DOCSLIB.ORG

Mazharul Haq and His Role in the Freedom Struggle

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Mazharul Haq and His Role in the Freedom Struggle MAZHARUL HAQ AND HIS ROLE IN THE FREEDOM STRUGGLE Dissertation submitted for the M. Phil Degree BY HASSAN IMAM Under the Supervision of Prof. M. Zameerudditi Siddiqui (Chairman) CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 1989 DS1661 CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY TELEPHONE : 5S4ft DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNlVERSll ALIGARH, U. P. 30 December, 1989. This is to certi-fy that the dissertation on MAZHARUL HAQ AND HIS ROLE IN THE FREEDOM STRUGGLE submitted by Mr. Hassan Imam is the original work of the candidate and is suitable -for submission -for the award o-f M.Phil. Degree. ^^;^ M.Zameeruddin Siddiqui (Supervisor > CONTENTS * Acknowledgements * Introduction 1* Mazharul Haq: A Political Profile (1-33). 2* Mazharul Haq And Kanpur Mosque Agitation (34-54). 3* Role Of Mazharul Haq In Pan- Islamic Movement <55-84). 4* Mazharul Haq And Home Rule Movement (85-112). 5»Mazharul Haq's Role In Agitation Against Rawlatt Act (113-132) 6* Mazharul Haq In Khilafat And Non Cooperation Movements (133-170). tttttttt*** ACKNOWLEDGEMENT With a sense of utmost gratitude and indebtedness I consider it my moral and ple?asant duty to e;;press a sincere sense o-f gratitude and obligations towards all the teachers and -friends o-f the department with whom I received proper guidance, encouragement and 1-ind cooperation during my research study. First,ly I would 111-e to than^ my parents who has always been a constant source of inspiration and encouragement all the times. I am also thant'-ful to Mrs* Naima Imam -for her t-een interest in my study. I am also thanl--ful to my brothers and sisters -for the same. I am equally thant-ful to my'supervisor Pro-f. li. Zameeruddin Siddiqui (Chairman), Department of History who has always been a constant source of inspiration and encouragement all the times during the pursuance of my research worl--. 'I can never forget the goodwill and proper care of Prof. M. Zameeruddin Siddiqui who inspite of his tJusy schedule guided me properly and suggested me all the times and lastly examined my worl--. My grateful acknowledgements are due to my esteemed teachers like Prof . I- . A. Nir:ami , Prof.Irfan Habib, Prof. R.C. Gaur, Prof. M.Zameeruddin Siddiqui, Prof. M.A. Alvi , Prof . A. J . Qaisar , Pro-f. M.Athar All, Prof.I.Alam than, Prof.Shireen Moosvi, Prof. S.P.Gupta, Prof. I, H. Si ddi qui , Prof . liansoora Haider, Dr. M.P.Singh, Dr.E. Huda, Dr.A. Anmi, Dr. M.D.N.Sahi, Dr .R.f .Tri vedi , Dr. Iqbal Hussam, Dr. S.M.R.Naqvi, Dr.I.A.Zllli, Dr.Afzal Hussain, and all other teachers ai the department whose scholarly personalities have inspired me in pursuit of this <--=.tudy. , I am e;:tremely thanl^ ful to Dr.MasDom Raza hasimi Deputy Director (Bihar State Archieves, Patna) -for his kind cooperation •for providing me the valuable and unexplored documents on my research study. I am profoundly grate-ful to Mrs ?•< Mr Irfan Al i, A Feros Ahmad, Mr.Shamsul Haque, Miss Seema, Miss Ghazala Parveen, and others for their hospitality during my stay at Patna for material collection. 1 am also thankful to Mr5.?< Mr. S. fv. A. Ri nvi (IPS) for showing their teen interest in my research wort'. I would lite to e;;press my deep sense of gratitude to Prof.Qeyamuddin Ahamad, Patna University, for his valuable suggestion during my stay at Patna and even on his arrival to Aligarh concerning my research wort. I am equally thantcful to Dr.A.R.Bedar,(Director,Fhuda Batsh O.P. Library, Patna) and Dr.T.S.Sinha (Director, Bihar State Archives. Patna) for their tind cooperation and teen interest in my research study. I am also greatly thantful to Prof.Hasan Ahmad,Prof.Shan Muhammad (Departm£>nt of Political Science) Dr. M. P. Singh (Dpt. of History) Dr. Humayun Murad,(Provost,M.H. Hall) Dr. Shamim Ahmad (Dpt. of psychology) Psychology) Shamsul Haque Siddiqui and Dr.T.A.Mnan for their heartily sympathy. I am indebted to the Director and the staff of the National Archieves of India (New Delhi), Director and staff of the Bihar State Arc-hieves (Fatna), Director and staff of the Khuda Batcsh Khan O.P. Library (Patna), Librarian and other staff of S.N.Sinha Library (Patna), Librarian and staff of Maulana Anad Library and Research Seminar Library , Dpt. Of History, A.M.U., Aligarh. I am very much thankful and obliged to Mr.Qamrul Hoda Faridi and Mr. Usman Ghani for extending their support for their undertaking the? difficult tash of proof reading. My thanks are due to my other research collegues especially to Mr.Reaz Ahamad, M.Hamid, S.Pashir Ha&an, Javed A^htar, Javed Hasan, Farhat Hasan, Farid Ahmad, Afaq Bashir Siddiqui, Nafees Ahmad, S.Ahmad Siddiqui, Zeeshan Izzat, Vinod Kumar, Sajjad Ansari, Siraj Anwar,and others. , I owe a special thanks to my friends Mr.Muaaffar-e-Islam , Dr.Mushawir Islam, Ahasan Rana, Akhtar Riaz, Fateh Faiyas, M.A.Jauhar, M.A.Beg, M.Sharif, Ahmad Husain, S.Huda Khan, IMand Pi shore, Naushad All, Mahmood Sani, and Oamar Mehdi for their so very ungrudging coopration . Thanks to a greater degree due the U.G.C. for their grant of fellowship which facilitated me in the completion of this dissertat1 on, L..ast ' 'but not least I am thankful to Mr.Ashraf Nairn, N.N.Khawaja, Anwar Nairn and Guddu for word processing my dissertation so carefully and diligently. December, 1989. (HASSAN IMAM) 1 INTRODUCTION Mazharul Haq was a dozen among the -freedom fighters o-f the early twentieth century. He was among the -founding -fathers o-f the new national trends which became the hallmark of the new traditions and dimensions which the movement assumed during this period. It was misnumour to dub him a regional national leader of Bihar. Infact he' belonged to the whole of the country and had very cosmopolitan arid liberal outlook. He adhered to the ideals of peaceful struggle and passive resistance through the technique of satyagraha in the achievement of national goal of securing Home Rule and larger and larger participation of Indian in the political , social and Economic sphere in the country. He was among the front rankers in the national conflict against the British colonialisation and was a true devotee of the ideals of Peaceful but determined struggle to achieve Home Rule autonomy and the larger demand of the self rule by the Indians. Mazharul Haq though he was a close associate of Mahatma Gandhi and all the national concept and endeavour and fought shoulder to shoulder with him in the larger interest of the country's self rule and removing the vestiges of colonial domination and exploitation yet he was never oblivious of urges of his community and the dictates of his conscience to sponsor the cause of pan-Islamic movement and the value of Islam to give a benign guidance to the Islamic people all over the world. The problem that he faced were indeed of great intensity and gravity but he like other prominent muslim awaken the Muslim community from the slumber of ages and awaken among them a sense of confidence , self importance and utility to serve the community 11 and country . He knew that the muslims will be greatly instrumental in -forming a part of national movement, which would pull its energies the highest ideal in cohesion and solidarity with other communities in the national unity -forged ahead by his persistence ef-forts bore fruits in the succeeding ages. His •examples was followed by other great Muslims leaders like haulana Abul Kalam Azad and they all had drawn the muslims from the closets and brought them in the open to make their mark felt on canvas of national movement. In this way the muslims too became the part and the parcel of the national potential and the national movement". In this way both the major communities Hindu and Muslim contributed enormously towards the achievement of the goal . The Pan-Islamic movement of which Mazharul Haq became a philosopher and guide, was channelised by him and by Muhammad Ali and Abul Kalam Azad towards spirited endeavour by the muslims in opposition to by the British colonial and were dominated by the western European powers. It was directed not only to emancipate India but the whole Asia and Africa from the clutches of the western colonialism and towards the more fundamental ideals of making the religion and politics as two facts of the same reality. Mahatma (^andhi was too, conscious of this significant of Pan-Islamic and Khilafat movement and therefore he came out to support this movement without stretched hands. Work on Mazharul Haq has been scarcely attempted . A short handiwork by Prof. Qeyamuddin Ahmad gives a brilliant analysis of his life and work in a short resume. This work has to be elaborated upon and extended with reference to Ill -the untapped source materials and discovery of documents papers, manuals and documents discovered from archieves and private collection and to be processed , classified interpreted and utilised in their proper perspectives other* work, on the subject Ayde's works, The message o-f Ashiana and Maul ana Mazharul Haque which provide significant glimpses and spread work for the future historians on the subject. The generation of Mazharul Haq was imbued with high idealism in national work and for the service of the motherland and they were committed to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity and social uplift of the masses. motives of philanthropic moves and extricating the common people from want, fear, demoralization, lethargy and despondency were some of the driving forces which promoted them to dedicate their life to serve the best interest of the people of India and Mazharul Haq takes the position of prominence in the galaxy of such outstanding personalities of India.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Chapter 43 Electoral Statistics
    CHAPTER 43 ELECTORAL STATISTICS 43.1 India is a constitutional democracy with a parliamentary system of government, and at the heart of the system is a commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These elections determine the composition of the Government, the membership of the two houses of parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and vice-presidency. Elections are conducted according to the constitutional provisions, supplemented by laws made by Parliament. The major laws are Representation of the People Act, 1950, which mainly deals with the preparation and revision of electoral rolls, the Representation of the People Act, 1951 which deals, in detail, with all aspects of conduct of elections and post election disputes. 43.2 The Election Commission of India is an autonomous, quasi-judiciary constitutional body of India. Its mission is to conduct free and fair elections in India. It was established on 25 January, 1950 under Article 324 of the Constitution of India. Since establishment of Election Commission of India, free and fair elections have been held at regular intervals as per the principles enshrined in the Constitution, Electoral Laws and System. The Constitution of India has vested in the Election Commission of India the superintendence, direction and control of the entire process for conduct of elections to Parliament and Legislature of every State and to the offices of President and Vice- President of India. The Election Commission is headed by the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners. There was just one Chief Election Commissioner till October, 1989. In 1989, two Election Commissioners were appointed, but were removed again in January 1990.
    [Show full text]
  • India's Domestic Political Setting
    Updated July 12, 2021 India’s Domestic Political Setting Overview The BJP and Congress are India’s only genuinely national India, the world’s most populous democracy, is, according parties. In previous recent national elections they together to its Constitution, a “sovereign, socialist, secular, won roughly half of all votes cast, but in 2019 the BJP democratic republic” where the bulk of executive power boosted its share to nearly 38% of the estimated 600 million rests with the prime minister and his Council of Ministers votes cast (to Congress’s 20%; turnout was a record 67%). (the Indian president is a ceremonial chief of state with The influence of regional and caste-based (and often limited executive powers). Since its 1947 independence, “family-run”) parties—although blunted by two most of India’s 14 prime ministers have come from the consecutive BJP majority victories—remains a crucial country’s Hindi-speaking northern regions, and all but 3 variable in Indian politics. Such parties now hold one-third have been upper-caste Hindus. The 543-seat Lok Sabha of all Lok Sabha seats. In 2019, more than 8,000 candidates (House of the People) is the locus of national power, with and hundreds of parties vied for parliament seats; 33 of directly elected representatives from each of the country’s those parties won at least one seat. The seven parties listed 28 states and 8 union territories. The president has the below account for 84% of Lok Sabha seats. The BJP’s power to dissolve this body. A smaller upper house of a economic reform agenda can be impeded in the Rajya maximum 250 seats, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States), Sabha, where opposition parties can align to block certain may review, but not veto, revenue legislation, and has no nonrevenue legislation (see Figure 1).
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2019/05 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee Amory Gethin Thomas Piketty March 2019 Growing Cleavages in India? Evidence from the Changing Structure of Electorates, 1962-2014 Abhijit Banerjee, Amory Gethin, Thomas Piketty* January 16, 2019 Abstract This paper combines surveys, election results and social spending data to document the long-run evolution of political cleavages in India. From a dominant- party system featuring the Indian National Congress as the main actor of the mediation of political conflicts, Indian politics have gradually come to include a number of smaller regionalist parties and, more recently, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). These changes coincide with the rise of religious divisions and the persistence of strong caste-based cleavages, while education, income and occupation play little role (controlling for caste) in determining voters’ choices. We find no evidence that India’s new party system has been associated with changes in social policy. While BJP-led states are generally characterized by a smaller social sector, switching to a party representing upper castes or upper classes has no significant effect on social spending. We interpret this as evidence that voters seem to be less driven by straightforward economic interests than by sectarian interests and cultural priorities. In India, as in many Western democracies, political conflicts have become increasingly focused on identity and religious-ethnic conflicts
    [Show full text]
  • Role of Bengali Women in the Freedom Movement Abstract
    Heteroglossia: A Multidisciplinary Research Journal June 2016 | Vol. 01 | No. 01 Role of Bengali Women in the Freedom Movement Kasturi Roy Chatterjee1 Abstract In India women is always affected by the lack of opportunities and facilities. This is due to innate discrimination prevalent within the society for years. Thus when the role of Bengali women in the freedom movement is considered one faces a lot of difficulty, as because the women whatever their role were never highlighted. But in recent years however it is being pointed out that Bengali women not only participated in the freedom movement but had played an active role in it. KeyWords: Swadeshi, Boycott, catalysts, Patriarchy, Civil Disobidience, Satyagraha, Quit India. 1 Assistant Professor in History, Sundarban Mahavidyalaya, Kakdwip, South 24 Parganas, Pin-743347 49 Heteroglossia: A Multidisciplinary Research Journal June 2016 | Vol. 01 | No. 01 Introduction: In attempting to analyse the role of Bengali women in the Indian Freedom Struggle, one faces a series of problem is at the very outset. There are very few comprehensive studies on women’s participation in the freedom movement. In my paper I will try to bring forward a complete picture of Bengali women’s active role in the politics of protest: Bengal from 1905-1947, which is so far being discussed in different phases. In this way we can explain that how the women from time to time had strengthened the nationalist movement not only in the way it is shaped for them but once they participated they had mobilized the movement in their own way. Nature of Participatation in the Various Movements: A general idea for quite a long time had circulated regarding women’s participation that it is male dictated.
    [Show full text]
  • Myth, Language, Empire: the East India Company and the Construction of British India, 1757-1857
    Western University Scholarship@Western Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository 5-10-2011 12:00 AM Myth, Language, Empire: The East India Company and the Construction of British India, 1757-1857 Nida Sajid University of Western Ontario Supervisor Nandi Bhatia The University of Western Ontario Graduate Program in Comparative Literature A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree in Doctor of Philosophy © Nida Sajid 2011 Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd Part of the Asian History Commons, Comparative Literature Commons, Cultural History Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Literature in English, British Isles Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, and the South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Sajid, Nida, "Myth, Language, Empire: The East India Company and the Construction of British India, 1757-1857" (2011). Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository. 153. https://ir.lib.uwo.ca/etd/153 This Dissertation/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Western. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis and Dissertation Repository by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Western. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Myth, Language, Empire: The East India Company and the Construction of British India, 1757-1857 (Spine Title: Myth, Language, Empire) (Thesis format: Monograph) by Nida Sajid Graduate Program in Comparative Literature A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The School of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies The University of Western Ontario London, Ontario, Canada © Nida Sajid 2011 THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN ONTARIO School of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION Supervisor Examiners _____________________ _ ____________________________ Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties in India
    A M K RESOURCE WORLD GENERAL KNOWLEDGE www.amkresourceinfo.com Political Parties in India India has very diverse multi party political system. There are three types of political parties in Indiai.e. national parties (7), state recognized party (48) and unrecognized parties (1706). All the political parties which wish to contest local, state or national elections are required to be registered by the Election Commission of India (ECI). A recognized party enjoys privileges like reserved party symbol, free broadcast time on state run television and radio in the favour of party. Election commission asks to these national parties regarding the date of elections and receives inputs for the conduct of free and fair polls National Party: A registered party is recognised as a National Party only if it fulfils any one of the following three conditions: 1. If a party wins 2% of seats in the Lok Sabha (as of 2014, 11 seats) from at least 3 different States. 2. At a General Election to Lok Sabha or Legislative Assembly, the party polls 6% of votes in four States in addition to 4 Lok Sabha seats. 3. A party is recognised as a State Party in four or more States. The Indian political parties are categorized into two main types. National level parties and state level parties. National parties are political parties which, participate in different elections all over India. For example, Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janata Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Samajwadi Party, Communist Party of India, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and some other parties. State parties or regional parties are political parties which, participate in different elections but only within one 1 www.amkresourceinfo.com A M K RESOURCE WORLD GENERAL KNOWLEDGE state.
    [Show full text]
  • MODERN INDIAN HISTORY (1857 to the Present)
    MODERN INDIAN HISTORY (1857 to the Present) STUDY MATERIAL I / II SEMESTER HIS1(2)C01 Complementary Course of BA English/Economics/Politics/Sociology (CBCSS - 2019 ADMISSION) UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION Calicut University P.O, Malappuram, Kerala, India 673 635. 19302 School of Distance Education UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT SCHOOL OF DISTANCE EDUCATION STUDY MATERIAL I / II SEMESTER HIS1(2)C01 : MODERN INDIAN HISTORY (1857 TO THE PRESENT) COMPLEMENTARY COURSE FOR BA ENGLISH/ECONOMICS/POLITICS/SOCIOLOGY Prepared by : Module I & II : Haripriya.M Assistanrt professor of History NSS College, Manjeri. Malappuram. Scrutinised by : Sunil kumar.G Assistanrt professor of History NSS College, Manjeri. Malappuram. Module III&IV : Dr. Ancy .M.A Assistant professor of History School of Distance Education University of Calicut Scrutinised by : Asharaf koyilothan kandiyil Chairman, Board of Studies, History (UG) Govt. College, Mokeri. Modern Indian History (1857 to the present) Page 2 School of Distance Education CONTENTS Module I 4 Module II 35 Module III 45 Module IV 49 Modern Indian History (1857 to the present) Page 3 School of Distance Education MODULE I INDIA AS APOLITICAL ENTITY Battle Of Plassey: Consolodation Of Power By The British. The British conquest of India commenced with the conquest of Bengal which was consummated after fighting two battles against the Nawabs of Bengal, viz the battle of Plassey and the battle of Buxar. At that time, the kingdom of Bengal included the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. Wars and intrigues made the British masters over Bengal. The first conflict of English with Nawab of Bengal resulted in the battle of Plassey.
    [Show full text]
  • Swap an Das' Gupta Local Politics
    SWAP AN DAS' GUPTA LOCAL POLITICS IN BENGAL; MIDNAPUR DISTRICT 1907-1934 Theses submitted in fulfillment of the Doctor of Philosophy degree, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1980, ProQuest Number: 11015890 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11015890 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract This thesis studies the development and social character of Indian nationalism in the Midnapur district of Bengal* It begins by showing the Government of Bengal in 1907 in a deepening political crisis. The structural imbalances caused by the policy of active intervention in the localities could not be offset by the ’paternalistic* and personalised district administration. In Midnapur, the situation was compounded by the inability of government to secure its traditional political base based on zamindars. Real power in the countryside lay in the hands of petty landlords and intermediaries who consolidated their hold in the economic environment of growing commercialisation in agriculture. This was reinforced by a caste movement of the Mahishyas which injected the district with its own version of 'peasant-pride'.
    [Show full text]
  • LIST of RECOGNISED NATIONAL PARTIES (As on 11.01.2017)
    LIST OF RECOGNISED NATIONAL PARTIES (as on 11.01.2017) Sl. Name of the Name of President/ Address No. Party General secretary 1. Bahujan Samaj Ms. Mayawati, Ms. Mayawati, Party President President Bahujan Samaj Party 4, Gurudwara Rakabganj Road, New Delhi –110001. 2. Bharatiya Janata Shri Amit Anilchandra Shri Amit Anilchandra Shah, Party Shah, President President Bharatiya Janata Party 11, Ashoka Road, New Delhi – 110001 3. Communist Party Shri S. Sudhakar Reddy, Shri S. Sudhakar Reddy, of India General Secretary General Secretary, Communist Party of India Ajoy Bhawan, Kotla Marg, New Delhi – 110002. 4. Communist Party Shri Sitaram Yechury, Shri Sitaram Yechury, of General Secretary General Secretary India (Marxist) Communist Party of India (Marxist) ,A.K.Gopalan Bhawan,27-29, Bhai Vir Singh Marg (Gole Market), New Delhi - 110001 5. Indian National Smt. Sonia Gandhi, Smt. Sonia Gandhi, Congress President President Indian National Congress 24,Akbar Road, New Delhi – 110011 6. Nationalist Shri Sharad Pawar, Shri Sharad Pawar, Congress Party President President Nationalist Congress Party 10, Bishambhar Das Marg, New Delhi-110001. 7. All India Ms. Mamta Banerjee, All India Trinamool Congress, Trinamool Chairperson 30-B, Harish Chatterjee Street, Congress Kolkata-700026 (West Bengal). LIST OF STATE PARTIES (as on 11.01.2017) S. No. Name of the Name of President/ Address party General Secretary 1. All India Anna The General Secretary- No. 41, Kothanda Raman Dravida Munnetra in-charge Street, Chennai-600021, Kazhagam (Tamil Nadu). (Puratchi Thalaivi Amma), 2. All India Anna The General Secretary- No.5, Fourth Street, Dravida Munnetra in-charge Venkatesware Nagar, Kazhagam (Amma), Karpagam Gardens, Adayar, Chennai-600020, (Tamil Nadu).
    [Show full text]
  • Anticolonialism, Nationalism, and State Formation: the Rise of Pakistan
    ANTICOLONIALISM, NATIONALISM, AND STATE FORMATION: THE RISE OF PAKISTAN KASIM ALI TIRMIZEY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO, CANADA September 2018 © Kasim Ali Tirmizey, 2018 Abstract There is ongoing popular and scholarly debate about the rise of Pakistan as a nation-state. Much of this literature frames the emergence either in cultural terms as a territorial expression of transhistorical Muslim nationhood, or in a liberal framing as the outcome of the political mobilization of the Muslim community against Hindu domination. This dissertation makes a corrective by examining the constitutive role of radical anticolonialism in the rise of Pakistan, with a focus on the province of Punjab in British India from 1880 to 1947. I argue that the formation of the Pakistani nation-state entailed the condensation of multiple political struggles over rescaling empire. Muslim nationalism reified struggles over land, food, women’s bodies, and access to the colonial state as ethnic struggles between Muslims and Hindus, thus codifying class, caste and religion in essentialist terms. Despite popular energies of agrarian classes against Hindu Bania (moneylender caste) were redirected into radical anticolonialism by the Ghadar Party in the 1910s, the demand for Pakistan subsequently shifted the scale of anti-Bania antagonisms among agrarian classes onto claims for a Muslim national space. The materialization of a Muslim national space (Pakistan) and Hindu national space (India) cannot be understood in the absence of the repression of radical anticolonial movements such as the Ghadar Party, the Kirti Kisan Party, and communist organizing.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Economy of Idenity Formation, 1890- 1910: Class and Community in Colonial Punjab
    Political Economy of Idenity Formation, 1890- 1910: Class and Community in Colonial Punjab * Haider Ali Agha Abstract This paper analyses the rise of Muslim communal consciousness from the perspective of class conflict between different religious communities of this region. Punjab, being a Muslim majority province of British India, had agricultural and pastoral economy, notwithstanding the fact that colonial projects such as building of railways and canal colonies later radically altered pre-capitalist economic structure. British political and legal institutions along with these projects played a role in shaping and formation of group identity although it could not transform the consciousness which was distinctive of agrarian-pastoral society. The kind of nationalism which originated and developed on soil of the Punjab was professedly of religious nature. In the social milieu, rival religious communities vied for political and economic dominance. This paper seeks to explore the relation between class interest of landed elites and Muslim nationalist consciousness. The idea of religious nationalism, both among Hindus and Muslims, was developed and exploited by powerful elites representing economic interests of different classes to strengthen their political position in the Punjab. The paper also analyses how economic structure built by colonial state sharpened the antagonism between social classes of Muslim and non-Muslim 106 Pakistan Vision Vol. 17 No. 2 communities which eventually led to idea of Muslim separatism in the Punjab. Introduction This rise and growth of consciousness of Muslims as a distinct community in the Punjab has been a focus of researches by eminent native and foreign historians. Most of those, who conducted the research on this area, have either studied this phenomenon as the product of pre-existing communal fault lines or from a perspective of colonial policy of divide et impera.
    [Show full text]
  • Hindu Nationalism: What's Religion Got to Do with It? It Is Sometimes Said That Generals Fight the Last War
    Hindu Nationalism: What's Religion Got to Do With It? It is sometimes said that generals fight the last war. Similarly, political analysts tend to find the most recent global scourge in every societal ailment they encounter. In the 1940s and 1950s many populist movements and regimes were mistakenly viewed as "fascist"; in the 1960s and 1970s numerous third world nationalist movements were perceived as and professed to be communist; and since the Iranian revolution of 1979 "fundamentalisms" seem to have flourished. Sometimes more than one of these labels has been applied to the same movement. In India, Hindu Nationalism was - and often still is - perceived as fascist, particularly by its Indian critics, while outside observers have found it altogether too easy to treat it as the Hindu equivalent of Islamic radicalism. Consequently, we should consider whether Hindu nationalism is religious at all. The first part of this paper accordingly will examine the evolution of Hindu Nationalist ideology to emphasize a point that has been made many times: whether or not Hindu Nationalism is "fascist" it is most assuredly not "fundamentalist." Hindu Nationalists are concerned with the strength and unity of Hindus as a political community not with their forms of worship. They have charged religious minorities with divided loyalty and been responsible for organized mass violence against Muslims. However, they have not, historically, been concerned with imposing any view of Hindu religion on its practitioners or punishing Hindus who violate the precepts of the "true" religion. In short, for Hindu Nationalists, there are traitors, but not apostates. The second part of the paper will review the evolution of Hindu Nationalist organizations.
    [Show full text]