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UCLA UCLA Encyclopedia of

Title Travel

Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3945t7f7

Journal UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1)

Author Köpp-Junk, Heidi

Publication Date 2013-03-25

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California

TRAVEL السفريات (الترحال)

Heidi Köpp-Junk

EDITORS

WILLEKE WENDRICH Editor-in-Chief University of California, Los Angeles

JACCO DIELEMAN Editor University of California, Los Angeles

ELIZABETH FROOD Editor Area Editor Individual and Society University of Oxford

JOHN BAINES Senior Editorial Consultant University of Oxford

Short Citation: Köpp-Junk, 2013, Travel. UEE.

Full Citation: Köpp-Junk, Heidi, 2013, Travel. In Elizabeth Frood and Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, Los Angeles. http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz002gvznf

7992 Version 1, March 2013 http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz002gvznf

TRAVEL السفريات (الترحال)

Heidi Köpp-Junk

Reisen Voyager

Travel was a crucial element of ancient Egyptian culture. An extensive traffic system by land and by water already existed as early as the Old Kingdom, including various means of transport that did not fundamentally change right through to the New Kingdom. Traveling activity attested for various professions demonstrates that Egyptian society exercised a high degree of mobility. In the majority of cases, a journey was undertaken within the scope of the traveler’s work and on behalf of the . Travel had a significant impact on the Egyptian world-view as well as on the development of the identity of Egyptian society as an entity .

السفريات ھي عنصر ھام في الحضارة المصرية القديمة، حيث وجد نظام مواصالت بري وبحري علي نطاق واسع منذ بدايات الدولة القديمة ، متضمنا َ وسائل متنوعة للنقل لم تتغير بشكل أساسي حتى عصر الدولة الحديثة. كان نشاط الترحال جزء من العديد من الوظائف ، مما يدل على أن المصريين القدماء كانوا يمارسوا درجة عالية من الترحال .و كان السفر في أغلب الحاالت جزء من وظائف األفراد نيابة ً عن الفرعون. لذلك كان للسفر تأثير كبير على نظرة المصريين للعالم وأيضا ً على تطور ھوية المجتمع المصري.

point of departure is important, for this he concept of travel in distinguishes travel from emigration, where no T differed greatly from our modern return is intended (Köpp 2006: 1 - 2; see also Baines understanding of the term, which is 2007: 5 - 6). largely associated with tourism. Today, people frequently travel for touristic reasons—namely, their Sources need for rest and relaxation and their curiosity regarding foreign countries and peoples. However, Archaeological evidence, in addition to non-fictional this is a phenomenon that has developed only within and fictional texts, demonstrates how ancient the last 130 years (Bausinger 1991: 343 - 344). Up to Egyptians traveled. Depictions of Egyptian travelers the European Middle Ages and early modern era, are rare in Pharaonic Egypt. Occasionally Egyptian traveling mostly took place for economic reasons means of locomotion and transport appear in wall rather than for pleasure. The same applies to ancient paintings, and reliefs in tombs and temples. Some Egypt. From Pharaonic times there is little evidence sledges, chariots, and wagons, as well as one carrying of journeys for pleasure, or what we would interpret chair, have been recovered archaeologically (Köpp as “touristic” travel today (Köpp 2006: 309). Due to 2006: 131 - 132; 141 n. 938; 154 - 155; 201). this fact, travel in ancient Egypt must be defined in a Non-fiction sources referring to travels and broader sense: it is the movement of a person from travelers include biographies, expedition texts, of‐ A to B, where B lies outside his usual radius of ficial documents, and visitors’ graffiti. But travel is action. Other determining factors are absence from not the core motif in these texts; it is mentioned home and staying in other surroundings. only in passing. Therefore the information on travel Furthermore, the traveler’s intention to return to his

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is rather fragmentary. Typically an inscription will referred to in the expedition texts are not only high- mention only a journey’s starting point or ranking but from lower ranks as well (Seyfried 1981: destination, very seldom both. Harkhuf’s explicit 4). Hunters, fowlers, brewers, sandal makers, bakers, reference to his travel routes to the land of Yam— scribes, millers, servants (Seyfried 1981: 248 - 252; namely, the Oasis Road and the Elephantine Road Kemp 2007: 181), physicians, priests (Engelmann (Sethe: Urk. I: 124, 17-125, 11)—is an exception. and Hallof 1995: 113, 131), and mayors (HAtj-a) The means of transport or locomotion used on a (Seyfried 1981: 249) are mentioned in the texts. In voyage were scarcely mentioned. A rare exception the New Kingdom, professions connected with occurs in the biography of Weni, where reference is horses and chariots, such as charioteers, were made to the ships in which Weni traveled (Sethe: attested (Hikade 2001: 43). Urk. I: 99, 15; 107, 7-9). The motif of travel appears Expeditions differed in size and in the profession often in Egyptian literature, for example in The of their members, depending on the type of material Shipwrecked Sailor, Sinuhe, The Eloquent Peasant, The they were sent out to retrieve, or on the goods they Letter of Wermai, and Wenamun (Loprieno 2003; were going to trade. For example, quarrying Galán 2005; and particularly Moers 1999: 43-61; expeditions for precious stones and gems required a Moers 2001: 167 - 283). greater number of specialists, whereas expeditions for large, heavy blocks required a majority of lessor- The Ancient Egyptian Traveler skilled workers for the quarrying, and especially the A high degree of mobility is attested in ancient transport, of the stones (Verner 1991: 65 - 66). In Egypt from the earliest times (Köpp 2008a). the Old Kingdom, the number of expedition Expeditions are already attested in the Predynastic members lies between 80 und 20,000 (Eichler 1993: Period (Eichler 1993: 269). Visitors’ inscriptions 125, 155, 325). sent to the Wadi from Dynasty 0 were found at the Gebel Tjauti Hammamat an expedition that included “18,660 (Darnell and Darnell 1997: 25). There is further skilled and unskilled workers” (Kemp 2007: 181). A evidence dating to King Aha and mission under the reign of Ramesses III counted in , and for at Gebel 3,000 members, including 2,000 common workers Sheikh Suleiman (Zibelius-Chen 1988: 144 - 145; and 500 masons (Hikade 2001: 49). An expedition Endesfelder 1991: 17 - 18). Expeditions are attested under Ramesses IV consisted of 408 members in up to the 30th Dynasty (Blumenthal 1977: 87). total (Hikade 2001: 38), among them 50 stone- Travelers, however, were not only members of carriers and 200 transport-carriers (Steinmann 1984: expeditions: they came from very different 31). Already from these few pieces of evidence it professions ranging across the whole of Egyptian becomes clear that expedition members came from society. Besides those professionals requiring a high various professions with a sizable number of degree of mobility, such as merchants, messengers, common workers among them. and members of the army, there is documentary A calculation of the figures given in the expedition evidence of many others, such as traveling texts reveals that there is evidence for approximately physicians, architects, scribes, craftsmen, workers, 23,400 members of expeditions in the Old and priests, who were frequently but not exclusively Kingdom, nearly 40,000 in the Middle Kingdom, on the move as members of expeditions. and 13,622 in the New Kingdom (Köpp 2006: 274, Two important categories of travelers were 277, 278, 313). The explanation as to why the members of expeditions and members of the army, number of expedition members in the New both consisting of a variety of occupational Kingdom is lower in comparison with that of the categories. Expeditions to Sinai could include Old and Middle Kingdoms lies in the fact that there “twenty-five different types of government officials, are fewer expedition-related inscriptions from the eleven types of specialized local mining officials, New Kingdom that survive (Zibelius-Chen 1988: eight types of artisans and nine types of laborers” 155) and they are less detailed than those from the (Shaw 1986: 200). The same range is evidenced at Middle Kingdom (Eichler 1993: 273). It is assumed the Wadi el-Hudi and the Wadi Hammamat in the nevertheless that the number of travelers increased Middle Kingdom (Shaw 1986: 200). The officials with the expansion of the Egyptian empire in the

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New Kingdom, since the expansion promoted a required. This could be sent within Egypt but higher degree of mobility within several professions, abroad as well. Such a widely traveled scribe was such as the military and the administration (Köpp Nebnetjeru, whose graffiti is found between 2006: 313 - 314). Kalabsha and Dendur, near Tonkalah, and possibly Č Not every expedition that took place is even at Toshka ( erný 1947: 57). documented; thus the total number of travelers who Craftsmen were also on the move. There is were on the move as members of expeditions is evidence of craftsmen in the service of private higher than the documented figures we possess. individuals and of pharaoh (Drenkhahn 1976: 134 - Furthermore, since the expedition texts frequently 157). They were not necessarily tied to a particular mention only the higher ranking members, while the workshop but were sent out on expeditions and lower grades are often not mentioned (Eichler 1993: large-scale royal building projects (Verner 1991: 77). 158 - 159, 181), the total figures may conceivably Even higher-ranking craftsmen with titles such as have been much higher. Hmw wr, jmj- kAt, and jmj-rA nbjw n Ra are The members of the army consisted of various among those whose project-related work orders professions—from scribes to generals and soldiers caused them to travel (e.g., Raue 1999: 72, n. 2, 152 - of the lower ranks—all of whom could exhibit 153, 157, 196 - 198, 234). mobility: they could be assigned to war campaigns, Priests traveled not only as members of or stationed far from home, sent on expeditions expeditions but also in order to fulfil special duties (Seyfried 1981: 248 - 252; Kemp 2007: 181), or sent for temples or to organize religious festivities (e.g., to perform corvée (i.e., compulsory) labor (Helck Raue 1999: 73, 74, 172 - 173, 180, 202 - 205, 250 - 1975: 371). Numerical data for the Egyptian army 251), as did Ikhernofret at Abydos in the 12th are rare and their interpretation is controversial Dynasty (Lichtheim 1973: 123). (Spalinger 2005: 155 - 156, 158 n. 16, 229). Nevertheless, the biggest contingent of an army A high official’s occupational move to a different consisted of soldiers of the lower ranks, constituting location is frequently mentioned (see, for example, the infantry for the most part. Brunner-Traut et al. 1984: no. 64). Mayors (Sethe: Urk. VII: 14 - 18), viziers (Niwinski 1992: 256), as Apart from members of expeditions and of the well as the pharaoh traveled on official government army, other travelers with a variety of occupations business—e.g., inspections, and diplomatic or are mentioned in the texts. Egyptian physicians not military missions. Royal journeys are shown to have only took part in expeditions, but they were sent out taken place beginning in Predynastic times from by the pharaoh on building projects (Engelmann several sources including annals (Endesfelder 1991: and Hallof 1995: 105, 126, 128) and to foreign royal 20). Furthermore, the so-called Smsw 1rw, the courts, due to the considerable repute they enjoyed “following of ,” took place every two years (Edel 1976: 31, 41, 45 - 47, 82 - 84, 87 - 89, 104 - and led the king through the whole land (von 106). Beckerath 1956: 6 - 7; Baines 2007: 11). In the New Architects were on the move for professional Kingdom, Pharaoh traveled yearly for religious reasons and on behalf of the pharaoh to supervise reasons to Thebes to celebrate the Opet Festival official building projects. One such architect was (Baines 2004: 43). Royal travels are further attested Nekhebu of the 6th Dynasty (Sethe: Urk. I: 215 - in the annals of Thutmose III reporting his war 221). He was sent out several times by Pepy I to campaigns (Sethe: Urk. IV: 645 - 734) or the Upper and to oversee the digging of a inscriptions at the temple of Kanais recording a visit canal in Qus and the royal building projects in by Sety I to the Eastern Desert (Kitchen 1975: 65 - Heliopolis, where he stayed for six years. During this 70). time, he made a few official trips to the residence in Thus the textual evidence, as demonstrated in Memphis. these few examples, reveals significantly that The mobility of scribes arose from the fact that, travelers came from very different professions from being part of the bureaucracy, they were transferred the whole of Egyptian society (Köpp 2006: 284, by official order to new places of employment as 314). A sizable amount of them represented the

Travel, Köpp-Junk, UEE 2013 3

lower levels of the population, such as the common hunger” (Semna Dispatch No. 5; Smither 1945: 9). workers recruited for building the pyramids and Military motivations are well documented through other large-scale state building projects, as well as various war campaigns, like those described in the low-ranking soldiers or unskilled laborers, Annals of Thutmose III (Sethe: Urk. IV: 645 - 763). illustrating that a high degree of mobility apparently Egyptian travels to Punt or were motivated existed not just for the elite. Moreover, it is evident by reasons of economics and prestige. The exchange that the great majority of the travelers were on the of luxury goods and objects of prestige was already move not only in connection with their profession, important in the Nagada I Period (Hartung 1998: 37 but on official duty through the order of the - 50). The travels of Harkhuf were prompted by a pharaoh (Köpp 2006: 284, 314 - 315). mixture of economic and military reasons (Eichler 1993: 150). Exploratory voyages equivalent to those Most travelers were men; women are only seldom of Christopher Columbus, or to those of the attested. Although there is little explicit evidence for eighteenth and nineteenth century CE made in women traveling, frequently their mobility can be search of the source of the Nile, are not known deduced, if indirectly (see Köpp 2006: 288 - 289, 291 from ancient Egypt. Rather, the textual evidence - 295, 315 - 316). Egyptian marriage customs shows that the ancient Egyptian traveler never normally required that women move to their journeyed at random but always had a fixed husband’s house (Allam 1975: 1167), indicating a destination. Curiosity as a motive is attested, such as degree of mobility. Women were also included in at the Temple of , where visitors’ inscriptions corvée labor, for example at a temple of Seneferu demonstrate an interest in ancient buildings (Posener-Kriéger 1975: 212). Rare textual and (Wildung 1975: 766). The desire for education as a pictorial evidence for women using chariots and stimulus for starting a journey is very rare. It is carrying chairs demonstrates that they used the same shown, for example, by New Kingdom school means of transport as men (Köpp 2008b: 34 - 44). excursions to temples and other monuments, as attested from visitors’ graffiti (Helck 1987: 20; Motivations for Traveling Fischer-Elfert 2003: 131). Travel for religious Throughout history there have been a variety of purposes is attested from the earliest times (Baines practical, psychological, and sociological motivations 2004: 35). Pilgrimages in the truest sense of the for undertaking a journey (see Köpp 2006: 306 - word are known only from the New Kingdom (see 307), the causal factor of utmost importance being for example Davies and Friedman 1999: 187; Sadek the search for food and attainment of provisions. A 1987: 197, n. 3, 4; Helck 1958a: Urk. IV: 1832 - secondary reason was to expand territory for 1833), and possibly from the Middle Kingdom settlement due to demographic pressure or military (Lichtheim 1988: 101). Because a pilgrimage is motivations. Trade and aspirations of profit-making defined as a voyage motivated exclusively by were also highly important, coupled with the desire religious reasons and expanding the traveler’s usual for new raw materials, exotic products, and luxury sphere of action (Beinlich 1986: 1145), the en passant goods. Curiosity and the thirst for adventure were inscriptions of expedition members at religious sites other motives to start a journey, as well as health do not attest to pilgrimages per se, since religious reasons and the desire to educate oneself and reasons did not constitute the only impetus for their broaden one’s horizon by visiting foreign lands and journey (Yoyotte 1960: 65, n. 10 - 11). Examples of peoples. Other travels had a religious impetus, such involuntary travel (exile or flight) are known as well as pilgrimages, or were of a social nature, such as (Köpp 2006: 302 - 303). marriage. The most frequent reason to start a journey, Some of these motivations are attested for ancient according to the texts, was not of a personal nature, Egypt, others not. According to textual sources the but rather occupational and on behalf of the king search for food was never a primary driving factor (Köpp 2006: 284 - 285; 309). Constituting an of Egyptian mobility, although there is evidence of exception were traders, who had high occupational foreign travelers, such as , who came to mobility and traveled because of their own work- Elephantine in search of employment and related interests, without having been explicitly sent subsequently reported that “the desert is dying of out by the king (Köpp 2006: 255 - 258).

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Evidence for private journeys is rare. One of the leading to the development of Egyptian identity. few known pieces of evidence for private travelers Moreover, in the interaction with the foreign, the (other than those attested in Egyptian literature, for traveler left his everyday radius of action and which see Menna’s Lament or Letter to a Wayward Son: expanded his knowledge and broadened his Guglielmi 1983: 147 - 166) is in a tomb biography of horizons. This happened not only through travel in Sabni, the 6th-Dynasty governor of the territory of foreign lands but even on Egyptian terrain that was Aswan (Köpp 2006: 287 - 288). Upon being unfamiliar. The Tale of Sinuhe makes reference to this informed of his father’s death, Sabni embarked on a feeling of foreignness by evoking the experience of journey to fetch the corpse (Sethe: Urk. I: 135, 17- an Egyptian within Egypt: “It was like the nature of 136, 3). The text does not mention an explicit royal a dream, like a Delta man seeing himself in order that Sabni undertake the journey. During his Elephantine, a man of the marshy lagoons in voyage, Sabni sends out a courier with a message southern Egypt (Sinuhe B 225; translated by (Sethe: Urk. I: 137, 8). Although the recipient of the Parkinson 1997: 38). note is not mentioned, it is to be assumed that it was Through comparison with medieval Europe one addressed to the royal residence, for a high-ranking could assume that it was predominantly the official like Sabni was certainly not allowed to leave Egyptian nobility and clergy who traveled, and his position and travel abroad without official therefore the elite and higher social levels. In fact, in permission (Baines 2004: 28; Köpp 2006: 287). It medieval society, the mobility of craftsmen, traders, appears, therefore, that his journey was undertaken and students surpassed that of the nobility and for private reasons (the death of his father), but that clergy (Elkar 1991: 57). An analogous situation he needed official dispensation to leave. Another applies to ancient Egypt, for in addition to the private traveler was perhaps Heqanakht of the 11th travels of the elite, the mobility of professions of the Dynasty, who owned land near Lisht but sent letters middle and lower class is proven in the texts. A to his family in Thebes, where he was working group of travelers not to be ignored consisted of (Allen 2002); it is not known, however, whether he lower-ranking soldiers and workers, i.e., under- was traveling for governmental purposes or for privileged people, because they played a major role private reasons (Köpp 2006: 288). in expeditions and armies. Furthermore, the The fact that private travels are seldom attested in mobilizing effect of the so-called corvée labor textual material does not imply that they did not take should not be underestimated (Köpp 2006: 267 - place (we have seen above that they did), but only 271). Up to two percent of the population was sup- that they have not been recorded. For example, posedly involved in building the pyramids private travel surely did occur for family reasons, (Endesfelder 1991: 45), and was therefore on the including marriage. Travels for private reasons are move. Mobility was therefore obviously independent therefore indirectly proven by the marriages of social or financial background and not a status themselves and the resulting family visits. Moreover, symbol. visits to the tombs of deceased relatives are widely No texts have been handed down that were attested. The factual extent of private mobility, composed directly by travelers from the lower social highlighted by these traces of evidence, can only be strata; rather, we possess only indirect references to surmised at best, since much concrete proof for its them. Biographies of elite members of society, range and diversity is lacking. however, often include portrayals of travel. Although traveling and mobility were de facto not Social and Ideological Implications of Travel indicators of status, Baines stresses that travel was Travel and mobility had fundamental implications regarded as prestigious within the elite and was for Egyptian society, for they played an essential role therefore emphasized in their biographies (Baines in the exchange of ideas and innovations, and in the 2004: 19 - 28). self-definition of a culture. Only when perceiving The means of transportation depended on the and accepting the existence of other cultures did social status of the traveler (Köpp 2006: 243, 397). Egyptians begin to see themselves as belonging to The lower classes traveled by foot or, at best, by one entity (Bausinger 1991: 350; Köpp 2006: 1), thus donkey. Well-to-do people, probably including

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dignitaries, traveled mounted on donkeys in the Old Mykene, via Pylos and Kythera, to Crete (Edel 1966: and Middle Kingdoms (Köpp 2006: 186, 193, 397; XIV, 33 - 60, listing EN). Papyrus Anastasi I gives Stadelmann 2006: 301), the donkeys also serving to not only geographical lists but also some detailed transport the travelers’ belongings. The elite traveled information, important to the traveler, concerning in the most prestigious ways—namely, by carrying Palestine and , including background on the chairs transported by servants or donkeys in the Old surroundings, and even a description of possible and Middle Kingdoms, and by chariots in the New threats, like robbery (Papyrus Anastasi I 18,3ff.; 20,1 Kingdom. Luggage was borne by donkeys or by - 20,6). carriers with the help of poles and yokes. For orientation in nearer surroundings, route The distances traveled varied considerably. There markers were used along the way, such as stone piles is evidence of short trips as well as journeys called alamat, solitary stone blocks, or stelae. Roads covering almost 1,400 km, as was attested for the and paths served as guidelines as well (Köpp 2006: priest Horemkhauf, who traveled from 65 - 67; 2009b: 73; for roads and paths in detail see Hierakonpolis to JTj-tAwj, near Lisht, and back Köpp 2006: 21 - 82; 2009 a and b). (Lichtheim 1973: 129 – 130; of course some people never traveled, their range of movement On the Way: Means of Transport and Locomotion encompassing only their own village and its vicinity). For journeys on water, vessels were used as early as Some travelers moved perhaps as far as 14,000 km, the fifth millenium BCE (Vinson 1994: 11). They such as Harkhuf, if we surmise that the one-way were an essential element of the Egyptian traffic distance to Yam is 1,725 km (Edel 1955: 66, note 2). system. A wide variety of ships and boats was used In Harkhuf’s biography three journeys to Yam are for transporting freight and passengers on inland explicitly mentioned, and there is indirect evidence waterways and at sea. For overland transport, pack of a fourth in a letter from Pepy II (see Goedicke animals were used as well as vehicles. The heaviness 1981). The location of Yam is nevertheless of the load influenced the means of transportation controversial (see O’Connor 1986: 27 - 50; chosen. Lighter objects, such as luggage or supplies, O'Connor and Quirke 2003: 10; Obsomer 2007: 39 - were carried by the traveler himself or by servants, 52). occasionally with the help of poles, such as are mentioned in the text of an expedition to Wadi On the Way: Orientation Hammamat (Couyat and Montet 1912: no. 114), and In ancient Egypt, the traveler could find his way in perhaps of yokes, as depicted in a hunting scene in unknown terrain with the help of a local guide, or Beni Hassan (Newberry 1893, pl. 13, Köpp 2006: with maps or geographical lists, or even route 83, 93 - 177). Slightly heavier weight was transported markers. Egypt’s oldest surviving map is on a by animals. The donkey was the typical pack animal Ramesside papyrus, now in the Museum of Turin of ancient Egypt, whereas the ox was the typical (Papyrus Turin 1869, 1879, 1869). Depicting a draft animal. Overland transport of heavier loads mine area with mountains and tracks, it bears took place with vehicles such as sledges, carts, and geographical and even geological information. The wagons. Roughly half a dozen two-wheeled carts landscape depicted in the map is the Wadi and nearly 30 types of four- to eight-wheeled Hammamat, though the concrete relationship to the wagons, equipped with discs or spokes, are known site is debated (Harrell and Brown 1992: 81 - 105 from ancient Egypt (fig. 1; Köpp 2006: 148 - 177). with further reading). They were only used for the transfer of freight, and not for passengers. Carts and wagons transported Several geographical lists are known from ancient the loads that were too heavy for donkeys and oxen, Egypt. Those geographical lists are not merely a whereas sledges were used for even larger weights, listing of place names in varying order—they also thus avoiding the risk of broken axles (Köpp 2006: give the names of lands, cities, and villages in the 120 - 140). This explains why sledges were not exact geographical sequence in which the traveler replaced by carts and wagons: their different load passes through them. One geographical list is capacities complemented one another (Köpp 2006: inscribed on a statue from the of 141, 176). Amenhotep III, describing the travel route from

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Figure 1. The oldest known wagon from ancient Egypt, equipped with four disc wheels. Tomb of Sobeknakht, Second Intermediate Period, Elkab.

As means of overland travel, mount animals, sedan chairs, or chariots are known (Köpp 2006: 177 - 244)—and of course walking. For donkey riding, indirect evidence exists from the Old King‐ dom in the form of representations of oval pillow- shaped saddles depicted in the tombs of Kahief (Junker 1943: fig. 45), Neferiretenef (Van de Walle 1978: 12), and Methethi (Harpur 1987: fig. 212). These saddles were similar to the saddle of the Queen of Punt depicted in a New Kingdom scene in the temple of at Deir el-Bahri. Similarly, representations of donkey riding are known from the Middle Kingdom (Gardiner et al 1952 – 1955: pls. 37, 39, 44, 85; Valbelle and Bonnet 1996: fig. 15; Houlihan 1996: 31) and New Kingdom (e.g., Houlihan 2002: 41, fig. 4). The earliest pictorial evidence of a ridden horse dates to the reign of Thutmose III. Horse riding is proven in connection with scouts, couriers, and soldiers (Schulman 1957: 263 - 271) and is a mode of locomotion that had an obvious emphasis on speed. The sedan chair was an elite means of transport Figure 2. Khuiwer in his donkey litter—the only suitable mode of traveling for the elite in the Old and Middle (Köpp 2006: 195 - 216). Primarily men appear as Kingdoms, and most likely for high dignitaries on occupants; there are only a few depictions of, and expeditions as well. Tomb of Khuiwer, 5th Dynasty, Giza. texts referring to, women in carrying chairs (Köpp 2008b: 34 - 44). Very occasionally other types of chair, such as the donkey litter, are depicted (fig. 2; Moussa and Altenmüller 1977: pls. 42, 43), but these Palanquins were used for short journeys and are only attested in the 5th Dynasty. Significantly, the presumably for long distances as well, being the only carrying chairs of the New Kingdom were depicted suitable means of highly esteemed passenger only in a religious context; it therefore appears that a transportation in the Old and Middle Kingdom change in the chair’s function took place from a (Köpp 2006: 234, 396). From their first appearance, non-religious to a religious use (Köpp 2006: 212). the litter was a status symbol, used by the king and royal family. From the 3rd Dynasty, the group of

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users expanded to include high officials (Rössler- 1989: 281). A rare instance of its sportive role is Köhler 1984: 334). In the New Kingdom, again the shown in a representation of Amenhotep II at occupants were solely the pharaoh and his family. At (Decker and Herb 1994: pl. 70, E 4 - 5). this point the chariot replaced the carrying chair and Chariot races such as those known from ancient the elite used it as a prestigious means of Rome are not attested in Pharaonic Egypt. locomotion (Köpp 2006: 209 - 212, 234, 396). The chariot was the supreme mode of locomotion The earliest written evidence for chariots dates to for the elite for private and public purposes (fig. 3) the 17th Dynasty (Habachi 1972: 36). It was used for and an important status symbol in the New warfare, hunting, sports, and also for travel Kingdom (Decker 1984: 875, n. 16). It was used for (Schulman 1980: 146, 148). Its application in warfare visits and inspections by , such as is well attested and often discussed (e.g., Schulman Amenhotep II, Thutmose IV, and Akhenaton, as 1980: 105 - 153). A number of hunting scenes well as high officials (Schulman 1980: 145; Hofmann displaying pharaohs on chariots are known (see for 1989: 262, 284 - 287; Köpp 2006: 235 - 238). example Saleh and Sourouzian 1986: No. 186); some Women are also depicted in chariots (see Köpp are attested for private persons as well (Hofmann 2008b: 34 - 44; Köpp 2010: 32 - 33).

Figure 3. The chariot as a prestigious mode of locomotion: and Nefertiti riding in their chariots, accompanied by high officials and princesses, who ride in chariots as well. Tomb of Panehesi, 18th Dynasty, Amarna.

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The chariot was the fastest, but also the most The suitability of the chariot for long-distance expensive, means of travel. Apart from the chariot travel was limited since its fragile spoked wheels itself, horses had to be bought and maintained, and needed even and compact soil (Köpp 2006: 78 - 79, a staff needed to be employed for the maintenance 217, 236 - 237); it was not capable of being driven and care of both (Köpp 2006: 217). Therefore, at -country on uneven, sandy, or rocky ground, the beginning of the 18th Dynasty, only the king and especially at high speeds. The oldest chariot found in a few high officials could afford them (Hofmann Egypt, now in the Museum of Florence, has a total 1989: 33). In contrast, about 2,000 chariots have weight of only 24 kg, and the tread of its wheels is been estimated for the Egyptian army of the 19th only 2 cm wide (fig. 4; Horn 1995: 50; Decker 1986: Dynasty (Langenbach 2009: 347). This gives an 42). With some accommodations, chariots were indication of the increasing use of the chariot. How nevertheless brought on long-distance journeys: many additional chariots were privately owned is when the ground was prepared in advance or uncertain (Köpp 2006: 238). geologically solid enough, they could be used, even in the desert. According to a text from the reign of On the Way: Accommodation Ramesses IV, an expedition to the Wadi Hammamat consisted of 8,361 members, including one royal In the desert, the traveler found primitive chariot-driver, 20 stable masters, 50 charioteers accommodations in the form of semicircular wind (Hikade 2001: 40 - 43, 207 - 208) and, according to huts built with irregular stones. Two of these camps Schulman, the same number of chariots belonging were found near the road from Gebel el-Asr to to them (Schulman 1963: 83). Papyrus Anastasi Tushka (Shaw 2006: 258, fig. 6). Other options were describes the crossing of a mountain pass leading to sleep outdoors or in tents. Even pharaohs lodged from the coastal plain to Megiddo, with chariots in tents on their military campaigns and expeditions, being taken along (Papyrus Anastasi I 23, 1-24, 6; as did Thutmose III during his Megiddo campaign Fischer-Elfert 1986: 196 - 203). Over uneven, rough, (Sethe: Urk. IV: 655, 12, 15; 656, 6, 13), Ramesses II or hilly terrain, a chariot could be carried on the during the battle of (Kitchen 1979: 102), and shoulders of a single man (Hofmann 1989: 121, figs. also Pije (Schäfer: Urk. III: 40, 11-15). Akhenaton 67, 99; Fischer-Elfert 1986: 160); due to its light slept in a tent when he first visited Amarna (Helck weight it did not need to be dismantled. 1958b: Urk. IV: 1982, 11-12). In the Hetepheres deposit, as well as in the tomb of Tutankhamen, royal travel equipment was found. The latter had a light folding bed (fig. 5; Carter and Mace 1923: pl. 31). Hetepheres’s complete traveling ensemble was found in Giza, including a tent, traveling bed, chair, and even the palanquin (Reisner and Smith 1955: pl. 5b, 26e, 27a).

Special stations for the lodging of the king’s messengers are known from the New Kingdom at the latest (Papyrus Chester Beatty I, Ib). Diodorus Siculus (first century BCE) mentioned one hundred horse relay stations between Memphis and Thebes (Diodorus Siculus I: 45, 7; Darnell 2002: 135). At these stations the messengers found food and accommodations and exchanged their tired horses Figure 4. Replica of an Egyptian chariot, based on the for refreshed ones, which improved the traveling chariot in the Museo Egizio de Firenze (no. 2678) and speed. In contrast, the elite, the royal retinue, and those from the tomb of Tutankhamen. those who journeyed on official duty were supplied by state-owned institutions, such as temples, chapels, and special storage facilities (Sethe: Urk. I:

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131, 4-7; 214, 11-17). The concept of hospitality or overexertion. Papyrus Anastasi vividly illustrates existed in ancient Egypt in much the same manner how exhausting traveling could be in its description that it appeared in the European Middle Ages: the of a traveler, weary after crossing a mountain and traveler was supplied with food and water and the River Jordan (Papyrus Anastasi I 19, 9; Fischer- accommodated by the local residents when passing Elfert 1983: 128), arriving home to Egypt with his through foreign but inhabited terrain (Sinuhe B 25 - tired horses, only to be robbed and to find his food 28, 94 - 98; Papyrus Anastasi I 25, 7). supplies gone (Papyrus Anastasi I 25, 6-26, 3; Fischer-Elfert 1986: 224). The danger of being robbed while traveling was clearly very high. The Admonitions of Ipuwer, although a text of exaggerated literary form, shows that the occurrence of robbery was a known phenomenon. The text explicitly warns of plunderers along the road: “O, but the plunderer [rob]s everywhere” and “they sit in bushes until a night traveler comes to seize his load, and what he carried is taken; he is treated to blows of a stick, and is falsely slain” (Admonitions 2, 2; 5, 11-12; translated by Parkinson 1997: 171, 176).

Due to the imminent dangers on the way, the Figure 5. Traveling bed of Tutankhamen, folded to one undertaking of a journey implied the possibility of third of its size by hinges. Tomb of Tutankhamen, 18th not returning home (Köpp 2006: 340 - 347). The Dynasty, Valley of the Kings, Luxor, Museum of inscription of the second Hammamat stela of Egyptian Antiquities, Cairo (JE 62018). Ramesses IV mentions 900 dead on an expedition of Travelers took clothing, sandals, sticks, and 8,368 members (Couyat and Montet 1912: 38, nos. weapons with them (Truth and Falsehood, Papyrus 12, 19)—that is, approximately ten percent of the 10682, 7, 1-2; The Two Brothers, total number of members. To the ancient Egyptian, Papyrus D’Orbiney 12, 10 - 13, 2), as well as food it was very important not to die abroad or, even and water for themselves and their pack or riding worse, be buried in a foreign land, for fear that an animals. If the journey was of any great length, the adequate afterlife would only be possible if he were traveler had to consequently depend on wells, buried in Egypt (Otto 1966: 103). This becomes cisterns, or water deposits along the way. There is clear from the tale of The Shipwrecked Sailor and of archaeological evidence for chains of water supplies Sinuhe. In The Shipwrecked Sailor, the importance of along desert tracks, such as the Old Kingdom water dying in Egypt is explicitly mentioned: “Then, a ship depots in the Libyan Desert on the Abu Ballas Trail shall come from the Residence with sailors that you (Förster 2007: 1 - 36). The route the traveler chose (would) recognize. You shall leave with them to the was of course determined by the existence of such Residence; you shall die in your city” (Papyrus water depots. Leningrad 1115, 120-123; translated by Galán 2005: 32). In The Tale of Sinuhe the protagonist states: On the Way: Obstacles and Imminent Dangers en Route “What could be more important than that my body be buried in the land where I was born?” (Sinuhe B Traveling was dangerous. Natural obstacles such as 159-160; translated by Galán 2005: 68). cataracts, deserts, or mountains delayed or even prevented the traveler’s return. He could lose his Travelers nevertheless died abroad. The inscrip‐ way or find a watering place dried out, or he could tions of the Old Kingdom expedition leaders Sabni run out of supplies in the event of hindrances. (Sethe: Urk. I: 135, 17-140, 11) and Pepinakht Further dangers derived from extreme weather, such (Sethe: Urk. I: 131, 15-135,7) state that both went on as violent storms and intense heat. Diseases a journey to bring back the bodies of Egyptians who threatened as a result of hunger, thirst, bad weather, died far from home on expeditions. It was therefore not unusual, in this period at least, to bring deceased

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members of the elite or high-ranking officials home The speed of a horse is 4 - 7 km/hour at a walking to be buried in Egypt (Köpp 2006: 346). pace and 45 - 52 km/hour at a full gallop (Junkelmann 1990: 46). An experiment conducted On the Way: Traveling Speed over a distance of 1000 meters with a replica of a chariot determined a speed of 38 km/hour (Spruytte Information regarding the speed of overland travel 1977: 39). It was calculated that chariots 3 and 5 in ancient Egypt (in detail see Köpp 2006: 347 - 363) from the tomb of Tutankhamen could reach speeds is very seldom evidenced in the texts. Nevertheless, of 40.1 – 87.4 km/hour before the wheel rims it was extremely important for the traveler for it would break (Hofmann 1989: 334, who adds that in enabled him to calculate the journey’s duration to modern trotting races about 50 km/hour was the next stop or lodging place. reached). It is therefore realistic to suppose a Evidence for running is found on a of maximum speed of about 40 km/hour for Egyptian of the 25th Dynasty (684 BCE). The text chariots. With the introduction of the horse states that the route from Memphis to the Fayum, a obviously a new dimension of speed became distance of about 50 km, was covered by soldiers at available to the traveler. Before that, the speed of a speed of 9.2 km/hour to 14.6 km/hour (Leitz donkeys and traveling by foot was more or less 2001: 7-9). From the Megiddo campaign of equally slow. Thutmose III, an average daily travel rate for large The speeds of river travel (i.e., traveling on the troops is attested to be 20 km (Faulkner 1942: 2) or Nile) reached even greater extremes, varying even 24 km (Redford 2003: 202). The daily rate of considerably between 17 km/day (Fischer 1975: 34), marching by a Medjai soldier on patrol was 42 km 73 km/day (Herodotus II: 4 - 9), and 140 km/day per day (Darnell 2003: 83). These texts apply to (Fischer 1975: 34), depending on the type of vessel soldiers, however, and not to ordinary travelers. the traveler used, the wind direction, and the stream The speed of travel in ancient Egypt can be velocity (in detail see Köpp 2006: 357 - 360). reconstructed by comparison with similar means of When determining travel speeds, it is necessary to locomotion and transportation known from the consider that a combination of different modes of Middle Ages, the modern era, and from transport and locomotion were often used to reach a experimental archaeology. For walking, one can destination. The speed of a traveling group assume an average speed of 4 - 6 km/hour, allowing consisting of different means of transport and for a distance of 25 - 40 km/day (Ohler 1988: 141). locomotion was determined by the slowest element Similar speeds can therefore be extrapolated for se‐ of the mission. The traveling speed and the distance dan chairs carried by men. Edel suggested an covered per day also depended on the terrain the average speed of about 15 km/day for Harkhuf’s traveler had to pass through, on climate and donkey-accompanied caravan, including breaks for temperature, on the constitution of the traveler resting and feeding (Edel 1960: 19). Stadelmann and himself and his pack or riding animals, the weight Kuhlmann assume that the daily travel rate for they had to carry, and the resting periods they donkeys was about 40 km/day (Stadelmann 2006: needed (Köpp 2006: 347 - 363). 301; Kuhlmann 1992: 201, no. 35). Medieval four-wheeled freight wagons drawn by Travel as a Motif in Egyptian Literature horses achieved 23 - 30 km/day (Denecke 1987: A number of Egyptologists have worked on the 215, 217)—that is, 2.5 - 3.75 km/hour, traveling 8 motif of travel in Egyptian literature (e.g., Loprieno hours/day. A four-wheeled oxen-drawn wagon, 2003; Galán 2005; and particularly Moers 1999, equipped with disk wheels and weighing about 670 - 2001). The travel motif represents the crossing of 700 kg from the third millennium BCE, is assumed borders in a dual sense: as transgressing the border to have achieved about 3.2 km/hour (Piggott 1992: from fact to fiction and from the known into the 17 - 18); in an 8-hour travel day, a daily travel rate of unknown. Traveling to unfamiliar, far-off places, the 25.6 km/day can be calculated. The speed of protagonist undergoes a process of identity- Egyptian wagons, and probably carts as well, can questioning and finds himself in the end. The travel therefore be estimated at about 3 km/hour. motif is sometimes used didactically to demonstrate

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how a protagonist breaks free from society and 2001: 191-192). Water, in its boundlessness and tradition, but is “re-educated” by isolation and associated perils such as tempest and tidal wave, is a returns repentant to adapt to the norms of his social particular motif in the stories of The Shipwrecked group (Köpp 2006: 246). Sailor, Sinuhe, and Wenamun (Moers 2001: 192). In the tale of The Shipwrecked Sailor, it is said: “A The Egyptian travel narratives exhibit the motif of tempest came when we were at (high) sea. Before we the protagonist as a traveler leaving home. Starting a could reach land, the wind rose, it got stronger and journey into unknown spheres, the traveler there were waves eight cubits high. It was a beam transgresses borders and must undergo life- that struck me. When the ship died, none was left threatening dangers and risks, forcing him to re- that were on board” (Papyrus Leningrad 1115 27-39; evaluate his own identity. The experience allows him Galán 2005: 31). Sinuhe had to cross the Nile: “At to return to Egypt with a reaffirmation of being an the dinner hour, I had reached the town of Negau. I Egyptian living according to the concept of . crossed the river on a rudderless raft, with the wind The outside journey is a metaphor for his journey from the West” (Sinuhe B11-14; translated by Galán inside himself. The unknown spheres in the travel 2005: 65). He ran the risk of being swept away narratives of the Middle and New Kingdoms were because the boat had no rudder (Moers 2001: 193). foreign lands, such as Asia Minor (Moers 2001: 282). The story of Wenamun vividly expresses the dangers In later times, when these lands were no longer of water and sea journeys, e.g., “Do not come to exotic, they were replaced by the Egyptian look for danger in the sea. If you look for danger in underworld, as in Demotic texts such as Papyrus the sea, look also at me” (Papyrus Moscow 120 2,50; Vandier and The Tales of Setne (Moers 2001: 282). translated by Galán 2005: 152) and “If the sea Old Kingdom texts dealing with travel, such as carries (me) and the wind pushes me towards the biographies, official documents, and expedition land where you are, will you allow that I am received texts, differ from travel texts of later times, for they to be killed, I being a commissioner of ?” portray travel “as a matter of economic or political (Papyrus Moscow 120 2,80; translated by Galán concern” (Loprieno 2003: 36). The journeys within 2005: 153). these texts do not lead to foreign and unexplored The same attitude towards water is found in The places, nor do the protagonists show any fear of Letter of Wermai (Moers 2001: 195). Since overland transgressing borders (Loprieno 2003: 36). travel is a metaphor for the path through life (Moers In the texts of the Old Kingdom, the travel motif 2001: 220), sea journeys represent an individual’s is not developed fictively as it is in later times. They way of life and the dangers and unpredictability of are no travelogues written to entertain the reader. life per se (Moers 2001: 222). By transgressing the Instead of fiction, facts are stated to emphasize the borders of the geographically known world and traveler’s outstanding personal achievements (Köpp leaving his culturally predetermined life, the traveler 2006: 248, 301), such as we see in the text of the becomes guilt-laden, for his traveling abroad implies expedition leader Harkhuf (Sethe: Urk. I: 120 - 131). the rejection of traditional norms and of Egyptian cultural identity (Moers 2001: 252 - 254; Baines The travel narratives from the Middle and New 1982: 39 - 42). “It is exactly this aspect of Kingdoms constitute a genre of their own. They individuality that is evaluated as being especially display their fictionality via the topic of transgressing negative” (Moers 2001: 282; translated by the boundaries and the motif of traveling abroad (Moers author). With the travel motif, the reader is advised 2001: 167): “Since, if fiction is ... an act of to live his life in accordance with the principles of transgressing boundaries such as the one between maat, for living outside of it and beyond the reality of the world and a hypothetical reality, the traditional sociocultural norms of Egyptian society traveling-abroad motif becomes the ideal and leads to failure (Moers 2001: 177, 232). The risks the predestined vehicle of literary fictionality” (Moers traveler is exposed to while abroad are the sanctions 1999: 51). The protagonist of fictional literature of that individuality. The traveler’s guilt is released transgresses borders that separate the known world upon his return—namely, his return not only to from what lies beyond, manifested in woodland or Egypt but to his place in society. water. It is exactly where danger is lurking (Moers

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Bibliographic Notes

The most comprehensive treatment of this topic is Köpp (2006, 2008 a and b). For a short introduction see Baines (2004, 2007). For travel as a motif in literature see Moers (1999, 2001), Loprieno (2003), and Galán (2005).

References

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Image Credits Figure 1. The oldest known wagon from ancient Egypt, equipped with four disc wheels. Tomb of Sobeknakht, Second Intermediate Period, Elkab. (Tyler and Clarke 1896: pl. 2.) Figure 2. Khuiwer in his donkey litter—the only suitable mode of traveling for the elite in the Old and Middle Kingdoms, and most likely for high dignitaries on expeditions as well. Tomb of Khuiwer, 5th Dynasty, Giza. (Erman 1887: 649.) Figure 3. The chariot as a prestigious mode of locomotion: Akhenaten and Nefertiti riding in their chariots, accompanied by high officials and princesses, who ride in chariots as well. Tomb of Panehesi, 18th Dynasty, Amarna. (Davies 1905: pl. 13: detail.) Figure 4. Replica of an Egyptian chariot, based on the chariot in the Museo Egizio de Firenze (no. 2678) and those from the tomb of Tutankhamen. Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim (PM 7). ( Roemer- und Pelizaeus-Museum Hildesheim. Photograph by Shahrok Shalchi.) Figure 5. Traveling bed of Tutankhamen, folded to one third of its size by hinges. Tomb of Tutankhamen, 18th Dynasty, Valley of the Kings, Luxor, Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, Cairo (JE 62018). (Carter and Mace 1923: pl. 31.)

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