Ferspectives on the T'ang

edited by Arthur F. Wright and Denis Twitchett

New Haven and London, Yale University Press

1973 Copyright @ 1973 by Yale University. Contents All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole ot in part, in any form 3t+5 AK74 (except by ieviewers for ihe pubtic press), frr^r without w¡itteir permission from the publishers. Acknowledgments vu Library ofCongress catalog card numberl Z2-gt3l0 Abbreviations vlu International standard book number : 0-300-0 I 522-4 I Introduction Designed byJohn O. C. McCrillis Denis Twitchett and Arthur F. Wright and set in Baskerville type. Printed in the United States of America by Part I Institutions and Politics The Murray Printing Co,, Forge Village, Massachusetts, 2 The Composition of the T'ang Ruling Class: Published in Great Britain, Europe, and Africa by New Evidence from Tunhuang Yale University Press, Ltd,, London. 47 Denis Twitchett Distributed in Latin America by Kaiman & polon, Factiortalism Early Inc., New York City; in Australasia and Southeast 3 in T'ang Government 87 Asia by John Wiley & Sons Australasia pry. Ltd., Howard J. Wechsler Sydney; in India by UBS Publishers' Distributors pvt,, .4 T'ang Household Registers and Related Documents r2t Ltd., Delhi; inJapan byJohn Weatherhill, Inc,, Tokyo. Ikeda On 5 The Restoration Completed: Emperor Hsien-tsung and the Provinces 151 Charles A. Peterson 6 The Middle Yangtse in T'ang Politics 193 Wang Gungwu

Part II' Thought and Religion 'T'ang 7 T'ai-tsung and Buddhism 239 Arthur F. Wright B Imperial Patronage in the Formatìon of T'ang Buddhism 26s Stanley Weinstein 9 Historical and Literary Theory in the Mid-Eighth Century 307 David McMullen Part III Literature 10 The Contemplation of the Past in T'ang Poetry ç59 345 Hans H. Frankel v Oetaslatischee Sem¡nar den Univercittt CONTENTS r1 onLiPo ÇteJ 367 Elling O. Bide ff< 12 Allusion and T'ang Poetry 2> -) 405 David Lattimore Contributors 441 Acknowledgments Glossary-Index 4+3

The editors have many to thank for enabling them to organize the Maps first research conference on T'ang studies ever held in the West, and for assistance in turning the conference papers into a volume. We wish first of all to thank the American Council of Learned Societies which, Northeastern and Central China in 805-820 t7I through its Committee on Studies of Chinese Civilization, sponsored The Middle Yangtse in relation to North and rhe conference. The hospitality of Cambridge University and of Sidney Central China 196 Sussex College provided excellent amenities for the meeting. To these The Middle Yangtse in Late T'ang 198 were added the private showing of Chinese antiquities arranged for the T'ang China circa 742 following þage 458 conferees by Cheng Te-k'un and the evening of T'ang music recon- structed and played by the noted musicologist Laurence Picken. The rapporteurs were extremely conscientious and wrote up a wonderfully coherent account of the proceedings. They were Hilary Beattie of Newnham College, Cambridge; Michael Dalby now of the Society of Fellows, Harvard; and Robert Somers of Yale University. Mr. Somers also helped with the editing of several of the papers and prepared the glossary-index. We are deeply in his debt. Finally we wish to thank the editors' secretaries, who did much of the essential work for the conference and the volume, especially Janis Cochran of the Yale history department and Joan Howlett of Cam- bridge University.

vll 8. Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T'ang Buddhism

Stanlelt Weinstein

It is customary to say that Buddhism in China reached its apogee under the T'ang dynasty. Despite the widespread acceptance of this generalization, when we reexamine the position of Buddhism under the T'ang, at least insofar as church-state relations are concerned, the T'ang was anything but an "apogee" or "golden age" in the history of Chinese Buddhism. Not only did Buddhism during the Hui- ch'ang period (B4l-46) suffer the harshest persecution that it had ever experienced, one so severe that its subsequent development was per- manently affected, but throughout much of the T'ang the prevailing attitude in court circles was essentially negative. Compared with the emperors of the Southern Dynasties, the early T'ang rulers generally took a lukewarm attitude toward the Buddhist religion. They felt a special affinity with Taoism because they bore the same family name, Li, as did Lao-tzu, its legendary founder whom they revered as their ancestor.l Kao-tsu, the first emperor of the T'ang, was sharply critical of the Buddhists and actively sought to restrict the power and wealth of the temples and monasteries. In the year 625, some seven years after ascending the throne, he issued an edict in which he declared that Taoism and Confucianism constituted the foundations of the empire, whereas Buddhism was of foreign origin. He decreed, therefore, that Taoism should be accorded first place in order of precedence; Confucianism, second place; and Buddhism, last place.z The following year he issued another decree in which he denounced

l. On the pro-Taoist sentiments of the T'ang emperors see Yúki Reimon, "Shotõ bukkyõ no shisoshiteki mujun to kokka kenryoku to no kÕsaku" [Contradictions in the history ol Buddhist thought the in early T'ang and ideological involvements with the statel, Ta2a Bunka Kenk2ajo kiyo 25 (1961) z B-14. 2. Tao-hsüan, Chi ku+hinfo-tao lun-heng 3, 52.381a.

265 266 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 267 the corruption within the Buddhist church and called for a severe edict decreeing that Buddhist and Taoist monks and nuns would reduction in the number of temples. The capital region was to have henceforth be required to do obeisance before their parents.12 no more than three temples, and each province, no more than one If the word aþogee is to be used with reference to Buddhism under the temple.3 T'ang, it should be understood that it does not apply to the overall sta- This basically cautious attitude was continued by Kao-tsu's son, tus of the church vis-à-vis the state. The church could claim more enthu- T'ai-tsung.+ We find, for example, that in the year 637 T'ai-tsung siastic devotees among the rulers of the Northern Wei or the Southern issued an edict which, while recognizing that Taoism and Buddhism Dynasties than it could show among the early T'ang emperors, none of ultimately shared the same ideal, declared that the former was more whom could match the sincere piety and devotion of, say, Emperor Wu suitable for China and hence its priests should be accorded precedence of the Liang. Although the T'ang rulers clearly established the suprem- over Buddhist monks.s Elsewhere in the edict he repeated his father's acy of the state over the church and, in general, showed their pref- view that the imperial family is descended from Lao-tzu. A Buddhist erence for Taoism, they actively sought an accommodation with monk, Chih-shih, who repeatedly denounced the emperor's pro-Taoist Buddhism on their own terms. Each of the early T'ang emperors, in stance, was ordered by T'ai-tsung to be publicly whipped at court and spite of attempts to exercise control over the church, contributed to then exiled.6 the founding of new temples, had sutras chanted at court, arranged for The long-standing controversy as to whether monks should recognize the ordination of monks, heard lectures on scripture, and sponsored their social obligations by paying homage to their parents as well as masses for the dead. Such acts ol piety were, of course, commonplace to the emperor was reopened in 662.? Some five years earlier Kao- under the preceding dynasties, the rulers of which were usually devout tsung, the third T'ang emperor, had issued a decree forbidding parents Buddhists. With the early T'ang emperors, however, we get the im- from doing obeisance before a son who had become a monk.8 Now pression that these public displays of devotion were carried out, not so Kao-tsung proposed taking the matter a step further by requiring monks much to satisfy their own religious yearnings in the direction of Bud- and nuns to render homage both to their parents and to the ruler.e dhism, as for political expediency.ls The clergy, which, especially in South China, had long been exempt As the popular reaction to the suppression of Buddhism by the from this requirement, reacted quickly to the threatened loss of one of Northern Chou in 574 had shown, Buddhism had gained devoted fol- its most cherished prerogatives and in a matter of days succeeded, with lowers in the various strata of Chinese society and hence was a force support from the mother of Empress Wu, in mobilizing the opinion of to be reckoned with. Its power and organization were such that when prominent laymen and monks against the new proposals,lO thereby Kao-tsung, as we have seen, prematurely attempted to withdraw some forcing the emperor to withdraw them.ll But the Buddhist victory was of the privileges of the church, he was forced to beat a hasty retreat. short-lived, for fifty-two years later, in 714, Hsüan-tsung issued an The early T'ang emperors were therefore circumspect in matters con- cerned with the church. That Buddhism eventually suffered the harsh- 3. The text of the edict is given in CZS (K'ai-ming ed.) 1.3066a. 4. For an account ol T'ai-tsung's changing attitudes toward Buddhism see the paper by est persecution in its history toward the end of the T'ang is hardly Arthur F. Wright in this volume. coincidental. Things had been pointing in this direction since the 5. An abridged version of the edict is included in Tao-hsüan's Kuang-hung-ming-ehi 25, establishment of the dynasty.la 52.283c. 6. FTTC 39,49.364c. edict see the Kuang-hung-ming-chi 25, 52.289c-290a. Clerical opposition to this latter require- 7. For a detailed study see Michihata Ryõshu, Tadai bukþtashi no kenk\ü lstudies in the his- ment persisted, ultimately forcing Kao-tsung to retreat on this point as well (see the biog- tory of T'ang Buddhisml (Kyoto, 1957), pp. 335-57. raphy of Wei-hsiu in the SffSC 17, 50.812b. 8. FTTC 39,49.367a. 12. cTS 8.3081b. 9. The text of the edict is included in Yen-tsung's Chi sha-men þu 2ing þai su teng shi,h 3, 52. 13. Yüki, "Shoto bukkyo," pp. lB-19; see also Tsukamoto Zenryú, Nisshi bukk2a koshashi 455a-b. Á'anå24 [Studies in the history of the relations between Chinese and Japanese Buddhism] 10. The Chi sha-men þu jng þai su teng shih, 52.455b-464c, contains thirty-two documents (Tokyo, l9a!, p.23. opposing Kao-tsung's proposal. 14. In the year 714 twelve thousand monks were said to have been laicized. Sometime later 1 1 . In an edict dated the eighth day of the sixth month of the yeat 662 Kao-tsung exempted in the K'ai-yüan period another thirty thousand monks were defrocked. See Kenneth Ch'en, monks l¡om the obligation of doing obeisance to the emperor. He insisted, however, in the "The Hui-ch'ang Suppression of Buddhism," Haruard Journal of Asiatic Studies 19 (1956) : same edict that they must kneel before their parents as a token ofrespect. For the text ofthe 79. '26s Y TMFERTAL pATRoNAGE rÑ i'eNð suDDHñM 268 STA.NLEY WEINSTEIN though Esoteric ritual ultimately became an integral part of Chinese Although the political position of the Buddhist church was unstable Budáhist practice,16 Esoteric Buddhism itself was never systematized under the T'ang, on the doctrinal side Buddhism reached its highest in China as it had been inJapan. It might also be mentioned here that level of development under this dynasty. During the 170-odd years despite the fact that several Ch'an monks were invited to the court between the founding of the Sui in 5Bl and the outbreak of the An by Bmpress wu, which might suggest some degree of imperial patron- Lu-shan Rebellion in 755, no less than eight schools of Buddhism ap- age, these monks all belonged to the branch of Ch'an technically known peared. Three of these-the T'ien-t'ai, the Fa-hsiang, and the Hua- ,,Northern as ch'an," which is different from that of the famous ch'an yen-can be characterized as basically philosophical in their outlook, masters who flourished during the T'ang and Sung dynasties. It is signi- each with a highly complex metaphysical system. In addition to these ficant that even though contemporary Ch'an is divided into many three philosophical schools there arose four other schools-the Three branches, none claims descent from the imperially patronized Northern Stages (San-chieh), the Pure Land (Ching-t'u), the Ch'an, and the Ch'an. Esoteric (Mi)-which may be loosely termed "religious schools," since Traditionally, the three T'ang philosophical schools have been they placed primary emphasis upon religious practices that led directly regarded as the fruition of different exegetical lines that originated in to the attainment of enlightenment, for example, the universal worship the Nan-pei-ch'ao.1? Thus the T'ien-t'ai school, which is based on of all Buddhas in the Three Stages school, the invocation of the name Chih-i's interpretation of the Lotus Sutra, is seen as an elaboration and of Amitabha Buddha (O-mi-t'o fo) in the Pure Land school, meditation systematization of the Nieh-p'an school (an exegetical school devoted in the Ch'an school, and the use of mystical hand signs and incantations to the study of the Mahayanist Mahapariniraar.ta Sntra) which flourished in the Esoteric school. The Disciplinary school (Lü), which was systema- during fhe fifth and sixth centuries; the Fa-hsiang school, which repre- tized by Tao-hsüan (596-667) in the early T'ang, concerned itself sents the Dharmapala branch of Indian Yogãcãra Buddhism, is viewed as primarily with ordination procedures, the interpretation of the rules a continuation of the She-lun school, which was based on Paramãrtha's governing the behavior of monks and the administration of monas- translation of the Yogãcãra text, Mahã1tana-sar.ngrah¿, completed in teries and hence does not fit into either of the two categories given 563; and the Hua-yen (the school based on a systematic interpreta- above. tion of the Auatamsaka Sntra) is held to be a successor to the Ti-lun, an Chinese Buddhism as it is practiced today by both monks and laymen early sixth-century school primarily concerned with the study of represents a synthesis of the T'ang religious schools, exclusive of the Vasubandhu's commentary (called Ti-lun in Chinese) on the Dasa- Three Stages school, which was suppressed by the state during the bhunika Sutra. It would indeed be a curious coincidence, however, if T'ang. It is interesting to note that the founders of these popular schools, these three pre-T'ang schools had each reached maturity within the which assumed definitive shape under the T'ang and subsequently relatively short span of one hundred years after the establishment of emerged as the mainstream of devotional Buddhism in China, received the Sui. The reasons for the emergence of these three philosophical little support from the early T'ang emperors) whereas the founders ol schools in such rapid succession cannot be properly understood as long the philosophical schools all enjoyed imperial patronage, as we shall as we limit ourselves to purely doctrinal considerations. From the see below. Of the religious schools only the Esoteric school could claim orthodox point of view, Chih-i, the de facto founder of the T'ien-t'ai, any substantial degree of imperial sponsorship in its formative years. Hsüan-tsang, the translator of the Fa-hsiang scripture, and Fa-tsang, the Emperor Hsüan-tsung, who showed great interest in Taoist magic, systematizei of the Hua-yen, each succeeded in formulating a major provided support for, and maintained close contact with, a number of ,chool of thought on the basis of his own religious intuition and philoso- Tantric monks who arrived in Ch'ang-an and Loyang during his reign phical insight. While in no way intending to minimize their originality, (712-56), presumably in the hope that the Esoteric texts that they were translating and expounding would provide additional knowledge The Practice 16. See, for example, the account of the masses for the dead in Holmes Welch' that might be of use in the performance of Taoist magical rites.l5 Al- oJ Chinese Buddhism (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), pp' l85-97' 17. From the standpoint oithe history ofBuddhist thought, the T'ien-t'ai school, which 15. For Hsüan-tsung's involvement with the Tãntric master Pu-k'ung, see Yamazaki be originated under the Sui, has all the characteristics of a "T'ang" school and hence must Hiroshi,.(zrlo bukk2ashi no kenþw in the history of Buddhism under the Sui and T'ang] lstudies so classified, as we shall explain below. (Kyoto, 1967), pp. 239-50. 270 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRoNAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 27I we hope to show that certain political factors influenced the doctrines the name of either a particular text or a closely related group of texts, formulated by these men and had a direct bearing upon the sequence while each of the T'ang schools either indicates in its name the central in which their schools emerged as well as upon the subsequent vicissi- doctrine of the school, for example, Fa-hsiang ("Dharma aspect"), tudes of these schools. Ching-t'u ("Pure Land"), Ch'an ("Meditation"), Mi ("Bsotericism"), The first of the philosophical schools to appear was the T,ien-t'ai, or adopts a proper name associated with the founder, for example, a distinctively chinese-type school, which in many respects signified T'ien-t'ai. The Hua-yen school, named after the Hua-2en-ching,18 and a great advance over the earlier, more Indian types of Buddhism in the Disciplinary school (Lü-tsung), named after the Yinaya (Lü), china. Yet despite the ardent patronage of the two sui emperors and would seem to be the only exceptions. Yet even in these two cases we the enthusiastic support of many prominent courtiers and monks, the find alternate names in common use, the former being popularly called T'ien-t'ai dropped almost completely from view during the seventh the Hsien-shou school, and the latter, the Nan-shan school.le Hsien- century only to be resuscitated in the middle of the eighth century. shou was the honorific name conferred by Bmpress Wu on Fa-tsang, the what is surprising is that following the decline of the T'ien-t'ai at the systematizer of the Hua-yen school, while Nan-shan, the alternate beginning of the T'ang dynasty, the focus of Buddhist scholarship in the name of the Disciplinary school, is an abridgment of Chung-nan-shan, T'ang capitals, Ch'ang-an and Loyang, shifted to the rigidly Indian the mountains situated south of Ch'ang-an where Tao-hsüan, the Fa-hsiang school. From a doctrinal point of view, T,ien-t,ai, with its de facto founder of the Disciplinary school, spent much of his life . It advocacy of the ultimate enlightenment of all sentient beings, represen- should be observed that none of the pre-T'ang schools has such an ted a far more developed type of Mahayana than did the Fa-hsiang with alternate "Chinese" name. its doctrine of eternal damnation for one hapless group sentient of Another distinguishing feature of these pre-T'ang schools is that they beings. Although Chinese monks in the T'ang already had sufficient all centered around the Chinese translation of a specific Indian text understanding of Buddhism to realize that the Fa-hsiang, in purely or group of texts and, furthermore, that with the exception of the doctrinal terms, constituted a step backward in the evolution of Bud- Nieh-p'an school,z0 the text that served as the basic scripture always dhist thought, they were unable to prevent the Fa-hsiang from dominat- belonged to the division of the canon containing the philosophical ing the intellectual centers of Buddhist scholarship in the capitals dur- treatises, that is, the so-called lun-tsang, and not to the sutra division ing the second half of the seventh century. When the Fa-hsiang gave (ching-tsang), which contrasts sharply with the practice of the T'ang way to a more Chinese form of Buddhism, as was inevitable, it was not, schools. The T'ien-t'ai, for example, takes the Lotus Sutra2l as its as one might have expected, to the T'ien-t'ai which it had supplanted, fundamental scripture, the Pure Land bases itself upon three or four but to the newly established Hua-yen, which, like the T'ien-t'ai and "Amitãyus" sutras, and the Esoteric school draws upon a variety of Fa-hsiang before it, enjoyed favor at the court until it too was super- texts which, while classified as tantras in India and Tibet, are regarded seded by a new school-the Esoteric Buddhism introduced by Subha- as sutras in East Asian Buddhism. The Hua-yen school, as we have karasir.nha and Vajrabodhi early in the reign of Hsüan-tsung. already seen, is based upon the sutra of the same name. Only the Most of these Sui and T'ang schools had their precursors in the Disciplinary school does not have a sutra as its fundamental scripture. period that begins with the arrival of the great translator, Kumãrajtva, The main scholarly concern of the monks of the six pre-T'ang schools in 401 and ends with the founding of the Sui in 5Bl. This period saw traditionally believed to have been preached im- the emergence of six exegetical schools: the SanJun, which expounded 18. The full title of this sutra, which is the enlightenment of the Buddha, is Ta-fang-kuang fo hua'2en-ching ( BuddhAaa' the philosophy mediately alter of Nagarjuna; the Ch'eng-shih, which was based on an tamsaka-¡nahaaaiþuua-sutra). It exists in two Chinese translations (ZD nos' 278 and 279), the obscure Indian treatise, possibly entitled Tattuasiddhi in Sanskrit; the former completed in the year 420 and the latter in 699. P'i-t'an, which was devoted to the study of the Savrãstivada Abhi- lg. see, for example, the treatment of these schools in the FTTC 29, 49.292c and 296c. The Nieh-p'an school was based on a Mahayana sutra called Ta-þan-nieh'þ'an+hing dharma; and the aforementioned Nieh-p'an, Ti-lun, Shelun 20. and ( Mahaþariniraana-sutra), T no.374, translated into Chinese by Dharmaksema in the year 421. schools. Although each of these schools was based upon a different text This sutra, which claims to be the last discourse of the Buddha, is completely different in or group of texts, they shared a number of characteristics that set them content lrom the Hinayânist sutra with the same name and pretensions' 21. I.e. tlne Miao-fa lien-hua-ching (saddharma-þut1(arika-sutra) [Lotus of the True Law], apart from the T'ang schools. First, each of the pre-T'ang schools bears rvhich exists in three Chinese translations (T nos. 262,263, and 264)' 272 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 273 was directed toward the exegesis of a basic scripture. The Kao-seng- of Chih-i's major works, recognized Hui-wen, who lived under the chuan [Biographies of eminent monks] and the Hsü-kao-seng-chuan Northern Ch'i, as the first Chinese patriarch,zz but omitted Kumãra- [Supplement to the biographies of eminent monks] give us a compre- jlva, the translator of the Lotus, frorn the patriarchal succession. Sim- hensive picture of the intense exegetical work carried on during the ilarly the Chinese monk Fa-shun (557-640) is held to be the frrst patri- fifth and sixth centuries. of the 257 biographies included in the former, arch of the Hua-yen,23 wh'le the translator Buddhabhadra is excluded no less than l0l biographies are those of exegetes (i-chieh*engr. Al- from the patriarchal lineage. Even in the case of so eminent a transla- though the overwhelming proportion of the commentaries produced tor as Hsüan-tsang, we find that the Fa-hsiang school, whose treatises he during this period has been lost, a number of representative works ol rendered into Chinese, does not regard him as a patriarch. Rather it is the fifth and sixth centuries fortunately survive, from which we can get his disciple, Tz'u-en, the author of two major commentaries on the a general idea of the type of exegesis undertaken at this time and how it Ch'eng-wei-shih-lun,who is venerated as the founder and first patriarch.2a differs from that of the T'ang schools. fn general terms, the most dis- With the pre-T'ang schools there is not a single instance of a Chinese tinctive feature of pre-T'ang exegesis, when compared with that of the monk being raised to such an exalted status' T'ang schools, is the conscious effort of the Chinese commentator to In the period of exegesis, that is to say, in the fifth and sixth centuries, interpret a text in a fashion which he believes to be faithful to the orig- the Buddhist church, despite the extensive support it received from inal intent of its author. When viewed from the standpoint of the devout imperial and aristocratic patrons, had not yet succeeded in Indian text, the commentary rr'ay be, and in fact often is, wide of the transforming Indian Buddhism into a Chinese religion or in adapting mark. Interpretations are frequently made which show that the com- it sufficiently to the Chinese situation. If in the fourth century Chinese mentator failed to grasp the meaning of the original. But the significant monks had as yet failed to distinguish adequately between Buddhist thing is that his intention was to interpret the rext faithfully. That he concepts and the ideas of post-Han Neo-Taoism, in the fifth and sixth often did not do so may be attributed to his inability to consult the text centuiies they still had not been able to produce from the rapidly ex- in the original language or to the linguistic ambiguity of the Chinese panding corpus of Buddhist literature a religious and philosophical translation he was using. We get a very different impression, however, system ihat ioul¿ satisfy the diverse and often conflicting needs of the when we read the works of such leading Sui and T'ang commentators different strata of Chinese society. In formal terms Buddhism was still as Chih-i and Fa-tsang, who clearly felt themselves free to interpret the primarily a monastic system that had little room for the layman who sutras of their schools on the basis of their own religious experience, was unwilling or unable to break his ties with the mundane world. The often showing no concern whether a particular interpretation was at all primary role of the layman, at least insofar as the monastic community feasible from the standpoint of the original text. was concerned, was that of a danaþati (shih-chu) or lay supporter. Gifts The T'ang schools, while nominally basing themselves on a particular of money, cloth, grain, or land were of course necessary for the suste- Indian canonical work, in fact developed highly systematized dogmas nance of the monastic community, which assured its lay supporters that that derived their authority from the writings of Chinese patriarchs such aôts of pious charity would generate great merit and lead to a (tsu). The Indian canonical works, termed "fundamental scriptures" blissful reward. (so-i ching), were often little more than pegs to which the patriarchs Although by the end of the sixth century hundreds of sutras and could attach their own ideas. A literal reading of the Lotus Sutra or the treatises had already been translated and a large number of commen- Hua-1ten-ching would hardly lead an impartial commentator to make the taries written, there was a growing feeling among a number of leading types of interpretations that are found in the writings of Chih-i and monks that no real progress was being made toward the realization of Fa-tsang. In the older schools of the fifth and sixth centuries the trans- the ultimate goal of Buddhism-the attainment of enlightenment' The lator of the basic scripture occupied a prominent place in the patri- church was rich in worldly goods and had a large following, but it was archal lineage, and his interpretations were treated with a respect not succeeding in its own terms as a religion. one need only read the bordering on veneration. In the case of the T'ang schools, however, 22. Mo-ho chih-kuan l, f 46.lb. translators were uniformly excluded from the list of patriarchs, which 23. FTTC 29, T 49.292c. was limited to Chinese monks. Thus Kuan-ting (561-632), the editor 24. Nien-ch'ang, Fo'tsu li'tai t'ung'ßai 12, T 49'583c' 274 srANLEy wETNSTETN IMPERIAL PATRON¿'GE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 275

Ssu Ta-shih li-shih -yüan-wen lThe vows of the masrer (Hui-) ssu],25 an of the features that have come to distinguish the "Chinese" Buddhism extremely interesting document written in 558, which speaks in detail of the T,ang period from the Buddhism of the preceding period of of the wickedness of the monks and the general decline of religious exegesis: a Chinese patriarchate, emphasis on religious practice, rec- morality" Hui-ssu was probably the first man to emphasize the concept ognition of the possibility of attaining enlightenment in this life, a period"), of mo'fo ("the doctrine for the Final which asserted that tÀe belief in the ultimate salvation of all sentient beings, and, lastly, a free, world had now entered the period of degeneration, a period in which openly subjective, interpretation of scripture. If the foundation of the the traditional Indian style morality of the exegeticai schools would Sui dynasty signified the reunion of a politically divided China, so the have no relevance. This idea, clearly enunciated by Hui-ssu, who was emergence of the T'ien-t'ai represented the synthesis of the many dis- the teacher of chih-i, the founder of the T'ien-t'ai schoor, became cen- parate tendencies that constituted the Buddhism of the fifth and sixth tral to the Pure Land and rhree stages schools. some monks began to centuries. feel that Buddhism could become meaningful to the chinese of their Chih-i, whose lay name was Ch'en Wang-tao, was born in Hua- day only if it took account of the degenerate conditions inevitably jung-hsien in ching-chou (in present-day Hunan) in 538.28 His father, prevailing in the mo-fa period. As the monk rao-ch'o (died 6a5j Chtn Ch'i-tsu, served as an adviser to Hsiao I, the seventh son of observed in his An-lo-cåi fAnthology on pure Land] : "In the period of Bmperor Wu of the Liang dynasty. When Hsiao I ascended the throne degeneration in which we are now living countless sentient bei.rgs are in s52 in chiang-ling as Emperor Yüan, he confererrd a high title2e on devoting themselves to religious practices and cultivating the way, ch'en ch,i-tsu and enfeoffed him as K',ai-kuo Marquis of I-yang-hsien and yet not a single one of them has attained enlightenment.,,z6 To (in present-day Hunan). But Ch'en ch'i-tsu's glory was short-lived. In Tao-ch'o the reasons for this anomaly were straightforward: the year 554 Chiang-ling was sacked by the Western Wei, who prompt- |y murdered the emperor and many of his ranking officials. chih-i's when a particular teaching within Buddhism is in harmony with parents both died about this time, leaving him free to begin the religious both the neecls of the period and the intelectual capacity of the iif. i" which he had already professed great interest. The following men for whom it is intended, it is easy both to practice this teaching year Chih-i, aged seventeen, began his religious training under Fa-hsü and to attain enlightenment. when, however, the intellectual at the Kuo-yüan monastery in Hsiang-chou (in present-day Hunan). capacity ofthe devotee, the teaching ofthe Buddha, and the needs Wang Lin, a powerful general who had previously been in the service of the period are in conflict with each other, it is impossible either of Hsiao I along with Ch'en Ch'i-tsu, provided the necessary financial to practice the teaching or to attain enlightenment.z? support for his late colleague's son. Chih-i was ordained as a novice The six exegetical schools, in their philosophical concepts, their monas- (sna-m;) by Fa-hsü, with whom he stayed for about one year, before tic organization, and their religious practices, patterned themselves joining Hui-k'uang, a scholar versed in both Vinaya and Mahayana after what were conceived to be Indian models as revealed in the philosophy. After receiving his full ordination under Hui-k'uang in the scriptures. It was only under the succeeding sui and Tang dynasties y.ur SSa, Chih-i paid a visit to Mount Ta-hsien in Heng-chou (in that Buddhism matured so as to become truly chinese in both its present-day Hunan), where he spent twenty days chanting the Lotus philosophical expression and its religious aspirations. ànd two related sutras, during which time he had a mystical experience that confirmed his faith in the Lotus. Two years later, aged twenty- moved to Mount Ta-su in Kuang-chou, where he became Tnn T'rnn-r'er Scuoor, two,30 chih-i a disciple of Hui-ssu' As we have already noted, the first of the new, "chinese" schools to Although Hui-ssu, like chih-i, was a southerner, he had been strong- appear was the T'ien-r'ai, founded by chih-i (538-97). This school, which was characterized pieh' by a high degree of syncretism, embodied most 28. The earliest and most reliable biography of Chih-i is the ,Szi T'ien-t'ai Chih-che chuan (T no.2050) compiled by his disciple Kuan-ting. See also the excellent study ol Chih-i 2s. T 46.786b-792b. by Leon Hurvitz in Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques 12 (1963)' 26. T 47.13c. 29. Shih-ch'ih-chieh san-chi-ch'ang-shih, CTP ?| 50.19Ib' 27. T 47.4a. ' 30. Chan-jan, Chih-kuan fu'hsing ehuan'hung'ch¡¡eh l, T 46'142c' Ë pATRoNAcE 277 276 srANLEy WETNSTETN rMpsn¡A,r- rN T'ANc BUDDHTsM perceive ly influenced by the Buddhism of North china, which placed great attained such an enlightenment, and only I who could you, emphasis on religious practice, particularly as manifested in meditation this. Bven though one thousand exegetes were to challenge already and pietism.sl Before proceeding to the north in search of new religious none could plumb the depth of your words."34 Here we can the "Chinese" ideas, Hui-ssu had become a devotee of the Lotus sutra, whichhad been detect the independent spirit that is to distinguish of one of the most widely read scriptures in the south. His deep attachment Buddhism of the T'ang from the earlier, India-centered Buddhism that in Chih-i he had lound to the Lotus,with its message of an eternar Buddha and universal en- the Nan-pei-ch'ao. Hui-ssu was convinced the south the lightenment, remained with him throughout his life. In the north a true successor, one who would be able to propagate in 568 Hui-ssu studied under a number of scholars, from whom he learned meditative techniques that Hui-ssu had learned in the north. In Ch'en state, Chin- various meditative techniques. on the doctrinal side, he was introduced he instructed Chih-i to proceed to the capital of the to the Ta'chih¿uJun, a\ encyclopedic commentary ling (the môdern Nanking), to proclaim the new doctrines. Hui-ssu on the Ta-p'in þo- jo-ching lPrajñaþaramin snta in twenty-five thousand lines] purporting himself declined to go to the capital insisting that the time had come to have been written by Nagarjuna, the founder of the nråarryamiË for his long-awaited retreat to the Nan-yüeh mountains. That he dis- important mission of prop- school. Although this voluminous work had been translated into patched his disciple Chih-i to carry out the center of southern Buddhism chinese by Kumãrajrva in 405, it had been virtually ignored until the agating the Dharma in the acknowledged his shrewd reading of early sixth century when northern scholars discovered in it a synthesis ,uth.r than undertaking this task himself shows you establish of meditational practices and the doctrine of nonsubstantiality. Hui- the situation, as indicated by his words to Chih-i: "If doctrine will surely ssu devoted himself to this northern meditative Buddhism for a number yourself in fthe capital of] the state of Ch'en, our of years before returning to the south in 553 to disseminate these new flourish because of your connections there!"35 had been dead doctrines.s2 Because of the long-standing southern prejudice against when chih-i arrived in chin-ling in 568, his father colleague, the the practice of meditation,as Hui-ssu encountered much hostility after for some fourteen years, while his father's erstwhile had been dead some his return. subjected to frequent harassment and at times even phys- founder of the ch,en dynasty, ch'en Pa-hsien, were ically assaulted, Hui-ssu decided to retire to the Nan-yüeh mountains, nine years. Yet many family friends, now in positions of authority, hearing to the new doctrines espoused in present-day Hunan, but owing to the unsettled political situation, he still around to give a sympathetic chin-ling was unable to reach his destination until the year 568. In the interval, by the rhirty-year-old chih-i. During chih-i's sojourn in by Bmperor Hsüan between 554 and 568, Hui-ssu was active in Kuang-chou, where he between 568 and 575, the throne was occupied made Mount Ta-su his headquarters. (reigned 568-82), a nephew of Ch'en Pa-hsien' Emperor Hsüan had I,36 and his son under Hui-ssu's guidance chih-i devoted himself to the practice spent his youth in chiangJing in the service of Hsiao ("The Last of meditation, which he now applied to the Lotus.Before chih-i became and successor shu-pao, posthumously called Hou-chu imperial family, a pupil of Hui-ssu, his involvement with the Lotus had been, in typical Ruler"), had been born there in 553. Thus the ch'en the group sur- southern fashion, limited to textual exegesis. Hui-ssu enabled him to whose surname Chih-i shared, all had close links with 550s, the same group in add a new dimension to his religious life by teaching him, through the rounding Hsiao I in Chiang-ling in the early ch'en techniques of meditation, how to go beyond a mere scholastic inter- which chih-i,s father had held a prominent position. To the in Chin-ling, pretation of the text in order to understand its inner meaning. when imperial family as well as to many powerful bureaucrats son of an es- chih-i reported to Hui-ssu that he had at last grasped the true signif- Chih-i was no obscure purveyor of a new gospel, but the icance of the text, his master replied: "It is only yàu who could have teemed, now deceased, colleague. took up residence at the famous wa-kuan 31. The most detailed In ChinJing chih-i biography of }Iui-ssu is the one included in the ËI¡f,sc 17, T s0. 562c-5642. monastery, where he attracted a large following. It is recorded that 32. Mochizuki shinko, Bukkjta daijiten fEncyclopedia of Buddhism] (Tokyo, l93z), r.274c. several southern monks who were impressed by his ideas promptly 33' Õcho Enichi has written a fascinating study of the conflict between southern exegesis and northern meditation entitled Chugoku nambokucho jídai 34. CTP, T 50.192a' no bukkya gakufa -ctrgokf/rttitud-s toward. the study of Buddhism 35. HKSC 17, r50.564b. in the Nan-pei-ch'ao], which is included 1n ii" bukkyo no kenkyu fStwdies in Chinese Buddhisml (Kyoto, l95B), pp. 256_89. 36. Ch'en-shu (K'ai-ming ed') 5.1857a. :| o,7 0 1to STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 279

"renounced exegesis to devote themselves to meditation."s? Sometime father, pleaded tearfully with Chih-i to remain.aa Chih-i would not be after his arrival in chinJing it seems likely that chih-i administered the dissuaded and departed with a small group of close disciples for T'ien- "bodhisattva precepts" to a number of prominent laymen, among t'ai, where he arrived later in the same year. Although there were a number whom was Shen Chün-li,aa whose daughter had been chosen as a no major temples in the 'f ien-t'ai mountaips at this time, Lotus concubine for the crown prince in 570. Both Shen Chünli and his of fairly well known monks who were themselves devotees of the father, Shen Hsün, had been in the entourage of Hsiao I in Chiang- had resided here in the past, which rriay be the reason why Chih-i ling and hence can be presumed to have been on friendly terms with chose this site. Shortly after reaching his destination, Chih-i ascended Chih-i's father. Hua-ting peak and here had the deep mystical experience that formed In response to a request from Shen ChünJi, Chih-i gave a series of the basis of his subsequent religious life. The monastic community lectures in 569 on the religious significance of the title of the Lotus,ss that he established on Fo-lung, another of the T'ien-t'ai peaks, at first which apparently had a great impact on the ChinJing Buddhist com- was hard pressed financially, but its plight was soon alleviated, thanks munity. These lectures were attended by some of the most eminent to Chih-i's court connections, when, in the second month of the year members of the Ch'en court,4O which was recessed by imperial com- 577, Bmperor Hsüan ordered part of the taxes levied on shih-feng- mand for one day to mark the occasion. Since the text of these lectures hsien (Chekiang) to be used for the support of the T'ien-t'ai com- has not been preserved, it is not possible to know what Chih-i's view of munity.aa The following year Bmperor Hsüan granted the name the Lotus was at this time; but judging from his early works, it is prob- Hsiu-ch'an-ssu to the temple that Chih-i was then building. During ably safe to assume that his position was still close to that of Hui-ssu, Chih-i,s first prolonged stay in the T'ien-t'ai mountains, which lasted that is, primarily concerned with the practice of meditation. The three from 575 to 585, he received donations from at least two laymenas and works that survive from this period of residence in ChinJing are all acquired a devout supporter in the person of Ch'en Po-chih, who was concerned with meditative practices and contain none of the important the twelfth son of Emperor wen (reigned 559-66) and a nephew of points of doctrine that came to distinguish the T'ien-t'ai system.41 Emperor Hsüan. ch'en Po-chih's five surviving letters to chih-i When, in the year 575, Chih-i announced his intention of leaving the indicate that he received the bodhisattva precepts from Chih-i, to Ch'en capital for the T'ien-t'ai mountains, his supporters were visibly whom he was deeply attached.a6 shaken. Emperor Hsüan appealed to him not to ignore the salvation In 582 Ch'en Shu-pao, upon his father's death, ascended the Ch'en of his followers in the capital,tz and Hsü Ling, a high-ranking officiat throne. Apparently anxious to show himself to be no less a patron of who had been a member of the Chiang-ling group with Chih-i's Buddhism than his father, Shu-pao made three appeals to Chih-i to return to ChinJing,a? but each time he was met with a refusal, Chih-i 37. CTP, r 50.192b. pleading illness. Only after Ch'en Po-chih, Chih-i's powerful benefactor, 38. This supposition is based upon Shen Chün-li's letter to Chih-i requesting him to lecture interceded at the request of Shu-pao did Chih-i reluctantly agree in 585 on the title of the Lotus, in which he describes himself as disciple in the bodhisattva "your the capital, where he received an enthusiastic welcome. precepts" (KCPL doc. no. lB, 246.801a). Since Shen Chünli died in 573, Chih-i must have to return'to once administered the precepts belore that date. Shen's biography is given in the Ch'en-shu 23. We need not detail his activities there-suffice it to say that he 1877c-d and the Nan-shih 68.2704d-2705a. again played an extremely prominent role while maintaining his very 39. FTTC 6, I49.lB1c. CZP does not specily the year. cl,ose ties with the imperial family, as is evidenced by his administering 40. In addition to Hsü Ling, Wang Ku, and Mao FIsi, whose biographies are summarized prince.as During his stay at by Hurvitz, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, p. lll, two other ranking officials, K'ung lfuan of the bodhisattva precepts to the crown and Chou lfung-cheng, are listed in the CTP, I50.192c as being present at the lectures. The the Kuang-che monastery in Chin-ling in 587, Chih-i gave his celebrated biography of the latter is contained in t}:'e Ch'en-shu 24.lB7Bb and the Nan-shih 34.2631a. Virtually all of the prominent men present at Chih-i's lectures had been with Hsiao I at ChiangJing. 43. CTP 7- 50.193a. is given in KCPL l, doc' 9, T 46'799a' 41. The three works that survive from his ChinJing period are the Shih ch'an-þoJo-tni tz'u-ti 44.TLre text olEmperor lIsüan's edict fa-men (T no. 1916), the Fang-teng san-nui hsing-fa (?fno. 1940), and the Fa-hua san-nei ch'an-i 45. CTP, lf 50.193b. (?-no. 1941). For a critical analysis of the works attributed to Chih-i, see Sató Tetsuei, Tendai 46. KCPL 2, doc. l5-17, I46.800a-B0la. included in KCPL l, doc' 1 | T 46'799b' Daishi no kenkyu lA study olthe great master T'ien-t'ai] (Kyoto, 1961), especially pp. 49-50. 47 . T}rc texts of these three appeals are , 42. KCPL l, doc. B, T 46.799a. 48. KCPL 2, doc. 14, 7- 46.800a. IN I'ANG BUDDHISM 2Bl 280 STANLEY WEINSTEIN ,*'"u,*rot PATRoNAGE seems have revisited the Nan-yüeh mountains and series of lectures on the Lotus,which were posthumously edited by his shan. He then to his deceased master, finally arriving in disciple Kuan-ting under the title Fa-hua wen-chü.ae other places associated with twelfth month of 592; there he stayed for While Chih-i was renewing his contacts with the Ch'en court, im- his natìve Ching-chou in the portant changes were taking place on the political scene. Yang Chien, twoyears,duringwhichtimehecompletedhisfamoussystematization Shortly after his arrival in ching-chou, chih-i after establishing himself as Emperor Wen of the Sui dynasty in North or nuadrrist doctrine. of the Yü-ch'üan monastery, which was China in 581, gradually began to turn his attention southward. In 587 undertook the construction he destroyed the buffer state of Later Liang, and the following year grantedanimperialcharterintheseventhmonthoftheyear593by at this monastery that Chih-i gave-his famous he ordered an attack on the state of Ch'en, which was conquered and Ë-p..o. Wen.ou It was meaning of the Lotus, which his disciple Kuan- occupied in the first month of 589, when Yang Kuang, the second son lectures on the inner under the title Fa-hua hsüan'i'\a The following of Emperor Wen, entered Chin-ling. Whatever Chih-i's personal feel- ting subsequently edited his theories of meditation and religious practice' ings toward the Ch'en state might have been, he clearly felt no need to y.å ft. e*porrnded edited to form the treatise called Mo'ho chih-kuan'st go down with the dynasty. As Chinling was being fought over by con- ífri"f, *.r. lut.'" with the Fa-hua wen-chü mentioned above, tending armies, Chih-i apparently decided that this would be an These two works, together major texts of the T'ien-t'ai school' appropriate time to undertake some long-planned pilgrimages to the constitute the three was in Ching-chou, Yang Kuang seems to have sent Nan-yüeh mountains, where his master had spent the last years of his While Chih-i letters implãring him to return to Yang-chou. chih-i life, and to Lu-shan, one of the great centers of Buddhism since the him a number of to his patron's wish and took up residence at one fourth century. At the beginning of the following year, however, Chih-i reluctantly acceded in Yang-chou in the early part of 595' In the received a letter from the victorious Emperor Wen of the Sui, seeking of the larger monasteries that year Yang Kuang requested Chih-i to prepare a to establish relations with him.¡0 Although Emperor Wen was no doubt sixth month of wei-mo+iing (vimalakirti-nirdeia-sutra), a Maha- a sincere Buddhist, he was also well aware of the political advantages commentary on the elevates a piot" layman to a status virtually equal that would accrue from a close association with the leading cleric of yana scripture that Buddha, a notiãn which, no doubt' appealed to Yang South China. Emperor Wen had succeeded in unifying the empire tiy io that oi the force of arms, but as a northerner he had encountered considerable Kuang.InhisreplyChih-imentionedthatitwashisintentiontoreturn region where he could practice the Way in the quiet resistance in the south. He no doubt felt that a strong endorsement by to the T'ien-t'ai forests. Yang Kuang trld in vain to dissuade Chih-i Chih-i, who was held in high esteem by the southern aristocracy and of the mountain Chih-i was so determined that Yang Kuang was clergy, would facilitate the task of bringing about a real unification. from leaving, but When Yang Kuang became governor of Yang-chou (Tang-chou finally"o-p.ll.dtoallowhisdeparture.s6OncebackintheT,ien.t'ai *o.rn,uinr,-Chih-i devoted himsãf to the commentary on the Wei-mo' tsung-kuan) toward the end of the year 590, he promptly dispatched a to T'ien-t'ai in ching. Yang Kuang on several occasions sent envoys letter to Chih-i inviting him to visit Yang-chou.51 After the customary by 597 persuaáe him to return to Yang-chou' Chih-i' who refusal of three times, Chih-i finally journeyed to Yang-chou, where, in an effort to finally agreed to rejoin Yang Kuang and left for the eleventh month of 591, he formally administered the bodhisattva was ailing såriously, precepts to Yang Kuang in a splendid ceremony attended by a thou- Yang-cho'rrwiththelatter's"'-oy,whohadarrivedinthetenthmonth When the group reached Shih-ch'eng'5? Chih-i announced sand monks.52 Such was the beginning of the close relationship between of tnät year. to any further' Sensing that his end was Chih-i and his powerful patron) Yang Kuang, which continued until that he was too ill f,roceed the former's death in 597. Chih-i stayed in Yang-chou only a few imminent,hedivided"pr'i'possessionsandundertookvariousreligious months, perhaps because he found this place too distracting for his 53. KCPL 2, doc. 44, 746'806c' religious life. By the summer of 592 Chih-i was once again back in Lu- 54. f no' 1716. 55. Ino. l9l l. 49. T no. 1718. f46'B0Bb' 56. KCPL2,doc.49, ?"46'807b'; Ibid' 3' doc' 54' 50. For a summary of the lette¡ see Hurvitz, Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques, p' 140- Shao-hsing-hsien in Chekiang' Situated thirty ll to the northwest of the present-day 51. KCPL 2, doc.24, T 46.803a. 57. 52. For a description of the ceremony see Yang Kuang's letter to Chih-i dated the twenty- SeetheChung.kuoku.chinti.mingta.tz'u-tien[EncyclopediaofancientandmodernChinese (Shanghai, 1930)' p' 269b' third day of the eleventh month olthe year 591, KCPL 2, doc. 26, T 46.803a' place namesl 282 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T',c.NG BUDDHISM 283

exercises. one of his last acts before his death on the twenty-fourth day Yang Kuang continued to feel a deep sense of commitment toward of the eleventh month was to dictate a final letter to Yang Kuang the T'ien-t'ai community, as can be seen from the surviving colrespon- entrusting the Dharma to his care.58 dence in the Kuo-ch'ing þo-lu. When Yang Kuang became clown prince chih-i's disciples were well aware of the necessity of maintaining in the year 600, two of chih-i's leading disciples, Kuan-ting and chih- the close contact with the Sui court that their master had established tsao, were dispatched to convey the good wishes of the T'ien-t'ai com- during the last eight years of his life. within two months after the death munity. At Yang Kuang's accession in 604 a letter of congratulations of Chih-i, two leading disciples, Kuan-ting and P'u-ming, made the was sent to Chtang-an by Chih-yüeh, the head monk at T'ien-t'ai. journey to Yang-chou to present Yang Kuang with a copy of their The new emperor responded by sending various gifts to the T'ien-t'ai master's letter, his commentary on the wei-mo-ching specially written community.62 There is little doubt that Yang Kuang remained a devot- for Yang Kuang, and various objects intimately associated with ed patron of the T'ien-t'ai school for the remainder of his life. Thus Chih-i's religious life. As might be expected, the meeting between we firrd him, as he is making preparations for his ill-fated Korean ex- Yang Kuang, the great T'ien-t'ai patron, and Chih-i's disciples was an peditions in 607, inviting Kuan-ting to visit him at his field headquar- emotional one, Kuang vowing his continued support for the T'ien- ters to reminisce about his deceased master'63 t'ai community. A high-ranking official accomplishment was dispatched to the T,ien- Just as it might be said that the most significant t'ai mountains with instructions to arrange for the transfer of rich agri- of ttr. Sui dynasty was the unification of a China that had been politi- cultural land to provide economic support for chih-i's followers. yang calty divided for two and one half centuries, so also can it be asserted Kuang also promised to assist in the construction of the temple on the that the most outstanding achievement of Chih-i was his successful Fo-lung medita- peak, which Chih-i had first proposed in 595.5e Yang Kuang synthesis of two distinct, and often hostile, traditions: northern had originally agreed to act as patron, but little was actually accom- tive Buddhism and southern exegetical Buddhism. It is not surprising plished during chih-i's lifetime. when chih-i reluctantly accepted the that Chih-i should have effected in the religious sphere what his im- invitation from Yang Kuang to return to Yang-chou, he drew up a perial patrons accomplished in the political one; the times seemed to detailed layout of the proposed temple which, after his death, would demand unification, both political and cultural. The necessity of serve as the headquarters for his school. when asked by his disciples integrating northern meditation and southern exegesis must have al- how resources could be found for the establishment of such a grand tem- ,.udy become apparent to chih-i while he was studying under Hui-ssu, ple in the wilderness of the chekiang mountains, he replied that the for there is evidence that he practiced both before moving to chin-ling temple'that he had in mind could be constructed only through the in 568.6a Nevertheless, his early surviving works indicate that before support of the imperial family.oo It is quite understandable, then, that the unification of China by the Sui, Chih-i had not yet formulated the chih-i, in the last letter to Yang Kuang written on his deathbed, should fundamental principles on which his later synthesis was to be based, have appealed for support for this temple, which was given unstintingly. which strongly suggests that his harmonization of northern and southern Construction was completed in the year 601, and in 605 yang Kuang, Buddhism was influenced by political events' in accordance with a request from chih-i's disciples, designated it the chih-i's efforts to achieve a new synthesis had to take account of the Kuo-ch'ing-ssu ("monastery for the purification of the empire',), the various schemes of classifying the scriptures according to the degree of name it still bears.ol spiritual truth they revealed. Such classifications, called þ'øn-chiao, åried with the individual scholar, since each scholar had his own view 5S.ForapartialtranslationofthislastletterseeFlurvitz, Mélangeschinoisetbouddhiques,pp. canon contained the ultimate doctrine of the 166-69. as to which text in the no less than ten such clas- 59. KCPL 3, doc.66, Z46.8l0c; ibid., doc.53, ?-46.808a. Buddha. Although chih-i himself mentions 60. CTP,250.196a. 61. The name is indicative of the role the temple was supposed to play in the protection of the state. According to tradition, this name was chosen for the temple because of a vision 62.KCPL3'doc'72,?-46.812b;ibid',doc'82,T46'814c;ibid''doc'83'7-46'8l5a' that chih-i had in which a deceased monk prophesied that the empire would become pure 63. HKSC 19, 7-50.584c. only when such a temple would be erected for chih-i by a powerful ruler who had unified 64'Besidespracticingmeditatio¡rChih-ilecturedonthePo.jo.ehingandLotus.SeeHKSC the empire. See KCPL 3, doc. BB, T 46.816a. 17, ?- 50.563b and 564b; also CTP, I50.192a' 284 STANLEY WEINSTEIN ¡uþBnr¡,r- pATRoNAcE rN T'ANG BUDDHISM 285 sifications,65 three of which are southern and seven northern, two clas- "gradual," and "indeterminate" and then proceeded to subdivide the sifications clearly predominate: that of the Nieh-p'an scholar, Hui- "gradual teachings" into five ascending sets of doctrines, each repre- kuan (363-443), in the south and that of the Ti-lun scholar, Hui-kuang sented by a particular sutra or class ofsutras preached in one ofthe five (+68-537), in the north. Five of the remaining eight classifications can periods into which the life of the Buddha had been divided' Such a be considered minor variations of these two. classification, however, had serious shortcomings in Chih-i's view. The For Chih-i to achieve a real unification of Chinese Buddhism he Hua-2en-ching, described simply as a "sudden teaching" by Hui-kuan, would somehow have to reconcile not only the divergent approaches was neither characterized doctrinally nor assigned to one of the frve toward Buddhism manifested in the long-standing antithesis between periods in the life of the Buddha, since these periods came under the northern meditation and southern exegesis, but also the conflicting heading of "gradual teachings." Equally unsatisfactory was the identi- classifications of doctrine, such as the northern claim that the Hua-1ten- fication of the five sets of doctrines with specific sutras or groups of ching represented the highest teaching ofthe Buddha as opposed to the sutras, since a particular doctrine, for example, nonsubstantiality, southern view that the Nieh-þ'an-ching constituted his ultimate message. might be found in several different groups of sutras; or, conversely, a His task was rendered more difficult by his own conviction that in single sutra, for example, the Nieh-p'an'ching, might contain a variety fact it was neither the Hualten-ching nor the Nieh-p'an-ching that embodied of doctrines. the quintessence of Buddhist doctrine but the Lotus Sutra, which, In his own synthesis Chih-i asserted that a proper classification despite its great popularity in the south, did not figure in any of the ten (þ'an-chiao) must treat three distinct elements: (1) the five periods classifications as the highest revelation. (uu-shih) in the life of the Bud{ha, each corresponding to a sutra or to As was typical of the founders and systematizers of the T'ang schools, group of sutras; (2) the four methods resorted to by the Buddha Chih-i read the scripture in the light of his own religious intuition and teach sentient beings (hua-i ssu'chiao); and (3) the four basic types experience rather than in the literal fashion that had prevailed before of doctrines (hua-fa ssu-chiao)that the Buddha taught.0? Like Hui-kuan, his time. Whereas the traditional method of exegesis had been one of Chih-i divided the life of the Buddha into five periods, each bearing (2) "literal interpretation" (sui-wen chieh-shih), Chih-i perfected the method the name of a sutra or class of sutras: (l) Hua'2en (Auatar.nsaka); of searching out and expounding the "hidden meaning" (hsüan-i) of O-han (Ã.gama), the period of the Hrnayãna sutras; (3) Fangaeng the text,66 which was subsequently adopted by such eminent T'ang (Vaipuþa), the period of the Mahayana sutras other than the Hua'2en, scholar-monks as Chi-tsang, Shan-tao, and Fa-tsang. It was Chih-i's Po-jo ( Prajñaþãramita), Lotus, and Nieh-p'an ( Mahapariniraãr1a Sntra) ; discovery of the "hidden meaning" of the Lotus after the unification (+) Po-jo; and (5) the Lotus and Nieh-p'an. Chih-i modified Hui-kuan's of China by the Sui that enabled him to integrate northern and southern classification of five periods by grouping the Lotus and the Nieh-p'an Buddhism and, in the process, to establish the supremacy of the Lotus together in the last period in order to accommodate the Hua-1ten-ching, over all other scriptures. which he placed in the first period. Thus the sutra that had been held After a critical study of the various existing systems of classifying the in the ,highest esteem in the north was accorded the honor of being sacred books, it became apparent to Chih-i that in adclition to the recognized as the first sermon of the Buddha; while the Nieh-p'an-ching, last opposing theories regarding the ultimate teaching of the Buddha, there the most widely read text in the south, retained its position as the was also some inconsistency in the arrangement and thc categories used. discourse of the Buddha. The northern classifications merely listed iq ascending order five schools In his formulation of the pedagogical methods used by the Buddha (tsung), each identified by a particular doctrine (chiao). The southern Chih-i relied upon the terminology current in the south. He adopted classifications, on the other hand, frrst arranged the Budclha's teachings without change the designations "sudden," "gradual," and "indeter- into categories based on pedagogical methods described as "sudden," minate," but subdivided the last category into "secret indeterminate teachings" ( þi-mi þu-ting-chiao) and "manifest indeterminate teachings" 65. Fa-hua hsíian-i l0A, 7- 33.80Ia. ( hsien-lu þu-ting-chiao). Chih-i, however, reinterpreted the word indeter- 66. Compare, for example, the commentary by Seng-chao (384-414) on tlr'e Wei-rno-ching (T no. 1775) with Chih-i's commentary on this same sutra entitlcd Wei-mo-ching hsüan-shu (T no. 1777). 67. The following account is based on Ti-kuan, T'ien't'ai ssu'chiao-i, T 46.774c-78Ùa' 287 286 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPE,RIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM discrete elements minate to apply to the type of spiritual benefit derived by a person who Teaching, which held that the world is made up of essential har- came in contact with a particular doctrine and not to a category of (¿harmal¡i, the perfect Teaching of the loføs stressed the This type of sutras, as his predecessors had done. Chih-i held that a person's religious mony and interrelatedness (1üan'jun{ of all phenomena' metaphysical attainments ultimately depended more upon his native intellect than doctrine was not restricted merely to a discussion of of a given dharma' upon the specific teachings to which he was exposed. Thus a man with questions, such as the nature of the three aspects justification for the a sharp mind coulcl perceive a Mahayana doctrine even though he but was drawn upon by chih-i to provide doctrinal practices of meditation was reading a text which was ostensibly Htnayanist, while a dull person reconciliation between the hitherto conflicting Chih-i's new would tend to reduce the most profound Mahayana ideas to Htnayãnist and exegesis, both of which received equal weight in banalities. In Chih-i's view sutras were not exclusively Htnayãnist or system. Mahayanist, since these terms referred to the state of mind of the reader Chih-i'sclassificationhadtwocleargoals.Thefirstwastounifythe both in its religious practices rather than to the text itself. Chih-i applied the term secret indeter- Buddhist world, which had been divided to establish the supremacy minate teaching to the method employed by the Buddha whereby he and its choice of scripture; the second was that the hidden preaches to an assembly of people, each of whom is unaware, thanks to of the Lotus ovet all àther sutras' Having determined the Buddha's supernatural powers, that other persons are also present. meaningoftheLotuswasthedoctrineoftheinterrelatednessofall was no real opposition This sort of discourse is called "indeterminate" because each person in dharmas, Chih-i was able to proclaim that there the northern practice of the assembly interprets the meaning of the Buddha's words in his own between the southern practiåe of exegesis and the other; either by way and hence achieves a different degree of spiritual insight. In the meditation' On the .o,,,tuty, one complemented regarded the Hua-lten-ching case of the "manifest indeterminate teachings" one sees that other itself was inadequate. The northerners who persons are present at a discourse, but does not realize that each person ascontainingthehighestdoctrinewereconciliatedbyhavingtheir is understanding the Buddha differently. SutrarecognizedasthefirstdiscourseoftheBuddhaafterhisenlighten...perfect,'' classifred aS By far the most original element in Chih-i's synthesis is to be found ment. Its teaching, like that of the Lotus, was in his categorization of the four types of Buddhist doctrine. The first of differingfromthelatteronlyinthatitwasintendedforgreatbodhisatt- these, termed "Teaching of the Tripilaka" (ßang-chiao), signified vasratherthanforordi.'a.ymen.Chih.isimilarlytookaccountofthe by conceding that this Hrnayãna and included the P'i-t'an (Abhidharma) and Ch'eng-shih followers of the Nieh-p'an school in the south the last discourse of the (Tattuasiddhi) schools. The second type of doctrine, called "Common sutra, in purely temporal terms, represented the Nieh-þ'an'ching' Teaching" (t'ung-chiao), referred to the concept that all things are Buddha before his áeath. Like the Hua-1ten-ching, nonsubstantial. The designation "common" indicated that although too,wassaidtocontainelementsofthePerfectTeaching.Although was forced to recognize this is essentially a Mahayanist view, it also appears in certain Hina- Chih-i, in defèrence to its southern devotees' of the nu{{la' he held yãna texts. The San-lun (Madhyamika) school was regarded as the that the Nieh-þ'an-ching was the final message revealed his ultimate principal exponent of this view, although it was accepted by all other ;;; i;;t onty in tËr- Lot" that the Buddha this were the case' the Buddha Mahayanists. The third type of doctrine was designated "Separate teaching. To the obvious criticism that if sutra after the Lotus' that is' Teaching" (pieh-cliao) because it embraced concepts unknown to the would not have preached still one more the Buddha taught the latter Htnayãna-specifically, the view that each dharma (element) has the Nieh-þ'an-ching, Chih-i replied that who were not present when the three distinct aspects: one of nonsubstantiality (k'ung), one of seemingç sutra out of'compassion for thåse people incident related in th.e Lotus substantiality (chia), and one representing the middle position (chung) Lotus waspr.u.h.d, citing specificalþ the just as the Buddha was which combines both of the preceding aspects. The Ti-lun and She-lun in which some five ino'-t'ittá persons withdrew of One Vehicle''8 schools (both Yogacãra schools) were held to be representative of this about to give a discourse on the concept a comprehensive survey type of doctrine. Chih-i designated the fourth and highest doctrine Since it would be out of place here to attempt those teachings doctrines, *t merely mention briefly "Perfect Teaching" (yüan-chiao), which, in his view, found its fullest of T'ien-t'ai 'hull expression in the Lotus, although he recognized that it appeared frag- mentarily in other Mahayana sutras as well. In contrast to the Separate 68. Faltua-clúng 1, T 9.7a' 289 ,'"U*'O' PATRONAGE IN T,ANG BUDDHISM 2BB STANLEY WEINSTEIN that Buddhahood could be rapidly attained in the be viewed as fundamental to the Chinese Buddhism of the of the principle that might Buddhism the status of the Buddha is the present'life.zz In traditional Indian T'ang period. One of the principal ideas of the T'ien-t'ai school ultimately reach his was so exalted that some select individuals might concept of universal enlightenment (i-ch'ieh ch'eng-fo). This idea, which Even level, but only after countless kalpas, (eons) of religious,practice' permeates the Lotus but is also found in many other Mahayãna sutras, thought that his the of ih. historical Buddha, Sakyamuni, it was in essence rejects the exclusiveness of Hinayãna, which would limit the i' ..r. religiouslifedidnotbegininthisworldattheageoftwenty.nine,but attainment of enlightenment only to those people who were able to of commenced many millennia ago so that his attainment sustain a long, arduous course of various religious practices. At the root in îact Buddha .rrlign,..t*entattheageofthirty-fiverepresentedtheculminationofan of the idea of universal enlightenment is the belief that since the might be sustained over Lutty lives'?3 Although such a view is the embodiment of compassion, he would not proclaim a doctrine so effoit u.."ptuut.tothelndianswiththeiro\^'npeculiarconceptoftime,it difficult that only a few men could benefit from it. In the Zoú¿.¿s the Bud- reward for was not to the Chinese, who sought a more tangible dha declares that the real purpose of his coming into this world is to ;1."åy theirreligiousefforts.BventhoughChih-iformulatedahighlycomplex cause men to achieve an enlightenment that is in no way different a higher oi meditations, each of which brought the devotee to from his own, and he solemnly prophesies that all sentient beings, male ;;;.; in principle' for the ,i"s" awareness, he opened at least and female, wise and ignorant, will ultimately attain Buddhahood.6e "p ft-Yul, this position he "fu,,ui.rment of Budihahooã in ttris life. In taking Related to this ideal of universal enlightenment is the rejection of ,up-id from the well-known story in the Lotus of an eight- of Three Vehicles (san-ch'eng) as real ultimate entities.To drew irrspiration the concept simple acts-of piety' was promptly trans- of the year-old girl who' through -Buddhahood.z¿ The Three Vehicles refer to the traditional threefold division was probably for this into a man and atiained It Buddhist doctrine into Sravak ayãîa,Pratyekabuddhayana, and Bodhis- formed that Chih-i set up the category of indeterminate teachings' attvayana,which for our purposes may be reduced to Hrnayana (the first reason for people exposed only to Hinayãna texts to basing which makes it possible two vehicles)zr uttd Mahayana (the third vehicle). Since Chih-i, his il.tri.cate schema a Mahayana-type Similarly' despite on the Lotus, held that all men were ultimately destined to attain derive himself "*àtd'aspirant to Buddhahood' Chih-i recognized Buddha, he could not oi ãr,y-,*o stages øí tftt an enlightenment no different from that of the of these stages'75 ihe possibility ofjumping ot'it whole groups accept that Hinayana, which from his own Mahayãnist point of view the Sui the T'iËn-tlai doctrine, *.rL formulated under could ever have been taught by the Buddha Although offered an inferior reward, cultural and political exigencies of the day' Htnayãna as an dynasty Jnd reflect the as an independent spiritual goal. Rather he viewed as an embodiment of the they have nevertheless come to be recognized expedient doctrine devised to win over those men of limited intellectual a Chinese Mahayana and as such are found to Mahayana most cherished ideals of capacity who would be unable to appreciate the subtleties of except the Fa-hsiang greater or lesser a.f"t in all of T'1nS schools at their first exposure to it. In place of Three Vehicles Chih-i taught !h1 guãA*rist historian, it would be school. From the itarrdpoirrt of the that there was in fact only one real vehicle (i-ch'eng), that of the Bud- between the to attempt to distinguish, on the basis of doctrine' dha, into which both the traditional Hrnayana and Mahayãna would futile T,ien-t,aiBuddhismofth-esuiandthevariousT,angschools,since coalesce-hence the celebrated T'ien-t'ai thesis that "the Three Vehicles character of the share common ideals' Yet despite the "T'ang" are but a means, the One Vehicle being the ultimate truth." they lnis Fa-hua wen'chüBB' T 34'll7a' The practical side of Chih-i's Buddhism can be seen in his formulation 72. See' for example, quest "four holds that the historic Buddha began his religious 73. Theravadin tra¿iiio., Rhys a hundred thousand cycles ago" (T' W' asankheyyas i,t"uf"rrfutiy f""g and- 69. Ibid., 7a, Ba-l0b' f ""^'l n'd'l' p' 82)' Buddhist n¡*-siüut Jataka-nidanallLondon, Davids, li"guli.ur*tutionoltt.e (samdhinirmocana- 70. rbid., 7b. titerature see t:ne shen-mi chieh-t'o-ching For a similar view in the Mahiyanist 71. strictly speaking, srãvakayana ("vehicle of the Disciples") relers to those people who 16.684c' the Àgamas (the Hinayana sutras), whereas sútra) 5, 1| was not follow the teachings of the Buddha as outlined in the Lotus was compiled c' first century a'o" it 74. Fa-hua-ching4, T 9'35b-c' When the Pratyekabuddhayãna("Vehicle ofthe Solitary Buddhas") is the name given to those per- consideredpossibleforawomantoattainenlightenmentwithoutfirstbeingrebornasaman. sons who attempt to attain enlightenment on their own by meditating on the law of causality an important plu::.i" the T'ien-t'ai process of "jumping over," which- occupies Buddha. Since the Srãvakayãna 75. This ssu-chiao'i, without ever coming into contact with the teachings of the Fo, u brief åccount ."" Ti-k.,u.t, T'ien-t'ai dogma, is technically ,lr^JÃ ír¿-rnui. and the Pratyekabuddhayána achieve similar results, they are customarily grouped together' T 46.778a. under the generic name of Hinayãna. 290 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 291

T'ien-t'ai school, it entered an almost total eclipse during the first half lished T,ang ruling family did not look upon the T'ien-t'ai community of the T'ang dynasty. It is difficult to accept the explanation offered with much enthusiasm. by some contemporary scholars that this sudden decline was due to a lack of suitable successors to Chih-i and Kuan-ting,?o since they had a T¡m Fe-nsrANc ScHooL very large number of disciples who could carry on their work.?? Fur- thermore, we have abundant evidence that the patriarchate was We observed earlier that the ûrst three T'ang emperors could not maintained at the Kuo-ch'ing-ssu. The compiler of the Hsü-kao-seng- be regarded as pious Buddhists in the same sense that the emperors of chuan, completed in 664, demonstrated by his detailed biographies of the southern dynasties were and that their concessions to the Buddhist Hui-ssu, Chih-i, Kuan-ting, and other T'ien-t'ai figures that he was church were based on political rather than religious considerations. familiar with the T'ien-t'ai tradition, as did Fa-tsang (643-712), the Such considerations led T'ai-tsung and Kao-tsung to patronize the de facto founder of the Hua-yen school, who cited Chih-i's writings.?8 Fa-hsiang school, which completely dominated the scene in the capitals The fact that T'ien-t'ai texts were brought to Japan in 754 by the from the time of Hsüan-tsang's return from India in 645 to the usurpa- Vinaya master Chien-chenzs indicates that despite the apparent tion of the T'ang throne by Empress wu in 690, after which date the waning of interest in T'ien-t'ai among the clerical elite during the firsi Fa-hsiang gradually began to lose influence among clerical scholars in half of the T'ang, its literature was still circulating and its ideas were ch,ang-an and Loyang, until its lineage came to an end in the middle respected. of the eighth century.sl Judged by the sophisticated standards of Since T'ien-t'ai is doctrinally inseparable from the T'ang schools, chinese Mahayana set by the T',ien-t'ai and acknowledged by the its decline throughout the first half of the T'ang ought not to be ascribed other T'ang schools, the Fa-hsiang can be regarded only as an anomaly to a dogmatic bias on the part of prominent T'ang monks. Rather it in the development of Buddhist thought in China. The great, albeit would seem that the T'ang imperial family declined to give support to short-lived, success that it scored under the reigns of T'ai-tsung and the T'ien-t'ai, as did those monks whom the state was patronizing, be- Kao-tsung can be understood only if we consider the personal relations cause of the extraordinarily close connections that existed between the between Hsüan-tsang and the T'ang rulers. Without these connections, T'ien-t'ai school and the Sui imperial house of Yang, now supplanted by the Fa-hsiang school, arriving from India when it did, would hardly the T'ang. Chih-i, in his last letter to Yang Kuang, repeatedly spoke have had so profound an impact on the Buddhist scholars in the great of his "three obligations" : to the Buddhist religion, to the state, and to monasteries of seventh-century Ch'ang-an and Loyang' all sentient beings, vowing that even after his death he would protect The rise of the Fa-hsiang school is of course intimately connected the territory of Prince Kuang. He gave advice to Yang Kuang on how to with Hsüan-tsang (600-64), the prodigious translator who first intro- cope with economic problems arising from the shipment of tax grain and duced its ideas into China.8z Even before his ordination in Ch'eng-tu affirmed that both the land and its inhabitants belong to the prince.8o at the age of twenty-two, Hsüan-tsang showed great interest in the We have noted that Yang Kuang-first as Crown Prince and then as She+à-ch2ng-lun (Mahaltana-sarytgraha) ,83 a treatise belonging to the Bmperor-continued his support for the T'ien-t'ai community after Yogãcãra school of Indian Mahayana. His fascination with this text Chih-i's death in 597. It is hardly surprising, then, that the newly estab- corrlirr.r.d unabated during his subsequent studies under various masters

76. Michihata Ryoshu, Chagoku bukkyoshi [A History of Chinese Buddhism], 4th ed. (Kyoto, Bl. The last orthodox Fa-hsiang commentator was Chih-chou who died in733 (Bokuita'ka 1969), p. l3l. hlohaku-mon,quoted in Fukihara ShÕshin, Nihon2uishikishisoshil^history of VijñaptimAtratã 77.CTP,T 50.197c, credits him with having personally ordained more than fourteen thought inJapanl [Tokyo, 1944], p. 12l). Fa-shih thousand monks and states further that he had thirty-twq disciples to whom he transmitted SZ. fhe màst detailed biography of Hsüan-tsang is t¡,e Ta-tz'u-en'ssu San-tsang There are two his teachings. chuan (T no. 2053), compiled by two of his disciples, Hui-li and Yen-tsung. 78. Shimaji Daito, Tendai kyogakushi [A history of T'ien-t'ai doctrine] (Tokyo, 1929), p. irr"o-pl"t. English translations: samuel Beal, Thø Life of Hiuen-Tsiang (London, l9ll)' I lB. and Li Yung-hsi, The Life of Hsüan-tsang (Peking' 1959)' 79. Genkai (fl. late eighth century), Ta Daiøaja tøseiden lA rccord of the journey to the East 83. Tnos. 1592, 1593, tíg4, an¿ tssó lwuich includes the commentary by vasubandhu). an by the great T'ang monk (Chien-chen)1, Dainihon bukk2v zensho I 13.120a. This heatise is the basic scripture of the Shelun school, the dçsignation SheJun being 80. KCPL 3, doc. 65, 246.810a-c. abbreviation oî She-ta-ch' engJun. T'ANG BUDDHISM 293 292 STANLEY WEINSTEIN ,'"U*'O' PATRONAGE IN had its unique practices and in different parts of China. Convinced that this work could be properly in his view, could not be bridged-each course, being inferior to understood only when the encyclopedic Togacara-bhümiv4-the funda- each led to a different result, the former of that the man with a Hinayana mentality mental treatise of the Yogãcãra school-became available in Chinese, the latter. Dharmapala argued of appreciating Mahayãna, so absolute Hsüan-tsang resolved to go to India to procure a copy. In the year 629 was constitutionalþ incapable the two.8? He also held firmly to the he applied to the authorities for permission to journey abroad but was was the distinction between could be achieved only after forbidden to leave the country. Since T'ai-tsung was at this time com- traditional view that enlightenment for a period of "three kalpas of in- pleting the process of consolidating the empire, his bureaucrats no undergoing complex meditations scholastic conception of Buddhist doubt felt it too risky to allow one of his subjects to travel to foreign calculãble lengtù."at His highly sympathy for the pietism expressed in the lands for such a dubious purpose as collecting Buddhist scriptures. religious pract¿es had little girl to attain Buddhahood' Hsüan-tsang was nevertheless determined to pay a visit to India Lotls thaiallowed an eight-year-old with orthodox Mahayana thinking is and left China surreptitiously, occasionally aided en route by highly Dharmapala's sharpest break of the doctrine of universal enlighten- placed Chinese officials who were well disposed toward Buddhism. In to be founà in his repudiation that some persons might not reach India, where he spent some fifteen years, Hsüan-tsang concentrated ment. He did not maintain simply there lvas one category of people for on the Yogãcãra and Abhidharma doctrines. His principal teacher, enlightenment, but argued that Buddhahood was impossible. Such beings, under whom he studied for five years, was Silabhadra, an elder at who- the attainment of inherently lack what Dharmapala termed Nalandã, the greatest center of Buddhist learning in India. through no fault of their own, ,,unþìnted hence are eternally excluded from salvation.se Stlabhadra had been a disciple of Dharmapala (died c. 560), a seeds" and beings in this category might hope for is brilliant but highly unorthodox Mahayana thinker, whose views The best that the unfortunate rebirtlrs, rvhich could be achieved by an accumula- Sllabhadra subsequently transmitted to Hsüan-tsang. Although Bast a round of favorable Asian Buddhists have traditionally regarded Dharmapãla as the au- tion of merit. ideas that Hsüan-tsang picked thoritative interpreter of Vasubandhu, one of the most important Yogã- Such were some of the unconventional The concept of three distinct vehicles cãra philosophers, modern critical research based upon Indian and up during his sojourn in India' Tibetan sources unknown in China and Japan has established that andtheviewthatBuddhahoodwasrealizableonlyafteralengthy although- vehemently rejected by T'ien- Dharmapala, for all his prominence in East Asian Buddhism, was a period of religious practice, that had been held by some monks relatively minor figure in Indian Yogãcãra who dicl not faithfully t'ai, at least represented views schools of the Nan-pei-ch'ao' However' represent Vasubandhu's ideas in his commentaries.ss Although firmly belánging to the exegetical of sentient beings was to be permanently committed to such fundamental Mahayana teachings as the non- the nátià that one g"roup counter to the most cherished ideal 0f substantiality of all dharmas, the bodhisattva ideal, and the theory of excluded from salvation ran back as the beginning of the fifth century the fbur bodies of the Buddha,a0 Dharmapala, perhaps as a reflection chinese Buddhism. As far basis of an incomplete version of the of the frustrations encountered by the Buddhist community in India Tao-sheng had argued on the most corrupt man was eligible for' and of his day, challenged a number of widely held Mahayãna assumptions. Nieh-p'an-ching thai even the enlightenment'e0 In view of this He rejected, for example, the view found in the Lotus that the Three indeed would ultimately attain, at first glance that Hsüan-tsang should Vehicles are merely an expedient device designed to lead all men to background, it seems stånge during his stay in India' That he did so' the ideal of Buddhahood. The gap between Hlnayãna and Mahayana, have"accepted such doctrines attachment to his however, i's probably attributable to his deep personal authorita- 84. This work was translated by Hsüan-tsang in 648 under the title T¡i-chia shih-tiJun Indian Stluthudra, whom he regarded as the most (7"no.1579). -url.., of the Yogãcãra school' 85. Dharmapala's position in the history of Indian Buddhism was frrst reappraised by Ui tive spokesman Hakuju in his monumental Indo tetsugaku *¿/¡,t/t [Studies in Indian philosophy] (Tokyo, l92g 3l and 1930), vols. 5 and 6. 87 . Ch'eng-uei-sltihJun 2, f '8a-b' shu'chi 98, T 43'5ir5c' 86. The body ol the Buddha as he appears to unenlightened beings in this world, as he BB. Tz'u-en, Ch'eng'øei-shih-lun 2, T 3 1'9a' appears to bodhisattvas in the upper regions, as he appears to himself, and as an embodiment 89. Ch' eng-uei-shih-Iun of the Absolute. 90. Kao-seng-chtmn 7, T 50'366c' -Y 295 294 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE ¡N T,ANG BUDDHISM from T',ai- If his biographies are to be believed, Hsüan-tsang won great fame in countries and not for his devotion to Buddhism can be seen religious life India. It is reported that he expounded the Dharma before kings, gave tsung's exhortation to Hsüan-tsang that he abandon the Although lectures on the scripture to monks and laymen, defeated heretics in so tñat he might advise the emperor on political matters' from imperial debate, and composed a number of Sanskrit polemics. When he arrived Hsüan-tsang no doubt realized the benefrts accruing for a political in Turfan in 644 en route back to China, he took the precaution of support, he was not prepared to renounce his life's work to lay life, sending T'ai-tsung a letter which, in addition to offering an apology upþirrt-.rrt. Rebuffed by Hsüan-tsang's refusal to return the imperial for having left the country without authorization, contained a tantaliz- i,uitr,rrrg sought to persuade him at least to travel with remained firm, ing description of his travels abroad. Hsüan-tsang did not fail to point train duri'g the Koguryó campaign, but Hsüan-tsang of the precepts that he had out that while in India he "proclaimed the virtue of His Majesty so as protesting that this would be a violation to win the respect and admiration of the foreign people."or T'ai-tsung, vowed to uphold. T'ai-tsung decided not slow to sense that Hsüan-tsang with his unique firsthand knowledge Thus faced with Hsüan-tsang's intransigence, this monk who' because of his of foreign lands could prove to be a valuable asset to the state, promptly to draw what advantage he could from had already attracted such great replied that he was overjoyed that Hsüan-tsang was now returning and unique experience and qualifications, declared that it was his urged him to proceed to Ch'ang-an with all possible haste. Envoys were interest in the capitals. when Hsüan-tsang the six hundred-odd texts that dispatched to make contact with him in Sha-chou whence he was to be wish to serve the empire by translating sought permission from conducted to the capital to receive an official welcome. Hsüan-tsang he had brought back from India ancl therefore monastery on Mount arrived at Ch'ang-an on the twenty-third day of the first month in the T'ai-tsung tã take up residence at the Shaolin 'I'ai-tsung responded by offering year 645 only to find that T'ai-tsung was in Loyang making prepara- Shao+hih, southeasl of Loyang, monastery' which had been tions for his forthcoming campaign against Koguryó. to install Hsüan-tsang in the Hung-fu in honor of T'ai-tsung's The first meeting between the two men, which was apparently a built in Ch'ang-an some eleve" years earlier the ranking minister' Fang brief one, took place in Loyang on the first day of the second month. deceased mother' The emperor instructed assistance Hsüan-tsang might Their second meeting, of which we are fortunate to have a detailed Hsüan-ling, to give whatever material at the Hung-fu monastery in account,ez occurred on the twenty-third day of the same month. At require. As soon as Hsüan-tsang arrived Fang Hsüan-ling to make the this meeting Hsüan.tsang thought it prudent to apologize once again the third month of 645, he requested enlist services of "verifiers, for his illegal flight abroad, while at the same time he took care to necessary arrangements so thai he might By the sixth month no less flatter T'ai-tsung by telling him that he (Hsüan-tsang) was able to stylists, ,."..turùr, copyists, and so on'"e3 from monasteries throughout China' complete safely his seventeen-year journey through foreign lands only than twenty-three *oìir, drawn collaborate with Hsüan-tsang. because of the protection afforded by his being a subject of the emperor had been tro.rght to ch,ang-an to of China. T'ai-tsung then proceeded to question Hsüan-tsang in detail, AmongtheseearlyassistantsweresuchdistinguishedmonksasTao- When, in 648' Hsüan-tsang com- needless to say, not about the latest trends of Buddhist thought in India, hstlan,:Hsüan-ying, and Ch'ing-mai' text that had originally but about the "climate, products, and customs of the countries to the pleteihis translati'on of the fogacara'bhnmi,t]ne him with a preface and had copies west of the Snowy Peaks." Apparently overwhelmed by Hsüan-tsang's ied him to India, T'ai_tsung honored the empire,e4 thereby helping to thorough knowledge of conditions in foreign lands, T'ai-tsung requested of the treatise distributed throughout son and SucCeSSor, Kao-tsung, that he present the throne with a written account of the countries that disseminate Fa-hsiang ideas. T'ai-tsung,s his father's policy of sup- he had visited, which Hsüan-tsang did by the middle of the following who ascended the th-rone in 649, continued Hsüan-tsang' even inviting him on year. There is no indication that T'ai-tsung at this point had any real porting the translation projects of interest in the new variety of Buddhism that Hsüan-tsang brought ãccasio.t to work within the imperial palaces' back, nor aia ne display any particular curiosity toward it. That he FromthetimeofhisreturntoChinain645untilhisdeathin664 valued Hsüan-tsang primarily for his firsthand knowledge of foreign

9I. Li, The Life of Hsüan-tsang, p.203. 93. Ibid.,253c' 92. Ta-tz'u-en-ssu SanJsang Fa-shih-chuan 6, T 50.253a-c. 94. Ibid., 256a. T'ANG BUDDHISM 297 296 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN of the Abhidharma' Hsüan-tsang devoted all his energies to translating the texts that he had dard commentaries on Hsüan-tsang's translation the question of whether some beings brought back from India. Although his translations include texts belong- koia,ee took issue with his master on ing to most of the major traditions of Indian Buddhism, his primary were doomed to endless transmigration'ee that when Hsüan-tsang died in concern, of course, was with the Yogacara school, which in China It should come as no surprise, then, often to join other translators, the came to be called the Fa-hsiang school. To him goes the credit for 664 and his collaborators scattered, Hsüan-tsang's mantle was inherited having made available in Chinese virtually all of the important works Fa-hsiang school fell on hard days. had been personally ordained by Hsüan- of this school. Backed by a large staff of able assistants, Ffsüan-tsang by Tr'rr-ãn (632-82),100 who him with the task of propagating the translated a total of seventy-six different texts in I,347 fascicles,es táng and had been charged by Despite Tz',u-en's enormous literary output- which was equivalent in size to almost one-quarter of the entire Chinese nu-nriurrg doctrine.101 him still surviveloz-and the vital role Buddhist canon as it existed in his day. In all, his output was more twenty-ei*ght works attributèd to Fa-hsiang teaching, he was not successful than three times greater than that of Kumarajtva, the next most pro- he played in systematizing the of his own, probably because of the ductive translator. The support provided by T'ai-tsung and Kao-tsung in àttracting a large foliowing doctrine. After the death of his master, enabled him to maintain a large group of disciples who systematically limited uppJd of the Fa-hsiang the great monastery built in studied each of the newly translated Yogãcãra texts and produced Tz'u-en ,tày.a on at the Ta-tz'u-en-ssu, commentaries on them. The thoroughness with which each of the 648byKao-tsungwhilestillcrownprinceforthereposeofhismother,s high esteem and after the latter's Yogãcãra texts was examined was unprecedented in the history of soul. kao-tsung held Tz'u_en in Chinese Buddhism.eo Yet the Fa-hsiang school, whose foundations death wrote a eulogY of him.1o3 Hsüan-tsang had so carefully laid, barely survived his death by seventy years. The reason for this sudden decline is not difficult to find. Tnn Hu¡.-vBN Scnoor- Hsüan-tsang had introduced a form of Buddhism from India which, became in 660, Empress Wu gradually began as we have noted above, ran counter to the ideals of Chinese Buddhism After Kao-tsung ill power in her own hands despite the opposition so recently given systematic expression by the T'ien-t'ai school. There is to concentrate political powerful figures at the court. when no doubt that many ideas of the Fa-hsiang school, such as its elaborate of her ailing husband and of some put their twenty-seven-year-old son' Li theories regarding the mind, its epistemology, its detailed analysis of Kao-tsung ai.a ir, 683, she Chung-tsung), on the throne but promptly the nature and varieties of illusion, its conception of the subconscious, Hsien (known as Emperor months later in favor of his younger brother, Li Tan and so on, aroused great interest in the world of Buddhist learning. But d.pos.à him two probably about this time that Wu Chao ultimately its exclusion of one group of sentient beings from even the (E-p..o.Jui-tsung). It was oòcupy the throne in her own right' Since possibility of attaining enlightenment and its rejection of the ideal of ù.gu.t actively scheming to not allow a woman to govern the empire, One Vehicle doomed this school to oblivion. Although imperial patron- thJ Confucian tradition did some authoritative statement that would age assured Hsüan-tsang ol a prominent position in the two capitals, W, Chào obviously needed A group of unscrupulous monks headed by with a large captive audience, he nevertheless encountered resistance lend legitimacy to her plans. the imperial palace and who is reputed from various monks, including his own associates. One of his earliest Huai-ilwho enjoyed into "ntré. this time, conveniently discovered some collaborators, Ling-jun, wrote a sharp denunciation of the new ideas to have been her lover at introduced by Hsüan-tsang, pointing out fourteen differences between (T no. lB22)' ,'new" Paramãrtha.e? 98. Chi¿-she-Iun-shu his texts and the older versions translated by gg.Seehisl.ch,engfoJsingchiu-chingJun3,Dainíhonzokuzoklo|.95.4'377rectob. the misnomer K'uei-chi. see my And even so close a disciple as Fa-pao, who wrote one of the two stan- 100. Tz,u_en,s biographf is given in later sources under Study of Tz'u- en," Monumenta Nipponica 15 (1959) : 119-49' 95. K'ai-2üanJu B, f 55.557b. "Biographical 4, T 50.726a- 96. For a list of the commentaries produced by Hsüan-tsang's associates on each of the 101 . ,s.lf'sc yogãcãra texts see Yuki Reimon, Genja tu sono gakuln no seíritsu [Hsüan-tsang and the formation l02.Fourorfiveo[thesearedubiousascriptions.Foradiscussionofonesuchdoubtful ofhis schooll Tø2a Bunka Kenkyujo ,ti¿ ll (1956): 357-64' workseemy..AuthorshipoftheHsi.fangTao-chaeh,,'TransactionsofthelnternationalCo4ference in 4 (1959) : 12-25' 97. Ling-jun's essay is quoted by the Japanese monk Saicho (767-822) in his Hokke shuku ofOrientalists Jaþan 103. s¡fsc 4, T 50.726b. 2A, Nihon daizok)o, Tendaish¡ keng2o shosln 1.554a. -..r IMPtsRIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 299 298 STANLEY WEINSTEIN The Fo-shou-chi-ssu in Loyang, where l-ching did much of his transla- passages in a sutra called tlne Ta-1ün-ching (Mahãmegha-sutra) which tion, was another great temple sponsored by her'rrz prophesied that seven hundred years after the passing away of the Bud- Like the pious rulers of earlier dynasties, Wu Chao enthusiastically dha a pious woman would emerge as the ruler of an empire to which all supported translation activities. she encouraged the work of Divãkara, countries would 5¡þ¡¡i¡.roa Not only was the woman in the prophesy un Indian monk who arrived in China in 676, by permitting him to identified with Wu Chao,10s but it was also asserted that Wu Chao was reside in such imperially sponsored temples as the T'ai-yüan-ssu and the an incarnation of Maitreya, the future Buddha.106 In 690, the year in Hung-fu-ssu, where he was provided with a large staff of assistants. which Wu Chao replaced the T'ang dynasty with her own Chou Befoà his death in 687, Divakara managed to translate eighteen differ- dynasty, of which she was the first and only ruler, Huai-i was rewarded ent Buddhist texts and was honored for his contributions to the canon for his services with the title of Duke of O-kuo. Copies of the Ta-2ün- with an imperial preface composed by wu chao.113 After becoming ching with appropriate commentaries were ordered to be distributed interested in Hua-yen thought, about which we shall have more to say throughout the empire. In the twelfth month of 690 it was decreed that a below, wu chao dispatched an emissary to Khotan specifically to monastery designated Ta-yün-ssu should be constructed in each of the invite Siksananda to come to China. He arrived in 695 and promptly provinces as well as in the two capitals. The following year T'ai-tsung's began work on a new translation of the Hua'1ten'ching, which he com- rescript of 637, which gave precedence to Taoism over Buddhism, was plJed four years later at the Fo-shou-chi-ssu' Wu Chao herself attended formally rescinded.lo? ihe lectures on the text as it was being translated and wrote a preface While there can be no doubt that Wu Chao used Buddhism for her for it that still survives.114 When l-ching returned to China in 695 after own ends, she nevertheless appears to have had a sincere attachment of twenty-four years abroad, Wu Chao personally welcomed him to it. Her maternal grandfather was a member of the strongly pro- a stay back at the gates of Loyang' Largely under her sponsorship l-ching Buddhist Sui imperial family, and her mother is reputed to have been a translated fifty-six texts in 230 fascicles and was granted an imperial pious Buddhist.108 After the death of T'ai-tsung, whose concubine Wu preface, as were the other translators supported by Wu Chao'115 Chao had been, she retired to a convent, the Kan-yeh-ssu, where she Another literary enterprise which she encouraged was the compilation lived as a tonsured nun until being called into Kao-tsung's service. She of a new catalogue of the canon enti¿led Ta'Chou-k'an-ting chung-ching showed herself as a patron of Buddhism as far back as 670 when, as the mu-lu,completedin6g5.Theeditor-in-chief,Ming-ch'üan'inhis empress of Kao-tsung, she commissioned the construction of the pr.fu.. to the catalogue' likened his imperial patroness to a universal T'ai-yüan-ssu in Ch'ang-an to commemorate her recently deceased Lonarch who descends into this world to save all sentient beings.rr0 mother.l0e The period of greatest activity at the Lung-men cave we have seen that when wu chao was scheming to usurp the T'ang temples, it should be noted, coincides almost exactly with the years of throne, she was not loath to use corrupt monks who would distort Wu Chao's ascendancy in Ch'ang-an'110 After the death of Kao-tsung texts and produce spurious commentaries as long as she could derive she ordered the construction of the Ta-chien-fu-ssu in his memory.1l1 some politìcal advantage from them. Her decrees calling for the dis- 104. T 12.1107a. seminátion of the relatively unimportant Ta-2ün-ching throughout the concerning Empress \Mu's accession to the throne], 105. Wu-hou teng-chi ch'en-shu IProphesies of a Ta-yün-ssu in each province were Stein MS no. 2658, reprinted in Yabuki Keiki, Sangaiklto no kenk2u [Studies relating to the empire and the construction she was Three Stages schooll (Tokyo, 1926), pp. 686-94, esp' p. 686. likewise clearly môtivated by political considerations. once assumed the title 106. CfS 183.3554c. In the ninth month of 693 Empress Wu formally firmly established in power, however, she rid herself of these corrupt ..Universal Monarch" (ChinJun sheng-shen huangJi).In 695 she added to this title the ap- the most influential of them, was put to death in 695' pellation "Maitreya," but dropped the latter one month later, after a sudden fire destroyed -onkr; Huai-i, a number the Ming-t'ang (CfS 6.3076b). After this date she began to establish close relations with 107. CTS 6.3076a. Ch'en, BuddhisminChina (Princeton, 1964)' p. 220. 108. Kenneth 112. Ibid.5.4+5+b. T'ang Ta-chien-fu-ssu ku-ssu-chu Fa-tsang Ho-shang- 109. Ts'ui Chih-yüan, fan-ching-ta-te ll3. K'ai-1í)anJu9, T 55.564a. 50.281b. chuan, T 114. Ibid. 566a. Shina bukkyoshi k¿n't)'z in the history of Chinese Buddhism] 110. TsukamotoZentyu, lstudies ll5. SffSC 1, 250.710b-7lla. (Tokyo, 1942),p.372. 116. T 55.372c. I I l. Mochizuki Shinko, Bukþtø daijiten, 4.3302a. 301 300 STANLEY WEINSTEIN - IMPERIAL PATRON.AGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM of respected Ch'an masters. A late eighth-century Ch'an text discovered in India. Some portions of the Hua-2en are as early as the first century at Tunhuang, called the Li-taifa-þao-chi, mentions that in 697 Empress e.o., while other sections are considerably later. Although the Hua-2en \¡Vu summoned Chih-hsien, a disciple of the fifth patriarch of the Ch'an has many ideas in common with the Lotus,such as the concept of One school, to the court.117 Three years later she invited another disciple Vehicle, universal salvation, and the transcendental Buddha, it is in of the fifth patriarch, the famous Ch'an master Shen-hsiu, who was then many ways a more sophisticated work philosophically, since it is, at ninety-five. When he presented himself the following year, he was least in part, a product of a later period. One of the most distinctive treated with the utmost respect by Empress Wu, who excused him from concepts in the Hua-2en is its view that the universe does not consist of the obligation of doing obeisance before the sovereign. He was given a number of discrete elements, but rather is one perfectly integrated the title "Master of the Dharma in the Two Capitals and Teacher of whole, each part being organically connected with every other part. the Three Rulers"1l8 and honored accordingly.rrs 5o great was her From this standpoint the sutra teaches that there cannot be any ultimate respect for Shen-hsiu that she is said to have knelt before him when distinction between the unenlightened man and the Buddha or between inquiring about the Dharm¿.120 fi¡s¡þer monk whom she summoned the Htnayanist and the Mahâyãnist. That such differences do exist in to the court at this time was Heng-ching (63't--712), who belonged to the empirical world the Hua-1ten does not deny, but it ascribes them to the Hua-1ten, the T'ien-t'ai schoo1.121 The Sung-kao-seng-chuan, which records this illusions. This position led to an idealistic tendency in are event) does not offer any explanation why a representative of the T'ien- which can be seen in such well-known lines as 'Just as paintings artist in one's t'ai school, which had been out of favor for some seventy years, should produced by a master, so are all the worlds created by the ,,The all of the have been suddenly chosen to serve as Precepts Master (shou-chieh'shih) ãwn mind',124 and mind is like a skillful artist. . In Another at the court. It seems likely that Wu Chao's decision to accord some worlds there is not a single thing which it has not made'"125 which de- degree of recognition to T'ien-t'ai at the imperial court was motiva.ted feature of particular interest in the Hua-1ten is its cosmology, in the by a desire to dissociate her newly established dynasty from the Fa- picts a Puie Land presided over by Vairocana Buddha situated in hsiang school, which had been receiving lavish support from the ã.rrt., of an infinite universe. Surrounding Vairocana's Pure Land preceding T'ang emperors T'ai-tsung and Kao-tsung. Her partiality the ten directions are countless other worlds, each with its own Buddha, accor- toward T'ien-t'ai was no doubt also influenced by her family ties to the which reflect perfectly the central Pure Land of Vairocana in Sui imperial household, the great benefactor of the T'ien-t'ai. dance with the Hua-1ten principle of the interpenetration of all phenom- From the standpoint of the history of Buddhist thought in China, ena. study the most significant development during the reign ol Empress Wu was Although the Hua-1ten-ching was translated in 420, the actual the emergence of the Hua-yen school, which soon achieved prominence of the text did not begin until the last decades of the fifth century. among the clerical elite, thanks to her support for its brilliant system- In its basic religious ideas, the Hua-1en,as we have observed, was similar a far atizer, Fa-tsang.lzz The Hua-yen school, as its name indicates, is based to the Lotus; but it differed from the Lotus in that it contained philosophical apparatus to justify these positions' The upon the Hua-2en-ching, a massive Sutra,123 which is a composite work more eiaborate -Hua-1ten consisting of a number of texts that had been circulating independently partisans of the naturally took pride in its doctrinal subtleties, while the devotees of the Lotus viewed these refinements in the Hualten I 17. Ibid. 5l.lB4a. as more of a hindrance than a help on the path to enlightenment. I 18. A relerence to Empress lVu and her trvo ex-emperor sons, Chung-tsung andJui-tsung. as Fa-shun (557-640) and 1 19. See Chang Yüeh's biographical notice ofhim in CTW 231. la-4b. Atthough such noteworthy Hua-2¿n scholars 120. SffSC B, T 50.756a. Chih-yãn (602-68) were active during the reigns of T'ai-tsung and l2l. Ibid. 6, T 50.732b-c. Kao-tsung, they were not given any significant support by the throne 122, For Empress Wu's involvement with the Hua-yen school see Kamata Shigeo, "Chlto ideas.126 chih-yen, who was the author of no bukkyÕ no hendÕ to kokka kenryoku" [Shifts in Buddhism during the "Middle T'ang" for the propagation of their and state authority], Ta2ø Bunka Kenk-yujo kiJò 25 (1961): 201-45; idem, Chugoku Kegon shisoslti no kenk2u [Studies in the history of lfua-yen thought in China] (Tokyo' 1965)' pp' 107-28. 123. In the I edition, the Buddhabhadra version covers 394 pages. The Nieh-þ'an-ching, 124. Hua-yen-ching (Siksananda version) 10, ?l l0.5lc' by comparison, covers 238 pages; ttle Lolus, 60 pages; and the major Pure Land scripture, 125. Ibid. (Buddhabhadra version) l0' Z 9'465c' esteemed by many prominent lhe Kuan-uu-Iiang-shou-fo-ching(Zno. 365), not quite 6 pages. 126. Fa-shun's biography indicates that he was, in fact, ---r 303 IMPERIAL PATRONAGE IN T'ANG BUDDHISM 302 STANLEY WEINSTEIN (,,wise and preeminent"), by which he is still known. when fourteen works, five of which still survive, was one of the most able Hsien-shou afterward he leãtured on the Hua-2en at the T'ai.yü-an-ssu' he Buddhist scholars of his day. Yet we do not find in his biographylzT shortly various gifts by the empress' From 680 onward Fa-tsang any indication that he was ever invited by T'ai-tsung or Kao-tsung to *., ,lrrt frequently corrrrrlt.d the translator Divãkara on questions concerning the court or that he was requested to lecture at any of the great imperial the sanskrit text of the Hua-lten,which probably led him to the conclu- temples in the capital. T'ai-tsung, and Kao-tsung after him, were both that a new translation was needed. Wu Chao, as we have already committed to the support of Hsüan-tsang and the Fa-hsiang doctrines sion noted,subsequentlyinvitedtheKhotaneseHua-lenscholar,Siksãnanda, that he was disseminating. come to China for this purpose, and in 695, under her sponsorship' As we have already seen, a new situation arose with the usurpation of to the second translation of tttis huge text was begun' The method of the T,ang throne by wu chao in 690. Buddhism was again accorded similar to that employed by Hsüan-tsang' some of whose Taoism and placed in a favored position. To justify translation was precedence over part in the project' Fa-tsang served as herself with the Bud- assistants were invited to take h., s.irr,r. of the throne, wu chao identified the pious Siksananda's secretary, and Empress Wu, in the fashion of dhist ideal of the universal monarch who proclaims the Dharma for the of the preceding dynasties, personally participated in the edi- benefit of all beings throughout the world. Because of the close connec- ,,rl.r, 1'y¡ç¡, ìn 697, rebellion broke out in border areas' Fa- Fa-hsiang school and the T'ang rulers whose dynastic torial work.raõ tion between the for victory of the imperial forces and was need to as- tsang was requested to pray line she was now attempting to replace, Wu Chao felt the resolved' errlolired in àn imperial .ditt when the issue was favorably sociate herself with a different school of Buddhism, one which would the completion of the translation of the Hua-,en-ching in 699, glorify her reign. This she found in the Hua-yen, which, although UpJ" E-p..,,WuinvitedFa-tsangtolectureonthe-textattheCh'ang-sheng representing the loftiest Mahayana ideals, was as yet untainted by an Seeing herself as a universal Palace'Sincetheempressnad¿ifficuttyfollowingtheabstractideasin .urli.r, disiredited imperial patronage. a golden image of a lion the Hua'2en-ching, Fu-t,utg resourcefully used monarch, she must have been attracted by the Hua-yen with its well- Hua-yen the palace to summarize in concrete terms the abstruse ordered universe presided over by Vairocana Buddha, whose every in The analogy with doctrines.lslTheoutlineofthatcelebratedlecturetoEmpressWu act was reflected throughout the countless worlds. on the golden lion].raz survives under the title chin-shih-tzu-chang [Essay the highly centralized imperial state that she ruled no doubt suggested Chung-tsung' After Empress Wu died in 705, her son' the emperor itself to her'.128 support Fa-tsang as who was reslored to the T'ang throne, continued to Chao's connection with the Hua-yen school can be traced back Wu had done.133 He commissioned an artist Fa-tsang, an erstwhile enthusiastically as his mothei at least to the year 670, when she ordered that a lengthy eulogy to paint u poriruit of the distinguished monk and had disciple of chih-yen be tonsured and appointed abbot of the T'ai- ordered of him written. On the initiative of Fa-tsang' Chung-tsung yüan-ssrr, which she had just established in memory of her deceased apparently was very much impressed with Fa- theconstructionoffiveHua-yenmonasteries,whichweretoServeas ¡¡s¡þç¡.12e Wu Chao and repositories for the writings of the the capi- centeis of Hua-yen learning tsang, for in 674 she instructed the ten senior monks (ta-te) in he-was honored patriarchs of this school. Whet' Fa-tsang died in 712' tal to give him the highest ordination (man-fen-chieh) . To commemorate withastatefuneralandposthumouslygiventhetitleofHungJu-ch,ing. the occasion, Wu Chao granted Fa-tsang the honorific appellation patronage of During the thirty-fi''r. ytu" that Fa-tsang enjoyed the and systematized the Hua-yen doctrines and magical Wu Chao, he deveioped people at the court, not for his knowledge olthe Hua-2en-ching,bttt for his alleged major lines within succeeded in establisiring his as one of the skills. See HKSC 25, 7 50.653b-654a. 'chool Fa-tsang intlis Hua-2en-chíng- time when a new tradition of 127 . Theearliest biography of chih-yen is the one written by Chinese Buddhism' Apiearittg at a Fa-tsang, ehuan-chi 3, U 5l.l63b' called øì uy pievailing political conditions, a similar Buddhism was l2B. It might be mentioned here in passing that the Hua-1en-ching was viewed in fashion inJapan during the reign of Emperor Shomu (72'[-49). See Hashikawa Tadashi, (Tokyo, 1932), pp. 130. Ibid.' 274 recto a. saga Nihoi Bikk4øshi comprehensive history of Japanese Buddhisml lA 131. SíSC 5, T 50.732a. 14r-43. lBBl. Fa-chieh-tsung uu'tsil líi¿h-chi 132. Ino. 129. The chronology of Fa-tsang's life is based on Hsü-fa, verso a' 133, Fa-chíeh'tsung wu-tsu lüeh-chi, p' 274 (Dainihon zokuzak2ø 1.28.7.3.273 recto a-275 recto b)' -.v

304 STANLEY WEINSTEIN IMPE,RIAL PATRONAGE IN T,ANG BUDDHISM 305 like Chih-i before him, rose to the occasion. Just as the latter was in- Chao held various Ch'an monks whom she brought to the capital. The fluenced by the Sui ideology to harmonize the disparate trends in the T,ien-t'ai school, which lost its stigma with the temporary eclipse of the Buddhism of the Nan-pei-ch'ao, so Fa-tsang, as the formulator of a new T'ang, is suddenly elevated to the status of "Perfect Teaching" after school that was to be identified with the Chou dynasty, was led to syn- having been ignored for close to a century. thesize the major lines of thought that had emerged during the preced- In the foregoing dicussion we have endeavored to show that imperial ing hundred years: the T'ien-t'ai of the Sui dynasty, the Fa-hsiang of the patronage played a decisive role in the formation of the three philosoph- early T'ang, and the Hua-yen of the newly arisen Chou. ical schools of T'ang Buddhism. That each of these schools came to Fa-tsang accomplished this synthesis by devising a fivefold classifica- the forefront amor.g the Buddhist elite at the time that it did was attrib- tion of Buddhist doctrine (wu-chiao).ta¿ The first, and lowest, category utable not so much to the momentum of its own inner doctrinal for him, as well as for Chih-i, consisted of the Htnayãna schools (hsiao- development as to the close connection that existed between the de ch'eng-chiao). The second category, designated "Elementary Teaching facto founder of the school and the imperial family. Although the of Mahayana" (ta-ch'eng shih-chiao), was divided into two parts: the T'ien-t'ai, Fa-hsiang, and Hua-yen schools each had highly complex first corresponding to the moribund San-lun school and the second, to metaphysical systems, each, in fact, also served a clearly definable polit- the Fa-hsiang school. The third category, termed "Advanced Teaching ical end. Hence abrupt changes in the political situation immediately of Mahayana" (ta-ch'eng chung-chiao), referred to the Yogãcãra doc- affected the standing of these schools. There has been a tendency to existence of trines as taught by the defunct TiJun and SheJun schools, which had regard the philosopl'ical schools as having an independent been introduced into China before the time of Hsüan-tsang. The thãir own, totally unrelated to the society in which they developed. In fourth category, called "sudden Teachings" (tun-chiao), encompassed this respect they have usually been contrasted with the "popular" the doctrines found in the Wei-mo-ching (Vimalaktrti Sntra), namely, the schools of Pure Land and Ch'an. The truth is, however, that the ineffable character ofall religious experience and the suddenness ofthe philosophical schools were not formulated by monks who were immured attainment of enlightenment, which are both fundamental to Ch'an in remote monasteries, but rather reflected, to a considerable degree, Buddhism. The fifth, and highest, category, termed "Perfect Teaching" albeit in the recondite terminology of Buddhism, the political needs of (2üan-chiao), embraced the concept of One Vehicle with its implicit their imperial Patrons' promise of salvation for all beings. The category of Perfect Teaching we cannot trace here the subsequent development of the T'ang note that was subdivided into two types: (a) that of the Lotus,that is, the T'ien- schools in the eighth and ninth centuries, but we should t'ai school, which was relatively inferior because it was based upon the imperial patronage-and after the An Lu-shan Rebellion, patronage negative concept of rejection, in that it repudiated the notion of Three by regional commanders and local magnates-continued to play a Vehicles in favor of One Vehicle; and (b) that of the Hua-yen, which cr.-,.iui role in the development of Buddhist thought. We have already was relatively superior because it was based upon the direct revelation mentioned that the sudden rise of Esoteric Buddhism (mi-chiao) during of the doctrine of One Vehicle in accordance with the principle of the the reign of Hsüan-tsung was related to that emperor's interest in by interpenetration of all phenomena. Taoist Lagic. Similarly, the infusion of Ch'an ideas into Hua-yen It is interesting to note here how neatly Fa-tsang's classification of Ch'eng-kuan (737-B3B) and Tsung-mi (780-841), the fourth and the major schools of Buddhism corresponds to the political alignments fifth patriarchs of this school, can be attributed to the support that these of the founders of these schools. The Fa-hsiang school, for example, two monks received from military men, among whom Ch'an ideas the which was so closely identified with the T'ang dynasty, is placed in the had great appeal. The An Lu-shan Rebellion led to a decline in more reli- second from the lowest category of teachings, behind even the Ti-lun .-pe,-ror's urrihotity, thus compelling monks to seek other, of and Shelun schools which it superseded. On the other hand, the Ch'an able, sources of support, which in turn affected the future evolution gaining school, as yet still in its formative stage, is put in the second from the Buddhism. Pure Land and ch'an, which had been steadily highest category, perhaps in deference to the great esteem in which Wu adherents among the common people, lesser bureaucrats, and military men now had lay supporters who were emerging as patrons of leading 134. Fa-tsang, Hua-2en í-ch'eng chiao-ífen-ch'i-chang 1, T 45.+BllJ-482b. monks, with the result that Pure Land and Ch'an ideas were incorpo- 306 STANLEY WEINSTEIN rated into the once aristocratic schools. The decline in imperial authority following the An Lu-shan Rebellion marked the end of an era of un- precedented originality and creativity in the history of Chinese Bud- dhism, one which was distinguished by the appearance of new, highly syncretic schools that demonstrated beyond any doubt the extent to 9. Historical and Literary Theory in which the Chinese had grasped the intricacies of Buddhist thought. the Mid-Eighth CenturY

Daaid McMullen

The outbreak of the An Lu-shan Rebellion in the late autumn of 755 is recognized as a turning point in the history of T'ang thought. The sudden disruption of over a century of internal peace stimulated the interest of intellectuals in social and political problems and forced them to reexamine their own tradition. A fresh critical spirit grew up. New relevant to ,, emphasis was given to history and literature as disciplines the contemporary situation. Most modern accounts suggest, however, that this reawakening was a gradual process and portray the two de- cades after the rebellion as a time of delayed rather than immediate reaction, a period of preparation for the fuller flowering of intellectual life that occurred during the late eighth and early ninth centuries.l Only recently has it been pointed out that a lot of thinking and writing went on among those who actually lived through the rebellion.z For the purposes of this chapter, I have studied five of the leading prose writers who were active during the rebellion period-Li Hua (c. 710-c. 767),3 Hsiao Ying-shih (706-58),4 Yüan Chie}r. (719-72),5

l. 8.g., Aoki Masaru, Shina bungaku sñeiris¿r' (Tokyo, 1943), p. 98; Lo Ken-tse, Chung-kuo uen-hsüeh p'i-þ'ing såiå (Shanghai,1957), vol' l, pp. 122-27; Ch'ien Tung-fu, T'ang Sung period as one of ku-wen 2ün-tung (Shanghai, 1962), pp. I l-14. All these accounts treat this -preparation for the ninth-century ku-wen movement' Z. p. C. Pulleyblank, "Neo-Confucianism and Neo-Legalism in T'ang Intellectual Life, 755-805," in The confucian Persuasion, ed. A. F. Wright (stanford, calif., 1960), pp. B4-BB. My debt to this article will be apparent in the following pages. 3. Li Hua, biographies in CTS (Po-na edition) l90C.la-b and I/LS (Po-na edition) 203'la- b; prose works in cTW (Taipei, 1965 reprint) 3l5.la-321.19a and T'ang uen shih-i (Taipei, 1962 reprint) l9.l3a-b; poems in CTSåiå (Peking, 1960), vol. 3, pp' l5B5-90' Li's ap- proximate clates may be inferred from his ÃIl,S biography, his collected works, and the fact that he was about the same age as llsiao Ying-shih, having studied with him in the T'ai- hsüeh belore coming of age; see T'ang wen-ts'ui (,SPlffedition) l5B.5b. Li was alive but sick in 766; see CTW 3l5.l0a and note l3B below.

307 Contributors

Er.r-rwo O. Eron,aJunior Fellow at Harvard, is now Assistant Professor of Chinese Language and Literature at the University of Illinois. lfe is currently at work on a complete translation of Li Po's prose and poetry. HlNs H. FneNrnr. was educated at the Gymnasium in Göttingen, at Stanford University, and at the University of California, Berkeley, where he received his Ph.D. in 1942. He has taught at California, Stanford, and Peking universities and is now Professor of Chinese Literature at Yale. His field of interest is Chinese poetry from rhe second century B.c. to the thirteenth century ¡.¡. fle is the author of Biograþhizs of Meng Hao-jan, "Fifteen Poems by Ts'ao Chih" (Journal of the American Oriental Societ2 84 [1964]), and other articles on Chinese literature and cultural history. He is now completing a book on coordination in Chinese poetry. WnNo Gu¡¡owu is Professor and Head of the Department of Far Eastern History, Institute of Advanced Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra, and was formerly Professor of History at the University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. He studied at National Central University, Nanking, and the University of Malaya, Singapore, before doing his doctoral research at the University of London. His main work on premodern Chinese history has been his book on North China during the Five Dynasties and a monograph and several articles on Chinese relations with Southeast Asia.

Devrp L.+tr¡ruono had his graduate training at Cornell and Yale universities and is currently Associate Professor of Linguistics, Brown University. He has published translations and critical essays in the field of Chinese literature, particularly poetry, and is engaged on a major study of Tu Fu.

D.c.v¡o McMULLEN is Lecturer in Chinese Studies at Cambridge University. fIe re- ceived his doctorate at Cambridge in 1968, with a thesis on Ytian Chieh (e.o. 719-72). He is at present working on T'ang Confucianism and on a bibliography of concor- dances änd indexes for Chinese texts. Ixnu¡, O¡¡ had his training at Tokyo University in East Asian history. He was for some years Associate Professor at Hokkaido University. Inl97l he joined the faculty of the Institute of Oriental Culture, Tokyo University. His interests and his publica- tions center on T'ang social and institutional history, especially as documented by the Tunhuang finds.

Cr¡¡nr,ns A. PErrR.so¡ took both his B.A. and Ph.D. at the University of Washington, Seattle; in addition, he studied in Paris, 1957-58, and in Kyoto, 1962-65, where he was a Fulbright Fellow. Following the year 1965-66, when he was associated with the Sung project in Paris, he joined the faculty at Cornell University where he is now Associate Professor of Chinese History. FIis research has focused on late T'ang

441 442 CONTRIBUTORS history, and he has contributed studies relating to the political, administrative, and military aspects of central government-provincial relations. FIe is a contributor to Tå¿ Cambridge History of China. D¡Nrs Twrrcunrr, F.B.A., studied at London and Cambridge universities and received his doctorate from Cambridge, After further study in Tokyo he taught at London University. He is now Professor of Chinese at Cambridge. His primary inter- est is in economic and institutional history. In addition to numerous articles, he has published Financial Administration under the T'ang D2nast2, and he is principal editor of Glossary-Index The Cambridge Histor2 of China, which is now being prepared for the press.

Howano J. Wnc¡rsr-nn took his B.A. at Brooklyn College and his M.A. and Ph.D. at Yale University, where he wrote his dissertation on the early T'ang statesman Wei ABBREVIATIONS Cheng (580-643). He studied ayeat at Academia Sinica and ayear at the Research Institute for Humanistic Studies, Kyoto University. He is now Assistant Professor of pl,n. place name pr.n. personal name History and Asian Studies at the University of Illinois ar Urbana-Champaign. His A-chiao Fdf6 (daughter of Han Wu-ti), ch'ang period (841-46), 265; attitude research interests are in T'ang political history, and he is a contributor to The Cam- ÈE 434, 436 of T'ang Kao-tsu toward, 265; attitude ol bridge History of China, vol. 3. Allusion: as an "inside joke," 405; defined, T'ang T'ai-tsung toward, 239-63 passim, SreNr-rv \,VrrNsr¡rN has a B.A. lrom Kamazawa University (Tokyo), an M.A. from 406; difficulty of translating, 406; as 266; during Period of Disunion, 276; Tokyo University, and a Ph.D. from F{arvard. }Ie is now Associate Professor of Bud- universal of poety, 406-07; as form of development of doctrine under the T'ang, dhist Studies at Yale. His training and interests have been focused on the history of reference, 407 ; and wít, 407 ; as linkage to 268,272-74; pre-Sui exegetical schools oÍl past and future, 411-12; unassimilated, 270-72 basic characteristics ol T'ang Buddhist thought in China and Japan. He has published numerous arricles and re- 415, 426; convergent, 4281' range of, 437 schools, 275 views and is the author of a chapter on Buddhisrn under the T'ang for The Cambridge An-th'a-shih &HlE ("civil governor"), 3l Buddhist church: status under the T'ang, 267 Histor¡t of China, vol. 3. An-ch'ang Hsa-shih tsung-þ'u *E'lfft,R-Æ Buddhist monks: registration of, l3l-32 AnrHun F. Wnrcsr had his training at Stanford, Oxford, and Harvard universities (Ch'ing genealogy), 63 Burearcracy, 27 and in Kyoto and Peking. He taught for twelve years at Stanford and since 1959 has An-chih lÉffi ("allusion"), 406 An-chou (pl. n.), 197-233 passim; Ch'ai-k'o ("selective impositions"), I30 been at Yale where he is charles seymour Professor of History. His major interests Ë/'fl Éf* as a government-general (tu+u-fu ã¡jgF), Chai Ling-wu å.'âi{ (T'ang official), 94, are in the intellectual history of the middle dynasties. He is the author of numerous 201; military importance ol, 206 lls articles and or Buddhism in chinese Historyt (1959); he edited five volumes of studies in AnJo-chì R*K (AntholoÐ on Pure Land), 274 Ch'an Buddhism jï'flñ, 21, 268, 269, 271, Chinese thought published by the University of Chicago Press and Stanford Uni- An-lu ãE (pl. n.), 197 304, 305 versity Press between 1953 and 1962, An Lu-shan 4fdiÉJ, rebellion of, B, 9, 32, Chan Ying 13fr lcontemporary scholar), 181; institutional effects of,34-35; effect 367 on land system, 36; effect on genealogical Ch'ang-an Ëä (pl. n.), 89, 106, 107; compilations, 66-67; effects on registra- recovery in 883,225 tion system, 132; significance of, 151; as "Ch'ang Hen Ko" Ë1Rffi ("Everlasting turning point in T'ang history,203; Remorse"), 432 impact on T'ang thought, 307 "Ch'ang Hen Ko Chuan" Ë1Ëffi{* ("Story An Shen-ch'i ä#Ëi (T'ang military gov- of the Everlasting Remorse"), 433 ernor), 230 Ch'ang Ho 'irlf¡I (T'ang military officer), An Ts'ung-chin E'ltff (T'ang military 107 governor), 230 Chang Hsing-ch'eng ÉFlÍfr (T'ang of- Aristocracy, during the T'ang, 36, 47-48; ficial), 99 definition of, 49-50; regional groupings, Chang Hua dÉ+ (d. 300, poet),336 50 51 Chang Hung-ching /rEdl'iìT (T'ang of- ficial),1672 Buddhism: suppression of, under T'ang Chang Liang 1FÉ (T'ang official), 95, I l6 Kao-tsu, l9; popular, 2l-23; ceremonies, Chang Po-i iË'fÉãi (T'ang soldier), 2ll 22; rivalry with religious Taoism, 24; Ch'ang-sha ElÞ (p1. n.), 197 importance in T'ang economy and society, Ch'ang-shou E# 1pl. n.), 197 241; suppression of, during the IlzÈ Chang-sun Wu-chi Etfr$;É- (T'ang of-

443 (}LOSSARY-INDEX 4+5 4+4 GLOSSARY-INDEX Chih-yen (602-68, Buddhist scholar- Chu Tzu-she *T* (T'ang official), 93' 112 ficial), 89, 91, 93, 95, 98, 99' 100' 109, Chi-chang lltlË ("tax registers"), 125, 128n, ælffi. monk), 301, 302 Chu Wen *lH. See Chu Ch'üan-chung 112,115,117, llB, ll9 147 Chih-yüeh (sixth-century Buddhist Ch¡¿an frÊ ("silk"), 147 Chang Ytleh dFffi (T'ang official), 66 Chi-chang shih 7;lW.@. ("tax envoy"), 130 äü monk), 283 Ch'uan-eh'i fSä (tales of the exotic and Chao Chieh ffiff¡- (T'ane official), 94, ll4 Ch'i-chou #il'l (pl. n.), 197-231 passim ("Rhymeprose on the supernatural), 340 Chao Ching #ì{Ë (T'ang official), 214 Ch'i-ch'un tr# (p1'n.)' 197 "Ch'in-fu" 4fi Lwte"),424 Ch'aan-ch'i ilää ("a fast horse"), 377 Chao-i FË# (province), 152, 163 Chi-hsien yüan qlHW, ("imperial secretar- 4ffi ("Lute Song")' 4lB Chuang-tzu WÍ, 341; T'ang examination Chao I *Ê4 (Ch'ing scholar), 69 iat"),33 ChinJing êE (capital of Ch'en state, on, 23 Chao Te-yin tSÆ.# (T'ang military gov- Ch'i-hsing 'E{4 ("Seven Great Surnames"), modern Nanking), 277, 278, 279, 280' 283 Chüeh-chih ËflÉ ("carriage costs"), 126 ernor), 228 56 Chin-shih-tzu-chang #ffiîë ("Essay on the Chün-t'ien €H ("equal field" system), 31, Che-hsi ilfË (province), 157, 160 Chi-tsang Ëffi (T'ang Buddhist monk), 284 Golden Lion"), 303 l2l, l4B ma fu" ü,ffÉ,€ffi ("Rhymeprose Chi-t'uan *El ("bloc"), 89 "Che-po Ch'in Shih-ying âË* (Taoist adept)' Chün-tzu ãf ("superior man"), 87 on a Red and White Horse"), 397 Cåi¿ 1E ("substantiality"), 286 259,261 Chün-wang ã[s' ("locally prominent clans"), Ch'en Chang-fu FAËffi' (T'ang official), 144 Chia-hsing FË ("Surnames of the First Ch'in Tsung-ch' üar' *Rffi (T'ang rebel), 224 76, 97 Ch'en Ch'i-tsu WËÉifl (sixth-century, father Rank"), 55 Ch'in Yen ftþ (T'ang, rebel officer), 225 Chung # ("middle position between sub- of Chih-i), 275 Chia-hsün ã-Jll ("family injunctions"), 3II Chi,ng ffi ("fall still")' 430 stantiality and nonsubstantiality"), 286 Ch'en Ju ffiffi (T'ang armY commander), Chia-þ'u ã# (genealogyofa single lineage), Ching-ch'iung ftIS (possible transcription of Chung Ch'uan ffi1ã (T'ang rebel)' 225 224 60, 77 gayn), 395n Chung-hsing 4R ("restoration"), lB6n Chen-kuan Shih¡su chih Hffi,Ê'ffif' (T'ang Chiang-hsia iI'E (pl. n.), 197 Ching-chou filll (pl. n.), 197-232 passim' Chung-nan #F ("adolescent"), 129 genealogy), 63, 64, 67, 70-7 l, 72, 73 Chiang Hsing-pen *'t'tË (T'ang official), 281; as government-generul (tu+u-fu Chung-nan-shan #9ÉlI (mountains), 271 Ch'en Lin [Fff (Han Poet), 435 95, 116 ãßgF), 200; as strategic center ol middle Chung-shuJing Êåâ ("president of the Ch'en Po-chih [R'fÉä (benefactor of Chih-i), Ch'iang-kan jo+hih &#à4& ("strong trunk Yangtze,20l Imperial Secretariat"), 97 279 and weak branches" PolicY)' 207 "Ch'ing-hai po" ËWÌË ("The Waves of Confucianism: recovery under Sui and Ch'en Pa-hsien $Rffi9t (sixth century, founder ChiangJing if'Þ (pl'n.), 197, 234,275'278 Kokonor"), 402 'î'ang, i4; during Period ofDisunion, 14; of the Ch'en dynasty)' 277 Chiao ffi ("tenderly"), 432, 434 Ch'ing-mai r4iìt (T'ang Buddhist monk), ritual of, 15; reassertion of, by Han Yti, Ch'en Shao-yu $ñ'l'Ë (T'ang official)' 213 Chiehau¡hih ffiÉtfr.' See Military governors 295 l7-l B Ch'en Shu-pao IX¡KH (sixth-century, Ch'en Chien Æ ("recommendation to office"), 96 Ching-nan fiffi (province), 20+, 233 Confucius +L+,334,412 emperor), 277,279 Chien-chen ffiE (Ganjin' eighth-century Ch'ing-t'ien pu ffiHffi ("requests for land")' Cosmopolitanism, 1, 4l Ch'en Shu-ta (T'ang official)' 96' 99' Japanese Buddhist monk), 290 Htrì* t34 Ch'en Tzu-ang [Rfñ (661-702, T'ang Chien-chtn w*4 ("army supervisor system"), Ching-t'u. S¿¿ Pure Land (Shih-chu supporter" of poet), 337, 354-58 153-54,224 Danaþati ffi*, "lay "Chiu-ch'tian t'ai-shou hsi-shang tsui-hou Buddhism), 273 Ch'en Wang-tao [FfË (lay name of Chih- Chien-ch¡¿n+hih ffiFiF ("eunuch army super- tso" Eå.l(TIfr-ljiwt&(Ê ("After a Party Shou'shih í),275 visors"),175-76 Declarations. See with the Governor of Wine Spring")' 400 (sixth-century Indian Buddhist Ch'en Yin-k'o ffiË1å (Chinese scholar), Chien-min ffiE ("bondsmen"), B0 Dharmapãla Ch'iu Fu *Ê, rebellion of, 13,221 292 48,56,76,88, 90, 92, 96, 101, 106, 117, Chien-nan East Ê.UÉ]F (province), l58, 160 monk), T'ang Chiu-shih-erh hsing JLI"-tÆ. ("ninety-two Divãkara (seventh-öentury Indian monk), 319 Chien-nan West fi,|'lÉÉ (province): against, 157-60 surnames"), 55 299, 303 Cheng cian of Jung-yang 'E#FEN¡' 55, 59 Hsien-tsung's policy Ch'an Chiu-tsung /u@ (mountains), 408 Ch'eng I É3F (T'ang official), 169' 170, 190 Chih-hsien ä-dt (seventh-century Cho Wçn-chün €tã (Pr. n.), 384 Ch'eng frlÊ (T'ang military governor), monk), 300 Eastern Turks: debate over resettlement of, Jui Chou Pao EIH (T'ang military governor), 228 Chih Huai-tao lß'ffË (T'ang official)' 96 90, 92, ll0 Bud- 223, 225 Ch'eng-kuan lÉffi. (737-838, Buddhist Chih-i æffi (founder of T'ien-t'ai Eclecticism, I Chou Yo EÉ (T'ang military governot),228 monk), 305 dhism), lB, 269, 272,274,275-90 Passim; Bnnin EIE (Japanese monk), 22 Ch'u-chieh liang HiXffi ("expeditionary Cheng Shao-yeh (T'ang military family background, 275; early Buddhist Essentials of Gouernment of the Chen-kuan FßñËX rations"),168 governor), 224 training, 276-77; in ChinJing, 277-78; Period (Chen-kuan cheng-2ao Ëffi&4)' 120 Chu Chien *irf (MinS scholar), 3672 (Tattuasiddhi, school ol moves to T'ien-t'ai mountains, 278-79; Eunuchs: political and military power ofl Ch'eng-shih If,Ê. Chu Ching-mei XË/.*. (T'ang military Buddhism), 270,286, returns to ChinJing, 279-80; leaves 10, ll, 12,33 governor), 224 (province), 155-72 passim; Ch'en capital, 280; goes to Yang-chou, Examination system, 26-27, 76,78, B0 Ch'eng-te fiÆ Chu Ch't¡an-chung *â,t (T'ang rebel)' T'ang attempts to recover' 16l-64, 170 280; relationship with Yang Kuang' 280; 281; death of' 53,228 C h' eng- w ei- s hih-lzz fi ffi #ãÊ (Buddhist treatise), returns to Ching-chou, Chu-fu Yen fllE (pr. n')' 396 Fa-hsiang Ì*f[ (school of Buddhism), 20' 273 282; synthesis ofBuddhist tradition, 283- Ch'u P'ing Æf (pr. n.)' 334 21, 268, 269, 271, 273, 291-97, 305; (T'ang military governor), 87; and ttre Lotus Sútra,2B4; categoriza- Cheng Yai Flll[: Sui-liang (T'ang official)' popularity in the seventh century, 270; tion of Buddhist doctrine, 286 Ch'u +&âR 219, 2l9n 19 basic concepts of, 296-97 258' 89, 90, 93, 95, 100, I 12, I 15, I 16, I 18, I Cheng Yin ffl#Ë (T'ang official), 186z Chih-shih äH (T'ang monk), 252, Chi Æ ("register")' 125 259, 262, 266 446 GLOSSARY-INDEX GLOSSARY-INDEX ++7 Fa-hsü (sixth-century Buddhist monk), Fu Tsai (T'ang Êffi ffi*l essayist), 2l+,217 Hsi K'ang tfrW (223-62, poet), 424, 425, Hsing-tsu lu. See Hsing-tsu hsí-lu 275 428, 429 llsiu-ch'an-ssu lEiS* (monastary), 279 Fa-hua hsüan-i Ê+g# (Chih-i's lectures Gulik, R. If. van (contemporary scholar), Hsi Shih-mei ñff* (T'ang official), 209n, Hsü Ching-tsung ã1W*, (T'ang official), on the inner meaning oî t}re Lotus Sutra), 424,431 2t4,215 89, 90 281 Hsia-chou tt4/{'l (pl. n.), 197-232 passim Hsü Ch'ung-jwng 'È,1f8 (T'ang official), Fa-hua Government-general ã[Ëffi (tu-tu-fu), 20O uen-chú ùå+f@ (Chih-i's lectures Hsiang fà ("locality"), 125, l2B 95, l16 on the Lotus SAtra), 280 Hsiang-chang [StlË ("locality register"), 127 Hsù-kao seng-chuan ffiËfËl$ (Suþþlement to Falin (T'ang monk), 246, 253, 258, Han Ë- (river), 204, 205, Ìåff 221,22I,224,226 Hsiang-ch'eng Palace *ffiÉ, 249 the Biographies oJ' Eminent Monks), 272, 290 259, 260, 26t,262 Han dynasty as S, a political model, l; Hsiang-chou */'l'l (pl. n.), 197-23O passim; Hsü Ling lâW (sixth-century official), 278 Fa-pao (seventh century, disciple of literature of 335 Sp as a government-general (tu-tu-fu ã[Ëß), Hsü Wen âÌlfl (pr. n.), 231 chih-Ð, 296-97 Han Hung ffidÅ (T'ang provincial gover- 201 Hsaan-i !#, ("hidden meaning" of a '&ilF, Fa-shun (557-640, patriarch of Hua- nor), l72n Hsiang-chou it{/'l'l (pl. ù.),275 Buddhist text), 284 yen Buddhism), 273, 301 Han Kao ffi$ (T'ang military governor), Hsiang River ifi, 195,204,222,226 I{süan-tsang tæ, 20, 254, 255, 258, 269, Fa-tsang 'Êffi, (643-212, Buddhist monk), 209n,215, 216 Hsiang Ta tõië (Chinese scholar), 69, 70 273, 304; early training, 291; travels to 20, 27 HanJin gz t, 272, 284,290, 300, 302, 303, 30+ Academy ffiffiW' Il, Hsiang-yang *lB (pl.n.), 197 India, 292; study in India, 292-93; return Factionalism, 87-120 passim; definition of, Han-men *Fi ("commoner"), 4g Hsiao Fu ffilã. (T'ang official), 214 to China, 294; and T'ang T'ai-tsung, 87 Han Wu,S¡orøs Ërt&IF, 434, 437 Hsiao Hsien ñFØt (Sui rebel), 107 294-95; translation projects of 295; and Family size and composition, 135-40 Han Wu-ti Ëfrffi, 409, 433,434,427 Hsiao I ffiiffi (Son of Bmperor Wu of the Fa-hsiang Buddhism, 296 Fan clan of I-shih ÞÉ4, 53 Han Yü ffiff (T'ang scholar-official), 16, 17, Liang dynasty), 27 5, 277, 278 Hsùan-tsung. See T'ang lfsüan-tsung Fan Tse 4Ë (T'ang military governor), tB, 22, 23, 320-21 Hsiao Ying-shih ffiífr+ (T'ang scholar- Hsüan-wu *rtF5 (gate), 107, 108 2tt, 2t2 Han Yüan #IË (T'ang official), 90 official), 307-42 passim; family back- Hsüan-wu fifi (province), l72n .iûW Fan-yang (pl. n.), 385 Haneda ToruØtsë (Japanese scholar), 6l ground of, 308; as teacher, 310-ll; and Hsüan-ying *ffi (T'ang Buddhist monk), Fang HsüanJing,Egffi (T'ang official), BB, Hao-chieh ãf# ("military leaders"), 107 Buddhism, 312; views on historical writ- 295 93, 95,98, 100, ll3, ll5, 116, 248,254, Heng-ching ER (634-712, Buddhisr monk), ing, 315, 326-28; during An Lu-shan Hsüan-yüan *4 (Buddhist prelate), 251 29s 300 Rebellion, 317-lB; views on history and Hsüeh clan of Fen-yin ìt)ÊHS, 53 Fang l-ai (T'ang 'd8l'lj .FiËÉ official), 94, ll4 Heng-chou (pl. n.), 197,275 historical process, 321, 324-253 literary- Hsüeh Chti ff# (Sui rebel), 107 Fang Kuan ETH (T'ang scholar-official), Heng-hai &lF (province), 170 historical views, 334, 336,337 , 346 Hu-ling Fà ("Household Statutes"), 124 316, 320 Hino l(aizaburo E WFfi=Éß (Japanese Hsiao Yu ffi# (T'ang official), 91, 96, 99, Hu-þu trfi! ("Board of Finance"), l32z Fang-þo ã,fÉ ("prefect"), 55 scholar),153 100, 109, l17, l1B, 246, 254, 255 Hu¡hui Fffi. ("household levy"), 130 Fang-shih lien-tsung t'ung-þ'u frft,Wflffi# Historical writings: in the eighth century, Hsieh Ling-ytin #ffiiE (385-433, poet), IIuJeng F4 ("household categories"), 129 (Ch'ing genealogy), 59 314,327, 328 375,38+ Hu-wen EX- ("reciprocal phrasing"), 361 Fei-chi W.R. "(seriously disabled"), 129 Ho-hsi chih-tu -Nü€Ê.ÊHIF. 2íng-t'ien shih Hsien-lu þu-ting-chino ffiffiõË& ("manifest Hua-fa ssu-chiao (b'fÊWffi. (four types of Feng arnd shan útes firl¡¡Ti: debate over per- ("Commissioner for Revenue and Public indeterminate teachings"), 285 doctrine taught by the Buddha), 285 formance of, 91, 93, ll2 Finance of Ho-hsi province"), 137 Hsien-shou HË' (school of Buddhism), 271 Hua-i ssu-chiao (L#V\ü. (Buddha's four Feng-chien +'JÉ ("feudal system"), 53; Ho Shih-kan FI+íî (T]'ang official),214 Hsien-shou ËË (Fa-tsang's honorific name), methods for teaching sentient beings), debate over establishment of, 90, 91, 109 Ho-tung FJR (province),92, 105 303 285 "Feng-hsien Liu Shao-fu Hsin-hua Shan- Hou Cht¡n-chi æÊK (T'ang official), Hsien-shu -Rffi ("taxpaying households"), 146 Hua-ting #tr (peak), 279 shui Chang Ko" SJffitlþÉtrñül(Htr 93, 9.t, 96, I I 3, I 14, I 19 Hsien-yang flB (pl. n. "a\l-yang"), 408,'t09 Hua-yang #B (pl. n.),424 (poem by Tu Fu), 426 Household registers (hu-chi F#), of T'ang, Hsin-an 'ming-tsu chih ffi*ñffiÍ, (Yüan Hua-yen *ffi (school of Buddhism), 20, 21, Feng Te-i lIÆ# (T'ang official), 96, 98, 28, 30, l2l-50 passim; from Tunhuang genealogy), 62 268,269, 270, 271, 273, 290,299, 303, 100, llB and Hsi-chou, L2l-4ï;discovery at Tun- Hsin-an Wang-shih Pa-kung þ'u ffi*Eft,AL, 305; characteristics ofl 300-01; basic Feng-ya EW (critical term), 334 hung, 122; study of 122-23; present liú (Ch'ing genealogy), 58 doctrine of, 304 Financial administration: after the An Lu- locations, 122, 133-34; legal provisions Hsin-ehi T'ien-hsia hsing-wang shih-tsu þ'u Hua-2en-ching #ffiffi (basic text of the Hua- shan Rebellion, l4B; T'ang reforms of, 177 concerning, 124-26 household ; categories #*Xf WgF..ffitÉ (T'ang genealogY), 7 4, yen school of Buddhism), 271, 272,28+, FoJung l#ffi€ (peak), 279,282 in, 130; information on family size, 135; B3 285,287,299, 300, 301, 303 Fo-shou-chi-ssu lñË;¿+ (monastery), 229 peak during the T'ien-pao period, 144; Hsin Ching-kao #Ht (T'ang military Hua-yü #Í&. (noble title), 55 Fu Chien ë4 (Former Ch'in ruler), 53 importance of, 149 governor), 214,214n Huai-hsi ÌîåÉ (province), 155-72 passim, 'Ê.lll Fu-chou (p1. n.), 197-230 passim Household registration system: connection Hsing-shih Iu W.ft,ï* (T'ang genealogy) 59, 204;T'ang attempts to recover, 165-68 Fu I i$ì4 (anti-Buddhist polemicist), 245 with land and tax systems, l2l; impor- 64, 68 Huai-i t€# (Buddhist monk), 297, 298,299 Fu-lu chía ffffiX ("captive house"), 90 tance of, 121, l4B; breakdown of, lZ2-23, Hsing-shih xalu W.É.Wî* (T'ang genealogy), Huai ku lEÈ ("cherishing the past"), 363 Fu-ping ffiR (T'ang mititia system), 3l t4t-44 66 Huai-nan ìÉÉ (province), 204 Fu-t'ien Í¡Éffi (lands for the support of Hsi-chou É/'ll (pl. n.), 134 Hsi.ng-tsu hsi-lu þk&.í¡ffi (T'ang genealogy), Huang Ch'ao ËH, rebellion of, 14, 220, Buddhist monasteries), 248 Hsi-hsi'ÊÊ ("lament for the past,'), 363 62, 65, 68 221-24,226 449 4+B GLOSSARY-INDEX GLOSSARY-INDËX (T'ang official), 166, 186, Iluang-chou Ë/{'l (pl. n.), 197-231 passim Kao Chi-hsing ÉãR (pr. n.),232 "KuangJing san" ffiWW. ("KuangJing Li Chi-fu 4ËÊ' Melody"), 424 187 Huang-fu Po €Êff (T'ang official), IBB Kao }Iuan ÉÞt (Northern Ch'i ruler), 53 (pl. n.), 162, 166n, 187 Huang-fu Wu-i åË-ftÉ (T'ang official), KaoJo-ssu HË,8 (T'ang official),93, l12 Kuang-2ün ÆËË (T'ang rhyming dictionary), Li Chiang ë.ftã 72, 73, 75,76 Li Chien-ch'eng (brother of T'ang 118 Kao-liang Ë4 (noble title), 55 ãËfr Kuei-chou (pl. 197-232 passim; T'ai-tsung), 88, 106, 107, 108,243-44 Huang-kang Ëffi (pl. n.), 197 Kao Pao-hsü ÉffiF¡ (Five Dynasties ruler), fÍl'll n.), (tu-tu-fu Li Ch'ien-yu (T'ang official), I lB Huang-Lao Ë.2 (Taoism), 312 232 as a government-general ãl!Ëffi), 4füiih Li Chih See T'ang Kao-tsung Hui-kuan #,ffi (363-443, Buddhist scholar- Kao Pao-yung ËR-M (Five Dynasties 201 4lâ. Kuei-tsu ("aristocratic clans"), 5l Li Ching (T'ang general), 96, 98, 100 monk), 284, 285 ruler), 232 "Äffi $ffi (translator of Buddhist texts), Li-chou (pl. n.), 197-234 passim Hui-k'uang ãllFr (sixth-century Buddhist Kao P'ien É,Ðf (T'ang army commander), Kumãrajiva Ë/'ll Li Chung-ch'en (T'ang military scholar-monk), 275 223, 225 273,276,296, +,É,F K'ung ("nonsubstantiality"), 286 governor), 208 Hui-kuang #,ft (468-537, Buddhist scholar- Kao-seng-chuan ffil$l$ (Biograþhies of Eminent E clan of Chao-chün 56 monk),284 Monk),272 Kung-ch'en üJE ("meritorious officials"), Li têãß+, 108 Li clan of Che-ti EKë, 56 Hui-ssu ã,8 (sixth-century monk), 274, Kao Shihlien Ê*ffi (T'ang official), 71, 73, (disciple of Confucius), 334 Li clan of Lung-hsi FiEÉ4,55 275, 276, 277, 283 74,93,96,98,99, ll3 K'ung Chi 4L'f& K'ung Chih (T'ang genealogist), 66 Li Feng-chi äiåË (T'ane official), 218 Hui-wen #t (Northern Ch'i monk), 273 Kao-tsung, See T'ang Kao-tsung ?Lã K'ung Ching (T'ang military gover- Li Fu-jen 4*Ä (concubine of Han Wu-ti)' Hung-fu-ssu dÅiE* (monastery), 295, 299 Kao Ts'ung-hui Étr-,f+ (Five Dynasties fLñl nor), 230 433,436, 439 HungJu-ch'ing ÉWtril (Fa-tsang's posthu- ruler), 232 Kung-chün ("funds for the support of Li Fu-kuo ãfilEl (T'ang eunuch), 230 mous title), 303 Keicha rekimei ilttF¿ffi.ñ (Japanese tax ffiF army"), 17Bn Li Ho âH (791-817, poet), 348 Hung-lu-ssu ißBH* ("Court of Diplomatic registers), l2Bn the ("Palace style" poetry), 336 Li Hsi-lieh $frV,ll (T'ang military gover- Reception"), 131, l32n Ko f& (Regulations),80, 125 Kung-t'i Ëffi ("Pillars of the State"), 58 nor),209 Hung-wen-kuan dÅtÊÊ ("College for Liter- K'o fr ("visitor," "stranger"),390, 425 Kuo-chih-ehu ElZfÍ ("Crossbeams of the Li Hsiao 41W (T'ang official), l69a ary Development"), 104 K'o-hu =&F ("taxable household"), 145 Kuo-chi.hJiang 82!ê 5B Li Hsiao-kung ('t'ang official), 92, K'o-hu EF ("migrant settlers' households"), State"), 4#)ß po-lu (compilation of tt2 1{ (final particle),425 l4+, 146 Kuo-ch'ing WftÊ#* on T'ien-t'ai Buddhism), 283 Li Hsien äffi. ,S¿¿ T'ang Chung-tsung I-eh'eng (the one real vehicle of Bud- Ko Hung Ë/t (alchemist), 419 materials -* (Buddhist temple), Li Hua (T'ang scholar-official)' 307-41 dhism; concept of T'ien-t'ai Buddhism), K'o-k'ou ffin ("taxable individuals"), 145 Kuo-ch'ing ss¿ @Ët ã# 282,290 passim; family background of, 308; educa- 2BB K'o-k'ou þu shu #trziffi ("nontaxpaying (T'ang official), I lB tional writings, of 3ll; interest in Bud- I-chiao chíng tÊ&Æ (Sutra o.f the Testamentary households"), 146 Kuo Hsing-fang Aß'ñfr Kuo-shih El4. ("national history"), 67 dhism, 312; during and after the An Lu- Teachings ), 19, 253, 261, 262 K'o-n¡¿ Ef ("female retainer"), 145 (monastery), 27 5 shan Rebellion, 317-lB; views on histor¡ I-eh'ieh ch'eng-fo ("universal en- Ko-shu Han Efâ7Ð (T'ang general), 395 Kuo-1üan-ssu Rffi*+ -gJffil# 321; "Essay on Substance and Pattern," lightenment"), 2BB Koguryo: debate over the attack on, 91, 95 (T'ang general), 208 322-24; theoretical literary criticism of, I+hieh-seng #ffi lB ("exegetes"), 272 l16; kingdom ofl 116 Lai T'ien *åE Lan ku ("contemplating antiquity")' 333, 339; literary-historical views, 334-35; I-ching #fS (Buddhist monk), 299 Ku-chin Hsing-shih shu þien-chene Ë4WÉ.ÊHt HÉ didactic views ofliterature,340; fables ol, I-ching Ðf# (Book ofChanges),338 ñ (Sung compilation of surnames), 68 363 Hsü" ("Orchid Pavillion 3+t I ching &R ("vanishing light"), 395 Ku-ch¿ieh EW ("hired carriage"), 126 "Lan-t'ing ü{íÉF 412 Li I-fu +#Ff (T'ang oñcial)' 90 I-chou êi'lil (pl. n.), 202 ÈË (poem by Li Ch'i)' 431 Preface"), 4ll, Lang-chou (pl. n.), 197*234 passim Li Kang ãffil (T'ang official), 96 I-hsing Zfi. ("Surnames of the Second Ku i Ére*. ("evoking the past"), 363 M/'l'l ("old' 129 Li Lin-fu äfÅÉì (T'ang official), 7, 8, 66, Rank"), 55 Ku K'uang 6ììE (T'ang scholar-official), Lao-nanZfr man"), Lao-tzu 72,73, 74, B0 IJing 4F (pl. n.), 197 340 Z+,265,266 ("administrative village"), 127' l2B Li Mi +ffi (Sui official and rebel), 3, 107 I-wu #lt (province), 163 Ku Yen-wu FJ14l\ (Late Ming*EarlY Zl E Li An-yen (T'ane official), 94, 114 Li Pai-yao 4É* (T'anS official), 91, 92, Ikeda On ibEiffì (contemporary Japanese Ch'ing scholar), 5l-52, 54, 56 €R{ffi (T'ang scholar-official), 18' 190 93, 109, 110, ll2 scholar), 61,69,72 Kuan-chung þen-uei cheng-ts'e Bã.F:*{i&ik Li Ao 4ffi Po (701-63, T'ang 41, 42, ("Kuan-chung first policy"), 101 Li Ch'ang-chih +FZ (contemPorarY Li äÉ Poet), schoÌar),368n 353, 367-403 Passim; scholarshiP on, Jen-wen Àt ("human pattern"), 322-26, Kuan-hu Ê'F ("official bondsmen"), 13l Li+heng ("village headmen"), 125, 126 367-68; use of shamanistic or superna- 340 KuanJung EãFE, 90, 92, 104; political bloc !ÊrE (T'ang official), 2lB, 219 tural elements, 369-70, 374-75; personal Juan Chi Wffi (210-63, poet-musician),427, based on, 89; defined' 89 Li Ch'eng 4& (eldest son of background, 387-9.1 428, 431 Kuan-nei Bf,ñ (province)' 92 Li Ch'eng-ch'ien ât3'#, Li Po-ch'in +Iâã (Li Fo's elder son), 389 Kuan-ting iElF (561-632, disciple otChih-i)' T'ang T'ai-tsung), lll 390 Li Chi Í#,î¿, (Record of Ritual), 4lB Li P'oli +ffiæ (Li Po's younger son), K'ai-2uan þ'u Bflñ;i$ (T'ang genealogy), 66 272, 280, 2Bl, 282, 283, 290 Li Sheng #fi' (Five Dynasties ruler), 231 Kan kao trå ("I presume to declare"), 431 Kuang-che-ssu -Xäf'Í (monastery), 27 9 Li Shih 4ã (T'ang officiai)' 219 Kan Pao TH (fourth-century poet), 336 Kuang-chou )É/{'l (pl. n.), 275, 276 425,428,430 (T'ang official)' 160-61, 174¿' Li Shih-cheng +fi\iÚ;. (T'ang scholar- Kan-yeh-ssu H** (nunnery), 298 KuangJing ffiÞ (pl. n., "Broad Mound"), Li Ch'i +ffi official), 246 Kao, Prince ËÍ1ê (pr. n.),211,212 420,424, 425, +30, 439 213 450 GLOSSARY-INDEX GLOSSARY-INDEX +51 Li Shih-chi (T'ang official), 90, 93, Liu Chi ãüiÉ (T'ang official), 94, 99, ll5, 4illi¡ Lü Yin tr;E (T'ang military governor), 2l l, Mo-fa *'lt ("imminent apocalypse," "the 95, lt3, 115, 116 1lB, ll9 216 doctrine for the final period"), 21,274 Li Shih-min êttR. S¿¿ T'ang T'ai-tsung Liu Chih-chi Et)*sM, (T'ane historian), 65, Lü Yüan-ying trzc)E (T'ane official)' 2102 Mo-ho ehih-kuan ÆîIILW (Chih-i's treatise Li Shih-tao 4ÉfiË (T'ang official), 160, 31+, 3+0 Lun ifu ("essay"), 38 on meditation and religious practice), 281 167n, l7O, l7l Liu Ching MlF; (T'ang scholar), 67 Lun-tsang o=ôffi (philosophical sections of the Mobility, social: during the T'ang, 76-77, Li Su ã,& (T'ang official), 16Bn Liu-chou ("local taxes 8/l'l paid to the Buddhist canon),271 7B-79 Li Sun ä9R (T'ang official), 214 prefecture"), 178 Lung-men ËEFi (pl. n')' 298 Mou -nit, (abowt.l3 acres), l4B l,i Ta-liang ätE (T'ang official), 95, I l6 Liu Chü-jung gtJEÆ (T'ang military Lung-yu ffifiþ (province), 92 MouJun-sun4ÌF5ffi (contemporary Chinese Li T'ai 4* (son of T'ang T'ai-tsung), I I l, governor), 222,224 scholar),71,73 tt7 Liu Chung üfllf (T'ang genealogist), 64, 65, Ma Chou ,E,trJ (T'ang official), 91, 100' 109' Mu chih ming H#ffi ("prose tomb inscrip- Li-tai EftÌ*ãfB (Ch'an Bud- 67 fa-þao-ilti lr7, 118 tion"), 414 dhist text), 300 Liu clan ol Chieh-hsien 53 WWXH1J, Ma Hsi-o ,E?É€ (Five Dynasties ruler), 232 Li-tai t'ung-tien mft)ÉA (historical work), Liu Fang (T'ang historian), 67, Mtfr l0l Ma Yin ,F& (Five Dynasties ruler), 228, Naba Toshisada tTl&f|JE (Japanese 326 Liu Hsi-i (seventh-century T'ang äUñÊ 232,234 scholar), 70,71, 134n Li Tan Sez T'ang poet), 349 äft. Jui-tsung Makino Tatsumi IKW9E (Japanese scholar), Nãgãrjuna (founder of the Madhyamika Li Tao-tsung (T'ang official), 93, I l3 Liu Hsiang EtllÈl (77-6 8.c., Han scholar), ëËä 57 school of Buddhism), 276 Li Te-yü äÆffi (T'ang official), 12,219 414 (Japanese M an-fen- clúe h Ìffi f)fr ("highest ordination"), Naito Torajiro ruffiË4Ê[ scholar), Li-yang (pl. n.), 197 Liu Hsieh EtJhE, (465-522, literary critic), täE 302 47 Li Yang-ping €WtK (T'ang scholar), 33Bz 414 Mao shih ta-hsü íi*J (Statutes),79 Lu-chiang chün Ho-shih ta-t'ung tsung-þ'u lÊËl)' 201' See also Military governors Japanese scholar), 385n, 399n Lins lrÞ ("silk"), t47 lHÌIAßlûEtldälÈf (Ch'ing genealogy), Military governors, B, 31, l5l, 207; regional Ou-yang Hsiu F&WV (Sung scholar- Ling-jun ffiÌ11Él (seventh-century Buddhist 59 authority of, 172-73; authority over local official), l68z monk and scholar), 296 Lu Ching-shun ffilífË (T'ang historian), 65 administration, 177 Ou-2ang-shih líu-tsung t' ung-þ' u Wlhft,xä)Ê# Literary criticism: during first half of eighth Lu-chou iffi/'l'l (pl. n.),202 Military organization: T'ang reforms oll in (modern genealogy), 63 century, 315; T'ang prescriptive, 331; Lu clan of Fan-yang iüphlfu,55 post-An Lu-shan period, lBl-83 T'ang descriptive, 331; T'ang theoretical, Lu clan ol Kang-t'ou figÁË, 56 Min Hsü BðIE (T'ang military governor), Paling EÞ (pl. n.), 197 332 Lu Hui BE (T'ang general), 208 22s Pa-shih Afç ("eight clans"), 55 Literature: during first half ol eighth Lu-shan lÑtlt (pt. n., center of Buddhism), Ming-ch'tian !81'â (seventh-century Bud- Pai-chia Iei-Ií HXÆ6J (T'ang genealogy), century, 315, 336; traditional views on, 280 dhist monk and scholar), 299 66 332-33; and music, 416-lB Lu Shang,Éffi (T'ang official), 209n Ming-sou FTq ("to probe the mystery"), 375 Palace Council (Shu+ni-yüan ffiMW), 12 4s2 GLOSSARY-INDEX GLOSSARY.INDEX +s3

P'an-chiao 4llä (classifications ol Buddhist Po-r'ieh âffi ("cotton"), 147n Shang-kung ÌH ("tocal taxes assigned to the Siksananda (seventh-century Buddhist doctrine), 283, 2Bs Pound, Ezra,416 central government"), l7B monk), 299, 303 Pan Ku Ðfø (32-92, Han historian), 327, Prose writing: changes in, after the An Lu- Shang-shu fäé ("president of a board"), 55 Silabhadra (seventh-century Indian Bud- 43+ shan Rebellion, 319 Shang-shu Ling Éì#ã (official tile), 55 dhist monk), 292 P'an Ni lÉtr (d. 310, poet), 336 Provinces: establishment of after An Lu-shan Shang-shu P'u-1eh l*lêl*.â'f (official title)' 55 Slaves: in Tunhuang, 139 P'ang Hsün ÆEÞ!, mutiny of, 13, 220 Rebellion, 32; in post An Lu-shan period, Shao-fu Þffi ("imperial ateliers"), 426 So-í ching.ff ftf$ ("fundamental scriptures"), Pao fi ("pra|se"), 330 l5,f-90 passim, T'ang reforms of 176-85 Shao-lin-ssu AfAS (monastery), 244, 245, 272 Parody: as textual allusion, 410 Pufi ("hemp clot!;'"),147 2s8,295 Ssu-hsing E& ("Four Categories of Sur- Past, contemplation of: in T'ang poetry, Pu-ch'ti ffiffi ("semiservile retainers"), 138, Shao-shih 4'ËÉJ (mountain)' 295 names"), 55 345-65 139,145 Shelun ffi-Éâ (school of Yogãcãra Bud- Ssu-ma Ch'ien E,€Ë (Han historian), 327 P'ei Chi #ffi. (T'ang official), 98, 117, 118 Pu hsieh Z

Ta-pieh *.lljü (mountains), 194-209 pas- years as emperor, 4, 247; struggle for the Tibet, B, 10, 12 Tsu E ("to fill up"), 338 sim throne, 19; and Buddhism, 19, 244,246- T'ieh-pu ffiltí (,.cotton cloth,,), 147 Tsultung-tiao f[,Ei-arÅì ("tax system"), 31, 121 Ta-þ'in pan-jo-ching tffifiqäß (Chinese 48, 251-53, 256, 266; debate over suc- T'ien-hsia chün-uang hsingrhih xu-þ'u 7.f{lú Ts'ui clan of Ch'ing-ho'ËFJE, 56 translation of tl:'e Praj ña þaramita Sntra), 27 6 cessor to, 91, 94-95, 111, tl4-15, 117; gí+Éæ/é (T'ang genealogy), 66, 69, 73 Ts'ui clan of T'u-men *'f5ë,56 Ta-su *ÉñÉl (mountain), 275,276 favor toward northeasterners, 104; signi- T'ien Hsing Esl (T'ien Hung-cheng Ts'ui clan of PoJing Ë.8ë, 55 Taae ("senior monks"), *.'Æ 302 ficance of reign of, 239; background of, EËÅÉ; T'ang military governor), 164, Ts'ui Jen-shih ËtrÉfi (T'ang official), 93, Ta-t'zu-en-ssu tK,æ.+ (monastery), 297 239-40,242-43; role in T'ang founding 170 94,96, lt3, l14, 118, 119 Ta-yün-ssu tfit (monastery), 298, 299 and consolidation, 2431, power struggle Tien-ku N&. ("allusion"), 406, 4lO Ts'ui Kuan EfÉ (T'ang military governor), Tai-pei frlL (pl. n.), l0l with brothers, 24546; became increas- T'ien-þao hsin-þ'u 7.Hffi# (T'ang genea- 219 T'ai-þ'ing AT ("supreme peace"), lg0-91 ingly autocratic,248-51; last year ofreign, logy), 66 Ts'ui Shao ËñÉ (T'ang official),224 T'ai þ'ing huan-yü chi tfË?at (Sung 253-55; relationship with IIsüan-tsang, T'ien-shih XÉfi ("heavenly master"), 23 Ts'ui Yao Effi (T'ang official),1202 geoq3raphy),73,75 255, 294-95, 302; and Buddhist-Taoist T'ien-shui X/< (pl. n.), 388 Ts'ui Yen ËW (T'ang officiaI),210n T'ai-po tÉ (Li Po's courtesy name), 390, rivalries, 258-61; sets standards for the T'ien-t'ai Xâ (school of Buddhism), 18, Tsun-hao €ffi (honorary title), 191 394 Buddhist clergy, 261-63 21, 268, 271, 274-91, 300, 304, 305; Tsung R ("clan"), 54 T'ai-tsung. See T'ang T'ai-tsung T'ang Te-tsung Ëæ.* (780,805), ll, 33- philosophical basis of, 269; patronized by Tsung ä (school of Buddhism), 284 T'ai-yüan-ssu *F* (monastery), 298, 299, 34, 154, 159; rebellions during reign ol the Sui, 270; major tests of 2Bl; principal Tsung-cheng-ssu fitES ("Court of Imperial 302,303 l0; policy toward the provinces, 153; doctrines, 2BB-9 I Family Affairs"), 131, l32n Taiyüan aF þ1. n.), 104, 105 policy on provincial appointment, 173 T'ien-wen X{ ("physical pattern"), 321-22, Tsung-mi Rffi (780-841, Buddhist monk), Takeda Ryuji ttBÊAn (contemporary T'ang Wen-tsung EtH (827-40), 12 340 305 Japanese scholar), 57, 63 T'ang Wu-tsung Ëdiä (840-546), 12 Ting-hsing .l.fl, ("Surnames of the Fourth Tsung-þ'u ft":$ (genealogy of a single line- T'an-chou lp/'l'l (pl. n.), 197-232 passim; T'ang Yen-ch'ien Éë# (ninth-century Rank"), 55 age),60,77 as government-general (tu-tu-j'u), 201 T'ang poet), 400, 401 Ting-hu ft.F ("settlement ol household Ts'ung t¿'u shih'ttrtttâ ("from this begin"), Tang ffi ("laction"), 87, I 19 Zao S ("province"), 91,200 categories"),129 426 T'ang Ø (founder ofShang state), 416, 417 Tao-ch'o Ëffi (d. 645, Buddhist monk),274 Ting-nan TE ("adult"), 129 Tu ChengJun tfuÉ{â (T'ang official), 96 T'ang Chien ,É1ft (T'ang official), 93, ll3 Tao-chou Ë¡[ (pl. n.), 311 Ting-tsu ffi& ("Tripod Lineages"), 56 Tu-ehi. ,HF ("totally disabled"), 129 T'ang Chung-tsung Ë#ä (684, 705-10), Tao-hsüan ËË (T'ang monk), 268; 271,295 Tou Chien-te HêÆ (Sui rebel), 106, 107 Tu-chíh ËË ("Department of Public 297 T'ao-hu ,l-KF ("vagrant households"), 140 Tou Chin Êli6 (T'ans official), I lB Revenue"), 126 T'ang Hsien-tsung Ë,ä* (805-20), 34, Tao-sheng Ë4. (fifth-century, Chinese Bud- Tou Ching fiffi (T'ang official), 92, I l0 T'u Ch'u-k'o llftE (T'ang official), 92, 152-91 passim; restoration of imperial dhist monk), 293 Tou Kang ffi.ïi (T'ang official), 99 93,94,110, l13, 114 control under, ll, 34; provincial policy Tao-te ching ËÆ19 (Taoist Classic), 24, 413- Tou Kuei fr#t (t'ang official), llB Tu Fu t1Ê (712-70, T'ang poet, 350, of 156-91 passim; policy on provincial T'ang examination on, 23 Tou Wei ffiffi. (T'ang official), 100 358-59, 409,414,430, +31,433, +35 appointment, 174; as monarch, 186-91; Taoism: religious, 20, 23; under the T'ang, Tsai #. ("year"),72 Tu Fu-wei ftfRfr (Sui rebel), 108 image in Chinese historiography, 191 23; political importance in early T'ang, Ts'ai-shih fã (pl. n.),223 Tu Ho 11ö (T'ang official),94, ll4 T'ang Hsüan-tsung ÉgË (713-56), 6, 7, 9, 265 Tsan ffi ("appreciation essays"), 328 T'u-hu *.F ("resident households"), 144 312, 409, 432, 433,438; decrees against Taoist monks: registration of 131-32 Ts'an-ehi &fr ("patíally disabled"), 129 Tu Huang-shang f1ËX (pt. tt.), 158, 160 Buddhism, 266-67; and Taoism, 268; Tax liability: information on, from Tun- Tsang-chiao ffi& ("Teaching of the Tripi Tu Hung ffË (T'ang military governor),228 support of Tantric monks, 268; and the rise huang registers, 145-48 taka"), 286 TuJu-hui tllnffi (T'ang official), 89 of Esoteric Buddhism, 305 Tax registers (chi-chang i|f,R), 127, l2B; use Ts'ao-an trf# ("draft register"), 140 Tu-ku Chi MtI&. (T'ang scholar-official), T'ang Hsüan-tsung ÉË';ñ (847-59), 13 in financial calculations, 126 Ts'ao Chih ÉfiÊ (d. 232, poet),336 308-40 passim; family background ot T'ang Jui-tsung Ë'ãä (684-90, 710-12), Tax system of 780. See Liang-shui Tse-t'ien Huang-hou F|JXåI-n. See Wu, 309; interest in education, 31 l; interest in 297 Te-chou ß/'l'l (pl. n.), 170 Empress Taoism and Buddhism, 312; during and T'ang Kao-tsu ÊÊrfrfl. (618-26), 3, 19, BB, Tenancy contracts, 36 Ts'en Shen 48 (T'ane poet),252, +00 after An Lu-shan Rebellion, 317-18; 89, 100, 104, 105, 106,239, 241,242,243 Teng-k'o chi-k'ao tTÍ4â!f, (work on T'ang Ts'en Wen-pen $tA (T'ang minister), historical essays of, 329-30; Essa2 on Chi T'ang Kao-tsunC ËÉñ (650-84), 5, 297, examinations), 502 93,94,96, 100, l12, 114,259 Cha, 329-30 ; literary-historical views, 334, 436; as crown prince, lll, ll7; decrees Three Stages -$Éä (school of Buddhism), Tso-chuan lil$ (Tso Chronicle), 32+, 330, 336; views on T'ang literature, 337; against Buddhism, 266; support of Hsüan- 268 338, 407, 413, 428 theoretical literary criticism oi 339; tsang,295,302 Three Vehicles (san-ch'eng =ft, threefold Tso Ssu Ë,B (d. 306, poet),336 didactic views ofliterature, 340 T'ang shih san-þai shou Ë;+=É'È' (Ch'ing division of Buddhist doctrine), 2BB Tso 2u-þ'u-2eh ÈñlXâ+ ("vice-presidents of Tuau äßÊ ("governors-general"), 201 collection of T'ang poetry), 38 Ti-chou A.iill (pl. n.), 170 the Department of State Affairs"), 97 Tu Yen ftt{ì (T'ang official), 96, 117' ll8, T'ang Shun-tsung IållFä (805), ll, l5+, Ti-lun ll!.ffi (school of Yogãcãra Buddhism), Tsuffi. ("lineages"), 54 119 T'ang Su-tsung Êffi-f, (756-62), I 269,270,286,304, Tsu lfl ("grain tax"), 128, 132, 147, l47n Tu Yu f1{Ê (T'ang scholar-official), l4+, 146 T'ang T'ai-tsunC Éfä (626-49), 3, 9, 25, Tiaoíñ ("cloth tax"),126, l2B, 130, 132,147 Tsa ¡till ("Chinese patriarchs" of Buddhism), T'uan-mao ElãÉ, ("inspection of individuals"), 88,96,98, 106, 107, l0B, llg, 436; early T'iao-chih lKÍ (pl. n.), 3BBz 272 r29 .. 456 GLOSSARY-INDEX GLOSSARY.INDEX +57 I Tuan Yen-mo ÍkÐ# (T'ang military Wang Ffsien-chih f{úå, rebellion oll 14, ; Wen-te ("culture and virtue"), 325 Yang Kuei-fei (concubine ! *lÉ Ëitfd of T'ang officer),224 220,221,222 t, Wen-te, Empress {ÆCË, I 11 Hsuan-tsung), 7, 9, 432, 433, 434, 436, 438, Tun-chiao Ll {Éä ("Sudden Teachings"), 304 Wang Kuei ÍIË (T'ang official), 96, 99 'a Wen Yen-po WÞffi (T'ane official), 92, 98, 439 Tunhuang (pl. n.), 29, 61, 133,134n, Wang Lin (sixth-century general), r00, 110 ftË !E# 275 lt Yang Kung-jen E),ßt: (T'ang official), 99, 148; discovery of T'ang documents of, 122 Wang Ling-jan IlâåR (eighth-century T'ang Wu, Empress 5, 20, 64, 88, 89, 90, 100 I itgÉ, Tun-huang Chang-shih chia-chuan *Ê&R.K poet), 351 ,t l0l, 297, 303, 435-436; 436; usurpation Yang Kuo-chung Ëffi,Ë. (T'ang official, 6 (T'ang genealogy), 6l Wang Pao EF (Han poet), 414 ! olthe throne, 5; and Buddhism, 298-300, brother of Yang Kuei-fei), 7, B, 320, 436 I Tun-huang Fan+hih chia-chuan *,elBÉã'lä Wang Seng-ju fßffi (Liang dynasty I 302*303 Yang Shih-tao tåFfiË (T'ang official), 99, (T'ang genealogy), 6l i (åË). Empress 100 scholar),60 i Wu Chao diF,F, ^9ee Wu, Tun-huang míng-tsu chih (Record Wang Shih-ch'ung (Sui rebel), 106, Wu-chiao (Fa-tsang's fivefold classifica- Yang Tsuan (T'ang, official), llB *ËñMt,¿, !EËñ l ñ.ä &# of Noted Clans of Tun-huang),61,65 107, 244 I tion of Buddhist doctrine), 304 Yang Wan BftE (T'ang official), l77n Tun-huang shihJu *ÊÊ.& (local history of Wang Shu-wen lEfft (T'ang official), Wu Ching (T'ang historian), 120, 314, Yangtze Valley: importance as power base, ll, ¡ Elf Tunhuang), I 193 6l 209n I 3t6 T'ung-chiao iË& ("Common Teachings"), Wang Sui !Eìâ (T'ang official), l69n I Wu-ching cheng-i fiffiÉ#, (The Fiae Classics Teh-shih tsung-þ'u *Éäõ* (Ch'ing gene- 286 Wang T'ai ÍFå (pr. n.),412 uith Orthodox Interþrelations), 16 alogy), 59 Tung Chung-shu Ë{SÊ? (c. 179-c.104 s.c., Wang Ts'an Í* (d. 217, poet), 336 I Wu Ch'ung-yin ,RÉJål, (T'ang provincial Yen Chen-ch'ing ffiHtrPt (T'ang scholar- Han scholar), 335 Wang Wei ÍñÉ (T'ang poet), 419 governor), l8l, lB3 official), 308-37 passim; family back- I Tung-t'ing ìlcJË1fi (lake), 195, 200 Wei El ("comptroller"), 4lB Wu-huang r\å (Tu Fu's designation for ground of, 309; religious '¿iews ofì 313; Turfan (pl. n.), 29 Wei Ch'ang (T'ang military governor), T'ang Hsüan-tsung), 409 during and after the An Lu-shan Rebel- ÊË I Tz'u-en #,8, (partiarch of Fa-hsiang school 219 Wu-ku M# ("sorcery"), 437 lion, 317-lB; theoretical literary criticism of Buddhism), 20, 273,297 Wei Cheng ffiH. (T'ang official), 14, BB, 91, WuJing r\Þ (pl.n.), 197 of 333; literary-historical views, 334, 336; 'I li zu Jei )u uei erh uei É ãFãHffiË ("na- 92, 93, 96, 99, 109, I 10, I 12, 241,249,250 li Wu Shao-ch'eng Ftù'û, (T'ang military views on T'ang literature, 337 turally not-be possess do and do"), 415 Wei Ch'ing ffiË (pr. n.),435 governor), 209 fen chih EÉ ("expressing emotion"), 339 Tzu-kueiîfrffi (pl. n.), 197 Wei Ch'üeh #ff (T'ang official), 2l0n Wu-shih ãÉ ("five periods in the life of the Yen Chih-t'ui Ë2T& (531-gl, scholar), Tz'u-þu ffiJffi ("Department of National Wei Kao Ëå (T'ang military governor), 157 Buddha"), 285 2+0,241 Sacrifices"), l3l-32, l32n Wei Kuan-chih êË2 (pr. n.),167n Wu Shih-huo Ét*# (T'ang official, father Yen Li-te HÍ¿ß (T'ang artist and architect) Wei-mo-ching #ftÆ#& (Vímalakirti-nirdeia sutra), of Empress Wu),93, l12 249 Uighurs, B, 9, 12 28t,304 Wu-ti. .S¿¿ Han Wu-ti Yen Shih-ku ñFúÉ (T'ang scholar-official), Utsunomiya Kiyoshi +ãßgiË (Japanese Wei-Po ffi€ (province), 155-72 passim; Wu Tzu-hsü EfË (pr. n.), 396 91,92,109, llo scholar), 70 T'ang efforts to recover, 16,[-65 Wu Ytlan-chi FiH (T'ang military gov- Yen Shou ffffi (T'anS military governor), Wei Po-yü ffilÉf (T'ang military gover- ernor), 166, 209,214, 215 214 Vajrac hedika - s ntr a, 24 nor), 2 I I Wu Yüan-heng rti'Éi (T'ang official), l86n, Ten-t'ouÆØ (heads of irrigation sectors), 123 Vico, Giambattista, 333 Wei Shu "ÉüÈ (T'ang historian), 66, 67, t87 l"in Ë (hereditary privilege), 78, 79 Vinaya (Lü'Ê-), 271 314, 316, 317,318,327 Wu-2üeh Wang-shíh chih-þ'u FÐEftËÉ* fin Ê ("shady"),408,409, 435,436 Wei Shun Ëfà (T'ang official), 2l0z (Ch'ing genealogy), 58, 63 Ying-chou 511/'ll (pl. n.), 197-230 passim Wa-kuan-ssu E'C'* (monastery), 277 Wei T'ing ëlÆ (T'ang official), 94, 96, I14, Ting-t'ien shih ëfrÍf. ("commissioner ol Wang, Bmpress fffi, 89 l17, llB llaflÉ (section of theBookof Poetry),339,415 military colonies"), lB3 Wang Ch'ang-ling f Effi (698-765?, T'ang Wei Tzu-fu ffiÍ* (concubine ol Han Wu- Yarnazaki Hiroshi Éltttfã (Japanese schol- Yo-chou Ér'11 (pl. n.), 197-233 passim poet), 347 ti),435, 436 ar),92,101,102 Togacara-bhami (fundamental treatise of Wang Ch'eng-tsung EEñ (T'ang military Wei Yt¡n-ch'i #EtÉ (T'ang official), I lB Tang lE ("sunny"), 408, 409, 435, 436 Yogãcâra Buddhism), 292, governor), 162, 167, 170 Ilen L ("pattern"): early usages of 321-22; Yang Chien W4, See Sui Wen-ti Toro Statutes â2ã (earty Japanese admini- Wang Ch'i fË (Ch'ing literary scholar), T'ang usages of, 322-26; as an objective Yang-chou W\ll (pl. n.), 202, 280, 281 strative code), 125, 126 367, 368 phenomenon, 322, 332, 334-42; as an ex- Yang-chou lÐ'Ill (pl. n.),424 Yù Chih-ning fÉS (T'ang official), 91, Wang Ch'ien fË (T'ang official), 2ll,2l9 pressionistic concept, 322,332, 337, 341- Tang-chou tsung-kuan +È,jllffi,Ê ("governor of 99, 109 Wang Ching-chih EüÉ (T'ang official), 94, 42; as opposed to chih H ("substance"), Yang-chou"), 280 Yu-chou @/'l'l (province), 155-72 passim lr4 323-24, 326,337; as historical record and Yang Chtin tÐ û. (T'ang scholar-official), 310 Yü Chou fùF (T'ane military governor), Wang Chung-min lÉR (contemporary judgment, 326; as "literature," 341-42 Yang clan of Ching-kung'!ii¿,kE,56 212-13 Chinese scholar), 71, 73 Ilen hsüan tË (literary anthology), 427 Yang Fu-kuang lEtFYc (T'ang military Yü-ch'üan-ssu *ft.* (monastery), 28l Wang clan ofl-shih äÉT, 53 Wen-hsüeh-kuan {êfÉ ("College of Literary governor),224 TuhsiHVfr, ("personal feud"), Il7 Wang clan of Taiyuan tFI, 59 Studies"), 104 Yang Hsiung Wfrt (53 B.o.-A.D. 18, }Jan Yü P'ing-po ffT'ftl (contemporary scholar), Wang Hsi-chih Íæ2 (303-79, writer and Wen-ssu *8, ("culture and thought"), 325 scholar), 335,414 368n ualligrapher), 411, 412, 413. Wen Ta-ya iËltffi (T'ang official), 107 Yang Hu Ti'å (Chin dynasty official), 346 Yrl Shih-nan IÊÉÉ (T'ang official), 246, Yang Kuang Ëffi.,}ee Sui Yang-ti 252-s3 (,o o 4sB GLOSSARY-INDEX V

Yü-wen Hua-chi (Sui rebel), 107 lüan ch'ing f*fËi ("tracing feelings"), 339 'õ +fße. .c Yü-wen Shih-chi +Y+þ- (T'ang official), T¡¡an-ho hsing-tsuan fiffiWt* (T'ang gene- ri o tr fL o 99, 100 alogy),67, 68 lo" ! f o ,! o Yü-wen T'ai ?{# (sixth century, founder Tüan-jung @fiA (r'interrelatedness of all f, 5 'r ( o i of the Western Wei), l0l phenomena"), 287 c ! O \o o /--\ ; h0 : Ytian iñE (river), 195 Yüan Te-hsiu îÉ:Æfr (T'ang scholar- \-/ o l c o c .g ! f, Yüan Chen ftlE (779-831, T'ang scholar- official),311,316 t ! o o 0_ o c official), 414, 415, 425, 432 Yüan Tsai (T'ang o 209n,215, zcfi minister), 9 'o .l l o lüan-chiao [E[ä ("Perfect teaching"), 286- Yüan Tzu Ë& (T'ang military governor), l ô I co ! 304 214, 2lB o o .l n Yüan Chieh ifå (T'ang scholar-official), Ttieh-fu *ft (poetry), 4l ! o 307-30 passim; family background of, Tung ffi ("corvée exemption tax"), 126, l2B, 309; and Taoism, 312; during and after l30,132 Ø the An Lu-shan Rebellion, 317-lB; Tung Huaí ãÀE ("songs of carc"), 427 l-- historical essays of, 328-29,330; essay on Tung shih ("a lament ñù;-* on a historical f, Kuan Chung, 328-29, 330; interest in theme"), 363 !o o popular folk songs, 333; literary-historical Tung-t'ai hsin-þ'u (T'ang gene- :l *#ffi=# ! views, 336; views on T'ang literature, alogy), 67 o 337; didactic views ol literature, 340 /þ ,qc 1o !Õ f e 'õ go 6 t o o o Ð w c L \ o f 3 o o ,o .g ? : 0 l o I .@ I o ! rc ! I ¡ u) a I o c I U)O c ñ t i l! I o w l ,Ë{ ¡.L z f L l & 4, o ã o & l ! .t @ ts f o 9 rtt i to E I T o .? o 4C f ! o J o ì o Eo o o o ú c õ o .9 3 fL

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