximum score. When the percentage of the total population living in poverty was set at its

minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 3.89, down from the average

of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is

13.34, up from the average of 5.06. These results show that states with significant poverty

have a significant increase in the number of fundamentalist movements.

The total percentage of the state’s population living in poverty only represents half of

the significant variables that make up the Marxist arm of my fundamentalist labyrinth; the

second half of it consists of the total percentage of the state’s unemployed population. Just as

with the total poverty level, the unemployment coefficients were positive and significant.

This indicates that unemployment is positively associated with an increase in the number of

fundamentalist movements. As the percent of the nation-state’s unemployed population

increases, the number of fundamentalist movements within the nation-state also increases.

Volume 19, Number 1

136 Peace and Conflict Studies

The model results indicate that every percentage increase in total unemployment was a .011 significance level. To confirm this, I examine the poverty variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score which indicates the number of fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When the percentage of the total unemployed was set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 5.07, up from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist groups is 9.07, up from the average of 5.06. These results are very interesting because set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is still larger than the mean; this indicates that unemployment has an effect on the number of fundamentalist movements.

Resource Mobilization Theory

Regarding Resource Mobilization theory, my results suggest a positive and significant relationship between resources and the number of fundamentalist movements within the nation state. Interestingly, my results indicate that only total population and education were positive and highly significant. In other words, as the total population increases so do the total number of fundamentalist movements. Also, as the percentage of the total population’s education level increases, so does the number of fundamentalist movements. Given these results we see that resources are a key predictor of fundamentalist movements, thus helping to prove hypotheses number two, which argues: Resources as described by the resource mobilization social movement theory is positively associated with the number and success

Islamic fundamentalist groups present within the nation-state.

The population coefficients were positive and significant in all regressions when I ran the model using the logged of the total population. This indicates that the total population was positively associated with an increase in the number of fundamentalist movements. As the size of the nation-state’s population increases by ten thousand, the

Volume 19, Number 1

137 Peace and Conflict Studies

number of fundamentalist movements increases by .0001046; this increase is relatively small.

These results suggest that increases in a nation-state’s population facilitate more fundamentalist movements. Alone, these results do not indicate a significant amount of information. However, taken with the other variables associated with resource mobilization theory, it is apparent that resources are positively associated with fundamentalism. I looked at the total population variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score which indicates the number of fundamentalist groups expected at each setting. When the state’s total population was set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 5.34, down from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 13.8, up from the average of 5.06. These results further confirm all previous results and indicate that as the state’s population increases, so do the number of Islamic fundamentalist movements.

The education/school enrollment coefficients were positive and significant. The education coefficients were significantly larger than that of the population variables. The results reveal that for every percentage increase in school enrollment there was a significance level of .003. These results indicate that education was positively associated with an increase in the number of fundamentalist movements. In other words, the more educated the population, the more fundamentalist movements there will be within the nation-state. Just as

with the state’s total population, I looked at the education level variable’s effect on the

number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and

maximum score that indicates the number of fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When secondary school enrollment was set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 4.08, down from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 8.73, up from the average of

Volume 19, Number 1

138 Peace and Conflict Studies

5.06. These results further confirm all previous results and indicate that as population and

education increase, so do the number of Islamic fundamentalist movements.

Political Process Theory

The results associated the conditions associated with Political Process theory are

twofold. First, there are two linear relationships between perfect autocracies and the perfect

and the number of fundamentalist groups. The definition of a perfect autocracy

is obtained from the Polity IV data set that ranges from a -10 (a perfect autocracy) and +10 (a

perfect ). These findings indicate that both perfect democracies and perfect

autocracies experience lower numbers of fundamentalist movements, whereas states with

opening political institutions experience more fundamentalist movements. When

governments disdainfully kill or torture their citizens with no regard to basic human rights,

there will be a decrease in the number Islamic fundamentalist groups. On the other hand, the

more freedom of speech a nation-state has, the fewer fundamentalist movements. Second,

there is an inverted-U shaped relationship with the number of Islamic fundamentalist

movements. The number of movements is the strongest in systems which are neither perfect

democracies nor perfect autocracies. In order to prove hypotheses number three: The degree

of openness of political institutions as described by the political process social movement

theorists has an inverted-U shaped relationship with the number and success of Islamic

fundamentalist movements; the number of movements should be the strongest in system which

are neither highly democratic nor highly autocratic, I ran different sets of models utilizing

the CIRI human rights data and the Polity IV data sets.

Extrajudicial killings are negative and significant, as expected. Extrajudicial killing is the killing of citizens within the perspective nation-state by government officials without due process of . These killings may result from the deliberate, illegal, and excessive use of lethal force by police, security forces, or other agents of the state whether against criminal

Volume 19, Number 1

139 Peace and Conflict Studies

suspects, detainees, prisoners, or others. The model indicates that the more individuals a state

kills, there will be a .05 decrease in the significance level of the number of fundamentalist

movements. From here, I looked at the extrajudicial killing variable’s effect on the number

of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum

score that indicates the number of fundamentalist groups expected at each setting. When

extrajudicial killings were set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist

movements is 7.33, up from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected

number of fundamentalist movements is 3.42, down from the average of 5.06. These results

confirm that the more citizens the state either murders or facilitates the murder of, there will

be a significant decline in the number of fundamentalist movements.

State sponsored acts of torture were also negative and significant, as expected. State

sponsored acts of torture refer to the purposeful inflicting of extreme pain, whether mental or

physical, by government officials or by private individuals at the instigation of government officials. Torture includes the use of physical and other force by police and prison guards that is cruel, inhumane, or degrading. This also includes deaths in custody due to negligence by government officials. The results reveal that the more individuals a state tortures, there will be a significance level decrease in the number of fundamentalist movements of .11. I looked at the state sponsored acts of torture variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score which indicates the number of fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When state sponsored acts of torture were set at its minimum the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 6.28, up from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of movements is 5.49, down from the average of 5.06. These results confirm that the more the state tortures its citizens, the fewer fundamentalist movements.

Volume 19, Number 1

140 Peace and Conflict Studies

Thus far, I have not proven an inverted-U relationship exists between political institutions and the number of fundamentalist movements. I have shown that two linear relationships exist between very perfect democracies/autocracies and the number of

fundamentalist movements. These findings indicate that both perfect democracies and

perfect autocracies experience lower numbers of fundamentalist movements, while states

with opening political institutions experience more fundamentalist movements. However, I

suspect a much more complex relationship between political institutions and Islamic

fundamentalism. Specifically, an inverted-U relationship; that is, there will be more Islamic

fundamentalist movements in nation-states that are not either perfect democracies or perfect

autocracies. According to Davenport and Armstrong (2004, 545), polity stands as the best

comparative indicator of procedural democracy because of its incorporation of structural

constraints on political participation and contestation. It is also one of the most utilized

comparative measures of democracy and the best variable to determine inverted-U shaped

relationships. Therefore, I squared all variables associated with polity. If the polity variables

have a significant positive effect and the squared term has a significant negative effect, then I

prove that an inverted-U relationship exists. My polity variable was not significant. This

does not necessarily disprove my hypothesis because two of the three multi-dimensional

polity variables and their square terms were significant.

Concerning the multidimensional polity variables, executive recruitment was positive

and significant. Executive recruitment, which was first conceptualized by Eckstein and Gurr

(1975), involves the ways in which social superordinants come to occupy their positions of

political authority. In other words, how open, institutionalized and competitive are the

political institutions that are used in selecting political leaders. The executive recruitment

score ranges from 1 to 8, 1 the most restricted and 8 being the most open. My analysis

of executive recruitment provides that there is an inverted U-shaped relationship

Volume 19, Number 1

141 Peace and Conflict Studies

between the openness of the political system and the number of fundamentalist groups.

Executive recruitment is significantly positive while its squared term is negatively significant,

proving that an inverted-U relationship exists between executive recruitment and the number

of fundamentalist movements present within the nation-state. In other words, the relationship

between fundamentalism and political institutions is nonlinear; political systems with open

political institutions facilitate fundamentalism. The executive recruitment coefficient results

reveal that the more politically free a state is, the number of fundamentalist movement

significance level increases by .013. On the other hand, the squared executive recruitment

coefficients reveal that the more politically closed a state is, there will be a decrease in the number of fundamentalist movements of .023.

Executive constraints were positive and significant and refer to the extent of institutional constraints on the decision-making powers of the chief executive. The degree of checks and balances between the veto players in the government is coded on a 7-point scale which ranges from the unlimited executive authority (1) to executive subordination (7).

Under unlimited executive authority, there would be only one veto player and under executive subordination there would be numerous veto players. My analysis of executive constraints provides evidence that there is an inverted U-shaped relationship between the openness of the political system and the number of fundamentalist groups. Executive constraints are positively significant while its squared term is negatively significant, proving that an inverted-U relationship between executive constraints and the number of fundamentalist movements present within the nation-state. As for the executive constraint coefficients, the results reveal that the more veto players in a state means there will be a significance level increase in the number of fundamentalist movements of .023. On the other hand, the squared executive constraint coefficients reveal that more veto players in a state will cause a decrease in the number of fundamentalist movements of .002.

Volume 19, Number 1

142 Peace and Conflict Studies

The results of my executive constraints and executive recruitment variables were

similar to that of Regan and Henderson (2002) and Fein (1995), who found that there would

be more repression in the middle of the political spectrum and that both democracies and

autocracies experience lower levels of repression while semi-democracies experience more

fundamentalist groups. I have proven that my inverted-U hypothesis is valid and there will

be a significant increase in the number of fundamentalist movements in opening political

systems, just as the political process theorist theory predicts.

New Social Movement Theory

The post-modern ideas associated with the New Social Movement theory, results suggest a positive and significant relationship between ideas and the number of fundamentalist movements within the nation state; specifically, religious ideas or ideas associated with an outside ideological force. Interestingly, my results indicate that the presences of an outside ideological force, freedom of speech, and are significant. Given these results we see that ideas are a key predictor of fundamentalist movements, thus helping to prove hypotheses number four, which argues: Ideas as described by the new social movement theorists are positively associated with the number and success Islamic fundamentalist groups present within the nation-state.

The results reveal that if there is a presence of an outside ideological force, there is an increase in the number of fundamentalist movements of .35. To confirm this, I looked at the outside ideological force variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score that indicates the number of fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When the variable is set at its minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 4.61, up from the average of 5.06.

When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 11.0, up from the average of 5.06. These results are very interesting because set at its maximum, the

Volume 19, Number 1

143 Peace and Conflict Studies expected number of fundamentalist movements is twice as much as it is when set at the mean; this and the above statistical results indicate that the presence of an outside ideological force is a significant determinant in the number of fundamentalist movements. There are three significant outside ideological forces in the Islamic world that operate within Islamic nation- states: Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United States. As I explained before, theoretically,

American ideological influence is inherently different than either Iranian or Saudi Arabian.

For the most part, the outside ideological variable only incorporates the influence of Iran or

Saudi Arabia. U.S. ideological influence was excluded from this variable but captured with two additional variables: U.S. aid and the presence of U.S. troops. In not in a single model was U.S. aid or the presence of U.S. troops significant.

Religious freedom is positive and significant. Religious freedom measures the extent to which individuals living within the nation-state are able to exercise and practice their own religious beliefs without government restrictions. When governments restrict religious freedom, there is an increase in the number Islamic fundamentalist movements. The results reveal that if the state restricts religious freedom then there will be a .0014 significance level.

From here, I looked at the freedom of religion variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist groups by setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score that indicates the number of fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When religious freedom was set at its minimum the expected number of fundamentalist groups is 5.81, up from the average of 5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 4.77, down from the average of 5.06. These results further confirm all previous results and indicate that as the state restricts religious freedom, individuals will turn to fundamentalist movements.

Freedom of speech is negative and significant, as expected. Freedom of speech measures the extent to which the government censors an individual’s freedoms of speech and

Volume 19, Number 1

144 Peace and Conflict Studies

press. When governments restrict freedom of speech we see a decrease in the number Islamic

fundamentalist movements by .019. In other words, in nation-states with more freedom of

speech and press, there will be more ideas and thus more fundamentalist movements. The

results reveal that if the state restricts freedom of speech, then there will be a significance

level decrease of in the number of fundamentalist movements of .09. From here, I looked at

the freedom of speech variable’s effect on the number of fundamentalist movements by

setting the variable at its minimum, mean, and maximum score that indicates the number of

fundamentalist movements expected at each setting. When freedom of speech was set at its

minimum, the expected number of fundamentalist movement is 5.18, up from the average of

5.06. When set at its maximum, the expected number of fundamentalist movements is 5.42,

up from the average of 5.06.

Conclusion

Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social movements. An anti-system social movement is designed to criticize governmental institutions and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. An anti-system fundamentalist movement does this while basing its criticism on religion. What is lacking in the mindset of many Western politicians, practitioners, and the general public is a basic understanding of the causes of

Islamic fundamentalism. This paper helps rectify this by quantitatively analyzing the causes of Islamic fundamentalist movements. As a dependent variable, I used a unique data set that contains every Islamic fundamentalist group that is or has been in operation from 1970 through 2008. As independent variables I quantified the fundamental conditions associated with each of the classic social movement theoretical schools of thought and my results indicates that each are positively associated with the number of Islamic fundamentalist movements found within Islamic-Majority nation states.

Volume 19, Number 1

145 Peace and Conflict Studies

To fully understand Islamic fundamentalism it is essential that we figure out its

potential causes. Islamic fundamentalist movements are inherently anti-system social

movements. An anti-system social movement is designed to criticize governmental

institutions and the political mainstream while mobilizing disaffected individuals against the

existing sociopolitical and socioeconomic institutions. An anti-system fundamentalist

movement does this while basing its criticism in religion. Furthermore, it is becoming

extremely difficult to determine the point of demarcation between international relations and

comparative politics and no phenomena blurs this point more than the rise and actions of

Islamic fundamentalists. Currently, Islamic fundamentalism is the greatest threat to the

international community and, arguably, the negative results of , globalization, and

the Americanization of global politics have facilitated the growth and success of such

movements. The study of social movements is a major subfield in comparative politics, and

the rise of Islamic fundamentalism is the most recent of the social movements. The global

effects of fundamentalism and their acts of terror have a major impact on the global economy

and the state which inherently impacts international relations. This latest threat to the

of the international system is created via domestic political systems and is a direct

result of the foundations of comparative politics. This paper further blurred the point of

demarcation between international relations and comparative politics and in doing so has

added to the field of Conflict Analysis and Resolution.

References

Abrahamian, E. 1982. Iran between Two . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ------1989. The Iranian Mujahidin. New Haven, MA: Yale University Press. ------1993. Khomeinism: Essays on the . Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Almond, G. A, Appleby, S., and Sivan, E. 2003. Strong Religion: The Rise of Around the World. , IL: University of Chicago Press. Ayoob, M. 1981. The Politics of Islamic Reassertion. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press.

Volume 19, Number 1

146 Peace and Conflict Studies

Berman, S. 2003. “, Revolution, and Civil Society.” Perspectives on Politics 1(2):257-272. Cameron, C. 1990. “Regression Based Tests for Overdispersion in the Poisson Model.” Journal of Econometrics 46(3): 347-364. Chibber, P. 1996. “State Policy, Rent Seeking, and the Electoral Success of a Religious Party Algeria.” The Journal of Politic 58(1): 136-145. Dessouki , A. H. 1982. “The Resurgence of Islamic Organizations in Egypt: An Interpretation.” In Islam and Power, edited by A. S. Cudsi and A.H. Dessouki, 107- 118, London, UK: Croom Helm. Dillman, B. 1992. Transition to Democracy in Algeria. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Eisinger, P. K. 1974. “Racial Differences in Protest Participation.” The American Political Science Review 68(2): 592-606. Esposito, J. 1980. Islam and Development: Religion and Sociopolitical Change. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. Fein, H. 1995. “More Middle in the Middle: Life-Integrity Violations and Democracy in the World.” Human Rights Quarterly 17(1): 170-191. Freeman, I. 1979. “Resource Mobilization and Strategy.” In The Dynamics of Social Movements, edited by M. Zald and J. McCarthy, 167-189, Cambridge, MA: Winthrop. Grasso, K. 1995. “Beyond Liberalism: Human Dignity, the Free Society, and the Second Vatican Council.” In Catholicism, Liberalism and : The Catholic, and the Moral Foundations of Democracy, edited by Kenneth Grasso, Gerard Bradley, and Robert Hunt, 29-58, Lanham, MD: JM Dawson. Guo, G. 1996. “Negative Multinomial Regression Models for Clustered Event Counts.” In Sociological , edited by Adrian E. Raftery, 113-132. Washington, DC: American Sociological Association. Pages 113-132. Hausman, J., Hall, B. H., and Griliches, Z. 1984. “Econometric Models for Count Data with an Application to the Patents-R&D Relationship.” Econometrica 52(4): 909-38. Horsman, M. and Marshall, A. 1994. After the Nation-State: Citizens, Tribalism, and the New World Disorder. London, UK: Harper-Collins. Jaber, H. 1997. : Born with a Vengeance. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Keddie, N. 1988. Ideology, Society and the State in Post-Colonial Muslim Societies. London, UK: Macmillan. ------2003. Modern Iran: Roots and Results of Revolution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Kepel, G. 1985a. The Prophet and Pharaoh: Muslim Extremism in Egypt. London, UK: Al- Saqi Books. ------1985b. Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Khashan, H. 1997. “The New World Order and the Tempo of Militant Islam.” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 24(1): 5-24. ------2000. Arabs at the Crossroads: Political Identity and Nationalism. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida. Khomeini, A. R. 1989. The Complete Text of Iman Khomeini’s Divine Will and Political Testament. Tehran, Iran. Kitschelt, H. 1986. “Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements if Four Democracies.” British Journal of Political Science 16: 57-85. ------1981. “New Social Movements in West Germany and the Unites States.” Political Power and Social Theory 10(1): 125-147.

Volume 19, Number 1

147 Peace and Conflict Studies

Lewis, B. 1990. “The Roots of Muslim Rage.” The Atlantic. Retrieved from http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1990/09/the-roots-of-muslim- rage/4643/ ------1967. The Assassins: a Radical Sect in Islam. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Lia, B. 1998. The Society of Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass Movement, 1928-4, Reading, PA: Ithaca Press. Long, J. S. 1997. Regression Models for Categorical and Limited Dependent Variables.Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Marr, P. 1994. “The United States, Europe, and The Middle East: an Uneasy Triangle.” Middle East Journal 48(2): 211-225. Marx, K. 1978. “The Class Struggle in France.” In The Marx-Engels Reader, edited by Robert Tucker, New York. NY: W.W. Norton. McAdam, D. 1982. Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930- 1970.Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ------1986. "Recruitment to High-Risk : The Case of Freedom Summer." American Journal of 92(1): 64-90. ------1988. Freedom Summer. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. McCarthy, J. and Zald, M. 1977. “Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory.” American Journal of Sociology 82(6): 1212-1241. Melucci, A. 1996. Challenging Codes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mortimer, R. 1991. “Islam and multiparty politics in Algeria.” Middle East Journal 45(4): 575-599. Offe, C. 1985. New Social Movements: Challenging the Boundaries of Institutional Politics. Social Research 52(4): 817-868. Pipe, D. 1983. In The Path of God: Islam and Political Power. New York, NY: Basic Books. Robinson, J. B., Lawton, B. A., Taylor, R. B., and Perkins, D. D. 2003. “Multilevel Longitudinal Impacts of Incivilities: Fear of Crime, Expected Safety, and Block Satisfaction.” Journal of Quantitative Criminology 19(3): 237-274. Saad-Ghorayeb, A. 2002. Hizbu’llah: Politics and Religion. London, UK: Pluto Press. Sagiv, D. 1995. Fundamentalism and in Egypt, 1973-1993. London, UK: Frank Cass. Tarrow, S. 1989. Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy 1965-1975. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. Tibi, B. 2002. The Challenge of Fundamentalism: and The New World Disorder. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Tilly, C. 1978. From Mobilization to Revolution. Reading, PA: Addison Wesley. Voll, J. 2004a. “: Is Modernization a Barrier?” In Modernization, Democracy, and Islam, edited by Ed. Shireen Hunter and Huma Malik. New York, NY: Praeger. ------2004b. “Islamic Renewal and the ’Failure of the West.’” In Decolonization: Perspectives from Now and Then, edited by P. Duara. London, UK: Routledge. Walz, S. 1986. “Islamist Appeal in Tunisia.” Middle East Journal 40(4): 651-670. Wickham, C. 2002. Mobilizing Islam. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Weinberg, L. and Pedahzur, A. 2004. Religious Fundamentalism and Political Extremism. Frank Cass: Portland, OR. Zarzar, R. 2001. “The Rise of Neo-Fundamentalism in Egypt.” In Religious Fundamentalism in Developing Countries, edited by Santosh Saha and Thomas Carr. New York, NY: Greenwood Press.

Volume 19, Number 1

148