ISSN 1822-5152
Mary Gilmartin Jane-Ann O’Connell Bettina Migge
Lithuanians in Ireland
Introduction much disagreement over the accuracy of the Census figures. The Minister for Integrati- In April 2006, according to the national on, Conor Lenihan, claims that Census 2006 Census, there were 24,434 people of Lithu- has significantly undercounted migration to anian nationality living in the Republic of Ireland (MacCormaic 2007). In support of Ireland; of these, 13,644 (55.8%) were male this claim, over 58,400 PPS1 numbers were (CSO 2006). Lithuanians were thus the third issued to Lithuanian nationals in the peri- largest immigrant community in Ireland in od from 1 May 2004 to 31 March 2008 (see 2006, following those from the UK and Po- Figure 1 (Department of Social and Family land. While this is the official count, there is Affairs 2008)).
Figure 1: Number of PPSNs issued monthly to Lithuanian nationals, May 2004 – March 2008 (Source: Department of Family and Social Affairs 2008)
49 Though commentators are unlikely to ferences between Lithuanians in Ireland and agree over the extent of the Lithuanian pre- the general Irish population. The first signi- sence in Ireland, they certainly agree that ficant difference is age profile (see Table 1). 80 the Lithuanian community has increased per cent of Lithuanians in Ireland are aged exponentially in recent years. Even using the between 15 and 44, compared to 43.9 per cent undercounted Census figures, the number of of the Irish population. While 8.7 per cent of Lithuanian nationals has increased by over the Lithuanian population in Ireland is aged 1,000% in four years; from 2,104 in 2002 to 45 years or older, the corresponding figure for 24,638 in 2006. Ireland was one of just three the Irish population is 34.6 per cent. countries to allow Lithuanian citizens unres- tricted access to its labour market following Table 1: Age distribution of Lithuanian and EU accession in May 2004 (the others were Irish populations (source: Census 2006) the UK and Sweden). However, Lithuanian migration to Ireland had started prior to May Lithuanians in Irish Age Category Ireland population 2004: over 4,500 new work permits were issu- % % ed to Lithuanian nationals between January 0-14 years 11.3 21.5 2002 and December 2003.2 15-24 years 27.3 14.5 In a very short period of time, therefore, 25-44 years 52.7 29.4 Ireland has become one of the most impor- tant destinations for migrants from Lithu- 45-64 years 8.4 22.8 ania. Though the extent of recentL ithuanian 65 years or older 0.3 11.8 migration to the UK is greater, the relative sizes of the UK and Ireland mean that Ire- The second significant difference is occu- land is a more significant destination for pation (see Table 2). In general, over 80 per Lithuanian migrants. In the three year pe- cent of Lithuanians in Ireland are in the la- riod from 2004/5 to 2006/7, around 70,000 bour force, compared to around 47 per cent Lithuanians applied for National Insurance of the Irish population. However, there are Numbers (NiNo) in the UK: of those, over important differences in their occupational 2,000 were based in Northern Ireland (DWP categories. Lithuanians in Ireland are more 2007; NISRA 2007). likely to be employed in manufacturing, What do we know about Lithuanian natio- construction, services and other categories, nals in Ireland? From Census 2006, we can and less likely to be employed in clerical, ma- say that Lithuanians in Ireland are young nagement and government, as well as profes- and relatively well educated. The majority sional, technical and health categories, than are Roman Catholic. Around a third of Li- their Irish counterparts. thuanian migrants in Ireland are married, While Census 2006 provides interesting and over 50 per cent are single. The majority insights into Lithuanian migrants in Ireland of Lithuanians in Ireland live in Dublin, but in April 2006, it is limited. It gives little in- there are significant numbers inM eath, Cork, formation about the lives of migrants before Monaghan, Kildare and Louth. However, the moving to Ireland, their experiences of living highest concentration of Lithuanians in Ire- in Ireland, and their future plans. Aware of land is in the county of Monaghan: over 3.4 the dearth of information on new migrants per cent of the population of that county is to Ireland, the Immigrant Council of Ireland Lithuanian (see Figure 2). From the Census, commissioned a report on the experiences of it is also possible to identify significant dif- four migrant communities: Chinese, Indian,
50 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos Figure 2: Lithuanian Nationals Settlement Map (Source: Census 2006)
51 Table 2: Occupational classification of Lithuanian and Irish populations (source: Census 2006)
Lithuanians in Ireland Irish population Occupational classification % % Farming, fishing and forestry 3.7 4.6 Manufacturing 18.8 11.6 Building/construction 19.5 8.4 Clerical, managing, government workers 3.3 18.6 Communication and transport 5.6 5.7 Sales and commerce 9.1 14.0 Professional, technical and health 1.7 16.6 Services 13.5 10.1 Others 20.8 9.5 Looking for first job 4.0 1.0
Lithuanian and Nigerian. This paper is based wages, act as an impetus to migration, whi- on our research with Lithuanian migrants to le the economic boom in Ireland makes the Ireland as part of the project, and reports on country an attractive destination (Barrett et the results of detailed questionnaire surveys, al 2005; Barrett and Bergin 2007; Dorigo and in-depth interviews and focus groups that Tobler 1983; MacÉinrí and White 2008). In took place in 2007 (see MCRI 2008 for more our research, around 27 per cent of survey information). respondents were not in paid employment before migrating to Ireland, either because they were full-time students, unemployed, or Leaving Lithuania and involved in unpaid work. While this could moving to Ireland suggest that lack of employment opportuni- ties was the motivation for migration, this The majority of migrants moved toI reland is not the only reason. Over 40 per cent of directly from Lithuania, from a number of survey respondents said they moved to Ire- cities and towns including Kaunas, Vilnius land for the experience of living in another and Klaipeda, as well as Siauliai, Telsiai, country. Meanwhile, less than half the survey Druskininkai and Marijampole. The small respondents had a definite job offer before le- number who had moved from other coun- aving Lithuania, suggesting that the promise tries had previously lived in the UK, the of Ireland was sufficient reason for moving. US, Germany, and the Middle East. While These complex motivations behind mi- around half had travelled to Ireland alone, gration were also expressed by interviewe- around 30 per cent had travelled with fa- es. Many said that one of their reasons for mily members and around 20 per cent with leaving Lithuania was economic. For exam- friends. However, male migrants were con- ple, one interviewee who could not afford to siderably more likely than female migrants study in Lithuania chose “to go somewhere to travel on their own to Ireland. Contem- else to make money” (L9), with the intention porary migration from Lithuania to Ireland of returning home at a later stage to study. is often explained in terms of push and pull Another left because he could not find a job in factors: economic recession or difficulties in Lithuania (L8). However, many interviewees Lithuania, leading to unemployment or low also described their reasons for migration in
52 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos terms of personal development. Quite a num- long they intended to stay in Ireland, around ber saw their move from Lithuania as an op- 40 per cent said they did not know. This is in portunity to learn more about the world and contrast to the 8 per cent who said they in- themselves. “I wanted to travel and see the tended to stay in Ireland permanently. Over world” (L1), one said, while another wanted a quarter of female respondents said they -“to get [his] life together” (L10). Others wan- intended to stay in Ireland for 1 to 2 years ted to stop being a burden on their parents only. This is in contrast to research particip- and attain a level of independence. These ants from Nigeria, India and China, who dif- complex personal motivations were summed fered from Lithuanian respondents in their up by the interviewee who wanted to find “a lack of freedom to travel and work in the different way to live” L( 6). EU3. Many interviewees were similarly am- Reasons for migrating to Ireland were si- bivalent. When asked about his future plans milarly complex. Some interviewees had ar- and where he saw himself in five years, one ranged jobs in Ireland before moving to the interviewee said “I see myself in Lithuania, country, while some followed family mem- probably because I bought an apartment the- bers – for example, parents or partners – to re… My family probably will be in Lithuania Ireland. Others were encouraged to move by as well. Probably [but there] could be a lot of friends already living in Ireland. As one inter- change if I meet an Irish woman. You know, viewee said, “A couple of my friends were in life is full of surprises” (L9). Another was si- Ireland in 2002/03, so they said it was a good milarly ambivalent. “I still don’t think about country, people are friendly, things are good” me settling here for good”, she said, “but that (L5). In a few cases, interviewees spoke of their might change” (L1). Many expressed strong sense of connection to Ireland: “it is closer to connections to Lithuania, such as the inter- Lithuania, more similar to Lithuania than ot- viewee who said “I am Lithuanian and I will her countries” (L6), one said, while another stay Lithuanian all my life … because I can’t commented that “a lot of Lithuanians consi- forget my roots” (L4). Others mentioned der Ireland as kind of a sister country” (L2). family ties and responsibilities – for exam- An interviewee who had previously worked ple, elderly or ill parents – as a motivation in London, and who was convinced to move for eventually returning to Lithuania. As to Ireland by a friend, compared Ireland fa- one interviewee said, “my grandmother, my vourably to the UK: “I feel more comfortable mammy, my three brothers, they all live [in here … London is huge and that made me Lithuania] and when I am back in Lithuanua feel uncomfortable” (L1). However, others all they say [is] come back” (L8). admitted to having little or no knowledge of The experiences of survey respondents Ireland prior to their move. As one intervie- and interviewees point to the complicated wee confessed, “I had no clue about Ireland at nature of the decision to migrate, the choice all. The majority ofL ithuanians used to think of destination, and the ongoing tension bet- even five years ago thatI reland is the same as ween personal desire and social obligations Northern Ireland. So my mother was saying (Lawson 2000). These issues are negotiated ‘there is so much shooting going on there. … and re-negotiated by migrants as their per- Why are you going there?’” (L12). sonal circumstances change. Migration from Among Lithuanian survey respondents Lithuania to Ireland is still at a relatively early and interviewees, there was considerable un- stage, but already migrants are beginning to certainty in relation to future plans. When establish connections to Ireland that com- we asked Lithuanian survey respondents how plicate their original understanding of mi-
53 gration as a short-term event. This may in Figure 3: Proficiency in speaking English, turn also change, particularly in relation to by migrant group significant personal events such as having children, relationship breakdown, or family None Basic Adequate Fluent illness or death (Ní Laoire 2008). It is clear, 100 however, that any attempt to classify migrati- on from Lithuania to Ireland in terms of eco- 80 nomic differentials alone both simplifies and misrepresents the complex decision-making 60 processes of migrants. 40
20 Life in Ireland 0 Chinese Indian Lithuanian Nigerian Census 2006 also gives little information about the everyday life of Lithuanian migr- ants in Ireland. The research project aimed to While many respondents spoke English at capture some of these experiences, through a work, over 20 per cent predominantly used series of survey and interview questions on Lithuanian in their workplace, which sug- people’s cultural, economic, social and politi- gests employment clustering among some cal activities in Ireland. In this section of the Lithuanians in Ireland. Lithuanian respon- paper, we report on some key findings of the dents were also significantly more likely to research. We examine questions of language speak Lithuanian with family members, use, employment and social interaction in or- friends and children. der to provide an insight into the everyday li- Within Ireland, language proficiency is ves of Lithuanians in Ireland. We also focus on regularly highlighted as a barrier to integra- issues of transnational behaviour, showing the tion for migrants (Healy 2007; Office of the ways in which Lithuanians in Ireland remain Minister for Integration 2008). Policy makers, connected, both to Lithuania and elsewhere. non-governmental organisations and acade- mics in Ireland have all highlighted the need for improved language skills for immigrants. Language Their focus is often on English language acquisition, an area where many Lithuanian Language use and language proficiency migrants face considerable challenges. Si- was raised as an important issue in both milar concerns were raised by interviewees4, surveys and interviews. Lithuanians, among many of whom were fluent inE nglish but who the four national groups studied in this re- were aware of difficulties faced by other Li- search project, reported the lowest levels of thuanians with less fluency. As one intervie- proficiency in speaking, reading, writing and wee said, “the main problem is language, the understanding English. For example, only 25 language barrier” (L6). This point was echoed per cent of survey respondents believed they by another interviewee, who said “for me it’s were fluent in speakingE nglish (see Figure 3). easier because I have the language. Without This is in contrast to significantly higher per- the language it’s harder” (L7). The importance centages in the other three national groups of language proficiency was foregrounded by who participated in the research. an interviewee who warned friends and fami-
54 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos ly members to stay away from Ireland if they which her daughter picked up English in scho- could not speak English. As he said, “when ol, saying “I thought that school would be very I’m home, I just tell them if you don’t have difficult for her … because she didn’t speak English you can forget it” (L9). Similarly, the English…[Now] even when she plays at home ways in which language proficiency provided with her toys, she speaks in English” (L4). This opportunities and enhanced well-being in mother spoke about now needing a dictiona- Ireland was emphasised by an interviewee ry to understand her small daughter. As the who said “every day is getting better, becau- children of Lithuanian migrants learn English, se now I can speak in English” (L3). Despite there is concern that they will lose touch with the general recognition of the importance Lithuanian language and culture. To address of communicating in English, interviewees this, many migrants are active in weekend identified a number of barriers and obstacles. schools across Ireland that provide instructi- The first is a lack of desire among some -mi on in Lithuanian language and culture (ALB grants to learn English. As one interviewee 2008). However, the need to communicate in observed: “I know people who are … in Ire- English leads to difficulties for family members land three or four years and have no English of those living in Ireland. One interviewee des- … They are going to work with some Eastern cribed how his father wanted to learn English Europeans, speaking the same language, co- but felt it was too hard (L6). Another spoke of ming back home, living with five or ten people her mother, who visited Ireland to see and look in the same house, using the same language, after family members, but who felt unhappy buying a satellite dish with native channels… in Ireland “because she can’t easily speak with [T]hey have no idea about Ireland, about the neighbours” (L4). One interviewee predicted culture, about people” (L5). Such migrants problems for children brought up in Ireland: often see their stay in Ireland as temporary, “kindergarten in English, home in Lithuanian, and may be unwilling to invest time and ef- it’s just too messed up for kids” (L11). fort into acquiring a skill that appears to be of no use to them. The second is a lack of oppor- tunity, as evidenced in another interviewee’s Work description of his Lithuanian housemates who “say that they have problems with the Lithuanians living in Ireland find it relati- language but they have no time to learn” (L6). vely easy to get employment. Almost 87% of Indeed, taking formal English classes in Ire- the people we surveyed were currently in paid land is expensive and time-consuming. Em- employment, in jobs ranging from personal ployers are not mandated to provide English services (for example, domestic work, child- lessons or time to attend English classes to care or security) to construction, agriculture their employees, and thus English classes ge- and sales occupations. Family and friends are nerally have to be taken outside work hours. an important source of information about job In many instances, English classes are provi- opportunities: over 60 per cent of the people ded by private language schools, and are often who were currently employed found their job expensive. Free classes are often only made in this way. It was clear, however, from both available to asylum seekers or refugees. surveys and interviews that in many instances, The question of language and communica- people worked in jobs that were not their first tion takes on another dimension in the context choice of employment – close to 43% of survey of changing family relationships. One inter- respondents said that their qualifications were viewee expressed her surprise at the ease with not fully recognised in their current job. Simi-
55 larly, while almost 90% of Lithuanians surve- they said ‘oh yes’” (L8). He took the job, he yed thought their financial situation had im- said, “for money, because life is expensive here” proved since coming to Ireland, just over 60% (L8). Others explained their current job as a thought their professional and personal situ- stepping stone to something better. Though it ation had improved. In general, Lithuanian was not their first choice, they could tolerate respondents were less likely to experience dif- it in the short term. One interviewee, recently ficulties at work than other respondents.O nly divorced and with two young children, was around 5 per cent of survey participants re- working as a cashier in a local shop. A trained ported experiences of bullying or harassment teacher in Lithuania, she took the job because at work, from either managers or co-workers. it was convenient and flexible, saying I“ don’t However, over 10 per cent reported that they want to work ... all my life in [shop], it’s not had experienced racism at work, particularly my dream. Just for this moment it’s good” from Irish people (see also NCCRI 2007). One (L4). Another, currently working in an office, interviewee, who worked in a petrol station, said “I won’t do this job for longer than a year described the abuse she experienced. “If the because that’s not what I want to do. I don’t Irish person is not against immigrants, he’s want to sit in an office for the rest of my life” fine”, she said. “But if he doesn’t like other pe- (L11). However, many pointed to the oppor- ople coming to the country … he won’t say a tunities they had experienced in Ireland and word to you, or [might] call you names … and to the progress they had made since arriving give out about the quality of the sandwich … in the country. The office worker commented and the quality of the service” (L11). However, that “I would never have got a job in the office the biggest difficulties at work, according to without showing them a diploma and if you survey respondents, were working conditions want to have a good job, you have to spend and inadequate pay. Almost 25 per cent of at least six years in university, which costs a survey respondents said that they had expe- lot” (L11). One interviewee, who had arrived rienced poor working conditions. One inter- in Ireland six years earlier with three friends viewee told us of the perception that “in the to work in a fast food restaurant, said that all unskilled sector ... we are not paid as much four now worked in management positions, as Irish [people]” (L2). This perception was in a variety of different companies L( 12). In supported by survey findings, where over 20 this way, moving to Ireland provided new op- per cent of respondents said that they had re- portunities for many migrants, and allowed ceived inadequate pay. These experiences were them to develop new skills. However, the dif- encapsulated in the experiences of one inter- ficulties faced by many migrants were high- viewee, who left a job because of a variety of lighted by one interviewee, who commented problems: “no taxes, small salary, conflict with that “I think my experience would be a little workers” and no overtime pay (L8) different ifI arrived here, and ... all my life ne- Interviews provided more information on ver did any physical work, and I had to work how people rationalized their employment in some mushroom farm or a factory” (L7). situation. Some people were willing to forego professional advancement for short-term eco- nomic gain. For example, a trained engineer Social interaction with limited English described how he got his first job in Ireland: “Outside, there were new A variety of factors facilitate or inhibit houses and a small digger, a couple of Irish social interaction, including language, work, guys with yellow jackets. I asked for a job and place of residence and level of income. Social
56 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos interaction, in turn, is seen as important in time because of the pressures of work. Anot- enabling communication and understanding her man described his difficulty meetingI rish to develop between migrants and the indige- women – he felt that they lost interest in him nous population. The survey included a num- when they heard his accent (L8). However, a ber of questions on patterns and types of social number of interviewees highlighted the im- interaction of migrants. Lithuanian respon- portance of the pub as a place to meet Irish dents were most likely to spend time with ot- people: “it’s a pub culture”, as one commented her Lithuanians, followed by family and then (L10c), while another said “I don’t think we Irish citizens. However, Lithuanians were le- like pubs as much as Irish people do” (L4). The ast likely to spend time with other migrants. place of the pub in Irish society in turn creates Just over a third of Lithuanian respondents difficulties.O ne woman observed “it’s not my reported spending time with other migrants, personality or my character ... to meet people in contrast to almost 90 per cent of Nigerian in pubs” (L1) – this limits her possibilities for respondents and over half the Indian res- interaction with many Irish people. Another pondents.Two types of social activities with interviewee said, “I don’t get a chance to so- other Lithuanians – both family members cialise with the Irish”. He explained that “the and friends – stood out as being particularly only socialising here goes when you are in- important. These were visiting each other’s terested in sports [or] you go to a pub; both homes, and activities based around food. As are not for me” (L7). Despite these difficulties, one interviewee described, “on weekends many interviewees told us about their efforts we just meet up with friends, for barbeques to meet and socialise with people from outsi- or whatever, all Lithuanians” (L11). Another de Lithuania. One Dublin-based interviewee said “I have friends, Lithuanian friends, ... said “I think Irish people are really nice and we’re together in work [and] after work” L( 4). ... the more into the countryside I go, the furt- Many interviewees commented on the limi- her I go, the nicer they seem to me” (L1). And ted forms of social interaction experienced many interviewees told us about Irish people by other Lithuanians. “It’s all about partying who had helped them out and who had beco- in ... close communities in houses ... and they me good friends in the process. This included don’t have other sorts of entertainment than employers, landlords, and work colleagues. drinking” (L1), one interviewee said, while “It’s easier in Lithuania to make friends” (L12), another described a category of people “get- another interviewee told us, but “if you have a ting their wages, coming back home, buying a friend, an Irish friend, it’s for life” (L12). bottle of alcohol, drinking it, that’s it” (L5). However, social interaction is not just about Just over 40 per cent of Lithuanian survey socialising, but it also involves experiences respondents reported that they had social in- with institutions in Ireland (Brehony and teraction with Irish citizens. This was again Clancy 2006; Fanning et al 2004; MacÉinrí the lowest of the four migrant communities. et al 2006; NCCRI 2002). In the survey, we While some social interaction with Irish ci- focused particularly on state services, and tizens happened in each other’s homes or found that many Lithuanian respondents around food, these sites of interaction were learned about these services only when they not the most important - two thirds of Lithu- needed them, and often from friends. As one anian respondents who socialised with Irish interviewee commented, “the biggest problem people did so in pubs. Many interviewees is information” (L11). He talked about the need also found it difficult to socialise with Irish to translate material into Lithuanian for those people. For some, it was due to a lack of free who had difficulties with English. As a conse-
57 quence, many of the survey respondents had insecure” (L3). She felt that she would need not used a variety of state supports, such as to move back to Lithuania to help them, say- information, legal and health services. In ad- ing “it would be very selfish to stay here” L( 3). dition, only 14 per cent of survey respondents Over 50 per cent of the people we surveyed were registered to vote in Ireland, with many had visited family and friends in Lithuania saying they did not know they were entitled to three or more times since moving to Ireland, do so. This suggests that social interaction with and just 9 per cent had not visited Lithuania the institutions of the state has been limited for at all in that time. This is facilitated by the many Lithuanians in Ireland. This was evident rapid growth of air routes between Ireland in relation to health services, with many inter- and Lithuania, with Aer Lingus, Air Baltic, viewees telling us that they returned to Lithua- Fly LAL and Ryanair all operating direct nia for medical treatment. One interviewee said routes between the two countries. “the worst thing in Ireland is the health service” Around 40 per cent of survey respond- (L12), saying that if anyone goes to Lithuania, ents reported that they sent remittances to the first thing they do is go to the hospital and Lithuania. These were used for a variety of dentist. This was confirmed by another inter- purposes: most frequently towards family viewee, who said, “usually we check our health living expenses, but also for savings and to at home on holidays, all the blood [tests] and x- purchase property, to repay debts and for the rays and everything” (L11). This is one form of education of family members. Others pro- transnational behaviour, but it emanates from vided financial support in other ways. For a failure of the Irish state to fully address the example, some interviewees arranged for needs of Lithuanians in Ireland. brothers and sisters to come to Ireland for short periods, such as the interviewee who said “I bring three of [my siblings] here for Transnationalism the summer” (L9). Many of the people we in- terviewed had travelled to Ireland because of Though the migrants we spoke to as part the efforts of friends and family members al- of our research live and work in Ireland, they ready living in the country, and this pattern remain highly connected to Lithuania and of assisted migration continues. Contact be- elsewhere. Those connections take a vari- tween Lithuanians in Ireland and friends and ety of forms; from regular communication family in Lithuania takes a variety of forms. and visits, to remittances and other forms of Survey respondents made regular phonecalls, financial help. Many of the people we sur- send text messages and emails – though not veyed had close family members still living letters – to keep in touch. Around a third of in Lithuania. For example, almost a third of respondents watch Lithuanian television on survey respondents had children living in a daily basis, and around a half check Lithua- Lithuania, many of whom were being cared nian webpages daily. Interviewees also told for by their grandparents. In addition, around us about using Skype to keep in touch. 15 per cent of respondents had partners who However, transnationalism involves more lived outside Ireland. Many interviewees than connections and contacts with the place mentioned their parents and the strain of of origin, but also involves a sense of belong- being so far away from them and from other ing in more than one place. We asked survey family members. For example, one woman respondents if they felt there was a Lithuanian spoke of her parents: “they’re getting older ... community in Ireland. Just over 50 per cent and I think they feel very lonely and unsafe, agreed that there was a Lithuanian commu-
58 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos nity in Ireland, and around two thirds of them also has consequences, as their families and believed that they belonged to it. Some of the friends struggle to cope with their absence. people we interviewed were actively involved This was the situation inI reland as recently as in community activities. Others were less en- the 1980s, when thousands of young people gaged. For example, one interviewee said of the emigrated on an annual basis (King 1991). Lithuanian community, “I get internet updates Our research complicates simplistic un- about what we are doing, but I don’t think I’m derstandings of the reasons for migration, very interested in it .... If you want anything and highlights some of the issues faced by Lithuanian you can go home very quickly. But Lithuanian migrants to Ireland. In doing so, maybe for people who have children it is im- we identified difficulties in communicating, portant” (L7). Another, while aware of the ex- particularly in English. We also identified istence of a Lithuanian Association in Ireland, migrants who were not able to make use of said “I don’t attend their meetings or anything. their training and qualifications at work, as ... I’m not too interested to be honest with you, well as those who were able to avail of oppor- because I’d rather experience Irish life here tunities to develop their skills and experien- rather than Lithuanian” (L1). However, the ce. Lithuanian migrants are developing new same interviewee spoke positively of a tradi- social networks and friendships in Ireland, tional St. Casimir’s fair in Dublin city centre, while maintaining strong emotional and ma- organised by the Lithuanian Association in terial links to Lithuania and to their families March 2007 (see Figure 4). and friends (Ley 2004; Mckay 2007; Mitchell 2003). Underpinning these findings are the Figure 4: Logo of Lithuanian Association in difficulties many migrants faced on moving Ireland, on display in Dublin, March 2007. from Lithuania to Ireland. One interviewee spoke of the early days in Ireland: “It took me quite a while to find a job so I was a bit desperate at the beginning” (L1). Another tal- Insert Figure 4 here ked of the loneliness of life in Ireland, saying “the first two months were fine, but after two months I started realising that I’m still not going home, and I won’t be going home for a long time, so that’s when it hit me” (L11). Conclusion: Migrants are diverse, and it is important The challenges of migration to study this diversity in more detail. One in- terviewee described three types of migrants Levels of new migration from Lithuania from Lithuania to Ireland. The first “live here to Ireland have declined in recent years, yet and enjoy [their] life and time”. The second Ireland remains an important destination “make a lot of money and go back to Lithuania’, for Lithuanian migrants. These migrants, in while the third are always “under pressure common with migrants from other countries, and all the time dreaming about Lithuania” are in general young, well-educated and skil- (L3). These motivations, contexts and expe- led, and their presence in Ireland contributes riences shape migrants and the experiences greatly to Irish society and the Irish econo- of migration. In order to better understand my (Fanning 2007; King-O’Riain 2008; Ko- migration from Lithuania and to Ireland, it molafe 2008; Kropiwiec 2006; Wang 2006). will be important to further develop research However, their departure from Lithuania that highlights this complexity (King 2002).
59 Bibliography
ALB (Airijos Lietuviu Bendruomene) 2008. Schools: King-O’Riain R. 2008. Target earning/learning, General Information. Available online at http:// settling or trampolining: Polish and Chine- www.alb.ie/index.php?subj=showchp&id=65. se immigrants in Ireland. Irish Geography, Accessed May 2008. 41(2), 211–223. Barrett A., Bergin A. and Duffy D. 2005. The Komolafe J. 2008. Nigerian migration to Ire- Labour Market Characteristics and Labour land: movements, motivations and experi- Market Impacts of Immigrants in Ireland. ences. Irish Geography, 41(2), 225–241. Bonn: IZA. Kropiwiec K. 2006. Polish Migrant Workers in Barrett A. and Bergin A. 2007. The economic Ireland . Dublin: National Consultative Com- contribution of immigrants in Ireland. In mittee on Racism and Interculturalism. Fanning B (ed) Immigration and Social Lawson V. A. 2000. Arguments within geograp- Change in Ireland . hies of movement: the theoretical potential Brehony M. and Clancy N. 2006. Building a of migrants’ stories Progress in Human Ge- diverse Mayo: a report on immigration, in- ography 24(2) 173–189. tegration and service provision. Castlebar: Ley D. 2004. Transnational spaces and every- Mayo Intercultural Action. day lives Transactions of the Institute of Bri- CSO 2006. Census 2006 Reports. Available tish Geographers 29 151–164. online at http://www.cso.ie/census/Census- MacCormaic, Ruadhán (2007) Level of im- 2006Results.htm. Accessed May 2008. migration ‘underestimated’. Irish Times, 17 Department of Social and Family Affairs 2008. September. PPSN Statistics for the 12 EU Accession States . MacÉinrí P. Stavrou S. and O’Sullivan J. 2006. Available online at http://www.welfare.ie/top- Improving Government Service Delivery to ics/ppsn/ppsstat.html. Accessed May 2008. Minority Ethnic Groups. Report for Ireland Dorigo G. and Tobler W. 1983. Push-pull mi- for tripartite project (Ireland, Northern gration laws. Annals of the Association of Ireland, Scotland) funded by Office of First American Geographers, 73(1). 1–17. Minister and Deputy First Minister, Belfast, DWP (Department for Work and Pensions) Joseph Rowntee Charitable Trust and Bri- (2007) National Insurance Number Alloca- tish Council Ireland, 107–37. tions to Overseas Nationals Entering the UK. MacÉinrí P. and White A. 2008. Immigration Available online at
60 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos NCCRI 2007. Reported Incidents Relating overseas_nationals_07_revised.pdf>. Ac- to Racism and strategic response from the cessed March 2008. NCCRI Jul –Dec 2007. Available online at Office of the Minister for Integration 2008. http://www.nccri.ie/pdf/RacistIncidentsJu- Migration Nation: Statement on Integra- ly-Dec07.pdf, Accessed May 2008. tion Strategy and Diversity Management. Ní Laoire C. 2008. ‘Settling back’: a biographi- Dublin. cal and life-course perspective on Ireland’s Ó Gráda C. 2006. Jewish Ireland in the Age of Jo- recent return migration // Irish Geography, yce. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 41(2), 195–210. Wang Y. Y. 2006. Chinese Students in Ireland . NISRA (Northern Ireland Statistics and Re- Dublin: National Consultative Committee search Agency) 2007. Available online at on Racism and Interculturalism. Endnotes 1. The PPS number is the Personal Public Ser- 3. The majority of Nigerian respondents were vices Number, used in transactions between asylum seekers and refugees. The majority individuals and public bodies, for example of Chinese respondents held student visas. for taxation payments, drivers’ licenses, so- The majority of Indian respondents were la- cial welfare and health services. Not every- bour migrants, holding either working visas one living in Ireland has a PPS number, and or work permits. All needed specific permis- many people may have received a PPS num- sion to migrate to and stay in Ireland, unlike ber and subsequently left Ireland. Lithuanian respondents. 2. an earlier wave of Lithuanian migration to 4. While many of the surveys were conducted Ireland occurred in the late19th and early 20th with the aid of a translator, all interviews centuries, composed of Lithuanian Jews (Li- were conducted in English. tvaks) (Ó Gráda 2006). 61 Mary GILMARTIN, Jane-Ann O’CONNELL, Bettina MIGGE LIETUVIAI AIRIJOJE Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama jau prieš anglų kalbą? Kaip jie suvokia ir priima savo 2004 m. prasidėjusi Lietuvos žmonių migra- darbo Airijoje sąlygas? Su kuo ir kaip Airi- cija į Airiją. Kas skatino juos pasirinkti bū- joje bendrauja migrantai iš Lietuvos? Kaip tent Airiją? Iš apklausų aiškėja, kad motyva- kėlimasis į Airiją paveikė santykius ir ko- cija labai įvairi, susijusi su noru ne tik geriau munikaciją šeimoje? Ar Airijoje gyvenantys gyventi Lietuvoje, bet ir pamatyti pasaulio. lietuviai savo tėvyne laiko labiau Lietuvą, ar Su kokiais sunkumais lietuviai susiduria Airiją? Į šiuos klausimus straipsnyje bando- atvykę į Airiją? Jų apžvalgai ir skiriama pa- ma atsakyti remiantis jau esamais tyrimais ir grindinė darbo dalis. Ar lietuviai lengvai autorių atliktomis migrantų apklausomis. išmoksta darbui ir gyvenimui reikalingą 62 Lietuvių migracijos ir diasporos studijos