Nationalism and Democracy in India K R Narayanan The strength and balance of a nationalist movement can be determined by the degree to which its economic and social aspects have been joined on to the political aspect. The moment a nationalist movement gets divorced from necessary social and economic reform it loses its vitality as well as its hold on the people and gives place, almost inexorably, to a more revolutionary movement. Kuomintang China is the classic example of such a development. In India, as in most other countries of Asia and Africa, nationalism has thus to be understood in the sense of a constructive and liberating force. It is also a comprehensive concept transcending the boundaries of ordinary political usage in the West.
ATIONALISM is the background pect in Europe, the British in their colo mind, but the manifestation of con N against which the drama of demo nial empire, the Russians in Yugoslavia, crete forces and palpable psychological cratic development has been unfolding Poland and Hungary, and the Chinese attitudes in society. This was largely itself in India since Independence. in Tibet. Indeed, many a battle of due to the peaceful and rational ap Every aspect of development—social, human liberty was fought under the proach of the leaders themselves who economic, political and cultural—is in nationalist banner, and even today over were constantly, even in the thick of formed by the spirit of nationalism, and vast areas of the globe nationalism the fray, examining and explaining the moved by its emotional impetus. For a spells freedom and dignity for man. One aims, methods and meaning of the renaissant nation like India, awakening must, therefore distinguish between movement It is, therefore, easy to from centuries of political subjection the nationalism of a big industrial reduce Indian nationalism to its basic and economic degradation, it is only and military power projecting itself in elements which are political, social, natural that the nationalist spirit should the international arena, and of new economic and cultural. When taken be the presiding force in society. underdeveloped nations struggling to together these amount to an Indian become independent entities or esta Renaissance. One could even go blish their newly-won independence on further and say that it was as if the Unlovely Forms firm foundations. Thus while the Renaissance and the Reformation h;ive In the past nationalism has express word conjures up many a fear and been taking place in India at the same ed itself in so many unlovely forms, suspicion, it also summons from the period. There was the idea of the both in Asia and Europe, that it is often depths aspirations of freedom, equ rebirth of the past glory of India, and regarded as a narrow and dangerous ality and prosperity for many millions also of the reformation of the existing creed in the modern world. Colonial of people. social order. While the vision of the imperialism, Fascism, and the 'co-pro past greatness of India was conjured sperity sphere' concept of the Japanese, up, it was combined with the challeng were some of its most spectacular mani ing of old ideas, beliefs, practices and festations in recent history. Even the In the Indian Context institutions. Thus nationalism las international creed of communism bears In regard to India, and most other been operating as a revolutionary the imprint of the big-power national countries of Asia and Africa, national force transforming, or more appropri ism of Soviet Russia and Peoples China. ism has to be understood in the latter ately rough-hewing, the age-old Indian While these political ideologies are not sense of a constructive and liberating social order into a system more ra merely expressions of nationalism, but force. It is also a comprehensive tional and modern. The rationality something infinitely more complex and concept transcending the boundaries and the modernity were, in the m;un, explosive, there is behind them a com- of ordinary political usage in the the result of the impact of Western mon irrational glorification of the na West. In origin it was, no doubt, a education and technology. A nsw tion, or the race, or of an ideology political movement born under the spirit of reason, of enquiry, of sceptic embodied in the concept of the nation. impact of foreign domination, with ism and of criticism has been let Joose This kind of expansive and aggressive the central objective of attaining the in India for the first time since the nationalism has played a black role in political independence of India. At spacious days of the Upanishads and human history, and in our own atomic the same time it was not a purely of the Buddha. Though confined, in age it is, undoubtedly, a major an political, but a renaissance, movement the beginning, to the educated upper achronism. The touch of technology embracing almost every sphere of and middle classes, this new spirit has made 'the whole world kind' in so Indian life. One could describe slowly percolated to the broad masses real a sense that the other expression Indian nationalism as a vast move in thousand subtle ways and stung of nationalism, that of arrogant and ment of a whole people towards na them with the desire for progress. brooding isolationism, has also become tional independence, national self- completely outmoded. respect, national well-being and na tional enlightenment. Except for certain Nevertheless, nationalism seems to be sporadic attempts at the apothesis of A Vehicle of Social Change a phase through which every nation has Mother India, the movement did not Therefore in India nationalism has to go through, and it is not inevitable develop a mystique or myth of its own not merely been an instrument of that it should always take a military or but remained mostly on a pragmatic political change, but a vehicle of aggressive or isolationist form. On the plane, swept though it was by the social and economic revolution. More contrary, it has often been a powerful winds of passionate ideas. In other than one stage of historical develop defence against tyranny and oppression. words, nationalism in India was not ment is being pressed into one perfer- Napoleon laced nationalism in this as the dream-child of a febrile collective- vid period of history. Struggle for 633 April 10, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
national independence, for political portant part of the thinking and pro and the will for social and economic democracy, for economic freedom and gramme of the Indian National Con development of the country. There social equality are all telescoped in a gress. "My outlook", wrote Pandit was a strong conservative element in single period of change. The strength Nehru about this period, "was wider, the Congress who looked askance at and inner balance of a nationalist and nationalism by itself seemed to me this kind of Socialistic planning. It movement could be determined by the definitely a narrow and insufficient is a tribute to the progressive poten degree to which these various aspects, creed. Political freedom, indepen tialities of the Congress and the bril particularly the economic and social dence were no doubt essential, but liant Fabian strategy of Pandit Nehru aspects, have been joined on to the they were steps only in the right direc that within a few years after indepen political aspect. In an underdeveloped tion. Without social freedom and a dence the Congress Party and the country purely political nationalism is socialist structure of society and the country as a whole have been commit a hollow thing, and is replete with State, neither the country nor the in ted to an economic plan much more irrational potentialities. The moment dividual could develop much". comprehensive and far-reaching, both a nationalist movement gets divorced Nehru was very much ahead of the in physical and social terms, than this from necessary social and economic Indian National Congress at that time, first fragmentary and rather academic reform it loses its vitality as well as but gradually the idea of social and exercise in planning. hold on the people, and gives place, economic freedom took possession of almost inexorably, to a more revolu the movement until, as Nehru himself tionary kind of movement. Kuomin- wrote : "The Congress represented not Acceptance of Planning tang China is the classic example of only the nationalist urge of India, The composition and membership of such a development. After indepen which had grown with the growth of this first planning body is worth not dence from foreign domination has the new bourgeoisis, but also to a ing. It consisted of widely differing, been achieved the main raison d'etre large extent proletarian urges lor and sometimes, conflicting interests. of a nationalist movement lies in its social change. In particular, it stood Provincial Governments, industrialists, ability to engineer a socio-economic for revolutionary agrarian change". In financiers, economists, scientists, trade revolution. It may be that the purely this respect a resolution adopted by unions and village industries, and even political revolution can still fulfil a the All India Congress Committee in Princes were represented on the Com certain residual function in the way of 1931, on Fundamental Rights and mittee. This heterogeneous body was, preserving the independence of the Economic policy, is of particular im however, able to arrive at some com country from outside pressures. Ihe portance. It stated that "in order to mon basis for planning, in very much point, however, is that after indepen end the exploitation of the masses, the same way that India after Inde dence this is at best a residual emo political freedom must include real pendence was able to find a common tion which could, no doubt, be kept economic freedom of the starving mil basis and a common set of objectives at a high pitch by propagandist rav lions". In setting down the content and methods for planning on a much ings about foreign enemies, but, ulti of economic freedom the resolution larger scale. Pandit Nehru wrote mately, must yield to social and eco enumerated a series of social and eco about this early experiment : "Consti nomic considerations at home. The nomic measures most of which, after tuted as we were not only in our sanity and strength of Indian national independence, found a place in the Committee but in the larger fild of ism lies in the fact that even during Constitution and in the Five Year India, we could not then plan for the most fervid stage of its struggle Plans. Socialism as such. Yet it. became against foreign rule it has developed clear to me that our plan, as it devel within itself what might be called a oped, inevitably led us towards esta socio-economic soul. Social and Economic Programmes blishing some of the fundamentals of There was, thus, within the Con the socialist structure. It was limiting gress, a good deal of thinking, discus the acquisitive factor in society, re Struggle Against British sions and programme-making in re moving many of the barriers to It was with the advent of Mahatma gard to the social and economic pro- growth, and releasing an enormous Gandhi as the exponent of large-scale blems of the country long before the amount of talent and capacity. All mass action and of Pandit Nehru as coming of independence. The climax this was attempted in the context of the impassioned advocate of socialist of this process was the establishment democratic freedom and with a large ideas that the Indian National Congress in 1938 of the National Planning Com measure of co-operation of some at acquired political dynamism as well as mittee of the Congress. It was, of least of the groups who were normal social and economic significance. The course, a non-governmental body, ly opposed to Socialistic doctrine. objective condition for the growth of without the supreme power ot the That co-operation seemed to me worth social consciousness was inherent in State to back up its decisions, and the while even if it involved toning down the immense poverty of the people, experience of this first attempt at or weakening the plan in some res and the many inequities of the social planning brought home to the national pects". This passage expresses in a order in which they lived. In such a ist leaders the important lesson that nutshell the broad strategy of Pandit context it was natural that enlightened no serious reform of the Indian social Nehru, even after independence, in leadership should interpret the strug- order could be undertaken in the ab regard to the establishment of a de gle against the British rule not only sence of political independence. An mocratic and socialist society in in terms of national freedom, but of examination of the work of the Na India. It was Nehru who popula- economic, social and cultural better tional Planning Committee would show rised the ideas of planning and social ment of the ordinary masses. the degree to which Indian nationalism ism within the nationalist movement. Since 1927 the idea of economic nearly ten years before transfer of In doing so, he was merely bringing freedom became an increasingly im power, was permeated with the desire to the surface, boldly and clearly, what 634 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY April 10, 1965 was inherent in Indian nationalism and by the industrial proletariat, or manner, but in fullblooded co-opera in the conditions of Indian society. till the Hindus themselves shall have tion with other countries of the world. He was in this respect ahead of the gone strong enough to throw oft the International co-operation, with all its majority of his Congress colleagues, British yoke altogether. At all event, political and financial implications, is but his ideas, slowly and continually, we may safely expect to see, at a more one of the major assumptions on flowed into the stream of nationalism or less remote period, the regeneration which the Indian Plans have been until at last it became almost the main of that great and interesting country". made. current. The Five Year Plan, with In assessing the British impact on While Indian nationalism derived its its objective of creating a Socialist India, Pandit Nehru expressed more or social and economic content from the pattern of society is the full-fledged less the same view when he said that objective conditions of Indian society, post-independence expression of these the British "represented a new historic from the technological changes brought earlier tendencies. force which was going to change the about by the contact with Britain, and world and were thus unknown to from the consciously worked-out re themselves, the forerunners and repre form programme of the Indian Na- Britain's Historic Role sentatives of change and revolution, tional Congress, it was also to a certain One cannot overlook the fact that and yet they deliberately tried to pre extent the product of the particular the first practical foundations of this vent ohange, except in so far as this character of the nationalist movement socio-economic revolutionary process was necessary to consolidate their itself and of the unique method of were laid during the years of British position and help them in exploiting struggle adopted by it. Had the rule. Indeed, the present restless de the country and its people to their nationalist movement remained an sire for economic progress could have own advantage". upper and middle class affair, social emerged only after the age-old rigidi and economic ideas would not have ties of the Indian social order have Purposive Approach to invaded it so much, and after indepen been disturbed by the introduction of Development dence, nationalism would have, prob industrialisation and western education. In the latter years of the British ably, degenerated into a conservative, The gates of modern scientific and Raj, there was a much more purposive if not a reactionary, force. Under technological knowledge were thrown approach to economic development. Mahatma Gandhi, the masses, both open to the upper and middle classes Ultimately, the British left behind in urban and rural, were drawn into the and the seeds of industrial revolution India a system of railways, irrigation, national struggle and "political free sown in Indian society. The British and the various industries and dom took a new shape . . . and acquir contribution was neither deliberate above all, an educated middle ed a new content". When the ordinary nor planned, nor could it be described class all of which constituted a founda man became an active participant in as having been adequate or impressive tion on which free India could build the movement, it was inevitable that in comparison to the needs and re her future. But the fact remains that attention should be focussed on him sources of the country or the capacity these did not go beyond laying the and his problems. Thus national free of the administration to have under- 'material premises' for the growth of dom came to be interpreted in plain taken had they set themselves to the production. What the nationalist bread-and-butter terms and from the task of raising living standards in movement, and later on the national stand point of social equality and eco India. Whatever industrialisation or government of India, have done was to nomic opportunity. In a country so economic development took place gather up 'the new elements of society frightfully poor and illiterate as India, during the British period was pri scattered among them by the British it was not only a matter of high marily a by-product of their pursuit bourgeoisie', to organise the new pro morality but of superb political strate after military and commercial interests ductive powers and social forces re gy to have interpreted national inde in India, but it was a by-product of leased by the impact of the West, into pendence in this manner. This was immense and energising importance. a coherent, purposive and ambitious the surest way of bringing into the thick of the struggle the ordinary This historical role of England in plan of national construction. This is masses without whom the politically India was recognised even by Karl a historic task that could have been conscious intelligentsia would have Marx. If is worth quoting him on done effectively only by a nationalist been but ineffectual angels beating this point both to clinch the point of movement, and an independent Gov their wings against the bars of the British contribution to Indian indus ernment. Gunnar Myrdal, in one of golden cage that was the British Raj. trial revolution and the contribution his books, has observed that a highly now being made by free India : "All developed nationalist movement with that the English bourgeoisie may be a history of active struggle is an forced to do will neither emancipate essential pre-requisite to the working The Social Democratic Twist nor materially mend the social condi out of a real economic plan in an In identifying the Congress with tion of the mass of the people, depend under-developed country emerging the masses, and national freedom with ing not only on the development of the from colonial status. He goes to the the betterment of their condition, extent of saying that the ability to productive power, but of their appro Gandhijit in his own way, gave a social priation by the people. But what they produce an economic plan of this son democratic twist to the nationalist will not fail to do is lay down the is the hallmark of true nationhood for movement. He did not talk the langu material premises for both.... The an under developed country. Viewed age of socialism as Pandit Nehru did, Indians will not reap the fruits of the from this point of view, the Indian but set himself straightaway to the task new elements of society scattered Five Year Plans could be interpreted of ameliorating poverty, disease and as the finest expression of Indian na among them by the British bourgeoisie ignorance through self-help and self- tionalism. India is not doing this in till in Great Britain itself the new rul discipline. He chalked out a program a narrowly nationalistic or autarchic ing classes shall have been supplanted me of constructive action for Con-
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gressmen which roucnea intimately and his philosophy and programme had ment, almost unknowingly, was push the social and economic aspects of almost built into them both a spur and ed into an essentially revolutionary village life. Spinning, sanitation, clean a bridle to this economic appetite. path. housing, improved agriculture, removal This was, in a peculiar way, a contri From the very beginning Indian of untouchability, emancipation of bution to democracy. nationalism was also impregnated with women, etc were some of the items The central problem of democracy the idea of political democracy. No that figured in the constructive pro in an underdeveloped country is how one in India will deny the historical gramme. Despite the outmoded con to persuade the people to go without fact that it was the association with cept of village self-sufficiency and the some of the immediate necessities and England that gave India the know semi-religious idea of simplicity and delights of life until such time that ledge of and the desire for democratic austerity, Gandhiji's constructive pro long-term investment projects have institutions. Even though in her an gramme helped to sow in the peasant begun to yield economic results. The cient villages India was familiar with mind the desire and the will for a problem is one of withholding from some kind of local democracy, she had better life. One might say that the people a goodly portion of the no conception of representative insti the first tadpole wriggle of the mod fruits of their labour so that it may tutions of the modern type. Those ern kind of desire for progress was be ploughed back into the process of institutions were, beyond doubt, im produced in village India, strangely development and of capital formation. ported from abroad and imposed from enough, under the impact of the Gan- Could this be done, democratically, in above. However, as a British writer dhian programme. What he promised a country where living standards are has observed "The fact that Parlia the masses were more clothes, more sub-normal, where national indepen ment is in origin a western institution food, more housing, more sanitation, dence has given rise to new demands is less significant than the fact that more freedom, and more equality than and expectations, and where political Parliament in India has become an they possessed at the moment. This democracy has bestowed on people Indian institution/' The process of is clear from Gandhiji's own picture freedom to agitate for the fulfilment this transformation is the real story of of an ideal Indian village. "An ideal of their aspirations to the point of political democracy in India, The im Indian village", he wrote, "will be so changing the Government in power? pact of Britain created in India a constructed as to lend itself to perfect It is in respect of this problem that bourgeoisie and an educated elite who sanitation. It will have cottages with the Gandhian philosophy of economic provided the necessary context in sufficient light and ventilation, and austerity and contentment could be of which such a democratic transforma built of a material available within a considerable service in preserving de tion could take place. But the Indian radius of five miles of it. The cottages mocracy. I do not say that Gandhi's soil had to be receptive to democracy will have court-yards enabling house philosophy should be used as a kind and it was the nationalist movement holds to plant vegetables for domestic of non-violent opium of the people. that prepared the soil first, and also use and to house their cattle. The Bui it certainly has the effect of forced the hesitating pace of British village lanes and streets will be free taking the edge off the economic ap constitution development directing it, from all avoidable dust. It will have petite and mollifying its revolutionary irrevocably, towards the road to de wells according to its needs, and acces hunger. The actual impact of Gan mocracy. sible to all. It will have houses for dhian ideas on the masses was one of worship for all, and also a common opening up before them new vistas of meeting place, a village common tor social and economic well-being. To Demand for Democracy grazing its cattle, a co-operative dairy, this extent Gandhi contributed to the The demand of Indian nationalism primary and secondary schools in which social democralic contenr of Indian was not merely for independence but industrial education will be the central nationalism. for the establishment in India of a fact, and it will have panchayats for political system similar to the British settling disputes. It will produce its Parliamentary system. In fact the Impact of Non-Violence own grains, vegetables and fruits and earlier generations of educated Indians its own khadi". From this, it is clear It is possible to go a step further were enchanted by the Parliament at that Gandhiji visualised all round im and argue that the method of non Westminister, and their faith in the provement of the economic and social violent struggle helped to emphasise British form of Government was pro condition of the masses, even though the social and economic significance found, almost pathetic. Besides, the he did not think of it in modern nate- of nationalism. In one of his works ideas of liberty and the rights of man rialistic terms. In fact India's ambi Lenin advocated conflict as a method expounded by the poets and philoso tious Community Development Pro of political education of a backward phers of England crated a ferment in gramme of today would not, in the people. If violent conflict arouses the Indian middle-class society. In the near future, take the agrarian masses consciousness of a people, non-violent early stages all that the Indian Na beyond the living standards envisaged conflict does it even more deeply, tional Congress asked for was the ex by Gandhiji. Those who look upon since it is a more prolonged process tension of these British liberties nnd his teachings as contrary to modern and is based on the utterly voluntary opportunities to the English educated progress forget that in the context of willingness of individuals to non-co- Indians. Sir Surendra Nath Banerjee, Indian poverty what he was offering operate and make sacrifices. The long one of the patriarchs of our national the masses was really progress and duration of the Indian struggle, its ism, speaking to the Oxford Union in that, in fact, he aroused in them the peacefulness and mass character helped 1887, said "England is the home of desire for a better life and for the to disseminate on a large scale the representative institutions which have good things of life. Gandhiji did not, ideas inherent in nationalism, and spread far and wide until the country of course, approve of this desire made them gradually mature and has justly been called the august growing into an enormous appetite, gather strength until the whole move mother of free nations. The people of
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India are children of that mother, and India a Constitution. Gandhiji argued it was compelled, in the interests of they claim their birth-right, they claim that "the Constituent Assembly alone Empire, to control, and on occasions, to be admitted into the rights of Bri can provide a Constitution indigenous to suppress most of the liberal ideas tish citizens and British. fellow sub to the country and truly representing that the British themselves had the jects.'' Again, in 1906, we find the the people." In 1936, the Congress historic privilege of introducing in Calcutta session of the Indian National adopted a Resolution which said: "The India. The Vernacular Press Act Congress asking for India the system Congress stands for a genuine demo (1786), The Arms Act (1876), the of Government obtaining in the self- cratic state in India where power has Criminal Law Amendment Act (190E), governing colonies. Later on the been transferred to the people as a the Indian Press Act (1910), the De demand became for Dominion status, whole and the Government is under fence of India Act (1915), and the and at one time even Gandhiji would their effective control. Such a State Rowlatt Act (1915) were some of the have been satisfied with it. The signi can only come into existence through major undemocratic legislations by ficant point in all this is that what a Constituent Assembly having the which freedom was severely curtailed India wanted from the very moment power to determine finally the Consti- for political purposes. The Rowlatt of the dawn of political consciousness tution of the country." Again, in 1939, Act, which instituted a system of sum was a parliamentary system of Govern the Congress re-affirmed that "a Con mary political trials, deserves special ment. stituent Assembly is the only democra mention, even though it enjoyed only tic method of determining the Consti a short span of life. It was provoked tution of a free country and no one by this Act that Gandhiji launched Constituent Assembly who believes in democracy and iree- his first Civil Disobedience movement, When complete independence was dom can possibly take exception to making the issue of civil liberties a declared as the goal of nationalism, it." This demand was granted only in rallying point for the nation. To these this faith in democracy was re-affirmed 1946 when Britain had already de laws must be added the Emergency even more emphatically. The Declara cided to quit India. The significant Ordinances of the Second World War tion of January 26, 1930—a day now fact, is that the Constitution of inde period. Sir Samuel Hoare, the Secre hallowed as India's Republic Day— pendent India was ultimately made in tary of State for India, admitted in was a challenging assertion of not only the democratic manner contemplated trie House of Commons that these ordJ- the right of national self-determination, by the nationalist movement. nances covered ''almost every activity but also of the basic democratic right of Indian life," Gandhiji called thern of a people to form or change their legalised Government terrorism. Many Government: "We believe that it is "Legalised Terrorism" of the best sons and daughters of the right of the Indian people, as of While righting for national freedom India spent the best years of their any other people, to have freedom and and foreign domination, India was, at lives in British jails under one or other en)oy the fruits of their toil and have the same time, fighting against an of these laws. necessities of life, so that they may autocratic form of Government. Today, have full opportunities of growth. We there is a tendency abroad to look believe also that if any Government upon British rule in India as if it was Battle for Individual Liberty deprives a people of their rights and nothing but a tender and considerate Within the larger struggle for natio oppresses them the people will have a system of democratic tutelage. In fact, nal freedom there was, thus, in India further right to alter it or to abolish the entire fabric of British adminis a continuous battle for individual it" This is, indeed, a revolutionary tration, from the Viceroy down to the rights and civil liberties. This was statement of India's democratic credo village headman, was shot through reflected in the various resolutions and framed in such terms as to make it with authoritarianism. Therefore, al policy statements of the Indian valid not only in the period of struggle most naturally, the nationalist move National Congress. In 1918, the Con against foreign rule, but after the ment grew into a struggle for liberal gress proposed a Bill of Rights to be attainment of independence. freedoms and civil liberties, and free included in the new Constitution. One The Congress carried this concept dom for the individual, freedom of of the articles was to the effect "that further in the 1930's when it de speech, freedom of press and freedom no Indian subject of His Majesty's manded a Constituent Assembly for of association, became some of the Government shall be liable to suffer in India. Pandit Nehru was the expo- major aspirations of nationalism. liberty, life, property, or in respect ct nent of this idea in India. He thought These rights and freedoms derived tree speech or writing or of the right of it as a sovereign body elected on their original inspiration from Europe of association, except under sentence the basis of universal adult suffrage. and, no doubt, the British were res of an ordinary Court of Justice, and The Constituent Assembly, strictly ponsible for their dissemination in the as a result of lawful and open trial." speaking, is not a British idea or in Indian Empire. Despite the individual One of the great landmarks in the stitution, but one borrowed from the ism of the Indian and the long tradi development of the idea of individual revolutionary politics of America and tion of intellectual and religious free freedom in India was the Resolution the European Continent. This is cha dom behind him, these ideas were new on Fundamental Rights and Economic racteristic of the Indian approach to to the politics of India, They were, policy adopted by the All India Con democracy. While modelling the poli however, absorbed by the educated gress Committee in 1931. This Resolu tical system after that of Britain, ideas middle-classes with such avidity that tion, drafted largely by Pandit Nehru, from other sources, be they Western very soon they were to be restated enumerated with passion and clarity or Indian, were freely incorporated into and reasserted by the nationalist of thought, the following Fundamental the concept of democracy. movement in opposition to the ^minis Rights to be included in a Constitution The nationalist movement had re tration. It is part of the fundamental of India: jected the very idea of Britain giving contradiction of the British Raj that "(1) Freedom of association and 637 April 10, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
combination; (2) Freedom of speech bar on account of sex; (6) No disability places of public resort; (8) Right to and of the press; (3) Freedom of to attach to any citizen by reason of keep and bear arms in accordance with commercial and free profession and his or her religion, caste or creed or regulations and reservations made in practice of religion, subject to public sex in regard to public employment, that behalf; (9) No person shall be de order and morality; (4) protection of office of power or honour, and in the prived of his liberty, nor shall his the culture, language and the scripts of exercise of any trade or calling; (7) dwelling or property be entered, the minorities; (5) Equal rights and Equal rights to all citizens in regard to sequestrated or confiscated save in ac obligations of all citizens without any public roads, wells, schools and other cordance with law." To these was ad-
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ded religious neutrality on the part of technique, and in the hands of Gandhi individual conscience that Martin the State, and adult suffrage, and a it was an instrument for the capture of Luther preached in Europe on the number of economic and social rights. political power, although peacefully. eve of the Reformation. Thus, the It is a vindication of the democratic Some of the weapons of direct action Congress under Gandhi aroused the content of Indian nationalism that most like the deliberate defiance of laws, consciousness of the Indian and made of these freedoms were, after indepen courting of arrests, boycotting of the him aware of his own importance dence, enshrined in the Constitution as organs of the State, no-tax campaigns, and potentialities. For the masses the Fundamental Rights of the citizen. and fasting for political ends are re nationalist movement was a prolonged volutionary both in conception and ex and collossal process of education. The ecution. The tendency to resort to democratic value of this can hardly be them has continued even after indepen Democratic Struggle exaggerated even though it has not dence to the detriment of democratic been fully appreciated either in India Political democracy was present in procedures. But there is one great or abroad. Indian nationalism not only in terms of factor that is common to constitutional ideas and aims. It was also inherent and non-violent politics — both are in the method of struggle adopted by peaceful methods. Persuasion and con the nationalist movement. There were, version of the other party through Part of Renaissance Movement of course, periods of violence and ter peaceful means is the essence of both In the preceding paras, I have tried rorism in the history of the Indian techniques. Only that non-violence is to bring out clearly the ideas of social struggle. But these were sporadic and a more profound approach based not and political democracy with which short-lived, and not accepted by the merely on rational persuasion, but also Indian nationalism was instinct. But main body of the movement. Until on change-of-heart, on moral conver nationalism in India was some thing the advent of Gandhiji political agita sion. The aim is not to humiliate or more than a political, social and eco tion was conducted largely through destroy your opponent but to win him nomic movement. It was part of a constitutional means, and was confined over. A cause can, therefore, succeed larger Renaissance and Reformation to public meetings, petitionings, and only when it is overwhelmingly right movement. There was a great revival speech-makings. Under Gandhiji's and is pursued with intensity of faith, of religions, cultures, languages, arts, leadership, the Congress became a mass and without hatred or ill will of the etc combined with the spread of scien organisation and the idea of freedom heart. As a result means became all tific knowledge and modern social assumed a revolutionary aspect. But important, the end being the inevitable ideas. This revival, incidentally, even when direct action was advocated product. Gandhiji held that ends do threw up a good deal of religious constitutional politics were not al not justify the means, and that wrong fanaticism and obscurantism that together discarded. While as a matter means do not lead to right ends. Poli sought to preserve, in the name of re of basic policy the Congress boycotted tical democracy is nothing if it is not ligion, many an anti-democratic prac the elections and the legislatures, there a method of doing things and, there tice and institution. But the dominant were also periods when they fought the fore, the great emphasis on means must tendency in society was not that of elections and entered the legislatures be reckoned as a unique Gandhian revivalism, but of change. The forces and, for a time, assumed office in the contribution to democracy. of social change were harnessed to the Provinces. Whenever the Congress re nationalist movement and, after inde sorted to constitutional politics, it was One may go a step further and argue pendence they are, being harnessed to to wreck the Constitution and not that the whole work and philosophy the legislative State that has come in work it, "It was," wrote Nehru re of Gandhi provided for democracy in to being in India, perhaps for the ferring to the Congress experience of India a moral and spiritual basis in first time in her history. To a lage Provincial Autonomy, "the old Consti somewhat the same way as Christianity extent the success of democracy in tutional conflict between an autocratic did for European democracy. The India would depend on the ability of king and parliament which had so Gandhian movement prepared the In the State to act as the vehicle of this oncoming social revolution. often taken place elsewhere, leading to dian soil, socially, morally and psycho revolutions and oppression of the king. logically for the growth of democracy. Here the king was in addition a foreign In fact, this preparalion was afoot Another element of considerable de mocratic significance present in Indian authority supported by foreign military even before the advent of Gandhi, nationalism was its deep sense of in and economic powers and the special from the time of the Brahma Samaj ternationalism. From the very begin interest and lap-dog breed it had and other reform movements. What ning India had intimations of belong created in the country." Therefore, in Gandhi did was to cap and carry for ing to the world community, and attempting to wreck from the inside a ward this Reformation of Indian so participation and cooperation in world foreign made Constitution unrepresen ciety. For the ordinary man in India affairs was one of her earliest dreams. tative of the people the nationalist the non-violent struggle was an up party was really moving towards con She not only fought for her own de lifting experience. It showed that an stitutional Government: in the full sense mocratic right of independence, but individual, however small, could re of the term. ranged herself on the side of demo sist even an Empire with what Gandhi cracy in the world. The Indian Na The most unique thing about Indian called "soul-force". In other words, it tional Congress took an uncompromis nationalism was the acceptance by it of endowed the individual with a sense ing stand against Fascism and Nazism. the non-violent means of struggle. This of dignity, power and challenge. In and also supported nationalist inove- played a significant role in the develop the Indian context of "pathetic con ments in the colonial territories. The ment of the democratic method in tentment", and fatalistic helplessness despatch of an Indian Medical Mission India. No doubt, non-violent, non-co- this was a stirring idea comparable to to China during the Sino-Japanese operation was an extra-constitutional the concept of the sovereignity of the war. and of medical and food supplies 659 April 10, 1965 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY
to Spain during the Civil War were of India includes the service of huma our readiness for universal independ clear demonstration of me internation nity. Isolated independence is not the ence' I desire the ability to be totally al democratic sympathies of the na- goal of the world States. It is volun independent without asserting the in tionalist movement. Pandit Nehru was tary inter-dependence. The better dependence". Indian nationalism was, the prime mover of these measures. mind of the world desires today not therefore, no narrow and outworn On the outbreak of the War, he draft- absolutely independent states, but a creed, but a movement that had at its ed a resolution for the Congress federation of friendly inter-dependent very heart the objectives of political Working Committee which said : "In states. The consummation of that event and social democracy, and was con this crisis the sympathies of the Work may be far off. I want to make no stantly stretching its arms towards the ing Committee are entirely with the grand claim for our country. But I ideal of world cooperation and Volun people who stand for democracy and see nothing grand or impossible about tary inter-dependence1 of nations freedom, and the Congress has separa tely condemned Fascist aggression in Europe, Africa and the Far East as well as the betrayal of democracy by British imperialism in Czechoslovakia and Spain". During the War, India asked for immediate independence in order that she may mobilise her entire resources on the side of the demo cracies. Growth of Internationalism Pandit Nehru was the passionate and far-sighted advocate of this pro gressive internationalism. Poet Tagore and Gandhiji also played a predomi nant role in widening the nationalist horizon and arousing in India a certain world-consciousness. Nehru was, hew- ever, the internationalist par excel lence. He was sensitive to his finger tips to developments in the outside world, and he had also an enlightened appreciation of the national signific ance of internationalism. In his "Dis covery of India", while discussing the reign of Akbar the Great, Nehru observed that "Akbar might have laid the foundations of social change it his eager, inquisitive mind had turned in that direction and sought to find our what was happening in other parts of the world''. Instead, Akbar was pre occupied with glory and internal ccn- solidation. This inwardness, this lack of lively awareness of developments in the wide world outside, for example, of science and technology and com merce, was one of the reasons for the decline and fall of the Moghul Em pire and of India in general. Nehru, therefore, realised that internationalism had an internal significance and the far-flung yet essentially India based, foreign policy he developed after in dependence bears testimony to this. "Having attained our freedom", Nehru said at the Lahore Congress, "I have no doubt that India will welcome all attempts at world co-operation and federation and will even agree to give up part of her independence to a larger group of which she is an equal member". Mahatma Gandhi stated this internationalism in his own inimit able way when he wrote: "My service
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