Governing Pluralistic Societies: a Case Study of Pakistan (1988-99)
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ISI in Pakistan's Domestic Politics
ISI in Pakistan’s Domestic Politics: An Assessment Jyoti M. Pathania D WA LAN RFA OR RE F S E T Abstract R U T D The articleN showcases a larger-than-life image of Pakistan’s IntelligenceIE agencies Ehighlighting their role in the domestic politics of Pakistan,S C by understanding the Inter-Service Agencies (ISI), objectives and machinations as well as their domestic political role play. This is primarily carried out by subverting the political system through various means, with the larger aim of ensuring an unchallenged Army rule. In the present times, meddling, muddling and messing in, the domestic affairs of the Pakistani Government falls in their charter of duties, under the rubric of maintenance of national security. Its extra constitutional and extraordinary powers have undoubtedlyCLAWS made it the potent symbol of the ‘Deep State’. V IC ON TO ISI RY H V Introduction THROUG The incessant role of the Pakistan’s intelligence agencies, especially the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI), in domestic politics is a well-known fact and it continues to increase day by day with regime after regime. An in- depth understanding of the subject entails studying the objectives and machinations, and their role play in the domestic politics. Dr. Jyoti M. Pathania is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi. She is also the Chairman of CLAWS Outreach Programme. 154 CLAWS Journal l Winter 2020 ISI IN PAKISTAN’S DOMESTIC POLITICS ISI is the main branch of the Intelligence agencies, charged with coordinating intelligence among the -
Pakistan's Foreign Policy Between India and Afghanistan
THEMENSCHWERPUNKT | Wagner, Pakistan’s Foreign Policy between India and Afghanistan Merkel, Angela 2010: Regierungserklärung zum Afghanistan Piiparinen, Touko 2007: A Clash of Mindsets? An Insider’s Ac Konzept der Bundesregierung von Bundeskanzlerin Merkel count of Provincial Reconstruction Teams. In: International vom 28. 1.2010. Stenografische Mitschrift des Deutschen Bun Peacekeeping (1): 143 – 157. destages. Online verfügbar: http://www.bundesregierung.de/ Preuß, HansJoachim 2008: Zivilmilitärische Zusammenarbeit Content/DE/Regierungserklaerung/2010/20100128merkel in Afghanistan. Eine Zwischenbilanz. In. Zeitschrift für Außen erklaerungafghanistan.html. und Sicherheitspolitik (1): 2635. Mohrmann, Günter 2009: Auslandseinsätze und zivilmilitä Raschke, Thomas/Tils, Ralf 2007: Politische Strategie. Eine rische Zusammenarbeit. Herausforderungen – Entwicklungs Grundlegung. Wiesbaden. linien – Wirkungen – Perspektiven. In: Jaberg, Sabine/Biehl, Schröter, Leonie 2010: Der Ressortkreis Zivile Krisenpräventi Heiko/Mohrmann, Günter/Tomforde, Maren (Hrsg.) 2009: on. Untersuchung einer interministeriellen Zusammenarbeit Auslandseinsätze der Bundeswehr. Sozialwissenschaftliche innerhalb der deutschen Außen und Sicherheitspolitik. Ma gisterarbeit Universität Münster. Analysen, Diagnosen und Perspektiven. Berlin: 93119. Verband Entwicklungspolitik Deutscher Nichtregierungsorga Münch, Philipp 2008: Freund oder Feind? Sicherheitsbedro nisationen (VENRO) 2009: Fünf Jahre deutsche PRTs in Afgha hungen bei deutschen Auslandseinsätzen -
Pakistan's 2008 Elections
Pakistan’s 2008 Elections: Results and Implications for U.S. Policy name redacted Specialist in South Asian Affairs April 9, 2008 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34449 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Pakistan’s 2008 Elections: Results and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary A stable, democratic, prosperous Pakistan actively working to counter Islamist militancy is considered vital to U.S. interests. Pakistan is a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. The history of democracy in Pakistan is a troubled one marked by ongoing tripartite power struggles among presidents, prime ministers, and army chiefs. Military regimes have ruled Pakistan directly for 34 of the country’s 60 years in existence, and most observers agree that Pakistan has no sustained history of effective constitutionalism or parliamentary democracy. In 1999, the democratically elected government of then-Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was ousted in a bloodless coup led by then-Army Chief Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who later assumed the title of president. In 2002, Supreme Court-ordered parliamentary elections—identified as flawed by opposition parties and international observers—seated a new civilian government, but it remained weak, and Musharraf retained the position as army chief until his November 2007 retirement. In October 2007, Pakistan’s Electoral College reelected Musharraf to a new five-year term in a controversial vote that many called unconstitutional. The Bush Administration urged restoration of full civilian rule in Islamabad and called for the February 2008 national polls to be free, fair, and transparent. U.S. criticism sharpened after President Musharraf’s November 2007 suspension of the Constitution and imposition of emergency rule (nominally lifted six weeks later), and the December 2007 assassination of former Prime Minister and leading opposition figure Benazir Bhutto. -
Pakistan's Nuclear Future
CHAPTER 1 PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR WOES Henry D. Sokolski Raise the issue of Pakistan’s nuclear program before almost any group of Western security analysts, and they are likely to throw up their hands. What might happen if the current Pakistani government is taken over by radicalized political forces sympathetic to the Taliban? Such a government, they fear, might share Pakistan’s nuclear weapons materials and know-how with others, including terrorist organizations. Then there is the possibility that a more radical government might pick a war again with India. Could Pakistan prevail against India’s superior conventional forces without threatening to resort to nuclear arms? If not, what, if anything, might persuade Pakistan to stand its nuclear forces down? There are no good answers to these questions and even fewer near or mid-term fixes against such contingencies. This, in turn, encourages a kind of policy fatalism with regard to Pakistan. This book, which reflects research that the Nonproliferation Policy Education Center commis- sioned over the last 2 years, takes a different tack. Instead of asking questions that have few or no good answers, this volume tries to characterize specific nuclear problems that the ruling Pakistani government faces with the aim of establishing a base line set of challenges for remedial action. Its point of departure is to consider what nuclear challenges Pakistan will face if moderate forces remain in control of the government and no hot war breaks out against India. A second volume of commissioned research planned for 1 publication in 2008 will consider how best to address these challenges. -
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012
Comparative Constitutional Law SPRING 2012 PROFESSOR STEPHEN J. SCHNABLY Office: G472 http://osaka.law.miami.edu/~schnably/courses.html Tel.: 305-284-4817 E-mail: [email protected] SUPPLEMENTARY READINGS: TABLE OF CONTENTS Reference re Secession of Quebec, [1998] 2 S.C.R. 217 .................................................................1 Supreme Court Act, R.S.C., 1985, c. S-26. An Act respecting the Supreme Court of Canada................................................................................................................................11 INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) .............................................................................................12 Kenya Timeline..............................................................................................................................20 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) ..........................................................................................23 Mary L. Dudziak, Working Toward Democracy: Thurgood Marshall and the Constitution of Kenya, 56 Duke L.J. 721 (2006)....................................................................................26 Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int’l L. 471 (2002) .......................................................................................34 Migai Akech, Abuse of Power and Corruption in Kenya: Will the New Constitution Enhance Government -
KAS International Reports 10/2015
Other Topics 10|2015 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 61 ROLE OR RULE? THE EVOLUTION OF CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN PAKISTAN 2014 - 2015 Zafar Nawaz Jaspal INTRODUCTION The Pakistanis celebrated the 67th anniversary of their country’s independence amidst immense political bewilderment. The power appeared to be draining away from elected Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif. The celebration marking the anniversary of inde- pendence at the mid-night in front of the Parliament building on 14 August 2014 seemed a regime saving tactic. Notwithstanding, Dr. Zafar Nawaz the smart political move to demonstrate that the Prime Minister Jaspal is the Director of the enjoys complete trust and support of the military, the processes School of Politics for political polarisation has been unleashed in the insecurity- and International ridden country by both Azadi March (freedom movement) led by Relations at the Quaid-I-Azam Uni- cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan and Inqlab March (revolu- versity Islamabad, tion movement) led by Canada-based Sunni cleric Tahir-ul- Qadri Pakistan. in Lahore on 14 August 2014. The demonstrators demanded the resignation of an elected Premier Sharif and fresh elections in the country. Imran Khan, chairman of Tehreek-i-Insaf,1 ques- tioned the legitimacy of the government by claiming that the 2013 general elections were rigged.2 Khan’s critics opined that he was being manipulated by the Military to try to bring down Premier Sharif or at least check him by questioning his political legitimacy. The accusation of rigging in general elections not only dented the legitimacy of elected government of Premier Nawaz Sharif, but also increased the role of the military in the Pakistani polity. -
“Reconciliation” in Pakistan, 2006-2017: a Critical Reappraisal
Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan Volume No. 54, Issue No. 2 (July - December 2017) Muhammad Iqbal Chawla ERA OF “RECONCILIATION” IN PAKISTAN, 2006-2017: A CRITICAL REAPPRAISAL Abstract This paper deals with an era of unusual political development which can be described as the „era of reconciliation‟ from 2006 to 2017. This era was unique in Pakistan‟s history because it brought closer all political parties for restoration, protection, and continuation of democracy in Pakistan. However, after a decade this period, sometimes also can be characterized as the era of the Charter of Democracy (COD,) seems to be losing its relevance because of surfacing of anti- democratic forces. Therefore this paper traces the causes, events and the deep impact of the policy of „reconciliation‟ and also touches upon why and how it seems to be coming to an end. As a national leader Benazir Bhutto had political acumen and she propounded the “Philosophy of Reconciliation” after having gone through some bitter political experiences as a Prime Minister and leader of the Opposition. Both Benazir and Mian Nawaz Sharif learnt the lesson when they were sent into their respective exile by General Musharraf. Having learnt their lessons both of them decided upon strengthening the culture of democracy in Pakistan. Benazir not only originated the idea of Reconciliation but also tried to translate her ideas into actions by concluding the „Charter of Democracy‟ (“COD”) with other political parties especially with the Pakistan Muslim League (hereafter “PML (N)”), in 2006”. Introduction Asif Ali Zardari1 as PPP2‟s main leader tried to implement this philosophy after the sudden death of Benazir Buhtto and particularly during his term as President of Pakistan (2008-2013). -
Gericht Entscheidungsdatum Geschäftszahl Spruch Text
09.12.2013 Gericht Asylgerichtshof Entscheidungsdatum 09.12.2013 Geschäftszahl E13 430762-2/2013 Spruch E13 430.762-2/2013-5E IM NAMEN DER REPUBLIK! Der Asylgerichtshof hat durch den Richter Dr. Steininger, als Vorsitzenden und der Richterin Dr. Zopf, als Beisitzerin ¿ber die Beschwerde des XXXX, geb. XXXX, StA. der Islamischen Republik Pakistan, gegen den Bescheid des Bundesasylamtes vom 13.11.2013, Zl. 12 14.700-BAI, nach nicht ¿ffentlicher Beratung zu Recht erkannt: Die Beschwerde wird gem¿¿ ¿¿ 3, 8 Abs 1 Z 1, 10 Abs 1 Z 2 AsylG 2005 BGBl I 2005/100 idgF als unbegr¿ndet abgewiesen. Text E n t s c h e i d u n g s g r ¿ n d e : I. Der Asylgerichtshof nimmt den nachfolgenden Sachverhalt als erwiesen an: I.1. Bisheriger Verfahrenshergang I.1.1. Die beschwerdef¿hrende Partei (in weiterer Folge kurz als "bP" bezeichnet), ein m¿nnlicher Staatsangeh¿riger der Islamischen Republik Pakistan (in weiterer Folge "Pakistan" genannt), brachte am 13.10.2013 beim Bundesasylamt (BAA) einen Antrag auf internationalen Schutz ein. Als Begr¿ndung f¿r das Verlassen des Herkunftsstaates brachte die bP im Verfahren vor der belangten Beh¿rde im Wesentlichen vor, dass es aufgrund einer Familienfehde mit der Familie der Freundin des Bruders zu einem Angriff auf die Familie des BF gekommen sei, in deren Zuge sechs Familienmitglieder get¿tet wurden. Der Antrag der bP auf internationalen Schutz wurde folglich mit Bescheid des BAA vom 6.11.2012, Zl. 12 14.700-BAT gem¿¿ ¿ 3 Abs 1 AsylG 2005 abgewiesen und der Status eines Asylberechtigten nicht zuerkannt (Spruchpunkt I.). -
Czech Parliament Sanctions More Troops in Afghanistan
Eye on the News [email protected] Truthful, Factual and Unbiased Vol:XI Issue No:302 Price: Afs.20 www.afghanistantimes.af www.facebook.com/ afghanistantimeswww.twitter.com/ afghanistantimes SATURDAY . JUNE 02. 2018 -Jawza 12, 1397 HS AT Monitoring Desk KABUL: NATO’s Secretary ABUL: Former President Hamid Karzai met with General Jens Stoltenberg has said Huseyin Avni Botsali, ambassador of Organization of the alliance can benefit from Islamic Cooperation (OIC), in his office. The two sides AT News Report negotiations intensified and levels position regarding negotiation off the stage.” Columbia’s expertise in the Afghan discussed the Afghan peace process and the role of OIC. of violence decreased by 30 repeated several times and it is not “A number of channels of peace process as the Latin percent. “I call this talking and hidden and covert.” dialogue have opened up between American country became a new KABUL: U.S. top commander in fighting. We’ve seen this in other However, Nicholson insisted the various stakeholders in the ally to the organization. Addressing Afghanistan Gen. John Nicholson conflicts, such as Colombia, where that clandestine dialogue were peace process,” continued a press conference in Brussels, revealed on Wednesday some the two sides were talking about taking momentum with the Taliban Nicholson, who said names were Stoltenberg said he appreciates secret talks were undergoing peace at the same time that they although they had not yet formally kept confidential to improve the what Columbia has achieved between Taliban factions and the were fighting each other on the responded to President Ashraf chances of reaching official through peace process and the Afghan government to broker a battlefield,” he said. -
Pakistans Inter-Services Intelligence
Inhaltsverzeichnis Seite EINFÜHRUNG 1 Pakistans Inter-Services Intelligence 1 DAS ERSTE JAHRZEHNT 8 1.1 Die Gründungsgeschichte 8 1.2 Gründungsvater Generalmajor Walter J. Cawthorne 9 1.3 Die ISI-Führung der ersten Jahre 11 1.4 Strukturelle Konzepte: 1948-1958 11 2 DIE ZEIT DER ERSTEN GENERÄLE: 1958-1971 14 2.1 Der ISI unter Feldmarschall Ayub Khan (1958-1969) 14 2.2 General Yahya Khan (1969-1971) 20 2.3 Veränderungen in der ISI-Leitungs- und Aufgabenstruktur 23 2.4 ISI und CIA - verstärkte Kooperationen 24 2.5 Operationen in Indien: Die 60er und 70er Jahre 3 REGIERUNGSCHEF ZULFIKAR ALI BHUTTO: 1971-1977 28 3.1 Cherat – Kampfschule der Armee 28 3.2 Brennpunkt Balochistan: Die 70er Jahre 29 3.3 Die Geburt des Special Operation Bureau 3.4 Eine fatale Ernennung: Armeechef Zia-ul-Haq 32 3.5 Innenpolitische Verstrickungen 34 3.6 Der Sturz eines Regierungschefs 37 4 ZWISCHENBILANZ VON 30 JAHREN: 1948-1977 40 5 DER ISI UNTER ZIA-UL-HAQ: 1977-1988 5.1 Die ausgehenden 70er Jahre 44 5.2 Weihnachten 1979: Die Afghanistan-Option 46 5.3 Das Afghanistan-Bureau im ISI 49 5.4 Logistik und Korruption 53 5.5 Ingenieur Gulbuddin Hekmatyar 57 5.6 Das Jahr 1987: Abschied von Akhtar Rehman und Yousaf 58 6 TURBULENZEN ENDE DER ACHTZIGER JAHRE 62 6.1 Von Akhtar Rehman zu Hamid Gul 62 6.2 Die Katastrophe im Ojhri-Camp 63 6.3 Ein Flugzeugabsturz mit Folgen: Der Tod von Zia-ul-Haq 65 6.4 Desaster in Afghanistan: Jalalabad 69 7 INNENPOLITISCH SZENARIEN: 1988-1991 73 7.1 Armeechef General Mirza Aslam Beg 73 7.2 Wahlen und Regierungsbildung 76 7.3 Im ISI: Von Hamid -
Drivers, Aims and Effects of Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing Regulation in Pakistan
REGULATORY TRANSGRESSION? DRIVERS, AIMS AND EFFECTS OF MONEY LAUNDERING AND TERRORISM FINANCING REGULATION IN PAKISTAN SANAA AHMED A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN LAW YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO AUGUST 2019 © Sanaa Ahmed, 2019 ii ABSTRACT The harmonization of money laundering and terrorism financing regulation is a key feature of the contemporary global economy. Since 9/11 particularly, the remarkable growth of this field of regulation has been characterized by both scale and intensity. However, this drive towards regulatory convergence is puzzling: the efficacy of the regulation remains unproven while the content of the regulation poses significant challenges to both criminal justice systems and human rights frameworks. The corollary to these observations: who does the regulation benefit? With the understanding that all regulation is an expression of some interest/s, this study analyses the trajectory of this global regulation and its products. My aim is to understand who gains what from regulation and how they influence this regulatory evolution. Focusing on Pakistan, my research will examine how anti money laundering (AML) and counter terrorism financing (CTF) regulation and its increasing demands for information affects established power hierarchies in states, between states and among states. At the international and transnational levels, I’m interested in how a universal financial regulation discourse threatens basic rights and freedoms and how this exercise of power affects civil, political and economic rights in a country, its foreign policy as well as geopolitics. At the national level, I’m curious about how such regulatory power with its distinctive objectives interacts or conflicts with or even amplifies the control of established power centres in a polity. -
Pakistan-U.S. Relations
Order Code RL33498 Pakistan-U.S. Relations Updated March 27, 2008 K. Alan Kronstadt Specialist in South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Pakistan-U.S. Relations Summary A stable, democratic, prosperous Pakistan is considered vital to U.S. interests. U.S. concerns regarding Pakistan include regional and global terrorism; Afghan stability; democratization and human rights protection; the ongoing Kashmir problem and Pakistan-India tensions; and economic development. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both cooperation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials regularly praise Pakistan for its ongoing cooperation, although doubts exist about Islamabad’s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Pakistan is identified as a base for terrorist groups and their supporters operating in Kashmir, India, and Afghanistan. Pakistan’s army has conducted unprecedented and largely ineffectual counterterrorism operations in the country’s western tribal areas, where Al Qaeda operatives and their allies are believed to enjoy “safehavens.” A separatist insurgency in the divided Kashmir region has been underway since 1989. India has long blamed Pakistan for the infiltration of Islamic militants into its Muslim-majority Jammu and Kashmir state, a charge Islamabad denies. The United States and India have received pledges from Islamabad that all “cross-border terrorism” would cease and that any terrorist facilities in Pakistani-controlled areas would be closed. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a bilateral cease-fire and continued, substantive dialogue between Pakistan and India, which have fought three wars since 1947.