sustainability

Article New Mobility Paradigm and Indigenous Construction of Places: Physical and Symbolic Mobility of Aymara Groups in the Urbanization Process,

Gonzalo Salazar 1,* and Paloma González 2

1 UC Center for Local Development, Institute of Urban and Regional Studies & Campus Villarrica, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Villarrica 4930000, Chile 2 UC Center for Local Development, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Villarrica 4930000, Chile; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +56-22-3547390

Abstract: In the current global scenario, in which mobility has been strongly impacted, it is relevant to highlight certain mobility experiences of Indigenous Latin American peoples, in which new cultural and geographical elements justify revisiting this phenomenon. In this context, the mobility of the Aymara ethnic group offers an opportunity for such a second look. Although the subject has been approached from the perspectives of internal migration processes and physical movement, as in other Latin American cases, studies have omitted some important aspects for its analysis, such as the practices, meanings, and political implications associated with mobility. Based on the new mobility paradigm, this article seeks to strengthen the perspective on mobility by researching rural-urban   mobility practices and their meaning regarding the experiences of Aymara people who migrated from the rural municipality of Putre to settle in the city of from the 1950s. At the same time, Citation: Salazar, G.; González, P. it is shown that these Aymara mobility practices imply spatiotemporal dynamics that are key for New Mobility Paradigm and the construction of place, and allow for a widening of base elements that should be considered Indigenous Construction of Places: in the new mobility paradigm. This research is based on five years of ethnography, including Physical and Symbolic Mobility of mobile accompaniment and semi-structured interviews. This methodological approach has allowed Aymara Groups in the Urbanization researchers to explore how elements related to physical and symbolic mobility have constantly Process, Chile. Sustainability 2021, 13, constructed relational spaces within the Arica and region over time. This shows that 4382. https://doi.org/10.3390/ su13084382 mobility does not only refer to physical movement, but to politics, emotions, culture, and memory as well. From these results, the article examines and discusses key elements related to physical and Academic Editor: Abdul Raouf symbolic mobility, and their implications in political and intercultural terms.

Received: 3 March 2021 Keywords: mobility; indigenous self-determination; construction of place; urban-rural linkages; Aymara Accepted: 10 April 2021 Published: 14 April 2021

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral 1. Introduction with regard to jurisdictional claims in Indigenous mobility in has been approached in much of the research published maps and institutional affil- on the subject from the standpoint of migratory phenomena [1–4]. Such research empha- iations. sizes aspects related to inter-censual migratory variations, underlying reasons for such variations, and the historical, political, and social conditions and contexts that different ethnic groups have had to face in such processes [5]. Within this tendency, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean identifies two types of Indigenous Copyright: © 2021 by the authors. mobility that have persisted in Latin America: international migration between national Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland. states, and local-ancestral migration, which occurs close to the ancestral centers of historic This article is an open access article Indigenous settlements [4]. distributed under the terms and However, in this article we suggest that, while the examination of Indigenous migra- conditions of the Creative Commons tion process has provided a solid framework regarding population dynamics, the analysis Attribution (CC BY) license (https:// of other important geographical elements of Indigenous mobility in Latin America has creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ been cast aside. Mobility practices have not been studied much at a Latin American 4.0/).

Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382. https://doi.org/10.3390/su13084382 https://www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 2 of 17

level [1,6], despite—as we will argue—often representing processes and spaces for disputes and cultural and political resistance that are important in understanding the intercultural dimension that characterizes Latin America. In this intercultural context, we find the case of the Aymara ethnic group in the far north of Chile. As we will suggest, the case of the Aymara people of northern Chile is connected to processes of ancestral territorial mobility. As in other Indigenous groups in Latin America, Aymara mobility practices imply spatiotemporal dynamics that are key for the dynamic construction of place. These mobility practices have, however, changed in recent decades. This is explained on one hand by intensive urbanization and rural–urban migration pro- cesses in Latin America from the second half of the 20th century, and by significant changes in the political–economic order that occurred within the consolidation of neoliberal model since the Washington Consensus in the 1980s and which emerged as expressions of the prevailing hegemonic vision and policy of progress of the Chilean State [7]. It is, however, worth mentioning that the role of the state in mobility and in Aymara territories goes back a long way. Since the present-day region of Arica and Parinacota in the extreme north became part of the administrative political boundaries of Chile at the end of the 19th century, a process of homogenization called “Chileanization” was carried out, which was characterized by “a network of police, tax, educational, health, political and legal control systems” [7] (p. 120). This process lasted for more than a century and has not only affected the Aymara people, but also other Indigenous groups. For example, the process of “Pacification of The Araucanía” at the end of the nineteenth century, the Republic of Chile subdued the population, taking over the most prosperous agricultural valleys, establishing cities, and installing a set of hegemonic cultural and economic policies that have maintained these two cultures in political and territorial conflict to this day. This process displaced thousands of Mapuche from their lands, forcefully creating mobility and migration processes as they sought refuge in the foothills of the [7]. On the other hand, Aymara mobility processes are also explained in cultural terms of the Aymara groups themselves. Throughout the history of what is now the region of Arica and Parinacota in northern Chile, the Aymara people have inhabited the land through mobility. While such mobility has experienced changes over the years, it remains as a constant expression of territorial dynamics. Mobility flows have left both material and immaterial traces that have condensed along the routes utilized over time, as well as in the various places connected by these routes. Such traces can also be found in the collective and individual experiences of those who incarnate this mobility in varying ways, throughout the life stages of the Aymara inhabitants of the territory. Aymara mobility has thus been an important aspect in the configuration of a dynamic cultural grid in space and time, with a unique capacity to adapt and face the territorial and political-economic transformations of recent decades. In an intense urbanization process, the migratory process of highland and low-lying mountain peoples towards valleys and coastal cities began in the mid-20th century [8–12]. This process became an intrinsic characteristic of Aymara mobility, representing a new action framework that gave way to other dynamics that implied periods of permanent residence in the city of Arica [13]. Changes in the means of transportation and the rea- sons that motivated mobility provided the impetus for this process, influenced by factors such as the attraction to the coast and valleys due to the installation of industry, work, and continued education opportunities, and the development of commercial and exploita- tive activities in the Lluta and Azapa valleys [14]. All of this occurred under the political auspices of “ideological pressures based on a Chilean vision of progress, national identity and civilization” [7] (p. 129). However, as these mobility processes occurred in areas around the ancestral centers of historic Aymara settlements [15], we suggest that new means of rural-urban mobility were configured and older ones were reactivated; specific movements from the urban coastal areas to the high mountain areas, as well as the cultural reterritorialization that has contributed to processes of symbolic mobility. The latter has led to several changes to Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 3 of 17

rural populations and to the urban areas that receive these movements, as well as along the routes between these places. These changes, in turn, led to transformations in the ways of inhabiting the territory, life experiences and Indigenous territorialities [13]. Such changes have reinforced mobility as an essential dimension in Aymara territorial construction, as it crosscuts and interconnects with social, political, economic, and cultural dimensions. In recent decades this has led to Aymara mobility being the subject of vari- ous studies that have documented, described, and/or theorized issues such as migratory movements, adaptive strategies, urban-rural articulation, regional integration patterns, and construction and transformation of Aymara space, among others [8–12,16,17]. While such research has provided a solid framework regarding internal migratory processes, the prac- tices and meanings associated with mobility, and their cultural and political implications, have been largely left aside. Cresswell [18] (p. 20) defines mobility as the intertwining of three aspects: physical movement; the representations of movement that provide shared meaning; and practices of movement. Together, these three aspects condense the experiences and the incarnation of mobility. These aspects of mobility are also political, as they express and produce power relations [18]. This implies that “mobility is not merely a reflection of social structures, which is to say that it only reproduces such structures, but rather it actually produces these differences” [19] (p. 1). Therefore, this article articulates Aymara spatial-temporal practices with elements of the new mobility paradigm, contributing both to the comprehension of Aymara mobility and a widening of the new mobility paradigm based on Indigenous and inter-cultural contexts. The new mobility paradigm [20] allows for a more holistic understanding of Aymara mobility by expanding the analytical framework. This is to say, by transcending a concep- tualization focused solely on movement between two points, to include the experiences along the route and the transportation of cultural expressions, emotions and the spatial imaginaries of the subjects. We propose that the latter, in terms of mobile actors, both con- nects places that dialogue with each other, and composes a translocal linkage; a linkage in which the rural and the urban are intertwined through various dynamics, connections and interdependencies [21]. Therefore, it is not only the bodies of the subjects that move, but their emotions, culture, and memories as well. On the other hand, it is important to be able to go a step further regarding mobil- ity, combining the conceptualization and methodological approach of the new mobility paradigm with Indigenous practices and experiences. Such experiences have had mobility as a central axis of their social, cultural, and economic dynamics. Based on the spatiotem- poral analysis of the mobility of Aymara groups, contributions can be made to research on the new mobility paradigm. This is important, as the new mobility paradigm has not had much connection to intercultural and Indigenous contexts. For this reason, we propose that Aymara mobility practices and meanings imply particularities that make spatiotemporal heterogeneity and contraction more sophisticated [22] in terms of the construction and experience of mobility. In turn, in agreement with Cresswell [18] we propose that Aymara mobility is expressing and politically revindicating itself against hegemonic power relations that have made their culture invisible for decades. This study takes the migratory processes that began in the 1950s as a point of reference. This process led to the majority of the Aymara population coming to live in the city of Arica, which concentrates 97.9% of the total population of the region [23]. Based on the elements of mobility established by Cresswell [18], the objective of the study is to research the meanings and practices associated with urban-rural mobility in the experience of Aymara people who migrated from Putre to Arica during the 1950s. The article is structured in four sections. First, it establishes the theoretical approaches to the new mobility paradigm, the role of mobility in the construction of place, and Aymara mobility. The second section deals with the localization of the study and the methods used. The third and fourth sections are developed based on the current practices and meanings Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 4 of 17

associated with both old and current mobility, in terms of both physical and symbolic movements, approached through the idea of accumulative traces.

2. Theoretical Framework 2.1. The Shift towards Mobility In recent decades, mobility has taken on renewed relevance through the growing body of work of different disciplines and areas of research, such as geography, sociology, anthropology, and archeology, among others. Such work has involved the emergence of new research perspectives from the social sciences [18–20,24–30]. The centrality that mobility has achieved is based on what some authors call the “shift towards mobility” [18,20]. This has generated an interdisciplinary shift that has facilitated the incorporation of a “transformational outlook on socio-spatial research” [30] (p. 58) and transcended “the dichotomy between research on transportation and social studies, placing a [focus on] the social relations [developed] during movement and connecting different ways of transportation with complex patterns of social experiences” [20] (p. 208). This is what Sheller and Urry [20] call the new mobility paradigm, which points towards a more holistic comprehension of mobility. For Sheller [28], this “paradigm” involves research on subjects’ movements, objects, and information in dynamic relationships, emphasizing the connection between mobility and immobility, and including the practices, representations, ideologies, and meanings incorporated into both. Cresswell [18] (p. 18) distinguishes something new in the way that mobilities are being approached by this nascent perspective, in that they transcend certain classic views that have generally conceptualized mobility from a more quantitative perspective, considering “time in transit as dead time”. As an example, Cresswell points to the theory of migration, in which movement is understood based on the expulsion-attraction dynamic in which one place expels people and another attracts them. In this way, despite an apparent focus on mobility, migration in the traditional sense is much more related to place than mobility. According to Jirón and Mansilla [30] (p. 58), these traditional views of mobility connected to certain disciplines such as geography or transport engineering, “have studied only the material dimension of movement, in terms of the structural patterns, leaving the conditions that emerge as a result of the experience and those that are experienced by people during movements aside”. Sheller and Urry [20] (p. 208) profess a similar view on this point, indicating “travel has been for the social sciences seen as a black box, a neutral set of technologies and processes”. As such, this new focus widens the perspective of mobility, including various aspects such as experiences, practices, modes, and elements that are in movement, which in turn transit through various scales from the body on up to the entire world [31]. For this research, we have considered Cresswell’s [18] definition of mobility, which points towards the intertwining of three aspects: physical movement, in terms of movement between one point and another; representations that allude to meanings that are constituted through narratives associated with mobility; and mobility practices, which represent simul- taneously a sense of specific, daily practices such as walking, and a more theoretical sense of social elements, in which such experiences are framed. Related to these aspects, Cress- well mentions different forms of mobility (driving, flying walking, etc.), which “have a physical reality, they are encoded culturally and socially, and they are experienced through practice” [18] (p. 20).

2.2. The Role of Mobility in the Construction of Places The shift towards mobility has also led to places being conceived more in terms of fluidity, rather than the traditional basis as nodes of immobility [29]. This led to a problema- tization regarding opposition between notions of mobility and immobility. This can be seen, for example, through work on rural-urban connections by Hedberg and do Carmo [32], which indicates that mobility cannot be defined in opposition to the notion of immobility Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 5 of 17

or a fixed state. Using a translocal perspective, these authors identify spatial mobility as a primary element within their analysis, conceiving it as a way to connect and produce places. The latter are understood from a dynamic perspective, considering places as relational and interconnected, constructed by their interrelations with other places and in constant transformation through these interrelations [32]. Along these same lines, Lindón [33] (p. 9) proposes that relational place “remains completely connected to the logic of movements as a constant tension between perma- nence and change, which in turn can operate on differing temporal and spatial scales”. Cresswell [18] points out that place is in a constant state of transformation, correlating with Massey [34] (p. 79), who indicates that place is an “open node of relations; a connection, an intertwining of flows, influences and exchanges”, and that it must be approached as a constellation of processes [22]. In this way, mobility is “just as central to human experience of the world as place” [25] (p. 3), providing certain anchors that are also integral to place itself. Beyond movement between one point and another, places and the processes for their construction represent important components of mobilities [29,35]. For Urry [36] (p. 269), “places are economically, politically and culturally produced through the multiple mobilities of people, but also of capital, objects, signs and information”. As such, places are understood as particular nodes that are in constant construction, and are defined by meanings, stories, and practices associated with being in a certain space, “inseparable from the experience, thoughts and feelings of those who inhabit them” [37] (p. 80), and being in or beyond a specific geographical location [38]. In this sense, places of ‘origin’ and ‘destination’ are important, as is the place in which the movement takes place, as the trip also has its place. It is not enough to merely focus on exit points and points of arrival; the experiences of movement between points is very significant as well [39]. For this reason, “arriving is important but so are the stories woven around the travelling” [40] (p. 84). The latter actually compose the experiences of place, and are transformed by individual biographies as “polysemic, contextual, processual and biographical” [24] (p. 79).

2.3. Mobility in Inter-Cultural Contexts: Aymara Mobility Research on Aymara mobility has focused mainly on internal migration, and dates back to as early as the 1980s [8]. Such work has continued to this day, as part of an important area of research that deals with regional dynamics in the Tarapacá and Arica and Parinacota [9–12,16,41,42]. In this context, Carrasco and González [12] (p. 220) utilize the term “mobility of the Indigenous population”, as a notion that facilitates comprehension of “country-to-city migration, questioning the traditional, unidirectional approach [43] and widening the focus to a practice in which there is a constant flow and reflux of people within the same rural sector, as well as between these sectors and urban areas”. In this way, the concept of translocality has been integrated into the local level, through research on migratory phenomena and regional mobility [9–12,14]. Here, the use of the translocal implies the idea that the Aymara community is no longer circumscribed to a locality, but rather enjoys continuity spread widely throughout the regional territory. Within this territorial expanse, there is a simultaneous influence from the rural sectors to the urban areas and vice versa, or in “more fluid social spaces, with malleable borders and in constant transformation” [9] (p. 108). It is proposed that the internal migrations that have occurred throughout the past seventy years in the region have given way to the construction of translocal networks and relations that manifest themselves in the rural-urban space. This is expressed, for example, by the fact that many of the Aymara that settled in the city maintain connections with their localities of origin through participation in religious festivities and celebrations (such as carnival or patron saint celebrations), or as members of local organizations (such as neighborhood groups, rural producer groups, or Indigenous community groups). At times they represent their community in Arica and at others they go back to their towns for the Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 6 of 17

more important local meetings. Individuals from the same locality also tend to meet around certain spaces of social reference that have been created in the city, such as the so-called “Sons of Nations” centers, or other organizations formed under the auspices of (native dances, sports clubs, and elders organizations, among others) [11]. This has led to the consolidation of significant precedents on the subject and a wealth of research work on migratory processes. However, the predominate perspective regarding mobility is still that of human displacement, leaving experiences en route and associated meanings to a secondary role. The appearance of other forms of mobility (such as symbolic mobility) has also been relegated to a secondary role within the research. Such mobility could be considered as “indirect mobility” [38], which is related to the cultural reterritorial- ization of the city and movements of memory. This more comprehensive form of understanding mobility allows us to examine the political role of mobility in terms of Indigenous resistance, ethnic revindication, and terri- torial dispute [44,45]. We will argue that the translocal mobility of Aymara people in the current urbanized era is also an act of cultural and political self-determination [7]. As such, we propose that mobility deals not only with subjects, but with cultural, symbolic, and po- litical elements as well. Whether it is physical or symbolic, mobility has been fundamental to processes of re-territorialization, and thus to the construction of Aymara places. All of these characteristics thus broaden the understanding of Aymara indigenous mobility and place it in a relevant space of claims and legacies, considering the histor- ical context where they have occurred, that is, within territories that have experienced great transformations and conquests since the pre- era, the colonial period and the establishment of Nation States, with their hegemonic ideologies and their political- administrative boundaries.

3. Area of Research and Methodological Approach The research was carried out in Arica and Putre, in the Arica and Parinacota region, located in the extreme north of Chile (Figure1), and which borders both and . The entire area along and around the borders between the three countries represent part of the ancestral center of Aymara settlements, which existed prior to the establishment of modern nation states. According to the latest census of Chile (2017) [23], the region has a population of 226,068 inhabitants, of which 97.9% reside in the municipality of Arica, and 1.2% in Putre. In this way, the population is mostly urban (91.7%) to a higher degree than the national average (87.8%), concentrated mainly in the largest urban center, the city of Arica. On the other hand, Arica and Parinacota is the region with the highest percentage of the resident population identifying as belonging to an Indigenous group: 36% of the population identi- fies as belonging to some Indigenous group, in which the Aymara ethnicity predominates at 75.3%. One of the conditions that has had profound effects on the distribution of human settlements, mobility, social, productive, and cultural dynamics is the geomorphology of the region. This is made up of areas differentiated by altitude: the coastal plains (city of Arica); the coastal mountain range (to the south of Arica); the intermediate depression (ravines and pampas); and low-lying mountains and the Andes mountain range (the ). For this study, we moved from the coastal plains in the city of Arica, to the towns of the low-lying mountains of Putre, located at altitudes of 2500–4000 m. Methodologically, this study is framed within a research process that began in 2014. This process has been approached from an ethnographic perspective, combining various techniques such as semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and mobile ac- companiment [35,46–48]. The overall purpose of the research has been to complement the collection of information that would allow for a broader analysis of mobility, based on the primary places of residence and in situ movements. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 17 Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 7 of 17

Figure 1. Case Study Location: Arica and Parinacota Region, Chile. Source: Authors.

FigureThe 1. Case fieldwork Study wasLocation: carried Arica out and between Parinacota 2014 andRegion, 2020, Chile. mainly Source: in the Authors. city of Arica and the town of Putre, both in the Arica and Parinacota region of Chile. Exceptionally, researchersMethodologically, also traveled tothis the study town ofis Pachama,framed within in the same a research region. process During the that fieldwork, began in 2014. Thisinformation-collecting process has been methodologiesapproached from were an applied, ethnographic including perspective, participant observation combining of various techniquescertain patron such saint as festivals semi-structured and other local intervie celebrations,ws, participant and 30 semi-structured observation, interviews and mobile ac- companimentwere performed [35,46–48]. with key The informants overall such purpose as subjects of the whoresearch were has born been in theto complement towns of the collectionSocoroma, of Pachama, information Parinacota, that would Putre, allow Guallatire, for a Chapiquiña, broader analysis and Bel ofén. mobility, These subjects based on the primaryhad migrated places to Aricaof residence starting inand the in 1950s, situ andmovements. were contacted through snowball sampling. On the other hand, the mobile accompaniments (N22) were recorded by field notes, The fieldwork was carried out between 2014 and 2020, mainly in the city of Arica and and were carried out during trips on public transportation along international highway the11-CH, town and of thenPutre, on Routeboth in A-147 the thatArica connects and Pa Aricarinacota with region Putre. Suchof Chile. accompaniments Exceptionally, re- searcherswere also also performed traveled using to the private town mobilization of Pachama, between in the same Arica region. and Pachama, During by the Route fieldwork, information-collecting11-CH, and then using Routes methodologies A-31 and A-153 were (see applied, Figure 2including). The data participant collected from observation both of certainmethods patron was integrally saint festivals analyzed and using other the contentlocal celebrations, analysis technique and 30 [49 semi-structured,50]. inter- views were performed with key informants such as subjects who were born in the towns of Socoroma, Pachama, Parinacota, Putre, Guallatire, Chapiquiña, and Belén. These sub- jects had migrated to Arica starting in the 1950s, and were contacted through snowball sampling. On the other hand, the mobile accompaniments (N22) were recorded by field notes, and were carried out during trips on public transportation along international highway 11-CH, and then on Route A-147 that connects Arica with Putre. Such accompaniments were also performed using private mobilization between Arica and Pachama, by Route 11-CH, and then using Routes A-31 and A-153 (see Figure 2). The data collected from both methods was integrally analyzed using the content analysis technique [49,50]. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FORSustainability PEER REVIEW2021, 13 , 4382 8 of 17 8 of 17

FigureFigure 2. Routes 2. Routes of ofmobile mobile accompaniments, accompaniments, “Arica “Arica and and Parinacota” Parinacota” Region, Region, ChileSource: ChileSource: Authors. Au- thors. 4. Mobility as Accumulative Traces: Current Outlooks on Practices and Meanings 4. Mobility as AccumulativeAssociated to OtherTraces: Movements Current Outlooks on Practices and Meanings As- sociated to Other Movements“In my mountains, just by looking at a physical space I am transported to the past.” “In my mountains, just by looking at a physical space (Man, 69 years old, born in Pachama) I am transported to the past” (Man, 69 yearsIn orderold, born to understand in Pachama). mobilities of the present it is necessary to take a good look at mobilities of the past. Interviewers employed this strategy while accompanying subjects In order to understandon their travel mobilities routes. These of the mobile present accompaniments it is necessary were to take used a to good identify look landmarks, at mobilities of the past.memories, Interviewers and keys toemployed urban–rural this Aymara strategy mobility. while Basedaccompanying on this information, subjects it was on their travel routes.possible These to observe mobile how accompan mobility todayiments is constructed were used and to imbued identify with landmarks, meaning through memories, and keysaccumulative to urban–rural territorial Aymara traces thatmobility. are characterized Based on bythis both information, material and it immaterialwas possible to observeelements how mobility condensed today into theis constructed landscape. and imbued with meaning through These elements appeared in different ways along the routes between Arica and the accumulative territoriallow-lying traces mountains, that are where charac theterized subjects’ by towns both of material origin were and located. immaterial One of ele- them was ments condensedreference into the tolandscape. old modes of mobilization, such as walking paths and drover roads, traveling These elementsby horse, appeared train, orin truck.different The latterways imply along a significantthe routes symbolic between importance, Arica and in thatthe trucks low-lying mountains,were thewhere first the motorized subjects’ mode towns of transport of origin that were reached located. the hinterlands,One of them following was the reference to old modesconstruction of mobilization, of roads in the such 1960s. as Inwalking addition, paths this wasand the drover mode roads, of transport traveling that most of by horse, train, orthe truck. interviewees The latter had imply first used a si tognificant get to the symbolic city, and which importance, allowed themin that to returntrucks to their towns of origin in the first few years after moving. were the first motorizedAnother mode common of transport theme in thethat stories reached related the by hinterlands, the interviewees following was past tripsthe as an construction of roadsessential in the means 1960s. of survival In addition, in the highland this was and the low-lying mode of mountain transport areas. that In most this context, of the intervieweesmobility had first became used a need,to get through to the familycity, and commercial which allowed strategies them for the to trade return of productsto their towns of originbetween in the Arica, first the few mountain years after towns, moving. and Bolivia. Another commonAt theme the same in time,the stories mobility related experienced by the before interviewees having moved was topast the trips city maintains as a certain meaning in the present. Such meanings could be as communication with other an essential means of survival in the highland and low-lying mountain areas. In this con- places; a mechanism to resolve basic needs; to facilitate family work in cases when animals text, mobility becameand provisions a need, through for the journey family had commercial to be arranged strategies days before for the the trip; trade to elicit of emotionsprod- due ucts between Arica,to the the return mountain of parents towns, or grandparents, and Bolivia. bringing news, anecdotes and familiar products; At the same andtime, as mobility a space to experienced facilitate mutual before support, having because moved journeys to the werecity maintains generally made a in certain meaning groups.in the present. Mobility isSuch also connectedmeanings to could absence, be for as those communication who remained inwith towns other did so in a places; a mechanismconstant to resolve state of basic waiting needs; and expectation.to facilitate family work in cases when animals These experiences, inscribed as part of a way of life that is predominately present in and provisions for the journey had to be arranged days before the trip; to elicit emotions collective memory [51,52], emerged organically through the stories localized within the due to the return ofcity parents and along or thegrandparents, routes taken, bringing such as the news, international anecdotes highway and familiar and its adjacent prod- roads. ucts; and as a spaceConstant to facilitate reference mutual was made suppo tort, mule because driving, journeys family, places were for generally planting made and cultivation, in groups. Mobility andis also the connected interconnected to absence, local life. for those who remained in towns did so in a constant state of waiting and expectation. These experiences, inscribed as part of a way of life that is predominately present in collective memory [51,52], emerged organically through the stories localized within the city and along the routes taken, such as the international highway and its adjacent roads. Constant reference was made to mule driving, family, places for planting and cultivation, and the interconnected local life. Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 9 of 17

At the same time, all interviewees maintain vivid memories of their first trips to Arica, including who they travelled with, the routes they had to take, the waiting, the modes of transport, the clothes they wore, especially being hungry or cold, the emotions they felt in leaving their towns and moving to the city. This lived experience, as a mobility practice, has constructed the direct experiences of place. These experiences have been anchored in landscapes as well as in memory, making up part of the accumulative traces that construct the territory itself. The main motives that triggered the decision to leave towns of origin were related to having a different perspective on life. In most cases, this was represented by expectations of improving the family economy through work and continuing formal education, as in most rural towns schools only taught to 6th grade. Despite the apparent freedom with which they made the decision to migrate, due mainly to the idea of mobility as a means to progress in life, there was also a political-historical context, which in a way forced their mobility. The role of this context is very clear in the production of power relations and dynamics of domination [18], through the creation of inequalities and exclusion by state policies. In this way, the process of mobility experienced from the 1950s can be constructed as a fundamental landmark in the life experiences of the interviewees; both those who migrated alone and those who travelled as a family to live in the city. In addition, other elements were also transferred together with the actual people, such as traditions, customs, emotions, and practices. For this reason, mobility not only represented human displacement, but also all of these other aspects together, and which are today key in terms of ethnic revindication in territorial urbanization processes. Moving to Arica as a permanent place of residence meant the end of a stage character- ized by a traditional way of life in relation to their primary, nuclear family. This way of life was connected to agrarian cycles around their localities, and rotation between different localities (due to crops, school, or other reasons). It also implied the beginning of another stage, related to consolidating complex connections between places and times through their own movements, and processes of symbolic mobility. This urbanization process of Aymara groups involves a highly political process of mobility. Adaptation to the city was a difficult process for many of the interviewees, who were children at the time. Beyond the family boundaries of the town, the city lengthened both the physical and symbolic distance from the known, and hegemonically denied and made invisible Aymara cultural traditions. In this context of denial, the mobility between the city and the places of origin was expressed due to deep yearnings and nostalgia for the family, localities, climate, and the ways of life that affected memory. This also demonstrates the role of mobility in the production of social differences through the implementation of educational public policies. Limited access to education in towns in the hinterlands, which made up a significant part of the reasoning of most of the interviewees for moving to the city, represented a serious violation of children’s rights by the state. In many cases, though mothers and fathers decided to send their children to the city, it was the state that politically forced this displacement, necessary to achieve higher levels of education. This exposes the lack of protection for children who did not have the tools or the maturity needed to perform beyond their primary family circle. In addition, in the midst of the “Chilenization” process (the process by which, through different means of control, including public education and obligatory military service, the state imposed the deliberate elimination of all cultural traits of the Aymara population), school was not a safe space for children, as many were discriminated against for having certain physical, linguistic, and cultural traits. In this context of becoming culturally invisible, reconnecting to their towns of origin was especially important for Aymara people, though the frequencies of these trips were irregular and were established according to the specific dates of summer and winter vacations, as well as the economic feasibility of making the trip. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 17

Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 10 of 17

As several people told us, the conditions in which these trips were made—the poor conditionAs several of roads, people the told shortage us, the of conditions public transport in which and these the trips long were journey made—the times—did poor not conditionchange for of decades, roads, the and shortage government of public authorities transport showed and the little long interest journey in times—did improving not them, changethis being for decades,an important and government political aspect authorities in mobility. showed Despite little interest these adversities, in improving the them, tempo- thisrary being return an to important the locality political was aspectconstituted in mobility. as a desire Despite to these reunite adversities, with the the maternal, temporary pater- returnnal, and to thecommunity locality wasaffections, constituted reinforcing as a desire the town to reunite as a space with theof protection maternal, paternal,and belong- anding.community Therefore, these affections, trips reinforcingthat connected the townthe city as awith space the of rural protection towns andof origin belonging. not only Therefore,had a resignification these trips that in topophilic connected terms the city [53] with from the new rural practices towns of and origin meanings not only of had mobil- a resignificationity, but also were in topophilic fertile ground terms for [53 the] from emergence new practices of expressions and meanings of local of and mobility, ethnic but revin- alsodication were in fertile an intercultural ground for the context. emergence of expressions of local and ethnic revindication in an interculturalThus, mobility context. movements, practices, and meanings have been constituted in a local- izedThus, way through mobility these movements, accumulative practices, traces and that meanings contain have ways been of constitutedinhabiting the in a territory. local- izedThese way traces through have these an effect accumulative on the constructi traces thaton contain of place ways in accordance of inhabiting with the political-his- territory. Thesetoric contexts traces have and an the effect biographical on the construction experiences of place of the in interviewees. accordance with political-historic contexts and the biographical experiences of the interviewees. 5. Present Mobility as Construction of Place and Cultural Revindication 5. Present Mobility as Construction of Place and Cultural Revindication DespiteDespite the the strong strong ties ties with with their their localities, localities, none none of of the the interviewees interviewees ever ever definitively definitively returnedreturned to to live live in in the the low-lying low-lying mountains mountains or altiplano or altiplano again. again. The primary The primary reasons reasons for this for werethis were the formation the formation of their of owntheir nuclear own nuclear families families in the city,in the and city, that and the that rural the towns rural had towns veryhad fewvery or few no or job no opportunities job opportunities for electricians, for electricians, accountants, accountants, secretaries, secretaries, tailors, tailors, factory fac- workers,tory workers, or domestic or domestic workers, workers, nor were nor there were many there servicesmany services or industries; or industries; some did some not did evennot even have have electricity. electricity. TheseThese reasons reasons were were intrinsic intrinsic in in the the construction construction of of a a place place with with an an emotional emotional base base in inArica. Arica. In In forming forming this this place, place, the emergenceemergence ofof social social and and community community spaces spaces related related to to townstowns of of origin origin was was also also an an intrinsic intrinsic factor. factor. To To this this day, day, such such spaces spaces continue continue to beto builtbe built basedbased on on networks networks of of people people from from one one or or more more towns. towns. In In this this way, way, different different cultural cultural and and locallocal expressions expressions have have been been reterritorialized reterritorialized in in the the city, city, configuring configuring a spatial a spatial tapestry tapestry of of culturalcultural revindication. revindication. Although Although for for several several decades decades these these spaces spaces were were only only developed developed throughthrough intimate intimate social social circles, circles, over over time time they they expanded, expanded, first through first through food and food the and Andean the An- footballdean football league, league, and then and through then through music and music dance and (Figure dance3). (Figure These spaces3). These now spaces play anow veryplay important a very important role, and role, are constituted and are constituted as spaces thatas spaces mark athat strong mark reference a strong in reference terms of in theirterms ethnic of their identity, ethnic origins, identity, and origins, culture. and culture.

FigureFigure 3. 3.Mobile Mobile urban urban cultural cultural activity, activity, Cultural Cultural Association Association of Chapiquiña, of Chapiquiña, Pachama Pachama and Copaquilla, and Co- paquilla, Arica, 2017. Source: Authors. Arica, 2017. Source: Authors. Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 17

These anchors—culturally significant and politically revindicating—have deepened the interdependencies between the city and the towns of origin in the highlands. Physical Sustainabilityand2021 ,symbolic13, 4382 mobility are expressed based on the trips by the interviewees to their towns11 of 17 of origin, and by the mobilizing role of memory, tradition, and customs in the spaces of reference in Arica. Over time, this process has been constituted into what is referred to as “making” a town in theThese city, anchors—culturally coming to include significant newer and Aymara politically generations revindicating—have that were deepened born the interdependencies between the city and the towns of origin in the highlands. Physical in Arica. Thus, indirectand symbolic symbolic mobility mobility are expressed is practiced based on constantly the trips by thethrough interviewees group to associa- their towns tions, socio-politicalof origin, demonstration, and by the mobilizing music, dance, role ofmemory, food, celebrations, tradition, and and customs memories in the spaces that of trigger individualreference and group in Arica. nostalgia. Over time, At this the process same hastime, been such constituted shared into elements what is referred produce to as cultural reproduction,“making” ethnic a town identification in the city, coming and to include emotions newer Aymaraconnected generations to a native that were land. born in Therefore, a placeArica. of belonging Thus, indirect and symbolic memory mobility is constituted is practiced constantly as a, “container through group of meanings associations, socio-political demonstration, music, dance, food, celebrations, and memories that trigger [that] emerge fromindividual deeper and experiences group nostalgia. that At have the same accumulated time, such shared over elementstime” [54] produce (p. 197). cultural Such places concentratereproduction, traces ethnic of meanings identification that and are emotions spatialized, connected connecting to a native emotions, land. Therefore, his- a tories and experiencesplace of that belonging reference and memory past, present, is constituted and future as a, “container human of communities. meanings [that] emerge All of this alsofrom accounts deeper experiences for the political that have ro accumulatedle of mobility over in time” terms [54] of (p. resistance 197). Such and places concentrate traces of meanings that are spatialized, connecting emotions, histories and territorial dispute,experiences especially that in reference symbolic past, term present,s. In andthis future sense, human the strong communities. ideological pres- sures embedded in stateAll of policies this also that accounts led forto thean apparently political role ofvoluntary mobility in displacement terms of resistance from and which cultural assimilationterritorial dispute, processes especially were inpromoted symbolic terms.gave rise In thisto and sense, accommodated the strong ideological cul- tural expressionspressures that over embedded time generate in state policiesd counterbalances that led to an apparently and made voluntary space, displacement through moving bodies andfrom memories, which cultural for assimilationaffection for processes the place were of promoted birth and gave for rise the to and place accommodated of prin- cultural expressions that over time generated counterbalances and made space, through cipal residency, demonstratingmoving bodies and a translocal memories, forrealization affection forand the revindication place of birth andof place, for the i.e., place a of spatio-temporal actprincipal of self-determination. residency, demonstrating The a same translocal city realization that made and this revindication culture invisible of place, i.e., for decades is useda spatio-temporal today by Aymara act of self-determination.groups as a platform The same for resistance city that made and this revindication culture invisible of cultural traditions,for decades which is usedare expressed today by Aymara in various groups types as a platform of socio-political for resistance andand revindication cultural of cultural traditions, which are expressed in various types of socio-political and cultural activities. However,activities. these However, urban activities these urban are activities spatio-temporally are spatio-temporally connected connected with with other other manifestations thatmanifestations the same Aymara that the same groups Aymara that groups today that live today of Arica live of still Arica carry still carry out outin their in their towns of origin intowns the Altiplano of origin in the(Figure Altiplano 4). (Figure4).

(a) (b)

FigureFigure 4. Translocal 4. Translocal and interdependent and interdependent socio-political socio-political activities of an Aymara activities group of in an the Aymara main square group of the in city the of Aricamain (a) andsquare in the ruralof the town city of of Pachama Arica (ab)), and 2018. in Source: the rural Authors. town of Pachama (b), 2018. Source: Authors.

The intertwining forms of physical and symbolic movement corroborates the idea that The intertwining forms of physical and symbolic movement corroborates the idea movement from one point to another is only one dimension of mobility. Mobility occurs on that movement fromseveral one scales, point from to regional another to corporal, is only composedone dimension of experiences of mobility. imbued with Mobility meaning occurs on severalthat scales, traverse from subjects regional and connectsto corporal, them composed with various of times experiences in history. Theseimbued experiences with meaning that traverseare incarnated subjects within and the connects relational them places with in Arica, various their townstimes of in origin, history. and theThese routes experiences are incarnatedtaken between within the two. the Therelational trips by places the interviewees in Arica, to their their towns towns of of origin origin, reinforces and the aforementioned idea of accumulative traces, which are reflected along the routes, the routes taken andbetween where the current two. practices The trips of urban-rural by the interviewees mobility that includeto their modes towns of mobilizationof origin reinforces the aforementionedand experiences alongidea theof accumu way, are constitutedlative traces, by memories which are and reflected aspects of dailyalong life: the routes, and where current practices of urban-rural mobility that include modes of mobili- zation and experiences along the way, are constituted by memories and aspects of daily life: Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 12 of 17

• “Around here we took the animals to pasture with my cousin” (Woman, 71 years old, born in Chapiquiña); • “In the rainy season so much water came down that the trucks couldn’t pass, and here we would wait for the water to go down a little to be able get by on horse” (Woman, 64 years old, born in Putre); • “Here the truck got stuck, and we got down with a shovel to dig it out of the mud” (Woman, 72 years old, born in Putre); • “Before that road went to Arica” (Man, 66 years old, born in Chapiquiña); • “My grandparents used to plant crops on that hill” (Man, 69 years old, born in Pachama); • “From this point on I usually sleep” (Woman, 76 years old, born in Putre); • “I was afraid to travel with the trucks because the road was bad, there were a lot of rocks, holes, sometimes the brakes would go out and the trucks flipped over ( ... ) but today the road is paved” (Woman, 72 years old, born in Putre); • “Here in Zapahuira we always have breakfast” (Woman, 44 years old, born in Parinacota); • “On the road sometimes I talk to people I know, sometimes I read the newspaper, sleep, or sometimes I just get bored” (Woman, 72 years old, born in Putre); • “I like to knit on these trips” (Woman, 65 years old, born in Guallatire). In this way, current mobility practices are made up of memory landmarks and past experiences, as well as by common actions or sensations such as sleeping, getting bored, listening to music, knitting, or talking to the person in the adjacent seat. Although present mobility continues to be related to the past, it is a mobility that is in constant transformation. Practices, for example, in terms of ways of moving, have changed a lot since the first trips. Walking, riding a horse, or trips in the back of a pick-up truck as a passenger are no longer normal for getting from the city to the towns. These days, public transportation or a private car are more common. Such changes to the modes of transport have influenced the experiences of travelers along the routes: today the character of these trips is generally dual or collective, as trips are made as a group or a family. It is increasingly rare for someone to travel alone to his or her town of origin (with the exception of work-related trips). This new dynamic is related to the reasons for making the trip and the frequency with which they are made; trips are made with far more planning rather than spontaneously as they used to be, and the time spent generally ranges from just a day to a weekend, depending on the occasion. These changes are also facilitated by a higher degree of access to private means of transport, as most now have and use their own car or a shared vehicle, which allows them to better plan the departure time and travel more comfortably. Some people occasionally use public transport to get to their towns of origin, mainly on meeting days. However, it is important to note that the supply and frequency of transport services are scarce (one or two companies and/or private individuals offer services to each locality), which is also a factor regarding the low use of this mode of transport. In effect, with the exception of the towns of Putre and Socoroma, which have daily transport services from Arica (once a day), most other towns in the low-lying mountains only have such services twice a week (in the case of Belén or Chapiquiña, Tuesday and Friday) (Figure5). Such services are even scarcer for certain towns in the altiplano such as Guallatire, which only run once every two weeks. This scenario reopens the political dimension of mobility: it shows that mobility is a resource with differential access for different users [18], in which the frequencies, velocities, and comfort levels of journeys vary based on governmental mobility polices and on the economic capacities of travelers. In these regard, mobility experiences of Aymara people “open up significant debates regarding who exactly benefits directly from mobility policies, and how public policies can positively affect the possibilities and conditions of travel for the population” [35] (p. 258). Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 13 of 17 Sustainability 2021, 13, x FOR PEER REVIEW 13 of 17

Figure 5. Indigenous groups waiting for a bus, rural town of Pachama, 2017. Source: Authors. Figure 5. Indigenous groups waiting for a bus, rural town of Pachama, 2017. Source: Authors.

RegardingRegarding the the reasons reasons for for physical physical mobility mobility practices, practices, it it can can be be pointed pointed out out that that these these areare cultural, cultural, symbolic, symbolic, and and political political in in nature: nature the: the interviewees interviewees travel travel for for the the celebration celebration of festivals,of festivals, traditions traditions and and costumes; costumes; visiting visiting patron patron saints, saints, family family or local or local farms; farms; attending attend- meetingsing meetings of territorial of territorial organizations organizations and toand discuss to discuss political political issues issues related related to their to their culture. cul- Ature. few A interviewees few interviewees travel for travel economic for economic or productive or productive reasons, reasons, such as checking such as checking on animals on oranimals as tourism or as guides. tourism guides. TheThe reasons reasons for for travelling travelling to to the the towns towns are are related related to theto the meanings meanings that that people people connect con- withnect them.with them. The towns The towns represent represent a reunion a reunion with their with origins, their origins, a source a ofsource cultural of cultural revin- dication,revindication, a trip toa trip the to past, the thepast, cultivation the cultivation of present of present connections, connections, andprojections and projections to the to futurethe future that, that, in a certainin a certain way, way, provide provide for communal for communal sustainability sustainability regarding regarding their their culture cul- andture locality. and locality. Thus,Thus, the the towns towns are are places places that that represent represent roots roots and and a a sense sense of of belonging belonging fixed fixed in in a a specificspecific location, location, while while at at the the same same time time are are also also part part of of people’s people’s very very existence. existence. They They are are likelike an an engine engine that that mobilizes mobilizes people, people, connecting connecting to the to extendedthe extended territory territory through through personal per- andsonal collective and collective experiences experiences located located in relational in relational places: places: “I have “I always have always said that said the that town the istown a big is family, a big family, we are we all connectedare all connected ( ... ), we(…), still we havestill have roots roots there, there, and that’sand that’s why why we sharewe share everything, everything, we are we related are related by that by family,that family, we are we related are related culturally, culturally, politically politically and territorially”and territorially” (Woman, (Woman, 52 years 52 years old, born old, inborn Chapiquiña). in Chapiquiña). InIn this this way, way, these these meanings meanings associated associated with with mobility mobility are are related related to to going going back back in in orderorder to to maintain maintain their their place, place, and and to to not not forget forget their their family, family, cultural, cultural, and and territorial territorial lineage: line- “Sinceage: “Since I left I I have left I alwayshave always thought thought that one that ought one ought to contribute to contribute to their to placetheir place of origin, of origin, and Iand think I think that peoplethat people make make places places…I... I think think that that my my kids kids ought ought to to contribute contribute to to the the place place wherewhere their their grandparents grandparents are are from” from” (Woman, (Woman, 54 54 years years old, old, born born in in Bel Belén).én). AllAll of of this this shows shows thatthat memorymemory isis mobilemobile andand activeactive withinwithin thisthis groupgroup ofof Aymara,Aymara, makingmaking them them travel travel both both physically physically and and symbolically, symbolically, constantly constantly constructing constructing place place and and sharedshared identity. identity. This This is is because because the the town town and and its its extension extension is is memory, memory, as as well well as as a a space space produced by those involved in the struggle, as the same occurs in power dynamics [55,56]. produced by those involved in the struggle, as the same occurs in power dynamics [55,56]. Thus, in the memory that is interwoven in space and time by means of mobility, socio- Thus, in the memory that is interwoven in space and time by means of mobility, socio- spatial practices are reconfigured as well as a complex network of cultural and political spatial practices are reconfigured as well as a complex network of cultural and political resistance: Indigenous revindication. resistance: Indigenous revindication. This place is also maintained by experiences in Arica, where indirect symbolic mobil- This place is also maintained by experiences in Arica, where indirect symbolic mo- ity is continually practiced through associativity, music, dances, food, celebrations, and bility is continually practiced through associativity, music, dances, food, celebrations, and Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 14 of 17

memories themselves that trigger individual and group nostalgia and at the same time trigger cultural reproduction, ethnic claims, and affection for their own homeland as a place of belonging and memory. In this context, despite the changes that state policies and modernization processes have brought about in this territory, Aymara Indigenous mobilities have diversified, con- centrating webs of meanings that spatialize and connect emotions, stories and trajectories that refer to past, present, and future human groups. In this sense, as Huiliñir [57] (p. 11) indicates in the case of the Mapuche people in southern Chile, the landscapes of Indigenous mobilities “involve a continuous process of updating and/or re-elaboration of practices and narratives of the displacements that resist and subvert the effects of the interventions of the state agency in mobility”.

6. Discussion and Conclusions This study involved a trip down mobile paths. From the individual to the collective, these trips demonstrate the mobilities of a group of Aymara people from the region of Arica and Parinacota. The work provides evidence of an experience that contributes to the diversity of mobilities in Latin America. We are very aware that these experiences cannot be extrapolated to the mobility dynamics of the entire Aymara population, and that they demonstrate one form of mobility among many others. However, we believe that this case study in inter-cultural and Indigenous contexts contributes to a more complex perspective on mobility regarding its heterogeneity and the connection of differing temporalities that are physically and symbolically intertwined as key aspects in the configuration of place. This is precisely one of the main contributions to the new paradigm of mobility: Aymara mobility, as a representation of a “mobility of resistance” in intercultural contexts, crosses and challenges the notion of chronological time. Aymara mobility connects the past and the present through complex intergenerational and embodied transformations and representations of the landscape. This spatiotemporal understanding of inhabiting place though movement questions the traditional approaches to time and mobility; it helps us to generate a more holistic understanding of mobility, from which new epistemologies emerge for its development. The narratives and references, both those that are localized and those identified en route, demonstrated that mobilities were gestated from the very beginning, based on material, functional and/or forced necessity, as well as emotions, rural ways of life, communication and absence. This then gave way to a diversification of mobility, mainly centered on a symbolic-emotional mobility and, in a way, on another kind of need: spiritual, emotional, and a sense of belonging. This reaffirms that the mobilities of this group of Aymara are part of and have been constructed by accumulative territorial traces, which are manifested in places that they have made relational through their own actions. These mobilities are connectors to past and present times, through practices and meanings associated with physical and sym- bolic movements. In this sense, it is important to point out yet again that these mobilities not only refer to human displacement, but also to other inter-related elements that move, such as culture, memories, emotions, customs, and foods. Considering the complexity of the relations between these elements makes it possible to conceive of extended territory from a different perspective: that of transformative and dynamic mobility, which is necessary for transcending the static categories of ‘rural’ and ‘urban’, and of mobility itself as merely physical movement. Based on the development of this research, we conclude that these mobility practices and meanings dispute perspectives on territory and place based on experiences. This leads us to consider the political role that such mobility has played in different areas, from the reproduction of inequalities based on access to basic rights such as education or healthcare, to the depopulation of towns in the altiplano and Andes mountains, the creation Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 15 of 17

of referential spaces of a social or ethnic-identity based nature, and the memory of travel and physical travel for reasons ranging from festive to functional, and which allow for the reactivation of the towns. The same was also observed during the mobile accompaniments. Such experiences were part of a “lived” time, full of localized references to the landscape along with songs, conversations between two people or a group of people, spaces of contemplative silence and sleeping, stops for breakfast and scented water for altitude sickness, fear of steep drop-offs and trucks, laughter and varying speeds, all along the way. In this sense, the experiences of this group of Aymara as a representation of Indigenous mobilities contribute relevant and particular aspects to the new paradigm of mobility, integrating a symbolic and translocal dimension through these cumulative routes that reflect ways of inhabiting, contesting, and building territories. At the same time, they show us how the current processes of cultural and political self-determination are deeply linked to dynamics of mobility. In a broader sense, this case helps us to expand the theoretical limits of the new mobility paradigm, which has mainly been commanded by Eurocentric perspectives or cases. Current literature in this area has been somewhat disdainful, not yet examining in sufficient depth the ways in which the politics of mobility (in Cresswell’s terms) have made indigenous and minority group worldviews invisible for centuries. Examining more deeply the processes of Indigenous (im)mobility is therefore key to understanding the new paradigm of mobility from the perspective of heterogeneity and difference, and with that really expanding the meaning of what Creswell called the politics of mobility.

Author Contributions: Conceptualization, G.S. and P.G.; methodology, G.S. and P.G.; formal analysis, P.G. and G.S.; investigation, P.G. and G.S.; resources, G.S.; writing—original draft preparation, P.G. and G.S.; writing—review and editing, G.S. and P.G.; project administration, G.S.; funding acquisition, G.S. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript. Funding: This research was supported by Agencia Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología—Chilean Government (ANID), Research Project Fondecyt Regular N◦ 1181575; by Centro de Desarrollo Urbano Sustentable (ANID, FONDAP No 15110020); and by Centro de Estudios Interculturales e Indígenas (ANID, FONDAP No 15110006). Data Availability Statement: Not applicable. Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest. The funders had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript, or in the decision to publish the results.

References 1. Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos. Migraciones Indígenas en las Américas; Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos (IIDH): San José, Costa Rica, 2007. 2. Rodríguez, J. Migración Interna de los Pueblos Indígenas: Sistematizando y Analizando Información Censal Relevante para Actualizar las Imágenes, Mejorar el Conocimiento y Fortalecer las Intervenciones; PYDLOS Ediciones: Cuenca, Ecuador, 2008. 3. Del Popolo, F.; Ribotta, B. Migración de Jóvenes Indígenas en América Latina. In Pueblos Indígenas y Afrodescendientes en América Latina: Dinámicas Poblacionales Diversas y Desafíos Comunes; Del Popolo, F., Ribotta, B., Eds.; ALAP-UNFPA: Río de Janeiro, Brazil, 2011. 4. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean CEPAL. Los Pueblos Indígenas en América Latina. Avances en el Último Decenio y Retos Pendientes para la Garantía de sus Derechos; Naciones Unidas: Santiago, Chile, 2014. 5. Moreno, J.C. Redes y Estructuras Familiares en la Experiencia del Territorio. Un Acercamiento Cualitativo y Comprehensivo a los Discursos de Habitantes de Comunidades Rurales de la Península de Lacuy, Isla Grande de Chiloé. Master’s Thesis, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile, 2013. 6. Mardones, P. Migración Internacional y pueblos indígenas. Cruzando variables. Iberoam. Soc. Rev. Red Estud. Soc. 2015, 4, 128–141. 7. Bengoa, J. La Memoria Olvidada. Historia de los Pueblos Indígenas de Chile; Compilador; Publicaciones del Bicentenario: Santiago, Chile, 2004. 8. Grebe, M.E. Migración, identidad y cultura Aymara: Puntos de vista del actor. Chungará Rev. Antropol. Chil. 1986, 16–17, 205–223. 9. Gundermann, H. Procesos regionales y poblaciones indígenas en el norte de Chile. Un esquema de análisis con base en la continuidad y los cambios de la comunidad andina. Estud. Atacameños 2001, 21, 89–112. [CrossRef] 10. Gundermann, H.; González, H. Pautas de integración regional, migración, movilidad y redes sociales en los pueblos indígenas de Chile. Rev. Univers. 2008, 23, 82–115. [CrossRef] Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 16 of 17

11. González, H.; Gundermann, H.; Hidalgo, J. Comunidad indígena y construcción histórica del espacio entre los aymara del norte de Chile. Chungará Rev. Antropol. Chil. 2014, 46, 233–246. [CrossRef] 12. Carrasco, A.M.; González, H. Movilidad poblacional y procesos de articulación rural-urbano entre los aymara del norte de Chile. Si Somos Am. Rev. Estud. Transfront. 2014, 14, 217–232. [CrossRef] 13. González, P. Prácticas Translocales Aymaras: Una Aproximación Desde la Movilidad de Sujetos Procedentes de la Comuna Putre, a Partir de su Establecimiento en la Ciudad de Arica Entre las Décadas de 1950 y 1980. Master’s Thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Santiago, Chile, 2015. Unpublished. 14. Gundermann, H.; Vergara, J. Comunidad, organización y complejidad social andinas en el norte de Chile. Estud. Atacameños Arqueol. Antropol. Surandinas 2009, 38, 107–126. [CrossRef] 15. Ribotta, B. Diagnóstico Sociodemográfico de los Pueblos Indígenas de Chile; Documento de Trabajo; Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL)-Fundación Ford: Santiago, Chile, 2010. 16. Grebe, M.E. Procesos migratorios, identidad étnica y estrategias adaptativas en las culturas indígenas de Chile: Una perspectiva preliminar. Rev. Chil. Antropol. 1997, 14, 55–68. [CrossRef] 17. Cerna, C.; Samit, S.; Chávez, P. Algunos antecedentes etnográficos acerca de la migración interna rural urbana de los sujetos Aymara en el extremo norte de Chile (región de Arica y Parinacota). Conten. Arte Cult. Cienc. Soc. 2014, 4, 23–39. 18. Cresswell, T. Towards a politics of mobility. Environ. Plan. D Soc. Space 2010, 28, 17–31. [CrossRef] 19. Jirón, P.; Zunino, D. Dossier. Movilidad Urbana y Género: Experiencias latinoamericanas. Rev. Transp. Territ. 2017, 16, 1852–7175. 20. Sheller, M.; Urry, J. The new mobilities paradigm. Environ. Plan. A 2006, 38, 207–226. [CrossRef] 21. Greiner, C. Translocal Networks and Stratification in Namibia. Afr. J. Int. Afr. Inst. 2011, 4, 606–627. [CrossRef] 22. Massey, D. For Space; SAGE: London, UK, 2005. 23. Census of Chile; Instituto Nacional de Estadisticas: Santiago, Chile, 2017. 24. Bender, B. Landscapes on the move. J. Soc. Archaeol. 2001, 1, 75–89. [CrossRef] 25. Cresswell, T. On the Move: Mobility in the Modern Western World; Routledge: London, UK, 2006. 26. Snead, J. Trails of Tradition: Archaeology, Landscape, and Movement. In Proceedings of the Symposium Landscapes of Movement, Philadelphia, PA, USA, 29–31 May 2006. 27. Elliott, A.; Urry, J. Mobile Lives; Routledge: London, UK, 2010. 28. Sheller, M. Mobility. In Sociopedia.isa; International Sociological Association, Universidad Complutense: Madrid, Spain, 2011. [CrossRef] 29. Milbourne, P.; Kitchen, L. Rural mobilities: Connecting movement and fixity in rural places. J. Rural Stud. 2014, 34, 326–336. [CrossRef] 30. Jirón, P.; Mansilla, P. Atravesando la espesura de la ciudad: Vida cotidiana y barreras de accesibilidad de los habitantes de la periferia urbana de Santiago de Chile. Rev. Geogr. Norte Gd. 2013, 56, 53–74. [CrossRef] 31. Brickell, K.; Datta, A. Introduction: Translocal geographies. In Translocal Geographies. Spaces, Places, Connections; Brickell, K., Datta, A., Eds.; Ashgate: Burlington, NJ, USA, 2011. 32. Hedberg, C.; do Carmo, R. Translocal Ruralism: Mobility and Connectivity in European Rural Spaces. In Translocal Ruralism Mobility and Connectivity in European Rural Spaces; Hedberg, C., do Carmo, R., Eds.; Springer: Dordrecht, The Netherlands, 2012. 33. Lindón, A. El constructivismo geográfico y las aproximaciones cualitativas. Rev. Geogr. Norte Gd. 2007, 37, 5–21. [CrossRef] 34. Massey, D. Lugar, identidad y geografías de la responsabilidad en un mundo en proceso de globalización. Treb. Soc. Catalana Geogr. 2004, 57, 77–84. 35. Salazar, G.; Irarrázaval, F.; Fonck, M. Exploring Intermediate Cities in Latin America: Mixed Mobile Methods for Mobility assessment in Villarrica, Chile. Geogr. J. 2017, 138, 247–260. [CrossRef] 36. Urry, J. Mobilities; Polity: London, UK, 2007. 37. García Ballesteros, A. La recuperación de la escala local en geografía de la población. Investig. Geogr. 2000, 43, 76–87. [CrossRef] 38. Oakes, T.; Schein, L. (Eds.) Translocal China Linkages, Identities, and the Reimaging of Space; Routledge: London, UK, 2006. 39. Walter, I.; Jirón, P.; Iturra, L. Más allá del barrio: Habitar Santiago en la movilidad cotidiana. Rev. Antropol. Sur 2015, 3, 87–103. 40. Edmonds, M. Ancestral Geographies of the Neolithic: Landscapes, Monuments and Memory; Routledge: London, UK, 1999. 41. Carrasco, A.M. Mujeres aymara e inserción laboral. Rev. Cienc. Soc. 1998, 8, 83–96. 42. Gundermann, H.; González, H.; Durston, J. Relaciones sociales y etnicidad en el espacio aymara chileno. Chungará Rev. Antropol. Chil. 2014, 46, 397–421. [CrossRef] 43. Redfield, R. The Folk Society. Am. J. Sociol. 1947, 52, 293–308. [CrossRef] 44. Suliman, S.; Farbotko, C.; Ransan-Cooper, H.; McNamara, K.E.; Thornton, F.; McMichael, C.; Kitara, T. Indigenous (im)mobilities in the Anthropocene. Mobilities 2019, 14, 298–318. [CrossRef] 45. Whyte, K.; Talley, J.L.; Gibson, J.D. Indigenous mobility traditions, colonialism, and the Anthropocene. Mobilities 2019, 14, 319–335. [CrossRef] 46. Kusenbach, M. Street Phenomenology: The Go-Along as Ethnographic Research Tool. Ethnography 2003, 4, 455–485. [CrossRef] 47. Jirón, P. On becoming ‘la sombra/the shadow’. In Mobile Methods; Buscher, M., Urry, J., Witchger, K., Eds.; Routledge: London, UK; New York, NY, USA, 2010; pp. 36–53. 48. Evans, J.; Jones, P. The walking interview: Methodology, mobility and place. Appl. Geogr. 2011, 31, 849–858. [CrossRef] 49. Bardin, L. Análisis de Contenido; Akal Ediciones: Madrid, Spain, 1996. Sustainability 2021, 13, 4382 17 of 17

50. Mayring, P. Qualitative Content Analysis. Forum Qual. Soc. Res. 2000, 1. 51. Halbwachs, M. Los Marcos Sociales de la Memoria; Anthropos Editorial: Barcelona, Spain, 2004. 52. Lorimer, H. Homeland. Cult. Geogr. 2014, 21, 583–604. [CrossRef] 53. Tuan, Y.-F. Topofilia. Un Estudio Sobre Percepciones, Actitudes y Valores Medioambientales; Melusina: Madrid, Spain, 2007. 54. Tuan, Y.-F. Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience; University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis, MN, USA, 1977. 55. Raffestein, C. Por una Geografía del Poder; El colegio de Michoacan: Zamora de Hidalgo, Mexico, 2011. 56. Stratford, E.; Waitt, G.; Harada, T. A relational approach to walking: Methodology, metalanguage, and power relations. Geogr. Res. 2020, 51, 118–135. [CrossRef] 57. Huiliñir, V. De senderos a paisajes: Paisajes de las movilidades de una comunidad mapuche en Los Andes del sur de Chile. Chungara Rev. Antropol. Chil. 2018, 50, 487–499.