DOCSLIB.ORG

Internal Communication Clearance Form

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Internal Communication Clearance Form NATIONS UNIES UNITED NATIONS HAUT COMMISSARIAT DES NATIONS UNIES OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS AUX DROITS DE L’HOMME HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS PROCEDURES SPECIALES DU SPECIAL PROCEDURES OF THE CONSEIL DES DROITS DE L’HOMME HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Mandates of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar and the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions. REFERENCE: AL G/SO 214/62-11 G/SO 214 (33-27) G/SO 214 (53-24) MMR 9/2012 3 December 2012 Excellency, We have the honour to address you in our capacities as Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar and Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 19/21 and 17/5. In this connection, we would like to bring to your Excellency’s Government’s attention information we have received concerning the alleged death by torture in custody of Mr. Myo Myint Swe. According to information received: On 28 June 2012, Mr. Ma Poe Poe Mon, a flower seller, 19 years old, was murdered in Mayangone Township, Yangon. A week later, the police from the township station arrested Mr. Myo Myint Swe, a carpenter of the same age, at his residence and accused him of being involved. On 6 July 2012, the mother of Mr. Swe, Ms. Daw Sein Sein, and his cousin, Mr. Ko Soe Lin, were also taken to the same police station without a court order. Both of them were set free on 8 July 2012, around 5:00 p.m. At approximately 10:00 p.m., on the same day, the district police commander informed Ms. Daw Sein Sein that in the meantime her son had died from illness during interrogation. The family members of Mr. Myo Myint Swe took photographs of his body after the post mortem examination and before he was cremated, and the pictures show that he had been tortured. In one of the photographs of the victim, his shins show scars and bruising from the rolling of a rubber or bamboo stick or similar instrument. The other photographs show that the right cheek and forehead of the deceased are heavily bruised and swollen, as is the left jaw and lower cheek. The neck of the deceased is black with bruising, and scars and bruises are obvious on his shoulders and back. The doctor who conducted the post mortem on the body recorded on 23 July 2012, that the victim had died due to a heart attack. Subsequently, the district police commander donated the equivalent of around USD600 to the family, for funeral expenses, and the victim's mother accepted the money because she didn't have the funds for the funeral. Later on the police from Mayangone Township offered another amount, about double; however, she refused to take the money, believing that the police were trying to pay her off for her son's death. She insisted that a criminal case be opened against the perpetrators. The family of the victim tried to open a case against the commander of the Bayinnaung Police Station and the interrogators for murder, at the East Dagon Police Station on 27 July 2012, and at the Bayinnaung Police Station on 28 July 2012, but neither station would accept the complaint. In August 2012, Ms. Daw Sein Sein sent complaint letters to the Director General of Myanmar Police Force, Ministry of Home Affairs and the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, urging that the case be investigated properly and charges brought against the perpetrators in accordance with the law. It is alleged that the family has not received any replies to its complaints. Furthermore, when the death inquest was held in court, it was registered as a simple death, not as a murder. Ms. Daw Sein Sein also saw that the photographs of the deceased that the police submitted to court looked nothing like those that she had seen, and that they had allegedly been modified with a computer programme to conceal the scars and wounds on the dead body that can be clearly seen in the original photos. The court hearings into the death have since been conducted without the family being informed of the dates on which the hearings were to be held. According to an article that appeared in the media in late June, the Deputy Commander of the Yangon Region Police had ordered that an internal investigation be conducted by two police majors; however, to date the family does not know what progress if any has been made by the investigation team. The most recent report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to the 67th Session of the General Assembly (A/67/383), included a recommendation that “Immediate and effective measures should be taken to prevent torture and ill-treatment and to investigate all allegations.” In order to overcome the presumption of State responsibility for a death resulting from injuries sustained in custody, there must be a thorough, prompt and impartial investigation of all suspected cases of extra-legal, arbitrary and summary executions (principle 9 of the Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions). This principle was reiterated by the Human Rights Council at its 17th Session in Resolution 17/5 on the “Mandate of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions” (OP 4).The Council added that this obligation includes identifying and bringing to justice those responsible; granting adequate compensation to the victim or his family; and taking steps to end impunity and the recurrence of such executions. 2 It is our responsibility under the mandates provided to us by the Human Rights Council, to seek to clarify all cases brought to our attention. Since we are expected to report on these cases to the Human Rights Council, we would be grateful for your cooperation and your observations on the following matters, when relevant to the case under consideration: 1. Are the facts alleged in the summary accurate? 2. Has an investigation been conducted by an independent, competent domestic authority into the alleged torture and subsequent death in custody of Mr. Myo Myint Swe? 3. Please provide the details, and where available the results, of any investigation, medical examinations, and judicial or other inquiries carried out in relation to this case. If no inquiries have taken place, or if they have been inconclusive, please explain why. 4. Please provide information on how the complaints reportedly made by the family of Mr. Myo Myint Swe at East Dagon Police Station, Bayinnaung Police Station, and to the Director General of the Myanmar Police Force, the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission have been dealt with? 5. Please provide information concerning the legal grounds for the arrest and detention of Mr. Myo Myint Swe, and how these measures are compatible with international norms and standards. 6. Please provide information on whether adequate compensation has been provided to the family of the alleged victim, Mr. Myo Myint Swe. We would appreciate a response within sixty days. Your Excellency’s Government’s response will be made available in a report to the Human Rights Council for its consideration. While awaiting your response, we urge your Excellency’s Government to take all necessary measures to guarantee that, in the event that your investigations support or suggest the above allegations to be correct, the accountability of any person responsible of the alleged violations should be ensured. We also request that your Excellency’s Government adopt effective measures to prevent the recurrence of these acts. Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of our highest consideration. Tomás Ojea Quintana Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar Christof Heyns Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions 3 .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Burma Coup Watch
    This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
    [Show full text]
  • Acts Adopted Under Title V of the Treaty on European Union)
    L 108/88EN Official Journal of the European Union 29.4.2005 (Acts adopted under Title V of the Treaty on European Union) COUNCIL COMMON POSITION 2005/340/CFSP of 25 April 2005 extending restrictive measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Common Position 2004/423/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, (8) In the event of a substantial improvement in the overall political situation in Burma/Myanmar, the suspension of Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in these restrictive measures and a gradual resumption of particular Article 15 thereof, cooperation with Burma/Myanmar will be considered, after the Council has assessed developments. Whereas: (9) Action by the Community is needed in order to (1) On 26 April 2004, the Council adopted Common implement some of these measures, Position 2004/423/CFSP renewing restrictive measures 1 against Burma/Myanmar ( ). HAS ADOPTED THIS COMMON POSITION: (2) On 25 October 2004, the Council adopted Common Position 2004/730/CFSP on additional restrictive Article 1 measures against Burma/Myanmar and amending Annexes I and II to Common Position 2004/423/CFSP shall be Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (2). replaced by Annexes I and II to this Common Position. (3) On 21 February 2005, the Council adopted Common Position 2005/149/CFSP amending Annex II to Article 2 Common Position 2004/423/CFSP (3). Common Position 2004/423/CFSP is hereby renewed for a period of 12 months. (4) The Council would recall its position on the political situation in Burma/Myanmar and considers that recent developments do not justify suspension of the restrictive Article 3 measures.
    [Show full text]
  • The Generals Loosen Their Grip
    The Generals Loosen Their Grip Mary Callahan Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 4, October 2012, pp. 120-131 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2012.0072 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v023/23.4.callahan.html Access provided by Stanford University (9 Jul 2013 18:03 GMT) The Opening in Burma the generals loosen their grip Mary Callahan Mary Callahan is associate professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. She is the author of Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma (2003) and Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation and Coexistence (2007). Burma1 is in the midst of a political transition whose contours suggest that the country’s political future is “up for grabs” to a greater degree than has been so for at least the last half-century. Direct rule by the mili- tary as an institution is over, at least for now. Although there has been no major shift in the characteristics of those who hold top government posts (they remain male, ethnically Burman, retired or active-duty mili- tary officers), there exists a new political fluidity that has changed how they rule. Quite unexpectedly, the last eighteen months have seen the retrenchment of the military’s prerogatives under decades-old draconian “national-security” mandates as well as the emergence of a realm of open political life that is no longer considered ipso facto nation-threat- ening. Leaders of the Tatmadaw (Defense Services) have defined and con- trolled the process.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar Military Should End Its Use of Violence and Respect Democracy
    2021-02-01 MYANMAR MILITARY SHOULD END ITS USE OF VIOLENCE AND RESPECT DEMOCRACY The undersigned groups today denounced an apparent coup in Myanmar, and associated violence, which has suspended civilian government and effectively returned full power to the military. On 1 February, the military arbitrarily detained State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy. A year-long state of emergency was declared, installing Vice-President and former lieutenant-general Myint Swe as the acting President. Myint Swe immediately handed over power to commander-in-chief Senior General Min Aung Hlaing (Section 418 of Myanmar’s 2008 Constitution enables transfer of legislative, executive, and judicial powers to the Commander in Chief). Internet connections and phone lines throughout the country were disrupted, pro-democracy activists have been arbitrarily arrested, with incoming reports of increased detentions. Soldiers in armoured cars have been visibly roaming Naypyitaw and Yangon, raising fears of lethal violence. “The military should immediately and unconditionally release all detained and return to Parliament to reach a peaceful resolution with all relevant parties,” said the groups. The military and its aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) had disputed the results of the November elections, which saw the majority of the seats won by the NLD. The arrests of the leaders came just before the Parliament was due to convene for the first time in order to pick the President and Vice-Presidents. Among the key leaders arrested, aside from Aung San Suu Kyi, are: President U Win Myint and Chief Ministers U Phyo Min Thein, Dr Zaw Myint Maung, Dr Aung Moe Nyo, Daw Nan Khin Htwe Myint, and U Nyi Pu.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 3 Myanmar Security Trend and Outlook:Tatmadaw in a New
    CHAPTER 3 Myanmar Security Trend and Outlook: Tatmadaw in a New Political Environment Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction In March 2016, the Myanmar Armed Forces (MAF), or Myanmar Defence Services (MDS) which goes by the name “Tatmadaw (Royal Force),” supported the smooth transfer of power from President Thein Sein (whose Union Solidarity and Development Party lost the election) to President Htin Kyaw (nominated by the National League for Democracy that won the election).1 Despite speculations that the winning party and the Tatmadaw would lock horns as the former challenges the constitutionally-guaranteed political role of the military, the two protagonists seemed to have arrived at a modus vivendi that allowed for peaceful coexistence throughout the year. On the other hand, the last quarter of 2016 saw two seriously difficult security challenges that took the MDS by surprise both in terms of ferocity and suddenness. The consequences of the two violent attacks initiated by Muslim insurgents in the western Rakhine State, and an alliance of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) in the northern Shan State, have gone beyond purely military challenges in view of their sheer complexity involving complicated issues of identity, ethnicity, and historical baggage as well as socio-economic and political grievances. Occurring at the border fo Bangladesh, the Rakhine conflagration, with religious and racial undertones, invited unwanted attention from Muslim countries while the fighting in the north bordering China raised concerns over potential Chinese reaction to serve its national interest. As such, Tatmadaw’s massive response to these challenges came under great scrutiny from the international community in general and human rights advocacy groups in particular.
    [Show full text]
  • 28 of 35 Are on EU Sanction List)
    BURMA: COMPARISON OF NEW GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WITH THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION LIST OF SANCTIONED REGIME MEMBERS1 1. New Cabinet Members2 (28 of 35 are on EU Sanction List) Position in Code on Name on Position & Department on EU No Name New Department EU List EU list Sanction List Government 1 U Thein Sein President Republic of the Union of A4a Lt-Gen Thein Sein “Prime Minister” of SPDC Myanmar 2 Thiha Thura U Tin Vice President Republic of the Union of A5a Gen (Thiha Thura) “Secretary 1” of SPDC, Chairman, Myanmar Aung Myint Oo Myanmar Tin Aung Myint Oo Economic Corporation, President of Union Solidarity and Development Association K23a Chairman, Lt-Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo, Myanmar Economic Corporation 3 Dr. Sai Mao Kham Vice President Republic of the Union of @ Maung Ohn Myanmar 4 Major General Hla Minister Ministry of Defense B10a Major General Hla Chief of Bureau of Special Operation (3) Min Min 5 Lieutenant General Minister Ministry of Home Affairs A10a Maj-Gen Ko Ko Chief of Bureau of Special Operations 3 (Pegu, Ko Ko Irrawaddy, Arakan). 6 Major General Minister Ministry of Border Affairs and E28a Maj-Gen Thein Htay Deputy Minister for Defence Thein Htay Ministry of Myanmar Industrial Development 7 U Wunna Maung Minister Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lwin 8 U Kyaw Hsan Minister Ministry of Information and D17a Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan Ministry of Information Ministry of Culture 9 U Myint Hlaing Minister Ministry of Agriculture and 115a Lt-Gen Myint Hlaing Ministry of Defence and USDA Member Irrigation 10 U Win Tun Minister Ministry
    [Show full text]
  • Burma: the Quiet Violence
    Burma: The Quiet Violence Political Paintings by Myint Swe Text by Shireen Naziree 98 BURMA: THE QUIET VIOLENCE Burma: The Quiet Violence Political Paintings by Myint Swe Text by Shireen Naziree Published 2009 by Thavibu Gallery Co., Ltd Silom Galleria, Suite 308 919/1 Silom Road, Bangkok 10500, Thailand Tel. 66 (0)2 266 5454, Fax. 66 (0)2 266 5455 Email. [email protected], www.thavibu.com Language Editor, James Pruess Layout by Wanee Tipchindachaikul, Copydesk, Thailand Copyright Thavibu Gallery All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. CONTENTS Foreword 6 Burma: The Quiet Violence - Introduction 7 The Quiet Violence 9 My Outlook and Attitudes Towards Art and Life by Myint Swe 18 PLATES: Paintings of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi 19 PLATES: Other Paintings 41 Myint Swe’s Biography 98 FOREWORD Jørn Middelborg Thavibu Gallery Thavibu Gallery is pleased to present the collection of political paintings, “Burma: The Quiet Violence,” by Myint Swe. The collection features 38 paintings that reflect the artist’s concerns about the detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the discouraging socio-political environment in Burma. The paintings were executed in Rangoon between 1997 and 2005 and secretly transported to Bangkok where they have been stored for some years. However, due to the worsening situation in Burma, it has become necessary to remind a wider audience of the atrocities of the military junta. And while the paintings of artists such as Myint Swe will not change the political climate of Burma, we applaud his courage as he and other artists risk their lives and the future of their families by commenting on their country’s grave and tragic state.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress
    Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Michael F. Martin Specialist in Asian Affairs March 28, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44436 Burma’s 2015 Parliamentary Elections: Issues for Congress Summary The landslide victory of Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) in Burma’s November 2015 parliamentary elections may prove to be a major step in the nation’s potential transition to a more democratic government. Having won nearly 80% of the contested seats in the election, the NLD has a majority in both chambers of the Union Parliament, which gave it the ability to select the President-elect, as well as control of most of the nation’s Regional and State Parliaments. Burma’s 2008 constitution, however, grants the Burmese military, or Tatmadaw, widespread powers in the governance of the nation, and nearly complete autonomy from civilian control. One quarter of the seats in each chamber of the Union Parliament are reserved for military officers appointed by the Tatmadaw’s Commander-in-Chief, giving them the ability to block any constitutional amendments. Military officers constitute a majority of the National Defence and Security Council, an 11-member body with some oversight authority over the President. The constitution also grants the Tatmadaw “the right to independently administer and adjudicate all affairs of the armed services,” and designates the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services as “the ‘Supreme Commander’ of all armed forces,” which could have serious implications for efforts to end the nation’s six-decade-long, low-grade civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President
    CRS INSIGHT Burma's Union Parliament Selects New President March 18, 2016 (IN10464) | Related Policy Issue Southeast Asia, Australasia, and the Pacific Islands Related Author Michael F. Martin | Michael F. Martin, Specialist in Asian Affairs ([email protected], 7-2199) On March 15, 2016, Burma's Union Parliament selected Htin Kyaw, childhood friend and close advisor to Aung San Suu Kyi, to serve as the nation's first President since 1962 who has not served in the military. His selection as President-Elect completes another step in the nation's five-month-long transition from a largely military-controlled government to one led by the National League for Democracy (NLD). In addition, it also marks at least a temporary end to Aung San Suu Kyi's efforts to become Burma's President and may reveal signs of growing tensions between the NLD and the Burmese military. Htin Kyaw received the support of 360 of the 652 Members of Parliament (MPs), defeating retired Lt. General Myint Swe (who received 213 votes, of which 166 were from military MPs) and Henry Na Thio (who received 79 votes). The 69-year-old President-Elect is expected to be sworn into office on March 30, 2016. Myint Swe and Henry Van Thio will serve as 1st and 2nd Vice President, respectively. On November 8, 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won a landslide victory in nationwide parliamentary elections (see CRS Insight IN10397, Burma's Parliamentary Elections, by Michael F. Martin) that gave the party a majority of the seats in both chambers of Burma's Union Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • On 9Th March 2002, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence
    3/2002 WILL THE FAILED COUP ATTEMPT DERAIL THE ONGOING NATIONAL RECONCILIATION AND POLITICAL TRANSITION IN MYANMAR? Maung Aung Myoe1 March 2002 On 7 March 2002, news came out from Myanmar that the government had arrested the son-in-law, U Aye Zaw Win, and three grandsons, Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win, and Zwe Ne Win, of U Ne Win, who ruled the country between 1962 and 1988. Many people believed that U Ne Win (or General Ne Win) continued to yield and exercise influence among top military commanders who formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), later transformed into the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997, after the military takeover in September 1988. Some analysts interpreted the event of 7 March as an indication of 'the end of the Ne Win era'. Two days later, on 9 March, at a special conference, Major General Kyaw Win, Vice-Chief of Defence Services Intelligence, explained that the four were arrested in connection with a coup attempt. Additional information on the event was given at special press conferences on 12 and 18 March. According to the information provided by Major General Kyaw Win, the coup plotters had planned to win over some military commanders and to use their troops to overpower and disarm security forces at the residences of the top three regime leaders – Senior General Than Shwe (Chairman of the SPDC and Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces), General Maung Aye (Vice Chairman of the SPDC and Deputy Commander-in-Chief of Myanmar Armed Forces cum Commander-in-Chief of Army) and Lieutenant General Khin Nyunt (Secretary-1 of the SPDC and Chief of Defence Services Intelligence Bureau).
    [Show full text]
  • President U Win Myint Cultivates Mahogany Plant to Launch 2020
    FOCUS ON MENTAL HEALTH IN NEW NORMAL PAGE-8 (OPINION) PARLIAMENT PARLIAMENT Pyithu Hluttaw raises questions to Nay Pyi Taw Council, Amyotha Hluttaw raises queries to ministries, approves Central Provident Fund Bill, three ministries, hears bill, report Underwater Management Bill PAGE-2 PAGE-2 Vol. VII, No. 113, 4th Waning of Second Waso 1382 ME www.globalnewlightofmyanmar.com Friday, 7 August 2020 President U Win Myint cultivates State Counsellor remarks Mahogany plant to launch 2020 “nation is strong and sturdy only Greening Campaign when the smallest areas are strong” President U Win Myint is cultivating a Mahogany plant at monsoon plantation ceremony in State Counsellor holds meeting with local officials in Cocogyun Township on 6 August. Nay Pyi Taw on 6 August. PHOTO: MNA PHOTO: MNA RESIDENT U Win Myint took part in the monsoon plantation ceremony for TATE Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, in her capacity as Chairperson conducting 2020 greening campaign, organized in Phoe Zaung Taung Reserved of the Central Committee for Development of Border Areas and National PForest beside Nay Pyi Taw-Tatkon No.1 road in Ottarathiri Township in Nay SRaces, visited Cocogyun Township yesterday. She held talks on development Pyi Taw yesterday morning. programmes of the township with departmental officials and viewed the high school Vice Presidents U Myint Swe and U Henry Van Thio, the Union Ministers, the and the people’s hospital. Deputy Minister for Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation, permanent secretaries and officials. SEE PAGE-3
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis Selection for JCC January 2021
    Analysis selection for JCC January 2021 Myanmar’s coup 4 Feb 2021 - Country Risk | Strategic Report A statement on Myanmar’s military (Tatmadaw)-owned channel, Myawaddy TV, on 1 February announced that the Tatmadaw had declared a state of emergency for one year and that all authority would now be vested in Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. National media have reported that, since 3 February, the Tatmadaw have begun to release several detained members of the national parliament and regional leaders. An unspecified number of senior National League for Democracy (NLD) party leaders, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi (the country’s de facto leader) and President Win Myint, were still in detention. • The Tatmadaw’s actions probably reflect its intent to reverse the increasing consolidation of power under the civilian government. The Tatmadaw’s 1 February statement justified the coup by alleging voter irregularities in Myanmar’s November 2020 general election. In November, the Aung San Suu Kyi-led NLD won more seats than its 2015 total (396 of 476 seats), whereas the main opposition Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) – which is aligned with the Tatmadaw – won fewer seats than its 2015 total (33 of 476). • The Tatmadaw probably interpreted this as growing support for a fuller democratic transition led by Aung San Suu Kyi – as well as reduced public support for stalling further amendments to the 2008 constitution. The constitution reserved 25% of parliamentary seats for the military and gave it control over the ministries of home, border affairs, and defence. In March 2020, Aung San Suu Kyi’s government in its first term unsuccessfully attempted to reduce the Tatmadaw’s powers as defined in the constitution.
    [Show full text]