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Umbria from the Iron Age to the Augustan Era
UMBRIA FROM THE IRON AGE TO THE AUGUSTAN ERA PhD Guy Jolyon Bradley University College London BieC ILONOIK.] ProQuest Number: 10055445 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10055445 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract This thesis compares Umbria before and after the Roman conquest in order to assess the impact of the imposition of Roman control over this area of central Italy. There are four sections specifically on Umbria and two more general chapters of introduction and conclusion. The introductory chapter examines the most important issues for the history of the Italian regions in this period and the extent to which they are relevant to Umbria, given the type of evidence that survives. The chapter focuses on the concept of state formation, and the information about it provided by evidence for urbanisation, coinage, and the creation of treaties. The second chapter looks at the archaeological and other available evidence for the history of Umbria before the Roman conquest, and maps the beginnings of the formation of the state through the growth in social complexity, urbanisation and the emergence of cult places. -
Herakles Iconography on Tyrrhenian Amphorae
HERAKLES ICONOGRAPHY ON TYRRHENIAN AMPHORAE _____________________________________________ A Thesis presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School University of Missouri-Columbia _____________________________________________ In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts ______________________________________________ by MEGAN LYNNE THOMSEN Dr. Susan Langdon, Thesis Supervisor DECEMBER 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Dr. Susan Langdon, and the other members of my committee, Dr. Marcus Rautman and Dr. David Schenker, for their help during this process. Also, thanks must be given to my family and friends who were a constant support and listening ear this past year. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………ii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS……………………………………………………………..v Chapter 1. TYRRHENIAN AMPHORAE—A BRIEF STUDY…..……………………....1 Early Studies Characteristics of Decoration on Tyrrhenian Amphorae Attribution Studies: Identifying Painters and Workshops Market Considerations Recent Scholarship The Present Study 2. HERAKLES ON TYRRHENIAN AMPHORAE………………………….…30 Herakles in Vase-Painting Herakles and the Amazons Herakles, Nessos and Deianeira Other Myths of Herakles Etruscan Imitators and Contemporary Vase-Painting 3. HERAKLES AND THE FUNERARY CONTEXT………………………..…48 Herakles in Etruria Etruscan Concepts of Death and the Underworld Etruscan Funerary Banquets and Games 4. CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………..67 iii APPENDIX: Herakles Myths on Tyrrhenian Amphorae……………………………...…72 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………..77 ILLUSTRATIONS………………………………………………………………………82 iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Tyrrhenian Amphora by Guglielmi Painter. Bloomington, IUAM 73.6. Herakles fights Nessos (Side A), Four youths on horseback (Side B). Photos taken by Megan Thomsen 82 2. Tyrrhenian Amphora (Beazley #310039) by Fallow Deer Painter. Munich, Antikensammlungen 1428. Photo CVA, MUNICH, MUSEUM ANTIKER KLEINKUNST 7, PL. 322.3 83 3. Tyrrhenian Amphora (Beazley #310045) by Timiades Painter (name vase). -
Yalin Akcevin the Etruscans Space in Etruscan Sacred Architecture And
Yalin Akcevin The Etruscans Space in Etruscan Sacred Architecture and Its Implications on Use Abstract Space is no doubt an important subject for the Etruscan religion, whether in the inauguration of cities and sacred areas, or in the divination of omens through the Piacenza liver in divided spaces of a sacrificial liver. It is then understandable that in the architecture and layout of the temples and sacred places, the usage of space, bears specific meaning and importance to the use and sanctity of the temple. Exploring the relationship between architectural spaces, and religious and secular use of temple complexes can expand the role of the temple from simply the ritualistic. It can also be shown that temples were both monuments to gods and Etruscans, and that these places were living spaces reflecting the Etruscan sense of spatial relations and importance. I. Introduction The Etruscans, in their own rights, were people whose religion was omnipresent in their daily lives. From deciding upon the fate of battle to the inauguration of cities and sacred spaces, the Etruscans held a sense of religion close to themselves. The most prominent part of this religion however, given what is left from the Etruscans, is the emphasis on the use of space. The division and demarcation of physical space is seen in the orthogonal city plan of Marzabotto with cippus placed at prominent crossroads marking the cardinal directions, to the sixteen parts of the heaven and the sky on the Piacenza liver. Space had been used to divine from lighting, conduct augury from the flight of birds and haruspicy from the liver of sacrificial animals. -
AP Art History Etruscan Study Guide
AP Art History Etruscan Study Guide "The architect should be equipped with knowledge of many branches of study and varied kinds of learning, for it is by his judgement that all work done by the other arts is put to test. This knowledge is the child of practice and theory." -Vitruvius, 1st century ce, The 10 Books on Architecture, Preface, section 3 TIMELINE Textbook Ch. 6 (pp. 156-213) Villanovan Orientalizing Archaic Classical Hellenistic 900 BCE 700- 600 BCE 600-480 BCE 480-323 BCE 323-89 BCE Founding of Rome, First Etruscan king Expulsion of Peace between Roman conquest of 753 BCE of Rome (Tarquinius Etruscan kings from Rome and Cerveteri, 273 BCE Priscus), 616-578 Rome, 509 BCE Tarquinia, 351 BCE BCE End of Social War and completion of the Romanization of Italy, 89 BCE Vocabulary Differences between Greek and Etruscan Temples 1. Necropolis Greek Etruscan 2. Stucco •stone, marble •wood, mudbrick 3. Terra-cotta •stylobate •podium with staircase leading •fluting, no base on Doric, to entrance 4. Triclinium surrounded structure •widely spread, in the front to 5. Tufa •stone-gable roof distinguish front and back and •one cella, house deity created porch 6. Tumulus •pedimental sculptures, •roof statues on raking cornice, 7. Tuscan order caryatids, metopes narrative •house statues of Gods for •3 cellas for Tunia, Uni, Menrva worship, sculptural mass – •shelters the gods, about the perfect harmony, unified structure Image Set Key Ideas *Temple of Minerva, Veii, Italy Etruscan art is characterized by a pantheon of gods celebrated in large civic 510-500 BCE and religious buildings. -
Cneve Tarchunies Rumach
Classica, Sao Paulo, 718: 101-1 10, 199411995 Cneve Tarchunies Rumach R.ROSS HOLLOWAY Center for Old World Archaeology and Art Brown University RESUMO: O objetivo do Autor neste artigo e realizar um leitura historica das pinturas da Tumba Francois em Vulci, detendo-se naquilo que elas podem elucidar a respeito da sequencia dos reis romanos do seculo VI a.C. PALAVRAS CHAVE: Tumba Francois; realeza romana; uintura mural. The earliest record in Roman history, if by history we mean the union of names with events, is preserved in the paintings of an Etruscan tomb: the Francois Tomb at Vulci. The discovery of the Francois Tomb took place in 1857. The paintings were subsequently removed from the walls and became part of the Torlonia Collection in Villa Albani where they remain to this day. The decoration of the tomb, like much Etruscan funeral art, draws on Greek heroic mythology. It also included a portrait of the owner, Vel Saties, and beside him the figure of a woman named Tanaquil, presumably his wife (this figure has become almost completely illegible). In view of the group of historical personages among the tomb paintings, this name has decided resonance with better known Tanaquil, in Roman tradition the wife of Tarquinius Priscus. The historical scene of the tomb consists of five pairs of figures drawn from Etruscan and Roman history. These begin with the scene (A) Mastarna (Macstma) freeing Caeles Vibenna (Caile Vipinas) from his bonds (fig.l). There follow four scenes in three of which an armed figure dispatches an unarmed man with his sword. -
A Near Eastern Ethnic Element Among the Etruscan Elite? Jodi Magness University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Etruscan Studies Journal of the Etruscan Foundation Volume 8 Article 4 2001 A Near Eastern Ethnic Element Among the Etruscan Elite? Jodi Magness University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies Recommended Citation Magness, Jodi (2001) "A Near Eastern Ethnic Element Among the Etruscan Elite?," Etruscan Studies: Vol. 8 , Article 4. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol8/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Etruscan Studies by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Near EasTern EThnic ElemenT Among The ETruscan EliTe? by Jodi Magness INTRODUCTION:THEPROBLEMOFETRUSCANORIGINS 1 “Virtually all archaeologists now agree that the evidence is overwhelmingly in favour of the “indigenous” theory of Etruscan origins: the development of Etruscan culture has to be understood within an evolutionary sequence of social elaboration in Etruria.” 2 “The archaeological evidence now available shows no sign of any invasion, migra- Tion, or colonisaTion in The eighTh cenTury... The formaTion of ETruscan civilisaTion occurred in ITaly by a gradual process, The final sTages of which can be documenTed in The archaeo- logical record from The ninTh To The sevenTh cenTuries BC... For This reason The problem of ETruscan origins is nowadays (righTly) relegaTed To a fooTnoTe in scholarly accounTs.” 3 he origins of the Etruscans have been the subject of debate since classical antiqui- Tty. There have traditionally been three schools of thought (or “models” or “the- ories”) regarding Etruscan origins, based on a combination of textual, archaeo- logical, and linguistic evidence.4 According to the first school of thought, the Etruscans (or Tyrrhenians = Tyrsenoi, Tyrrhenoi) originated in the eastern Mediterranean. -
Per La Storia Degli Etruschi
PER LA STORIA DEGLI ETRUSCHI I. - CLUSINI VETERES e CLUSINI NOVI Plinio (N. H., Ili, 5, 52) elencando, in ordine approssimati- vamente alfabetico, le località e le repartizioni dell’Etruria dei tempi suoi, e venendo a parlare, dopo la zona marittima, di quella interna (« mtus »), ha : « Cortonenses, Capenates, Clusini novi, Clusini veteres, Fiorentini ». Questa distinzione dei Clusini in veteres e novi, può, presa a sè, rimanere di dubbio significato, per- chè l’analogia ci insegna che, teoricamente, essa potrebbe spiegarsi sia colla sovrapposizione o giustapposizione in uno stesso centro o in centri attigui di due o più elementi di popolazione (come si suole credere per gli A.rretini veteres, Fidentiores e lulienses, di cui parla Plinio stesso) ; sia con la coesistenza di due centri abitati, la popo- lazione di uno dei quali, in un qualche tempo, sia stata in parte trapiantata nel secondo, senza che il primo scomparisse (come per Aufidena, per Fabrateria, e, rimanendo in Etruria, per Faleri, Volsini e Surrina); sia infine con la coesistenza di due centri, lon- tani fra di loro, e casualmente omonimi, che con quegli epiteti si volevano differenziare, o perchè sorti realmente in età diversa, o perchè conosciuti dai Romani in età successive (cfr. Carthago e Chartago nova; Bovianum vetus e Undecumanorum etc., e Neapolis di fronte a Cuma). Che una delle sedi dei Clusini corrisponda all’attuale Chiusi di Val di Chiana non è dubbio, sia per la tradizione storica romana che, almeno dai tempi della III Sannitica in poi, vi allude con precisi riferimenti topografici, sia per le epigrafi latine in essa rin- venute, che parlano di ordo Clusinorum, populus Clusìnus, respu- blica. -
Ovid at Falerii
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Departmental Papers (Classical Studies) Classical Studies at Penn 2014 The Poet in an Artificial Landscape: Ovid at Falerii Joseph Farrell University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/classics_papers Part of the Classics Commons Recommended Citation (OVERRIDE) Farrell, Joseph. (2014). “The Poet in an Artificial Landscape: Ovid at alerii.F ” In D. P. Nelis and Manuel Royo (Eds.), Lire la Ville: fragments d’une archéologie littéraire de Rome antique (pp. 215–236). Bordeaux: Éditions Ausonius. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/classics_papers/128 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Poet in an Artificial Landscape: Ovid at Falerii Abstract For Ovid, erotic elegy is a quintessentially urban genre. In the Amores, excursions outside the city are infrequent. Distance from the city generally equals distance from the beloved, and so from the life of the lover. This is peculiarly true of Amores, 3.13, a poem that seems to signal the end of Ovid’s career as a literary lover and to predict his future as a poet of rituals and antiquities. For a student of poetry, it is tempting to read the landscape of such a poem as purely symbolic; and I will begin by sketching such a reading. But, as we will see, testing this reading against what can be known about the actual landscape in which the poem is set forces a revision of the results. And this revision is twofold. In the first instance, taking into account certain specific eaturf es of the landscape makes possible the correction of the particular, somewhat limited interpretive hypothesis that a purely literary reading would most probably recommend, and this is valuable in itself. -
Etruscan Winged “Demons”
First in Flight: Etruscan Winged “Demons” Marvin Morris University of California, Berkeley Classical Civilizations Class of 2016 Abstract: Etruscan winged Underworld figures (commonly referred to as winged “demons”) represent one of the most fascinating and least understood aspects of funerary iconography in ancient Etruria. Their function, along with their origin, has long been the subject of scholarly debates. However, over the last two decades, scholars have begun to take a closer look at these chthonic figures. Recent scholarship has begun to provide answers to many of the most fundamental questions concerning their role, even if disagreements remain over their murky origins. Expanding on interpretations that have cast new light on how these winged (and non winged) Underworld figures functioned, questions concerning Etruscan religious beliefs and funerary ideology can now be reconsidered. Introduction: Iconography and Ideology Etruscan winged Underworld figures (commonly referred to as winged “demons”) represent one of the most fascinating and least understood aspects of funerary iconography in ancient Etruria. Their function, along with their origin, has long been the subject of scholarly debates. However, over the last two decades, scholars1 have begun to take a closer look at these chthonic figures. Recent scholarship has begun to provide answers to many of the most fundamental questions concerning their role, even if disagreements remain over their murky origins2. Expanding on interpretations that have cast new light on how these winged (and non winged) Underworld figures functioned, questions concerning Etruscan religious beliefs and funerary ideology can now be reconsidered. One such question concerns the sudden increase in the appearance of winged “demons” that begins to occur around the end of the fifth century BCE. -
ANCIENT TERRACOTTAS from SOUTH ITALY and SICILY in the J
ANCIENT TERRACOTTAS FROM SOUTH ITALY AND SICILY in the j. paul getty museum The free, online edition of this catalogue, available at http://www.getty.edu/publications/terracottas, includes zoomable high-resolution photography and a select number of 360° rotations; the ability to filter the catalogue by location, typology, and date; and an interactive map drawn from the Ancient World Mapping Center and linked to the Getty’s Thesaurus of Geographic Names and Pleiades. Also available are free PDF, EPUB, and MOBI downloads of the book; CSV and JSON downloads of the object data from the catalogue and the accompanying Guide to the Collection; and JPG and PPT downloads of the main catalogue images. © 2016 J. Paul Getty Trust This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042. First edition, 2016 Last updated, December 19, 2017 https://www.github.com/gettypubs/terracottas Published by the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles Getty Publications 1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 500 Los Angeles, California 90049-1682 www.getty.edu/publications Ruth Evans Lane, Benedicte Gilman, and Marina Belozerskaya, Project Editors Robin H. Ray and Mary Christian, Copy Editors Antony Shugaar, Translator Elizabeth Chapin Kahn, Production Stephanie Grimes, Digital Researcher Eric Gardner, Designer & Developer Greg Albers, Project Manager Distributed in the United States and Canada by the University of Chicago Press Distributed outside the United States and Canada by Yale University Press, London Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: J. -
Etruscan News 19
Volume 19 Winter 2017 Vulci - A year of excavation New treasures from the Necropolis of Poggio Mengarelli by Carlo Casi InnovativeInnovative TechnologiesTechnologies The inheritance of power: reveal the inscription King’s sceptres and the on the Stele di Vicchio infant princes of Spoleto, by P. Gregory Warden by P. Gregory Warden Umbria The Stele di Vicchio is beginning to by Joachim Weidig and Nicola Bruni reveal its secrets. Now securely identi- fied as a sacred text, it is the third 700 BC: Spoleto was the center of longest after the Liber Linteus and the Top, the “Tomba della Truccatrice,” her cosmetics still in jars at left. an Umbrian kingdom, as suggested by Capua Tile, and the earliest of the three, Bottom, a warrior’s iron and bronze short spear with a coiled handle. the new finds from the Orientalizing securely dated to the end of the 6th cen- necropolis of Piazza d’Armi that was tury BCE. It is also the only one of the It all started in January 2016 when even the heavy stone cap of the chamber partially excavated between 2008 and three with a precise archaeological con- the guards of the park, during the usual cover. The robbers were probably dis- 2011 by the Soprintendenza text, since it was placed in the founda- inspections, noticed a new hole made by turbed during their work by the frequent Archeologia dell’Umbria. The finds tions of the late Archaic temple at the grave robbers the night before. nightly rounds of the armed park guards, were processed and analysed by a team sanctuary of Poggio Colla (Vicchio di Strangely the clandestine excavation but they did have time to violate two of German and Italian researchers that Mugello, Firenze). -
A Short History of the Etruscans the Etruscan Non-Polis 4 the Etruscan Non-Polis Urban Growth in the Archaic Period Piazza
A Short History of the Etruscans The Etruscan Non-polis 4 The Etruscan Non-polis Urban Growth in the Archaic Period Piazza d’Armi at Veii and the earliest architectural terracottas Between the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, some archaeologists believed that the high terrace to the south of the main plateau of Veii known as Piazza d’Armi was the acropolis of the Etruscan city; George Dennis and eminent scholars Luigi Canina and Rodolfo Lanciani were of this opinion, but not everyone agreed. Its high position, naturally defended on three sides, was notable, but the terrace was separated from the plateau of the city by the gorge of the Fosso della Mola. To Ettore Gabrici, Neapolitan archaeologist then working at the Villa Giulia Museum, the area looked like an uncultivated patch with a few traces of ancient remains. In 1913, he went on to conduct the first ever stratigraphic excavation in the middle of the terrace, and brought to light painted tiles, parts of drystone walls and an elliptical structure dressed with tufa blocks, which he assumed belonged to a very early date prior to the flourishing of the Etruscans, but which we now know to be a cistern. Less than ten years later, field investigation in the area continued under the direction of Enrico Stefani who subsequently published the finds in 1944 (Stefani, 1944, p. 143). Among them were Iron Age huts, a series of buildings with stone blocks arranged according to an almost orthogonal plan, the remains of the ancient walls related to a large gate that, he saw, connected the terrace to the ancient city to the north (Figure 4.1).