Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China, Taiwan, and Beyond in the Twentieth Century

Home , Arabization, Chinese South Africans, Gedimu, Islam in China, Niujie Mosque, Panthays

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Wlodzimierz Cieciura University of Warsaw [email protected]

Abstract

This article examines the modern social history of Chinese Hui Muslims in the con- text of transregional connections within and beyond the borders of the two modern Chinese nation-states, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China on Taiwan. The article applies Engseng Ho’s concepts for the study of Inter-Asia to the biographical study of several prominent Hui religious professionals and intellectuals. The experiences and personal contributions to the development of modern Chinese Muslim culture of people like Imam Ma Songting are scrutinized, along with political and ideological conflicts over different visions of Chineseness and “Huiness” during the turbulent twentieth century. It is argued that when studying the social history of Chinese Muslims, researchers should not limit themselves to the religious activities of Hui elites that occurred within the confines of the two Chinese nation-states, but should also take into consideration the expansion of those elites’ religious activities abroad and the intensive circulation of knowledge across Inter-Asian spaces in which they participated.

Keywords

Chinese Muslims – ethnicity – connections – circulations – Inter-Asia – identity

136 Cieciura

橫跨區域間的華人穆斯林:二十世紀在中國大陸、台灣和其他地區的華人回民穆斯林

摘要

本文著眼於華人穆斯林的近代社會史，研究背景為其在近代中國民族國家境內外的跨區域連結。除了以何英成 (Engseng Ho) 對亞際研究的觀念為研究框架，並將之應用於回顧幾位著名的回族宗教專家及知識分子的傳記研究中外，本文也詳細檢閱了如馬松亭阿訇等人的個人經歷與他們對近代中國穆斯林文化發展的貢獻，特別是當他們處在動盪的二十世紀，且對「中國性」與「回民性」因不同視角的觀察而造成政治上與意識形態上的衝突。本文認為，在研究華人穆斯林的社會史時，研究回族精英從事的宗教活動不應侷限於中國民族國家層面，而應進一步考量這些精英是如何擴展其所從事的宗教活動及他們在所參與的亞際區域中是如何密集性地散播知識。

關鍵詞

華人穆斯林，民族，人脈，流通，亞際，認同

Introduction

Among Sino-Muslim elites, the first half of the twentieth century was domi- nated to a considerable extent by discussions of the question of ethnicity— whether the Hui were a separate minzu 民族 (ethnic group), or just Han who practiced Islam—and of the Hui relationship with Chinese nationalism (Aubin 2006; Cieciura 2016).1 The post-1949 mainland Chinese historiography of the Hui, strongly influenced by Marxist teleology, tended to picture Sino-Muslim

1 This paper is an outcome of the project “Chinese Muslims and Islam on Two Sides of the Strait. A Comparative History of Modern Religious, Cultural and Ethnic Identity of Sinophone Muslims in Mainland China and on Taiwan,” funded by the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange. In this text the terms “Hui,” “Chinese Muslims,” and “Sino-Muslims” are used interchange- ably to describe members of the Sinophone Muslim community (or communities) who share Chinese linguistic and material culture and Islamic religion. In this understanding I follow Jonathan Lipman’s (1997:xx–xxix) elucidations. Despite Lipman’s convincing critique of the ahistorical nature of the use of the term “Hui” 回for pre-prc Muslim communities in China, I retain this word for stylistic reasons. Most of the people described in this article are cur- rently identified in the prc as members of the Huizu 回族 ethnic minority. Even though some of them were not great enthusiasts of this term, they still understood the words “Hui” or

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 137 history as confined by the national borders of China and culminating in the “new” socialist China, when Sino-Muslims were finally allowed to occupy their natural and deserved space as a “minority nationality” (shaoshu minzu 少數民族) (Yu 1996). One result of the 1949 “bifurcation” of the Chinese nation-state in the wake of the Communists’ victory on the mainland was the physical split of the Sino- Muslim communities along the lines of the political and geographic divide. Because many Hui, including three-quarters of the leadership of the Chi- nese Muslim Association (Zhongguo Huijiao Xiehui 中國回教協會, Huixie 回協 for short),2 managed to make their way to Taiwan, the island became an important place for the maintenance of the intellectual traditions and endeav- ors of Republican-era Hui elites (Jia 2005:7). Very few of these “exiled” Sino- Muslims seem to have ever addressed the issues of a separate Hui ethnicity in their writings, and even fewer of them applied the prc’s understanding of the ethnic difference between the Han and the Hui to their own community (Chang 2012:424–425). The activities of Sino-Muslim elites in two different post-1949 political contexts offer an interesting illustration of how equivocal the Sino-Muslim self- understanding could become under different political conditions, and how the preoccupation with issues of ethnicity characteristic of the mainland narrative can obstruct the view when Hui history is considered within the rigid “minzu paradigm” normally used to describe Chinese Muslims in mainland Chinese scholarship.3 Yet beyond the two versions of the Chinese nation-state lies another set of spaces in which modern “Hui-ness” has been negotiated and shaped. That set of spaces is home to the Sino-Muslim diasporic communities that began to form as early as the nineteenth century, but received a boost after 1949 as many originally mainland Hui moved out of Taiwan (Ma 2005). It is in the spaces between the two Chinese nation-states and the wider Inter-Asian and global areas beyond that the true variety and richness of the Sino-Muslim historical and social experience is manifested in all its complexity. Throughout the modern era, mobile Hui pilgrims, scholars, and imams were returning home from the Islamic heartlands with the knowledge they acquired in the Muslim world, hoping to put that expertise into practice to ensure their native communities’ successful adaptation to the modern nation-state. In the religious sphere, the scripturalist inspirations brought from the madrassas

“Huihui” 回回 as an umbrella designation for Islam, called Huijiao 回教 (or the Hui teaching/religion), and Muslims—the Huimin 回民. 2 “Chinese Muslim Association” is the English name preferred by the association itself, and thus I use it throughout the text. 3 For the “minzu paradigm,” see Lipman 1997:xx–xxv.

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138 Cieciura of the Arab heartlands resulted in the emergence of powerful socioreligious movements such as the Yihewani 伊赫瓦尼 Muslim Brotherhood founded by northwestern imams returned from Mecca (Lipman 1997:200–211). After issuing a call to purge Islamic practice of Chinese cultural influences, the movement eventually formed a practical alliance with northwestern Muslim military leaders. Ultimately Yihewani became one of the main ideological options for China’s Muslims during the Republic, merging scripturalist sensitivities with political loyalty to the nation-state; some of its sympathizers even extended their loyalty to the state’s later Communist incarnation (Chérif-Chebbi 2004). During the Qing–Republican transition period, with China embroiled in heat- ed political debates on the very nature of its nation and on the place of various ethnic and religious communities in it, these new understandings of religion and ethnicity brought back from abroad and propagated by mobile leaders informed the Hui discourses of membership in the nation-state and of the right- fulness of Muslim existence as part of the Chinese homeland. This paper considers some transregional aspects of modern Chinese Mus- lim history by examining the personal experiences of several core members of the twentieth-century Sino-Muslim intellectual elites. Informed by Engseng Ho’s recent methodological proposal “that the study of Asia, thought of as an Inter-Asian space, can provide concepts that shed light on the social shapes of societies that are mobile, spatially expansive, and interactive with one other” (2017:907), it discusses these individuals’ experiences by applying to them Ho’s concepts of mobility, connections, circulation, transregional axes, intermedi- ate scale, and partial societies. The Hui in places like Taiwan, especially in the early years of the post-1949 era, fulfill Ho’s notion of a partial society in that they are an incomplete version of the greater Hui community on the mainland and force us to seek ways in which they engage other parts of the Hui population at a distance (Ho 2017:922). Following Emma Teng’s application of Ho’s proposal to the example of Hong Kong’s Eurasian community, this paper proposes to see the Hui elites as forming a “web,” i.e., “an expansive stretching across space, with multiple nodes of connection that lead not only back to a center, but also to other points of intersection and contact” (Teng 2017:944). This notion of a web allows us to step away from using ethnicity, or minzu, as the “primary lens for understanding the lived experience” of the Sino-Muslims and instead to consider their identities as neatly fitting neither the National- ist Chinese nor Communist Chinese definitions of the Hui as either a special class of citizens or a “minority nationality” (Teng 2017). The Inter-Asian spaces between mainland China and Taiwan, or what Ho calls conventional units, and the numerous regions that Sino-Muslim elites moved through, sojourned in, settled in, and acted in during the last hundred years were crucial for the social history of Sino-Muslims. This paper argues that the study of Hui social history

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 139 should not be limited by the borders of the Chinese nation-states, but that it is also necessary to consider Sino-Muslim religious activity as it expanded through the intensive circulation of knowledge facilitated by the mobility of the Hui elites, and through the establishment of new Sino-Muslim communities in spaces like Taiwan and beyond in the wake of the 1949 division of the Chinese nation-state.4 With the prc borders virtually sealed off for much of the pre-reform era until the late 1970s, only those Sino-Muslims who had managed to make their way from the mainland to Taiwan and beyond could sustain their mobile style of knowledge-seeking and their engagement with the wider Muslim world. It is therefore important to consider the personal experiences of some of those Chinese Muslim elites who straddled the political divide. As these individual accounts demonstrate, behind the public events recorded in historical grand narratives private emotions and passions play, if at times by accident, equally important roles in history and can influence its course.

Ma Songting: Modern Sino-Muslim History Distilled in One Biography

Sometime in 1950 Ma Songting 馬松亭 (1895–1992), the head imam (jiaozhang 教長) of the small Taipei mosque, housed in a wooden Japanese-style residence on Lishui Street 麗水街, decided to leave Taiwan. Behind, he left a fledgling but rapidly growing community of recent Sino-Muslim immigrants and refugees from the mainland. Terrified by the prospect of life under Communist rule, just like more than a million other Chinese who managed to leave the Communist-controlled mainland, they were arriving on the island to which the Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek had already moved most of its offices and armies. Taiwan, recovered by China after fifty years of Japanese colonialism in September 1945 and chosen by the Nationalist government as its last redoubt against the Communists in May 1949, was an alien place for many mainlanders. The majority of Chinese, including the Guomindang leaders, did not start to think of Taiwan as a lost territory and of the Taiwanese as their fellow compatriots until as late as 1941 (Lan 2010). The Muslims on the island, almost none of whom hailed from the provinces across the Strait of Taiwan, must have shared the other exiles’ feeling of having arrived in an unknown space. To many, including Ma Songting, Southeast Asia and the Middle East were certainly more familiar than this recently recovered and purportedly inalienable part of China.

4 For a similar argument concerning the premodern period, see Petersen 2014.

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140 Cieciura

As many of the arriving Muslims were military men, they were subsequent- ly dispersed throughout the island and were settled in the numerous military dependents’ villages (juancun 眷村) together with non-Muslim soldiers. For Sino-Muslims this was a sharp break from the social arrangement of their original communities on the mainland, which were often mosque-centered parishes (jiaofang 教坊), frequently formed by followers of the same form of Islamic doctrine: traditional sinicized Gedimu 格底目([old] Islam), Yihewani, or a particular Sufi tariqa in the Northwest.5 In the first few mosques established on Taiwan, like the Lishui Street Mosque in Taipei, the congregation was formed by people of various social and class backgrounds: military leaders, businessmen, common soldiers, and so on. The new conditions under which Muslims lived in the juancun scattered throughout Taiwan, where access to mosques and halal food was difficult, are more reminiscent of Ho’s partial societies than of the historical Muslim enclaves on the mainland from which most of them hailed (Su 2002:59–60). Despite the dramatic circumstances of the late phases of the Chinese Civil War (1946–1950), Ma Songting, unlike many of his mainland Chinese compatriots, decided to leave the island after spending only a short time there. He had arrived on Taiwan just a year earlier in 1949 when the Chinese Muslim Associa- tion assigned him to take up the post of imam at the newly established Lishui Street Mosque in the island’s capital. The job had recently been vacated by the mosque’s first jiaozhang, Imam Wang Jingzhai 王靜齋 (1879–1949), who was dispatched to Taiwan in 1948 and charged with the task of creating a provincial branch of the Huixie on the island (“Xinjiang and Taiwan” 1948). The purpose of this act was twofold: to mark the association’s participation in the establishment of China’s governmental institutions on the newly retroceded territory and to serve a nascent congregation made up of recent mainland migrants to the island, many of whom were on official assignments from the Guomindang government, while others were seeking new economic opportunities in the better-developed region. Wang, who formally initiated the Taipei mosque in May 1948, left for the mainland and soon died in May 1949 (Feng 2003b). Few Hui Muslims were more famous or more influential in the Republic than the first two imams on Taiwan. Apart from a few Muslim military strongmen, clergy, and intellectuals, with most of whom Wang Jingzhai and Ma Songting had close contacts and had collaborated throughout the 1920s and 30s, no other Hui could match Ma and Wang in their social and cultural clout.6

5 The Arabic word tariqa (road, path, or way) is commonly used to refer to various schools and groupings within the mystical tradition of Islam. 6 Françoise Aubin has divided the intellectual modernizers of Chinese Islam into two groups: the “outer circle,” which included Muslim generals, as well as other sponsors of modernist

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 141

As central figures and close partners in the Chinese Muslim “new culture movement,” a Hui parallel to both the wider Chinese “new culture movement” of the May Fourth era and the Islamic reformism, or Al-Nahda (awakening), in the Muslim heartlands, Wang and Ma played significant roles as imams, cultural brokers, and educators. Ma Songting, Wang’s junior by sixteen years, was born in Beijing’s Muslim quarter, Niujie 牛街 (Oxen Street), and became an organizer and educator of international proportions. Orphaned as a child, he studied for some time with the famous imam Da Pusheng 達浦生 (1874–1965) at the Niujie mosque. At the age of twelve he was accepted as a personal disciple by the renowned Man- churian polyglot Imam Zhang Ziwen 張子文 (1875–1966), one of the founding fathers of modern Sino-Muslim education in northern China, with whom Ma spent six years (1913–1919) learning and traveling between Muslim communities in Manchuria and Beijing (Zhang 2001:200–205). Ma would remain loyal to his teacher until the end of his life, despite the enormous controversies that surrounded the Manchurian imam after 1941 (ibid., 201; see below). After putting on his imam’s robes (chuanyi 穿衣) in 1923, Ma began serving in mosques in Beiping (former name of Beijing) and the surrounding areas of Zhili Province 直隸省. Having quickly gained fame as a progressively minded imam, in 1925 he was instrumental in establishing the most prominent modernist Muslim school in Republican China, Chengda Shifan 成達師範學校 (Chengda Normal School; Li 2006). He served as the de facto headmaster when the school was founded in the city of Jinan in Shandong Province and retained the position after Chengda moved to Beiping in 1929.7 Wang Jingzhai was also closely associated with Chengda, teaching Arabic to its students since the early Jinan days and remaining active in the affairs of the school and its Yuehua 月華 magazine, the most influential and longest-running Muslim periodical of Republican-era China, almost to the end of his life (Ma 2004).8 It was on the pages of this magazine, in an article published in 1930 titled “Protecting Islam and the Love of State” 謹守回教與愛護國家 (“Jinshou Huijiao yu aihu guojia”), that Wang Jingzhai first articulated his famous conviction regarding

efforts, and Shanghai merchants and journalists. According to Aubin, both Wang and Ma were part of the “inner circle,” which was composed of men “whose entire raison d’être was the fulfillment of a modern Islamic education in the reach of every young believer, preparing him to a fruitful life of compliant citizen and of pious worshipper” (Aubin 2006:258). This typology might serve as a useful tool for theorizing the intellectual landscape of modern Chinese Islam; see Aubin 2006:254–261. 7 For an excellent introduction to Chengda Shifan, see Mao Yufeng 2011b. For a wider perspec- tive on the intellectual and historical underpinnings of Chengda Shifan, see Ma Qiang 2008. 8 For more on the seminal role of Yuehua, see Matsumoto 2006.

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142 Cieciura the central role of religious belief in Sino-Muslim patriotism, basing this on his interpretation of a saying of the Prophet Muhammad: “The love of homeland [springs forth] from the faith” (hub al-watan min al-iman).9 As Chengda’s headmaster, Ma Songting not only took care to combine the traditions of Sino-Muslim education with a modernist religious and pedagogi- cal program, but he also worked hard to establish connections between the Hui and their Middle Eastern coreligionists, whom Chinese Muslims always looked up to as the bearers of “true Islam.” He traveled to Egypt twice in 1932 and 1936 to secure student quotas and Egyptian funding to allow Chengda students to continue their studies at Al-Azhar. During his visits Ma not only met Al-Azhar’s two rectors, but also had audiences with two Egyptian kings who both agreed to lend their support to the development of Chinese Muslim education. King Fuad (r. 1922–1936) allocated assets and books for the establishment of Chengda Shifan’s Muslim library, later named the Fuad Library in his memory.10 His son Farouk (r. 1936–1952), who granted Ma an audience in late 1936, approved special entrance quotas at Al-Azhar for Chengda students (who were known as the Farouk group) and provided funding for their studies. After each of Ma’s visits, Egyptian teachers traveled to Beiping to teach the Muslim Chinese students of Chengda the Middle Eastern version of “true Islam” (Eroglu Sager 2016: 248). Ma’s journeys to Egypt were not only occasions on which he could reach out on behalf of China’s millions of Muslims to the leaders of the Islamic world for help, but they also offered opportunities to preach the Nationalist Chinese vision of the world. When he departed on his second visit to Egypt on October 5, 1936, he took with him more than a hundred copies of Sun Yat-sen’s “Three Principles of the People” in English and French, which he distributed along his journey and in Egypt (Dagongbao 1936). Thanks to Ma’s efforts, twenty graduates of Chengda went to study at Al- Azhar in two groups in 1932 and 1938. Together with fourteen Hui dispatched by two other Muslim schools, Yunnan Mingde School 雲南明德學校 in Kunming and Da Pusheng’s Shanghai Islamic Teachers’ School 上海伊斯蘭師範學校,

9 For more on Wang’s role in the promotion of the new understanding of Hui Muslims’ place in the Chinese nation-state, see Benite 2004. For a sense of Wang’s own argument, elaborated in 1939, see Howard L. Goodman’s English translation of Wang’s 1939 speech “Fazhan Yisilan wenhua zhi biyao” 發展伊斯蘭文化之必要 (Imperatives for Encour- aging Islamic Culture) in Kurzman 2002:368–375. 10 The library’s Chinese name, Fude Tushuguan 福德圖書館, was not only an homage to the late king, but also had a Chinese meaning: “the blessed virtues library.” Fude’s catalog has been published recently and it gives a good idea of the kind of literature Chengda Shifan used in its education; see Fan 2016.

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 143 they formed the nucleus of the modern Sino-Muslim elites.11 Familiar with Chinese traditions, both Muslim and non-Muslim, as well as the modernist, Middle Eastern Islamic reformist programs, they played crucial roles as community and religious leaders on the mainland, and after 1949 on Taiwan and beyond. Upon their return to China, the Chinese Azharites became Islamic clergy, Arabic scholars, and community leaders, just as the founders of China’s modern Muslim education, including Ma, had always hoped. One of the most reliable accounts of Ma’s life in the two years between his departure from Taiwan in 1950 and arrival in Beijing in May 1952 comes from Gao Wenyuan 高文元 (1911–2008), a Muslim official and historian from Qin- ghai. According to Gao, who was one of Ma’s closest acquaintances in Hong Kong, after arriving in the British colony from Taiwan Ma immediately started to look for the best place to settle down in the Muslim world, beginning with a choice between Malaya and the Middle East (Gao 1998). Ma of course knew the two regions from his previous journeys. Both car- ried immense historical and symbolic importance for the Chinese Muslims and had by this time their own budding Sino-Muslim populations that would eventually become important centers of the global Hui diaspora (Ma 2005). The sea routes Ma traveled after departing from Taipei were well known to Chi- nese Muslims, and were crucial for the trading connections of Hui merchants in China, who sponsored many of their intellectuals on journeys along these waterways (Chen 2016). Ma’s modernist Hui circles had also been involved politically with local Muslim communities of the “south seas” and the Arab world from the time of the Anti-Japanese War and two highly publicized propaganda and diplomatic missions aimed at winning the sympathies of Middle Eastern (November 1937–January 1939) and Southeast Asian (December 1939–January 1941) Muslims for China’s struggle with Japan (Mao 2011a; Chen 2016). Of the seven members of the two delegations, virtually everyone was either Ma’s ac- quaintance or his collaborator at Yuehua or Chengda; Wang Shiming 王世明 (1910–1997) was Ma’s Chengda student, his protégé, and a member of the first group of Chengda students at Al-Azhar who left for Egypt in late 1932 (Frankel 2015). In 1950 Ma first traveled to Malaya, knowing that his maternal cousin Ma Tianying 馬天英 (1900–1982), a French-trained diplomat who participated in the two wartime delegations and headed the Southeast Asian mission, had

11 The experiences of the Chinese Azharites and their subsequent influence on Chinese Islam have been the subject of a number of studies both in China and abroad. For scholarship in English, see especially Benite 2008, 2014; Chen 2014; and Mao 2016. For an au- thoritative treatment in Chinese, see Ma, Na, and Li 2011.

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144 Cieciura settled in Ipoh in 1948 as the consul of the Republic of China (Gao 1998). Ma hoped to remain in Malaya and devote his life to religious work. However, despite Ma Tianying’s assistance, Ma Songting felt the country was not a good choice after all: when the British government recognized the prc, the roc consulate was forced to close and was replaced with a Red one that started agi- tating on behalf of Communism among the local Chinese. Fearing that Com- munist anti-religious propaganda would affect local attitudes toward Islamic clerics, Ma decided to return to Hong Kong (Gao 1998). Ma’s second choice for a place to settle in the Islamic world was Egypt, where his favorite pupil Wang Shiming was already resident as an employee of the roc embassy, as was the Yihewani general Ma Bufang 馬步芳 (1902–1975), the former governor of Qinghai, who arrived in Cairo with a group of some two to three hundred family members and political affiliates. The general’s residence in Egypt and his plans to use Ma for political ends might have contributed to the failure of Ma Songting’s plan to settle in the country in 1950 (Gao 1998). Ma Bufang eventually went to live in Saudi Arabia. There, after a period as an roc ambassador to the country, thanks to his good relations with the king he was able to settle down permanently with his people in Ta’if, about forty miles east of Mecca, forming the basis of an important Sino-Muslim community that continues to exist in several places in Saudi Arabia (Jeong 2016). The Indian Ocean spaces through which all of those Muslim exiles and emigrants from war-torn and divided China traveled to their new homes in the Middle East were not merely passages, but places to which members of their ranks had traveled to trade and learn during the Republic. Ma’s childhood teacher Da Pusheng spent many years in the Indian Ocean region working for the Sino-Muslim Shanghai-based Xiexing 協興 company, whose principal aim was to invest its profits in Hui education, as in the case of the Islamic school established with Xiexing funds in Shanghai, and the publishing and distribu- tion of foreign Muslim print media in China. Working out of Xiexing’s bureau in Colombo for almost a decade starting in 1921, Da established links with the Muslim trading elites of Ceylon, South Asia, and the Middle East and learned Urdu in the process (Feng 2003a). After what seems to have been a short stay in Egypt and his second failed attempt to remain in the Muslim world, Ma Songting left for Hong Kong again, where he settled next to Gao Wenyuan’s house in Shatin in late 1950. After spending two years in the British colony teaching Qur’anic recitation, Ma left in 1952 and entered Red China, allegedly on a personal invitation from the Com- munist premier Zhou Enlai (Ma 2006:143).12 The official mainland narrative

12 The official mainland explanation of Zhou’s invitation was popular enough to be included even in Ma’s Taiwanese biography (Jia 2005:121).

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 145 presents Ma’s decision to return to mainland China as the consequence of his “love for the motherland, his reliance on the call of Allah, and Zhou En- lai’s invitation” (Ma 2010). Obviously, for an energetic educator like Ma, one of his main motives must have hinged on the hope of being able to “raise his flag again and continue with educating the talents of the sons of the masses” (ibid.). Some scholars, including Gao Wenyuan, reject this explanation of Ma’s return to China as propaganda and attribute his decision to purely personal reasons, or even to blackmail by the Communist authorities, who threatened to fire Ma’s wife from her job as a typist if she did not convince her husband to return (Gao 1999). Upon arriving in Beijing Ma was allowed to continue in his role as an important member of the Muslim elites of the country. He could go on teaching various religious subjects, including the Qur’an, in the State Muslim Institute (Guoli Huimin Xueyuan 國立回民學院), and then in the Qur’anic Institute (Li 2006:88). He was also drawn into several sociopolitical institutions established under the auspices of the Communist Party. First, he was elected as the vice-director of the Association for the Cultural Advancement of Chinese Mus- lims (Zhongguo Huimin Wenhua Xiejinhui 中國回民文化協進會) and in December 1956 he was elected as one of the nine vice-directors of the Chinese Islamic Association,13 becoming seemingly one of the most politically influential Muslims in the country. He shared his position as Yixie’s vice-director (fuzhuren 副主任) with his first teacher, Da Pusheng. Perhaps it is a sign of the enduring influence and respect enjoyed by Ma Songting among the Chinese Muslims that out of all of Yixie’s top-ranking officials, Ma was the first to fall victim to the political turmoil of the anti- rightist campaign in the Chinese Islamic community in August 1957. Among the charges brought by Ma’s attackers were his previous contacts with Mus- lim strongmen like Ma Bufang, the Ningxia militarist Ma Hongkui 馬鴻逵 (1892–1970), and the national hero of the war of resistance, Bai Chongxi 白崇禧 (1893–1966), who also served as the first roc minister of defense and the general chairman of the Huixie. Ma’s visits to Egypt and the talk he had given in Cairo on the situation of the Chinese Muslims back in 1932 were now interpreted as an attempt to usurp for himself the title of “leader of China’s fifty million Muslims.”14 Ma’s time on Taiwan was presented as an attempt to

13 Zhongguo Yisilanjiao Xiehui 中國伊斯蘭教協會, shortened to Yixie 伊協. Established in 1953, it is the continental successor of the original Huixie, which continues to function on Taiwan under the original name. 14 For the text of Ma Songting’s Cairo lecture, see Ma 1933. During the Republic the figure of 50 million was often cited for the total Muslim population of the country, and was accepted by the Nanking government. See the China Statistical Yearbook for 1937. When the

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146 Cieciura evade justice, a sign of his guilty conscience. But the most dangerous charges the attackers brought against Ma were accusations of his long-standing anti- Communism, involvement in anti-Communist conspiracies, and distaste for Communist cadres of Hui ethnicity. Tellingly, one of the harshest accusations his attackers could hurl at Ma Songting was his alleged willingness before 1949 to accept his status not as a member of the Hui minzu, but as a “citizen of the inner provinces with characteristic life habits” (neidi shenghuo xiguan teshu zhi guomin 內地生活習慣特殊之國民) (Ma 1957). This term was in fact a legal ploy concocted in 1946 by yet another of Ma’s Chengda colleagues, Sun Shengwu 孫繩武 (1896–1975), by now in exile on Taiwan; as deputy of the roc Con- stituent Assembly, Sun proposed to include the term in the roc constitution. It allowed Sino-Muslims to gain constitutional rights for parliamentary representation under article 135 of the 1946 roc constitution (Sun 1963). For proponents of the ethnic theory of the Huizu, now a fundamental element of the prc’s definition of nationality and its formulation of religious policies, it constituted a betrayal of the Hui cause, and something the Communist Party was now ready to reshape as an accusation of political disloyalty towards the People’s Republic. The anti-rightist purge ended Ma Songting’s career for almost two decades, but the ordeal he had to go through might well have ended his life, as was the case for one of the other Yixie vice-directors expunged soon after him. The purge of Yixie leaders marked the beginning of an almost total shutdown of all Muslim institutions in China: the “democratic reform of religious institutions” (Zongjiao zhidu minzhu gaige 宗教制度民主改革) announced in May 1958, which led to the closing of most of the country’s mosques; in Gansu alone only 31 mosques, out of a total of 2,878, remained open after 1958.15 Between the time of his disappearance from public sight and his reemer- gence in the late 1970s, Ma Songting was rumored to have been martyred. He was certainly persecuted again during the Cultural Revolution. The news of Ma’s survival reached the Taiwanese and overseas Hui communities when Wang Shiming was finally able to communicate with his brother in Tianjin and when a Hunanese Hui resident on Taiwan received news from the Hunan branch of the Yixie (Hai 1993). Ma was finally rehabilitated in the early 1980s and lived the rest of his life as a celebrated and important figure in Chinese

Communists came to power, they conducted a number of surveys that established the total Muslim population at roughly 10 million (Ting 1959:352–353). 15 For the democratic reform, see He 2004:134. For the number of mosques closed, see Li et al. 1998:844. The Advancement Association also closed in the same year.

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 147

Islamic society, his activist spirit never relenting. He “returned to Allah” in 1992 at the age of 97.

Chinese Muslims in the Republic’s Last Stronghold and Beyond: Hui in Taiwan and in the Diaspora

Following Ma Songting’s departure in 1950 the post of head imam of the Li- shui Street Mosque went to an almost unknown thirty-year-old imam from the northeastern province of Rehe. Xiao Yongtai 蕭永泰 (1919–1990) was a fierce anti-Communist with little previous experience leading mosque congregations. Before arriving on Taiwan, during the late stages of the civil war in July 1949 he had founded a strongly pro-Nationalist Muslim Youth organization in Guangzhou (Hirayama 2014). Despite his youth, his inexperience, and the doubts surrounding his status as imam, Xiao had one thing in common with his predecessor: like Ma Songting, he considered Zhang Ziwen to be his single most important teacher and mentor. Even though Xiao did not have such a close bond with Zhang, he owed his career to the old imam, having graduated from his school, the Private Fengtian Academy of Islamic Culture in Shenyang (Sili Fengtian Huijiao Wenhua Xueyuan 私立奉天回教文化學院), which Zhang had established in 1926 at his Culture Mosque (Wenhua Qingzhensi 文化清真寺). Zhang’s forced dealings with the Japanese occupiers after 1931 made him all the more suspect in the eyes of many Chinese in the unoccupied parts of the country; his previous visits to Japan in the 1920s and his interest in the fledgling Muslim community of Japan had already cast doubt on his loyalty to China. In 1942, a year after Xiao Yongtai began his education at Zhang’s Shengyang school, Zhang Ziwen was declared a traitor in an article published in the main government daily by a confused Muslim author (Yang 1942). One of the founders of modern Sino-Muslim education was now considered a per- sona non grata by many members of the patriotic Hui elites who had gathered around the Nationalist government’s struggle against the Japanese invaders and Communist rebels. After the Sino-Japanese War and the Communist victory in the civil war, Zhang had kept a relatively low profile, running a number of Muslim primary schools in Beijing. But any association with him could hin- der the career of an ambitious Muslim. Unwillingness to renounce his teacher seems to have been one of the major reasons why Xiao’s tenure as the leading imam of the Taipei mosque was short-lived. In 1951 Xiao left the congregation and soon established his own mosque, Taipei’s second, which he named, in an obvious homage to his teacher Zhang Ziwen, the Culture Mosque (Zhang 2001:130). While formally remaining a

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148 Cieciura member of the Huixie, Xiao revived in 1956 his youth organization, the Chi- nese Muslim Youth League 中國回教青年會, and converted it into the base of Muslim opposition to the Huixie on Taiwan. Despite his status as a minority leader, Xiao did not intend to allow the stronger organization to marginalize him as the voice and representative of Taiwan’s Muslim community. Howev- er, given the Huixie’s international range of contacts with many mainstream Muslim organizations and governments, Xiao was forced to seek connections with anyone wishing to cooperate with him. Among the more controversial potential allies on Xiao’s list was the Ahmadiyya movement, with whose leaders Xiao had direct contact. Ahmadi texts also appeared in Chinese translation in his periodical. A fiery anti-Communist, Xiao occasionally traveled to Japan to meet with the local Muslim community, composed partially of descendants of Russian Tatar and Turkestani émigrés, with whom he sought to establish a common anti-Red platform. Xiao remained active until his death in 1990 (Hirayama 2014).16 After Xiao’s removal from the Huixie’s mosque in 1951, the position of jiaozhang passed to Ding Zhongming 定中明 (1913–2005), a graduate of the Shanghai Islamic Normal School and Al-Azhar University (cohort of 1934), who remained in office until 1954. Ding later worked as a diplomat in the Middle East, but returned to lead the mosque again in 1966–1968 and finally in 1974–1996, becoming the longest-serving imam of the Taipei mosque (Jia 2005:47). Ding’s initial appointment as imam marked the start of a long era in which the position was regularly assigned to an Azharite. Two consecu- tive head imams of the Taipei mosque in 1955–1966 had been members of the “Farouk group” of Chengda students who began their studies in Cairo in 1938, while the imam who occupied the position in 1968–1973 was raised in the Sau- di Hui diaspora and educated at Al-Azhar (Jia 2005:268). It was only in 1996 that the office of imam of Taipei Grand Mosque was conferred on a scholar educated not at Al-Azhar but in Libya, Zhao Xilin 趙錫麟 (b. 1947); Zhao was reappointed as imam in 2015 and holds the position today. He is a product of the post-1949 era of Taiwan’s Islamic history, during which the island’s Muslim scholars have been dispatched to study in the Islamic heartlands. This practice

16 This conflict was described and analyzed in detail by Barbara Pillsbury (1978). For the sake of anonymity Xiao is referred to as “Ma Erh-lin” throughout Pillsbury’s text. For an in- depth discussion of contacts with Ahmadiyya in modern Sino-Muslim history, see Eroglu Sager 2016: 172–238. The controversies surrounding Xiao are visible even in Jia Fukang’s otherwise tepid book on the history of Islam on Taiwan. Xiao’s unusually short biographical entry explicitly states that he was “beloved by [only] a part of our coreligionists” (Jia 2005: 235).

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 149 harks back to the tradition of Sino-Muslim activism represented by Chengda Shifan and the other schools with transregional connections to Al-Azhar and other Muslim institutions of learning in the Middle East that were established in the first half of the twentieth century by Ma Songting and other Chinese Muslim intellectuals like Wang Jingzhai and Da Pusheng. Due to less restrictive migration policies and the willingness of the roc government to appoint Muslims to high-ranking diplomatic posts, both in the regions with which they had established links during the pre-1949 era and in newer realms, the Hui have continued to engage in the circulation of religious knowledge and the provision of services for Muslims of diverse backgrounds in and outside of the Islamic heartlands. Ma Songting’s disciple Wang Shiming is a case in point. After 1949 he spent some time on Taiwan as an imam in the Taipei mosque and taught Arabic and Islamic studies at Chengchi University. Later Wang was employed in the diplomatic service of the roc and worked as a diplomat in a number of Middle Eastern countries, as well as at the United Nations. After retiring he joined his children who had emigrated to Hawai‘i and went on to serve for eighteen years as an imam and Muslim community leader in Honolulu (Frankel 2015). While the number of Sino-Muslims on Taiwan was initially low, an important shift occurred in the decades after the 1950s as numerous members of the Yunnanese Sino-Muslim diaspora from Burma and Thailand arrived on the island. The Huixie has established and maintained connections with this community throughout the entire post-1949 era. By the early twenty-first century, people with Southeast Asian Yunnanese ancestry had come to domi- nate the Huixie and occupied the majority of jiaozhang positions at Taiwan- ese mosques (Jia 2005:12–13). An important aspect of the Muslim history of Taiwan, the triangular contacts between the Hui community of Taiwan, the Yunnanese Muslims of Southeast Asia (Panthays), and the latter’s ancestral lands of Yunnan form yet another circuit in the trans-Asian Sino-Muslim net- work that is crucial to the ever-evolving Hui self-understanding in interregion- al spaces (Thum 2017). Although the Taiwanese Hui have not been officially recognized as a minzu by roc authorities, and the community is not numerous enough to undertake to rebuild on Taiwan the separate Sino-Muslim educational institutions they once operated on the mainland, they have largely succeeded in securing funds for building mosques in the main settlements on the island by relying on their transregional connections with governments and people. The most important mosques and Muslim congregations in Taipei, Taichung, Kaohsiung, and Longgang, as well as the lesser-known and younger ones in Tainan and Tong- kang, are all examples of meeting grounds for ethnically and culturally diverse

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150 Cieciura

communities that have traversed Inter-Asian spaces to establish partial societies in this part of East Asia. Taipei, with its two mosques—the Culture Mosque and the large purpose-built Middle Eastern-style Grand Mosque opened in 1960, not far from Lishui Street where Ma Songting once officiated—retains its importance for Sinophone Muslims and for their connections with other Muslim cultures. Due to the growing restrictions on Islamic activities on the mainland, the city and the other mosques on Taiwan are once more crucial spots on the Sino-Islamic map characterized by their spirit of free association and grass-roots development, so reminiscent of the pre-1949 Republican era.

Conclusion

Even though Ma Songting spent his last forty years confined within the borders of the People’s Republic of China by its turbulent political history, his entire biography was shaped by the fact that he devoted the first half of his life to making connections and facilitating the circulation of religious and cultural knowledge between the realms of Chinese Islam and the wider Muslim world. As Engseng Ho writes, “Repetition creates stability, substance, habit, custom, expectations and reality. Repetition over both dimensions of space and time creates what we call circulation” (2017: 921). With his repeated visits to Egypt, during which he would lecture Middle Eastern audiences about the situation of Chinese Muslims, negotiate with Egyptian authorities, and have audiences with Egyptian kings, Ma was effectively creating the reality of Sino-Muslim connections with the Islamic world. His contributions, and those of his peers— including Da Pusheng, Wang Jingzhai, the Chinese Azharites whose education in Egypt he arranged, and many others—can be productively evaluated by using the Inter-Asian concepts proposed by Ho. Traveling along the long- established trading routes linking southern and eastern China with the South Seas, the Indian Ocean, and the Middle East, or what Ho calls the transregional axis, Sino-Muslims of the era were regular visitors to the partial societies of the port cities of Malaya, India, Ceylon, and beyond, with which they engaged in intensive exchanges of ideas and knowledge. Some of these travelers eventually settled down in those places and became members of those societies themselves. Many Hui Muslims moved to the newly retroceded Taiwan during the great political upheavals of the mid-twentieth century and established their own community on the island, a community that could well be seen as one of Ho’s partial societies. And many of the Hui who relocated to Taiwan, who were not confined by the political regime to the extent experienced by their peers on the mainland, sojourned further afield in the growing Sino-Muslim diaspora,

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Chinese Muslims in Transregional Spaces of Mainland China 151 stretching from Saudi Arabia to Australia, Hawai‘i, and the continental United States. The Sino-Muslim partial societies in the diaspora have never become populous, but they have relied on their contacts with the larger Hui centers on Taiwan, and—when political changes in the prc permitted—also with those in their continental Chinese homeland. However, the above-average level of education and cultural refinement of many members of those Sino-Muslim partial societies prepared them to play important leadership roles in the Mus- lim partial societies where they resided, as in the case of Wang Shiming. Just like the diasporic non-Muslim Chinese from Southeast Asia mentioned by Ho (2017:920), following China’s opening in the 1980s the Hui have returned from the outside world not only to help their continental coreligionists and compatriots to reenter world markets, but also to rejuvenate the Inter-Asian contacts and circuits that Chinese Islam forged in the first half of the twentieth century and maintained with the numerically miniscule, but culturally and politically strong Taiwanese and overseas diasporic societies. Ma Songting’s decision to leave for mainland China in 1952, whether due to a sense of obligation toward his people and motherland or out of loyalty to his wife; Xiao Yongtai’s stubborn refusal to renounce his master; and Wang Shim- ing’s willingness to follow his children to Hawai’i and to serve as the religious leader of the diverse local Muslim community—each of these actions testifies to the power of individual, emotional choice in history. The importance of personal choices is especially great for individuals traversing the thinner lines of mobile circulations further afield from the regions traditionally viewed as the key sites of Hui history. Without those individual choices, the mainland Hui community would have lost an important leader, Taiwan’s Muslims would have no real alternative to the official religious association, and Honolulu would not have its cosmopolitan and highly educated imam. By highlighting the role of the Hui networks in Inter-Asian spaces and bring- ing attention to several prominent figures, this paper has attempted to draw attention to the role of individuals in modern Chinese Muslim history. Engag- ing with coreligionists in the regions stretching from China to the Middle East, the individual members of the Hui elites were able to express their identities, whether religious or ethnic, according to their personal needs and convic- tions, through concrete actions and not necessarily through theorizations that would require them to accept as their main points of reference the political categories defined by the various political regimes running China. Further studies of the Republican-era Hui elites should heed Ho’s call to employ the “outside-in” method of analysis by looking at the inner understandings of the Sino-Muslims themselves, and by sidelining for a time the grand narratives of minzu and nation favored by Chinese nation-states in their modern form.

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