O'cearnaigh, Eoin. 2019. More Life, Less Speed: Industrial Unrest at The

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O'cearnaigh, Eoin. 2019. More Life, Less Speed: Industrial Unrest at The O’Cearnaigh, Eoin. 2019. More Life, Less Speed: Industrial Unrest at the Ford Motor Company in Britain and the Politics of Working-Class Autonomy in the Long 1970s. Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London [Thesis] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/27657/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] More Life, Less Speed: Industrial Unrest at the Ford Motor Company in Britain and the Politics of Working-Class Autonomy in the Long 1970s Eoin O’Cearnaigh Goldsmiths, University of London PhD in History, 2019 1 Declaration of Authorship I Eoin O’Cearnaigh hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: 27 October 2019 2 Acknowledgement This dissertation was made possible by the award of a doctoral studentship from the Arts and Humanities Research Council through the CHASE consortium. I am indebted to the ex-Ford workers and external militants who agreed to an interview, spoke off the record, provided me with access to materials and exchanged correspondence with me: Brian Ashton, John Barker, Ed Emery, Rod Finlayson, Jenny Fortune, Martin Yarnit and in particular Alan Hayling. Others who declined such requests have given me pause for thought too, which I hope to have demonstrated in my thesis. Thanks are also due to my supervisor Jan Plamper for his mentorship and guidance throughout the project. I hope not to have drafted him into the role of a reluctant foreman at any stage. I benefited from additional supervision from Tobias Abse and John Price too, as well as constructive feedback from Vivienne Richmond and Richard Grayson at upgrade. My examiners Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite and Matthew Worley tempered thorough criticisms with much needed encouragement. Library and archive staff deserve credit for the research they make possible. A few names stand out: Stefan Dickers at the Bishopsgate Institute; Meirian Jump at the Marx Memorial Library; Jacob Bard-Rosenberg, Rosemary Grennan and Fani Arampatzidou at MayDay Rooms; and Jeff Howarth at the TUC library. Many others have helped too. I would specifically like to mention Camille Barbagello, Mark Bergfeld, Kevin Biderman, Terry Brotherstone, Nic Beuret, Charlie, Sheila Cohen, Kiran Dhami, Simon Pirani, Marco Jaeger, Aislin Kearney, Paul Rekret, Rosa Magnusdottir, Kevin McDonnell and Alberto Toscano. As well as personally thanking my parents, I should also single out my gratitude to Roisin for her patience and the occasional reality check. Finally, Ciaran, Cormac and Sasha have also helped me to keep one eye on the future. I hope that they will one day find some meaning in this history. 3 Abstract Aside from contemporaneous material by activists, scant traces of the politics of working-class autonomy appear in the historiography and wider literature on Ford in Britain. Focusing on the 1970s, this study reframes the firm’s history in relation to these politics. Doing so highlights the role of workers’ struggle at Ford, which was a key locus for more widespread unrest at a time of crisis and transition. As a work of twentieth-century social and cultural history, it draws on a broad range of sources, including newly conducted oral history interviews and material from private papers not cited previously. In the USA, France and Italy, an international context linked the automobile sector to the emergence of autonomist politics, which were articulated in Britain from 1960 onwards by Solidarity, a group with links to Ford’s workforce. Later that decade unrest at Ford became enmeshed with the ill-fated policies of a Labour government, leading up to the launch of the rank-and-file newspaper Big Flame. Influenced by Italian workerism, Big Flame became a national political organisation that intervened at Ford, where another strike confronted the subsequent Conservative administration’s Industrial Relations Bill. When Labour returned to power, the further breakdown of trade-union mediation at Ford led to increased conflict and saw these politics develop further inside and outside the factory. Elements from this tendency then initiated the Ford Workers Group (“The Combine”), which took a lead in the 1978 Ford pay strike, a major blow against the government’s Social Contract. Although activity continued under Margaret Thatcher’s premiership, including efforts to coordinate Ford’s European workforce, unrest at the firm never again had the same impact. This account reframes our understanding of this history, while also having relevance to current theoretical debates, for instance those concerning accelerationism, and recent renewed interest in the practice of workers’ inquiry. 4 Table of Contents Declaration of Authorship ....................................................................................................... 2 Acknowledgement ...................................................................................................................... 3 Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... 4 Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................ 5 List of Abbreviations ................................................................................................................. 7 Introduction: Debunking the Myth of Henry Ford ..................................................... 10 Methodology .......................................................................................................................... 13 Literature Review ................................................................................................................ 17 1. Workers’ Struggle and the Development of Ford, 1911 to 1964 ..................... 37 A New Gospel for Industry, 1911 to 1931 ................................................................. 39 The Dagenham New Deal, 1931 to 1946 .................................................................... 51 Not a Single Official Dispute since the War, 1947 to 1964 ................................. 63 Chapter Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 75 2. Gathering Storm Clouds, 1964 to 1970 ...................................................................... 76 Britain’s Top Exporting Company, 1964 to 1967 .................................................. 77 The Gravest Labour Relations Situation, 1968 ....................................................... 85 Taking a Leaf out of Ford’s Book, 1969 to 1970 ..................................................... 95 Chapter Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 107 3. Tories Must not Win Where Labour Failed, 1970 to 1974 ............................. 109 The Second Battle of Britain, 1970 to 1971 ........................................................... 110 None of Us Were Crying When Carr’s House Was Bombed ............................ 122 Incensed Workers Went on the Rampage, 1971 to 1974 ................................ 134 Chapter Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 142 4. To Hell with the Social Contract, 1974 to 1978 ................................................... 144 Friday Night is Music Night, 1974 to 1975 ............................................................ 146 The Politics of How Autoworkers Fight back ....................................................... 157 5 The Union Leadership Cannot Carry the Day, 1976 to 1978 ......................... 165 Chapter Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 176 5. One in the Eye for Sunny Jim, 1978 ........................................................................... 178 Send your Steward to Coventry, the Background ............................................... 179 Join the Action Now, the Strike ................................................................................... 192 Make the Union Serve the Interests of the Workers, the Aftermath ........... 206 Chapter Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 210 6. There is No Alternative, 1979 to 1990 ..................................................................... 211 After Japan, 1979 to 1983 ............................................................................................. 215 Fighting the International Sweating System, 1979 to 1985 ........................... 226 So why didn’t we Squeeze? 1983 to 1990 .............................................................. 241 Chapter Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 249 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................
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