CAIMUN 2021

HISTORICAL JOINT CRISIS COMMITTEE

Background Guide CANADA INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS Tenth Annual Session | May 28-30, 2021

Dear Delegates,

Othman Mekhlouf Welcome to this year’s Joint Crisis Committee on The Mexican Secretary-General Revolution, 1910. My name is William Tsai, and I have the distinct honour of serving as the Crisis Director of the Historical Joint Crisis Committee (HJCC) at CAIMUN 2021. This is a crisis committee in which delegates will represent the secretaries, revolutionaries, and Angel Yuan generals of the United States of Mexico during this tumultuous period. I Director-General believe that crisis committees provide an excellent means for delegates to experience not only the many facets needed to manage a government Nikki Wu effciently and effectively but also the struggles in decision-making that Chief of Staff confronted these historical fgures. Unlike other Model UN committees, crisis committees allow delegates to see the positive and negative consequences of their decisions and challenge them to engage in personal diplomacy—balancing individual agendas with collective compromise. Matthew Leung Director of Logistics Within this committee, you and your fellow delegates must decide the future of Mexico, fght for political dominance, make compelling Madeline Kim arguments for your plans, and act solely for your interests. I encourage USG of General Assemblies you to research your role thoroughly and brainstorm possible solutions that suit your character’s ideology and ideals. Be prepared to play your role and make snap judgments on whatever topics crop up during the Mikael Borres committee. USG of Specialized Agencies

As for your other amazing staff members, the Porfrian Bloc is led by Alec Yang Vivian Gu as the Bloc Director and Joyce Chen and Chris Shojania as USG of Delegate Affairs chairs. On the other hand, the Revolutionary Bloc includes Richard Chen as the Bloc Director with Peter Zhang and Tienlan Sun as chairs.

Caitlin Adams I, along with the other staff members, hope you all have a wonderful USG of Delegate Affairs experience at CAIMUN 2021.

Sincerely, Emily Hu USG of Media William Tsai Table of Contents

The Mexican Revolution, 1910 ...... 2

Committee Description ...... 2

Topic Overview ...... 3

Timeline ...... 4

Historical Analysis ...... 6

Current Situation ...... 7

Mexican Politics ...... 8

Mexican Society/Economy ...... 8

The United States of America ...... 10

Initiating Crisis ...... 11

Bloc Positions ...... 11

Porfirian Bloc ...... 11

Revolutionary Bloc ...... 14

Discussion Questions ...... 15

Bibliography ...... 16

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 1 The Mexican Revolution, 1910 Committee Description

The Historical Joint Crisis Committee (HJCC) stands as one of the most diverse, challenging, and rewarding Model UN experiences in existence—where every decision, delegate, and directive affects not only one, but two committee bloc environments. The two blocs of the HJCC will officially be the Porfirian Bloc and the Revolutionary Bloc. These two opposing committee blocs, representing the most prominent Mexican political figures during the 1910 revolution, will have to face the same historical challenges, disagreements, and pitfalls that these nations faced more than one hundred years ago.

The HJCC will be made up of two separate committees, or blocs, whose directives and decisions affect the shared world of both. For delegates new to crisis committees, directives serve as your delegation’s way of interacting with the crisis itself. Updates, either in response to yofu-ur directives or informing you of new information, will be given to each bloc regularly. These updates will only contain information that the cabinet itself is realistically aware of. Due to the regularity of these updates and how they may change the crisis entirely, directives need to be written swiftly in response to these updates, but not without a clear intention, an understanding of the potential consequences, and other opinions from your bloc.

Directives can be designated as either public or private directives. Public directives use the entirety of your bloc’s shared power as a cabinet and require a public vote to put into place. Private directives utilize your delegation’s powers as stated later in the backgrounder and remain confidential from the rest of your bloc. However, private directives are not always employed for subversive purposes; it may be much more efficient to immediately submit a directive in lieu of waiting for your directive to be properly read out and voted upon.

Instead of representing a country, delegates will be representing a historical figure, with their own motivations, beliefs, and ideology. Adhering to the character’s interests, even when they contradict those of fellow committee members, will be vital in creating a dynamic and intriguing committee environment. As such, not only should delegates research the historical context behind this topic, but also their characters as well. As a reminder, neither the delegate nor their delegation should be affected by the historical events after the initiating crisis. From that point on, you, the delegate, are in full control. The world in which this committee inhabits will be constantly changing due to the actions of both blocs, and strictly adhering to the historical events of the past will be near impossible. Any historical event, treaty, or idea that occurred after January 1st, 1910 cannot be referenced or used as justification for a delegation’s actions.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 2 This HJCC will be different than any HJCC in years past. Once or if a new Mexican government is declared, the leader of said government will have the ability to decide who is and is not a member of this new administration. Members of the past administration not chosen, alongside fellow revolutionaries not chosen to serve alongside the leader, will then be grouped into a “revolutionary” bloc while those chosen will make up the new government bloc. Plans in Mexican history are declarations of one’s reasoning behind revolting against the Mexican government. Accordingly, “Plan” directives will need to be submitted, approved, and shared publicly by the dais before a revolution can begin. These Plan directives will have the same formatting as a normal public or private directive but will be expected to be much more detailed and ideologically-focused. Plans will not be needed for coup attempts as plans are needed for revolutions against the central government, whereas a coup replaces who is in charge of the central government.

I heavily suggest all delegates see the full Crisis Rules of Procedure available on the CAIMUN website.

Topic Overview

It is January 1st, 1910. Supposedly in the last year of Porfirio Díaz’s 30-year-long presidential reign, it was announced in a foreign interview that this year’s election would mark the beginning of Mexico’s return to democracy. An exact century after the Mexican revolutionary, in which Miguel Hidalgo first led Mexico into popular revolt against their Spanish overlords, revolution again appeared on the horizon. Porfirio Díaz’s long tenure as president, which may even be extended this year, has been marked with unprecedented economic growth and political stability, both juxtaposed with wealth inequality and personal corruption.

Many outside the authoritarian regime see the upcoming promised democratic election as a stepping stone to reform, or at the very least, a flashpoint to revolution. The most prominent of which is Francisco Ignacio Madero. He leads the coalition Anti-Reelectionist Party, whose reach has recently extended throughout all of Mexico.1 Those who oppose Díaz, however, are far from united, with each having visions of their own Mexico. Some just want liberal political reforms, while others propose socialist land redistribution, and a few are just looking for a better life for themselves. If victory is achieved, either by the ballot or the rifle, these differing ideals will either have to be compromised with or removed.

This year also marks potential opportunities for those loyal to the Porfirian regime. While it may remain likely that Díaz holds on to the Presidency, his eightieth birthday approaches—and with

1 https://www.britannica.com/place/Mexico/The-age-of-Porfirio-Diaz.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 3 it, presidential succession is of hot debate.2 While either chosen as the new presidential candidate or Díaz’s vice president, the two most prominent candidates currently are military governor, Bernardo Reyes, and technocratic minister, José Yves Limantour, each with their own faction of supporters. Furthermore, Díaz could very well hold onto the presidency alongside current Vice President Ramón Corral.3 Whatever choice Díaz makes could have resounding impacts on the upcoming “election” and any subsequent conflicts.

The committee will run as a perpetual moderated caucus with frequent opportunities to raise points or propose motions. Delegates will need to work quickly and decisively to resolve crises that come your way by writing and submitting collective and individual crisis directives; the extent of an individual’s actions will be determined by their portfolio powers and by their role within your respective blocs. These delegation-specific portfolio powers will be specified in the respective bloc background guide. While the Joint Crisis Committee is a historical committee, delegates are advised to not let any knowledge of future events affect your decisions. Certain incidents are bound to differ from reality and should be dealt with accordingly. Instead, delegates must try to fully represent and immerse themselves in the mindset of both their character and their setting by acting in the character and/or their bloc's best interests. Especially in this committee, rifled with historical backstabbing, betrayals, and bloc-switching, please keep in mind that the dais team reserves the right to veto any unnecessary, unrealistic, or uncharacteristic directives. Delegates may, however, still backstab, overthrow, or execute any of their colleagues when opportune and fitting to do so. Lastly, to note, after being exiled, killed, or unable to issue directives, the affected delegate will be given a new delegation.

Timeline

1810 - Sparked by Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla’s Cry of Dolores, the Mexican War of Independence begins.4 Eventually, with the Treaty of Córdoba, Mexico wins its independence from Spain.5

1855 - Mexico’s authoritarian conservative strongman, Antonio López de Santa Anna, is removed from power by liberals. Subsequently, they initiate The Liberal Reform and promulgate the secular Constitution of 1857, driving the conservatives to wage the War of Reform.6

2 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 22. 3 Ibid. 4 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2652439 5 https://www.britannica.com/topic/Treaty-of-Cordoba 6 https://www.jstor.org/stable/26381477.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 4 1863 - At Napoleon III’s orders, French troops aid the almost-defeated conservatives and defeat the republican Mexican army. Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian is crowned Emperor Maximilian I of Mexico.7

1867 - With diplomatic support from the United States, the Second Mexican Empire is defeated as French troops pull out of Mexico. The United Mexican States is restored by President Benito Juárez.8 9

1876 - Opposing Benito Juárez’s fifth consecutive term as president and the reelection of his presidential successor Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada, liberal General Porfirio Díaz coups the government on the slogan of “free suffrage and no re-election” modifying the constitution to ban any individual from running for re-election. 10

1884 - After a pragmatic and stabilizing first term as President, alongside the presidency of one of his close political allies, Manuel González, Porfirio Díaz runs for his second term as President, after amending the constitution. This is the second of the seven terms he served as President of Mexico.11

1904 - President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt, issues the Roosevelt Corollary as an addition to the Monroe Doctrine. This new policy states that the United States will forcefully intervene in Latin America if European countries look to exploit these nations.12

1904 - The Vice Presidency is brought back after being dissolved as a position in 1847. Many view this as Porfirio Diaz preparing to plan his succession after resignation or death. Científico minister and close confidant of Díaz Ramón Corral is chosen for this position.13

1908 - In an interview with Canadian-American journalist, James Creelman, Porfirio Díaz claims that Mexico is ready to transition to democracy after the end of his seventh term in 1910.14 Though suspected that Diaz never intended this interview for Mexican audiences, news of the Creelman interview spreads fast throughout the country.15

7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2517948. 10 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2517948. 11 http://www.jstor.org/stable/25119351. 12 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 48. 13 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 22. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 5 1909 - The anti-reelectionist movement, headed by Francisco I. Madero, gains traction throughout all of Mexico and looks poised to win any future 1910 election.16

January 1, 1910 - Francisco I. Madero starts his campaign for the Presidency.

Historical Analysis

After defeating French and monarchist forces on the battlefield, then-General Porfirio Díaz was celebrated as a war hero while Mexico’s Restored Republic rebuilt itself after the Second French intervention in Mexico. No longer a government-in-exile, Mexico in 1867 was firmly in the grasp of the liberals, led by President Benito Juárez, who sought to unite the country and cement liberalism as Mexico’s shining way forward. Furthermore, with the conservatives discredited for collaborating with Mexico’s invaders, it seemed Benito Juárez and his supporters would govern Mexico uncontested for the following decades.17 To note, Mexican liberals at the time stood for political rights, secular government, and federal states, whereas Mexican conservatives sought for a return to monarchism, a Catholic government, and a centralized unitary state.

However, Benito Juárez was opposed when seeking reelection for his fourth term by liberal General Porfirio Díaz, who ran as the opposition candidate. In 1871, when neither candidate garnered a majority, the vote was passed to the Congress of the Union who unsurprisingly chose Juárez due to their longtime loyalty to the President.18 Following this defeat, Díaz called for an uprising against Juárez and his government with the publication of the Plan de la Noria, his rebellion justified on the principles of ending presidential re-elections and electoral fairness.19 Already facing military losses, Díaz accepted amnesty from Juárez’s successor and previous Vice President, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada. However, following Lerdo’s campaign for reelection four years later, Díaz launched a second rebellion against the government with his Plan of Tuxtepec.20

While unsuccessful at first, the second rebellion benefitted from Lerdo’s unpopular centralism, a belief held by the defeated conservatives that power should be concentrated with the federal government, and José María Iglesias’ decision as President of the Supreme Court to rule Lerdo’s electoral victory illegitimate due to suspected fraud. When Díaz decisively won the Battle of Tecoac in 1876, Lerdo fled the country and Díaz was soon elected to the Presidency.21 Following through on his revolutionary promise, he thus amended the Constitution of 1857 to disallow

16 Ibid. 17 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2517948. 18 Ibid. 19 https://www.britannica.com/place/Mexico/The-age-of-Porfirio-Diaz. 20 http://www.jstor.org/stable/25119351. 21 https://www.jstor.org/stable/2517948.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 6 anyone from running for re-election. Over the course of the next four-year term, President Díaz would stabilize the country, employ political patronage, and focus government power around himself. This term would include an encouragement of foreign investment, garnering recognition from the United States government, and the expansion of the rurales, Diaz’s heavily armed mounted police. Afterwards, in 1880, he stepped down as President, allowing for the election of his close political ally and political client Manuel González Flores.22 After González’s term, Díaz retook power and re-amended the Constitution to allow for presidential re-election.

From 1884 to 1910, Díaz would hold absolute control over Mexico, its provinces, its Congress, and its people. Openly promoting personal pragmatism, he would balance the interests of Mexico’s elite and buy political allies with whom he grew direct connections. Alongside new political ally Manuel Romero Rubio, the first Científico (or “scientist”) and Díaz’s Secretary of the Interior, Porfirio Díaz made a Mexican political machine loyal to him and him alone.23 This time period, with the only long-lasting stable government Mexico has had since Mexican independence, became aptly named the Porfiriato after the President. Current Situation

Map of Mexico during the Porfiriato (1876-1911)

22 http://www.jstor.org/stable/25119351. 23 http://www.jstor.org/stable/3132450.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 7 Mexican Politics

Developing Mexico and bringing the country into the 20th century is the main goal of the Científicos (or “scientists”). Championing modernization and good governance, the Científicos emerged from Porfirio Díaz’s regime as his cabinet secretaries and main advisors.24 Started by the late Manuel Romero Rubio, the Científicos are now led by the brilliant Secretary of Finance, José Yves Limantour, one of two top contenders to succeed Diaz. They are largely responsible for Mexico’s increasing economic growth through inviting foreign investment, embracing modern technology, and constructing vital infrastructure. Furthermore, as “liberals” they see Díaz’s authoritarianism as a necessary evil for continued stability and prosperity.25

The Reyistas (supporters of General Bernardo Reyes, the other hopeful successor of Diaz) have grown in recent opposition to Limantour's Cientificos. . Reyes is popular amongst Mexico’s middle class as he balances being a fervent advocate to maintaining the Porfirian system while defending the middle class who are not benefiting from the current Cientifico establishment.26 His reformist attitude, combined with respect and loyalty to the Porfirian regime, makes him a worthy successor—or dangerous opponent to Porfirio Díaz.27

The Federal Army is the last major bloc of the Porfirian regime. Though it has grown increasingly ineffective with the recent decades of peace, the generals of the Federal Army still have some say in terms of the political future of Mexico.28 The organization is conservative- leaning by nature, but will work loyally under any constitutionally-sanctioned government.

Following the Creelman interview, Díaz’s seventh term coming to a close, and increasing unrest from Mexico’s peasantry, the Anti-Reelectionist Party has emerged as a blanket opposition group to Porfirio Díaz’s regime holding a variety of different points of opposition. Some within the party are mere liberals, wanting to demolish the dictatorship and return Mexico to a liberal democracy, whereas others care more about the plight of the Mexican rural poor and see any future reform or revolution as a catalyst to large-scale social change. Their prime commonality is not policy or ideology, rather, the opposition of the Porfirian regime.

Mexican Society/Economy

The overwhelming majority of Mexico’s rural population worked on Mexico’s many haciendas, or huge colonial estates where indigenous communities or the impoverished would be employed to work on their plantations, ranches, and mines. A holdover of their colonial past and akin to

24 https://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol8/iss1/21 25Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, 21. 26 Ibid, 53. 27 Ibid, 55. 28 Ibid, 55.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 8 feudalism, haciendas brought their families immense amounts of power, influence, and wealth at the expense of oppressing and exploiting the peasantry of Mexico.29 As the wealth of these families increased over the course of the Porfiriato, so too did their estates, leading to more landless rural peasants competing for the same amount of work.

The factory jobs within the cities brought about by Díaz’s increased industrialization were just as arduous. Spurred on by foreign investment from the United States, Great Britain, and France, the construction of railroads, modernization of the economy, and development of Mexican businesses can be entirely attributed to the authoritarian regime.30 Most of these industrial profits have gone to the Mexican elite, further burgeoning the gap between Mexico’s rich and poor.31 It is important to note that Mexico’s foreign investors care little about ideology, policies, or who’s in charge; however, civil unrest, a potential nationalization of their mines and oil fields, and an anti-business attitude in power hurts the stability of their investments and thus may incur financial or even military repercussions for Mexico’s flourishing economy.

A new truly liberal middle class also emerged as a consequence of Mexico’s urbanization. Made up of doctors, lawyers, and other urban professionals, they wish reforms to be made against the inherently nepotistic Porfirian regime, though fear the social implications of peasant-led revolution.32 This class is most likely to either support General Bernardo Reyes or leader of the coalition Anti-Reelectionist Party Francisco Madero.33

29 http://www.jstor.org/stable/23700772. 30 http://www.jstor.org/stable/20762251. 31 Ibid. 32 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, 43. 33 Ibid, 52.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 9 The United States of America

World map centred on the Western Hemisphere (1910)

The United States government, with the inclusion of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, has reserved the right to intervene in any of Latin America’s affairs to keep Europe out of the region. Throughout the recent century, almost all of Mexico’s revolutionaries, dissidents, and ousted politicians, including current President Díaz, have used the U.S. as a base for planning rebellions or a location for exile.34

Officially, the United States has corporate interests in Mexico and will very well intervene if American interests within Mexico or near the border are under threat. In 1909, U.S. President William Howard Taft met with President Díaz, showing at least partial support for the authoritarian regime. Furthermore, the position of American Ambassador to Mexico, currently held by anti-revolutionary Henry Lane Wilson, wields a substantial amount of influence in the

34 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, 253.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 10 Mexican government.35 Just to note, the United States has an upcoming presidential election in 1912 which may have an impact on Mexican politics. Proponents of both democracy and business, the United States looms large over the future of Mexico and must be kept in mind when any major decision is made.36

Initiating Crisis

In 1908, a Canadian-American journalist conducted an interview with President Porfirio Díaz during which the President stated he would allow for an opposition party to run in the 1910 Mexican presidential election.37 While it is unsure whether or not Porfirio Díaz actually planned for this to occur, the news got back to Mexico and those seeking political change have mobilized an opposition. Thus, political tension is at an all-time high and many see the upcoming election as a potential turning point in Mexican history. Furthermore, Porfirio Díaz’s age approaches 80 and questions about his successor, either running as the next president or his vice president, are being asked within his circle of supporters.38 January 1st, 1910 marks the first day of Madero’s campaign of reform, a possible dusk to the stability of the Porfiriato, and a burgeoning opportunity for the lower classes of Mexico. Only time will tell which path Mexico will take.

Bloc Positions

Porfirian Bloc

Order and Progress: that has been the governing slogan for Mexico since the rise of President Porfirio Díaz in the mid-1870s. Nominally democratic, this authoritarian regime of Mexico has pursued a policy of nepotism, stability, and progress, sidelining Mexico's primarily-rural population for the benefit of its elite.39 Statistically, the country looks to be performing better than ever, with the economy performing better than ever; but one look under the surface at the growing divide between Mexico’s industrial tycoons and poverty-stricken farmers signifies what is shortly to come.40

Porfirio Díaz - President of Mexico The authoritarian leader of Mexico, Porfirio Díaz rose to prominence in the 1860s championing the revolutionary rallying cry of “no re-election.” However, as his sixth term as President comes to a close, after stifling any opposition for the past 30 years, his regime has maintained a tight

35 Robert A. Rosentone, Romantic Revolutionary: A Biography of John Reed (New York City, NY: Random House, 1975). 36 Ibid. 37 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, 48. 38 Ibid, 22. 39 https://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol8/iss1/21 40 http://www.jstor.org/stable/20762251.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 11 grip on Mexico’s neck. Now a bastion for “order and progress,” Porfirio Diaz’s regime has maintained peace through repression and development through exploitation all within a system inexorably tied to his presidency.

Ramón Corral - Vice President of Mexico A blind supporter of Porfirio Diaz, Ramón Corral has no substantial backing for his successorship of the presidency amongst the people, military, or even his Científico allies. Many in government feel as if he was only chosen for the position of vice president in 1906 due to his loyalty to Diaz, proven further by his lack of power and decision-making within the government over the last four years. Despite all this, if the President chooses to sideline both the Científicos and the Reyistas, Corral may very well continue to serve as Diaz’s loyal Vice President.

Bernardo Reyes - Governor of Nuevo León An increasingly popular candidate for presidential succession, Bernardo Reyes leads his own faction within the Porfiriato, which serves as a counterweight to the Limantour-led Científicos. A moderate, pro-business military officer with political experience to boot, many of the professional middle class and liberal elites support his candidacy for the presidency, although Reyes himself has remained quiet on the subject. A competent general, loyal governor, and popular politician, Reyes and his Reyistas might play a crucial role in the coming years.

Félix Díaz - Nephew of Porfirio Diaz Although much of his political, military, and police experience can be attributed to his last name, Félix Díaz’s advancement to higher positions was often blocked by his uncle and his Científico government. This has led to his support of Bernardo Reyes as both combine a military background with a continuation of Diaz’s authoritarianism without the influence of the Científicos. Félix’s connections with the Federal Army, Reyistas, and his uncle means his support can be swayed by almost all blocs of the Porfiriato.

Victoriano Huerta - General of the Federal Army A currently retired General, Victoriano Huerta holds quite a simple political stance: as a militarist, he stands with whatever side the Federal Army is on. Huerta is a firm believer in militarization and the supremacy of the army over the state, supporting any government that allows both policies. While some might see Huerta’s pragmatism as a weakness, his vast military experience and competence as a general more than makes up for this.

Aureliano Blanquet - General of the Federal Army A ruthless general, Aureliano Blanquet follows orders to a tee and is only interested in gaining more power for himself, his troops, and the Mexican Federal Army. Closely tied with General Huerta, the two of them share similar views on politics, militarization, and the supremacy of the

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 12 army over any government. Currently poised to crush any revolutionary forces, Blanquet is willing to go above and beyond what is necessary to win any battle.

Manuel Mondragón - Military Officer A professor at the Military Academy of Chapultepec with experience designing both small arms and artillery, Manuel Mondragón is a loyal officer in the Porfirian Federal Army. The first gas- powered semi-automatic rifle, Mondragón’s rifle, the M1908, has just entered production. Politically, he aligns most with Bernardo Reyes, Félix Díaz, and other Reyistas, but also holds connections to the currently-retired Huerta.

José Yves Limantour - Secretary of Finance Following the death of Porifirian architect and Secretary of the Interior, Manuel Romero Rubio, José Yves Limantour took over as the leader of the Científicos, the technocratic, modernizing, yet authoritarian political faction most closely linked to President Porfirio Diaz. A diligent administrator, Limantour’s work as Secretary of Finance continues to provide economic prosperity to Mexico; however, this prosperity is only enjoyed by a small percentage of the population. With no connections to the military but the most prominent of Diaz’s regime, Limantour stands as another possible successor to the Porfiriato, with his largest opponent being Bernardo Reyes and his supporters.

Luis Terrazas - Conservative Businessman The main financial supporter of the Científicos, Luis Terrazas is the head of the absurdly wealthy Creel-Terrazas family, whose ranches occupy up to seven million acres. Based in Chihuahua, Terrazas and his family are the chief proponents behind the Científico technocracy while also being the primary beneficiaries of these policies. With substantial economic influence in the province of Chihuahua as well as political leverage from the Cientificos, the Creel-Terrazas family will do whatever it takes to maintain political supremacy over Mexico.

Francisco León de la Barra - Ambassador to the U.S. As stated by President Diaz, Mexico is “so far from God, so close to the United States.” Mexico’s relationship with the U.S. is an interesting one: on one hand, the Porfiriato graciously welcomes foreign investment to modernize its facilities, infrastructure, and economy, while on another, hesitantly recognizes the weakness instability brings, with American intervention justified in the Western Hemisphere by the Roosevelt Corollary. As for Francisco León de la Barra himself, a Mexican ambassador with no political connection to the corruption of the Porfirian regime, his diplomatic experience lends well to any government’s foreign policy. Furthermore, well respected by both revolutionary liberals and conservative politicians, he exists as one of the only truly neutral figures amidst rising civil unrest.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 13 Revolutionary Bloc

A mishmash combination of wealthy and poor, reformists and anarchists, liberals and leftists, the soon-to-come Revolution draws upon all walks of life. All outsiders to the elite Porfirian regime, their strength lies in their numbers and popular support; however, should one bloc rise to power, or even form a government, disunity within this alliance may lead to disaster and counterrevolution. While all fighting against authoritarianism, each person is also fighting for themselves and their vision for Mexico.

Francisco I. Madero - Liberal Revolutionary Leader Following his release of The Presidential Succession of 1910, a book calling for the democratic removal of President Diaz, Francisco I. Madero has risen as the face and most likely opponent of the Porfirian regime.41 A wealthy liberal coming from one of Mexico’s most prominent families, Madero wants to bring political reforms such as the freedom of press, favour Mexican companies over foreign industries, and restore democracy to the United States of Mexico, currently through his organization of the Anti-Reelectionist Party.42

Pino Suárez - Liberal Revolutionary Having recently become a close friend of Madero, Pino Suárez is one of Madero’s most fervent supporters and shares much of the same liberal democratic ideals of Madero. A notable member of the Anti-Reelectionist Party, Suárez stands as Madero’s second-hand man on all fronts. Furthermore, he is a compelling politician with strong ties to his native province of Yucatán.

Felipe Ángeles - Liberal Revolutionary General A colonel currently studying military strategies in Paris, Felipe Ángeles is specialized in artillery tactics. Not politically involved in the Porfirian regime, he has moderate liberal sympathies and is not willing to return to Mexico and fight against any possible revolutions. If a liberal government is established and requires loyal military leadership, however,Ángeles would be more than willing to return. Nominally, he is still currently tied to the Federal Army of Mexico.

Pascual Orozco - Liberal Revolutionary General With no formal military training, Pascual Orozco has personal contempt against the Porifirian- supported elites within his province of Chihuahua. A nobody, Pascual Orozco is willing to prove his worth in any upcoming revolution and is generally liberal though just as much a pragmatist.

Venustiano Carranza - Centrist Reformist A former Porfirian senator, Venustiano Carranza began his political career under the guidance of Bernardo Reyes. Though a liberal, he ran as Governor of Coahuila under the Porfirian regime,

41 https://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol8/iss1/21. 42 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution Vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals, and Peasants, 56.

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 14 with the open support of the previous governor. However, due to a lack of support from Porfirio Diaz himself, Carranza lost the race, prompting him to join Francisco Madero's Anti- Reelectionist Party. Despite this blatant pragmatism, Carranza still fully believes in a liberal constitutional government and Madero’s restoration of democracy.

Álvaro Obregón - Revolutionary Soldier A chickpea farmer, Álvaro Obregón is a normal Mexican citizen.

Pablo González Garza - Revolutionary General A moderate revolutionary, Pablo González Garza has some connections to the influential Mexican anarchist Enrique Flores Magón; however, he never adopted anarchist Magonism as his own. Furthermore, he is a member of Madero’s Anti-Reelectionist Party.

Emiliano Zapata - Anarchist Revolutionary A strong anarchist proponent of land reform in Mexico and his home province of Morelos, Emiliano Zapata is a local leader that believes that the large wealthy estates in rural areas should be redistributed to the farmers that work the land. Looking at Madero’s Anti-Reelectionist Party as a vehicle for potential change, he believes land reform and by extension, helping the peasants of Mexico, is the only moral reason behind the Mexican Revolution.

Genovevo de la O - Anarchist General A close ally of Zapata’s, Genovevo de la O is also a local leader in his home province of Morelos, dedicated to the ideals of land reform and fighting for the struggle of Mexican peasants. He, like Zapata, is only willing to fully support any revolution, if they promise to implement land reform throughout the entirety of Mexico

Pancho Villa - Revolutionary General A bandit in the northern province of Chihuahua, Pancho Villa has a posse of loyal supporters and thieves to his disposal. Recently convinced by Abraham González, a supporter of Madero, to fight for the people and steal from the Porfirian rich. He is, therefore, also in favour of redistributing the plantation land owned by Mexico’s elite to the peasants and common folk of Mexico, but has no connection to Zapata and his supporters in Morelos.

Discussion Questions 1. What does your delegation’s ideal Mexico look like? 2. What can be done to incite or stop a potential revolution? 3. In the Porfirian bloc, who is the best candidate for the succession of President Díaz? 4. In the revolutionary bloc, who are you willing to trust to rule alongside you if you win? 5. In the revolutionary bloc, can the revolution go too far? 6. What can, if anything, your delegation/bloc gain from negotiating with the other bloc?

Canada International Model United Nations 2021 15 Bibliography

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