1382 Trans* bodies identities (Factor and Rothblum 2008). However, owing to the limitations of some of the technical AARON H. DEVOR aspects of physical gender transitions, very few University of Victoria, Canada trans* people are able to live the entirety of their lives without some disclosure of their trans* identi- Gender-variant people live all across the globe. In ties. This is especially true in sexually intimate some cultures they are well integrated and enjoy situations involving close physical contact with, or considerable social acceptance, whereas in others observation of, physical bodies. Thus, while the there is little or no tolerance for significant gender physical changes undertaken by trans* and gender- nonconformity (Peletz 2006). The word trans* queer people are usually most deeply motivated by comes from English-speaking Euro-American cul- their gender identity needs, in many instances the tures and has begun to spread into other cultures, expression of their own sexuality, and that of their where it increasingly competes with indigenous partners, will also be impacted by the bodily ways of understanding the correspondences alterations they undertake to bring their gender between genders and bodies (Towle and Morgan identities and bodies into better alignment. 2002). According to GATE—Global Action for Trans* Equality (2014), trans* can be defined as: Contexts: gender assumptions those people who have a gender identity which is in everyday life different to the gender assigned at birth and/or those people who feel they have to, prefer to, or When trans* and genderqueer people transform choose to—whether by clothing, accessories, cos- their physical bodies, they do so within the con- metics or body modification—present themselves text of assumptions made by most members of differently to the expectations of the gender role society about the meanings attached to physical assigned to them at birth. This includes, among features of human bodies and the social statuses, many others, transsexual and transgender people, identities, and behaviors assumed to be naturally transvestites, travesti, cross dressers, no gender associated with them. In particular, most people and genderqueer people. assume that the possession of a penis and testicles defines a person as both male and a man, and that Trans* and genderqueer people in Euro- the actions of the hormones typically produced in American societies include a wide range of people such bodies will cause those people to be mascu- who, to varying degrees, feel that the sexes and line. Similarly, the possession of a vulva and genders to which they were assigned at birth do not vagina, and the actions of ovarian hormones are match well to their own gender and sex identities. assumed to produce female women who are They may identify themselves in a variety of ways, feminine. Conversely, all women are presumed with new gender and sexual identities and to be females who have vulvas, vaginas and cor- presentations constantly coming into use. Some responding internal organs; all men are assumed trans*, and most genderqueer people, actively wish to be males who have penises and testicles. Most to be easily identified as such; some prefer to appear often, when members of the public encounter cisgendered (not trans*) but are nonetheless recog- people whose masculinity or femininity is some- nizable as trans* due to aspects of their physical what less traditional than expected, they may presence; some trans* people are able to live very be assumed to be gay men, lesbian women, or comfortably and unrecognizably in their preferred bisexuals, but their essential maleness or female- gender. Many trans* and genderqueer people will ness is rarely questioned. However, when gender take steps to transform their bodies so as to bring presentations and genitals appear to be sending them into better alignment with their gender irreconcilable messages, genitals will trump The International Encyclopedia of Human Sexuality, First Edition. Edited by Patricia Whelehan and Anne Bolin. © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 1383 gender presentations as the defining factors in the communicate their gender identities. They may minds of most people (Kessler and McKenna make use of changes to deportment, body, facial, 1978). and head hair styles, clothing, cosmetics, jewelry, Trans* and genderqueer people negotiate their fashion accessories, body fat, or muscularity; they gender presentations within these everyday may strategically employ padding, concealment assumptions. Those who are most adept at suc- devices, sex toys, genital or breast prostheses, cessfully communicating their gender identities genital enhancement or diminishment devices, are those who are best able to make use of the tattooing, or piercings in order to present them- usual assumptions about the relationship between selves so as to be recognized in ways that are physical bodies and gender presentations. They appropriate to their gender identities. strategically deploy stereotypical masculinity or Some trans* and genderqueer people who feel femininity so as to cause observers to recognize that they are neither of the two most common- them as their desired gender and sex, because place genders, or that they are some mixture of observers generally assume that people possess the two, may combine any of the above tech- bodies that match their gender presentations in niques in unusual and fluid ways that disrupt stereotypical ways (Devor 1989). This is more common assumptions about the usual corre- easily accomplished in situations that involve nei- spondences between sexes and genders. Some ther disrobing nor physical contact that would people feel a periodic need to step outside of their expose nonstereotypical bodies. quotidian genders to inhabit other gender posi- When sex characteristics and gender presenta- tions for shorter periods of time. They may make tions are known to not align in typical ways, wholehearted attempts to present themselves as trans* and genderqueer people become much the other normative gender, they may make more vulnerable to a number of indignities and symbolic partial gestures in this direction, or they dangers (Lombardi 2009). They may be objecti- may make parodic or hyperbolic presentations fied or fetishized, have their gender identities that nonetheless serve as a valid and satisfying invalidated, be denied due respect, abused, vio- form of gender identity expression for them. lated, assaulted, or murdered. Some trans* and They can thus cause observers to better under- genderqueer people choose to brave some of stand that there are genders which lie outside of these risks because to do otherwise would be to the usual binary conceptualizations of gender and hide their gender identities. Others’ gender iden- that these kinds of enactments of genders are not tities are such that, under most circumstances, necessarily fixed. their gender presentations are sufficiently con- Other trans* and genderqueer people find that forming to normative expectations that their they need to alter their bodies in more long-lasting risks of adverse outcomes are low. However, every ways. Such alterations may involve treatment with trans* and genderqueer person, even those who sex steroid hormones, surgical sex reassignment most approximate cisgendered appearances, procedures, and ancillary procedures to feminize remains vulnerable to the entire catalogue of or masculinize facial features or body contours. invalidations and dangers should information These treatments and procedures are typically about their gender identity become known. combined with at least some of the techniques Hence, trans* and genderqueer people are con- described above. How they might be combined is tinually attempting to strike a balance between as varied as are the gender identities of the trans* true-to-themselves gender expressions and and genderqueer people who employ them. effective stigma management. The effects of sex steroid hormones (depending on one’s specific genital inheritance) can be quite dramatic. In trans-masculine-spectrum people Ways that trans* and genderqueer people (assigned as female at birth) the effects may include change their bodies lower pitch to the voice, thickening and increased oiliness of skin, growth of facial and body hair, loss Some trans* and genderqueer people find that it of head hair, increased muscularity, masculine is not necessary to permanently change their body fat distribution, cessation of menses, and bodies in substantial ways in order to effectively growth of clitoris. In trans-feminine-spectrum 1384 people (assigned as male at birth) the effects may significant minority of transmasculine people are include increased softness and decreased oiliness sexually attracted to men and identify themselves of skin, growth of breasts, slowed growth of facial as gay men, including many who do not have and body hair, slowed loss of head hair, decreased penises. Similarly, a significant proportion of muscularity, feminine body fat distribution, loss of transfeminine people are attracted to women and erectile function, decrease in testicular and penile identify themselves as lesbians, including many volume, decrease in fertility. who do not have vulvas and vaginas. Also, many Surgical interventions for trans-masculine- trans* and genderqueer people prefer sexual spectrum people include: breast reduction; partners who are themselves trans*, genderqueer, breast removal (mastectomy);