R.N.D.

Copyright © Leonard Sellers, 1999.

ISSN. 1368 - 499X

It might not always be possible to trace the copyright holders of all the material I will quote, and I would be pleased to hear fromany such persons to whom this applies.

The picture on the frontcover is The Royal Marines at Ostend in 1914. From the Royal Marines Museum

The R.N.D. is produced and designed at Honeysuckle House, 17A Bellhouse Road, Eastwood, Leigh-on-Sea, Essex. SS9 5NL. (Telephone 01 702 521550) we�Te'R,N f'R,ONT.

GREAT THOUGHTS.

I thought, when firstthe War began, And Fritz firstblow was struck My part was just to read the news And wish our boys "Good-luck." I thought the likes of such as I Were on a roomy shelf; Andnever dreamt I'd have to come And win the war myself.

I never once imagined when I heard that we were in, That it was such a darned long way fromBlighty to Berlin. Nor when I wished my pals "Cherro" "A quick and safereturn," The Muscovite "Steam-roller" was So apt to go astern.

I never thought to click my heels Like automatic toy, And stare at nothing- stiffand stark­ Andbe a soldier-boy Still less I thought to make men jump By barking at 'em ''Shun." Nor dreamt what's lots of Soldier's Friend" It takes to beatthe Hun.

I never thought that I should sleep So sound without a bed; Nor wear a basin upside down, Upon my hoary head. I did not think that I should have As parcel of my task To suck a baby's bottle in A gruesome Guy Fawkes mask.

I never thoughtthree years ago I'd ever learnthe trick Of building "hearth and home" with just A shovel and a pick. That the sanguinary record For the bloodiestaffray Was not nearly half so ''ruddy'' As our speech of every day.

833. I never thought I could acquire - That is three years ago A thirst acute for petrol tea. And chlorinated eau. My wasteful ign'rance failed to see - Before the War began- Benign potentialities In each discardedcan.

I never thought till here in France How quickly I'd "Compre's." "Bonjour Mam'selle," ''No, bon.," Parbleu," "Biere na-pooh finis. And certainly I never thought - A strafing once begun- I'd have to wait so deuced long To get a "Blighty one."

I never thought that health and jest Could prosper in the mud. That folkat home could "Cue" and fight To buy the lowly spud. 1 did not know the chaps out here Were such a descent sort; I've learntthat well-nigh everyone At needwill prove a sport.

I've learntto know that we can live Withoutfresh-gotten greens; And just how long it takes to find The pork among the beans I've learntto know that Life'strue "StafF' Is "Gaspers" - in these times I don't know if the Editor Will print these halting rhymes.

But this I know "Apres La Guerre" Ifl'm not "over" first- I'll findmore Bliss in Blightythan My wildest dreams had nursed. And when the sweet girls flock round With hero-worship glance, I fear I'll lie of things I did - And suffered-outin -France.

ANELDER BROTHER.

From 'The Mudhook' The journalof the Royal Naval Division Voll. No 1. September 1917.

834. ABLE SEAMAN.GfibbIPObl. THOMAS MACMILLAN.

DRAKE BATTAl-1ION.

Part 3. Stalemate & Evacuation.

After the horrendous times that Macmillan had lived through, new recruits who he called "War babies" began to arrive. These were to be blooded in their turn. The stalemate of trench warfaretogether with exhaustion and ill health continued to take its toll. The slow driftto eventual evacuation moved ever nearer, with the Division eventually taking to the boats. Macmillan was to be a member of that exalted fewa "Last Ditcher."

July was drawing to a close when one fine day a sudden burst of rifle and machlne gun fire on the left-centre of the alliedline arrestedour attention. The fire crept along the line to our extremeleft and became so intense that at times I could scarely see the right spur of Achi Baba forthe white vapourey smoke which the small arms created. There was a total absence of artillery fire on both sides, and we were inclined at firstto attribute the disturbance to panic, when the Turkish artillery opened fire. As their fire from all armswas sustained, the idea gained ground that at long last the Turks were attempting a break­ through at the point which offeredthem the most direct approach to our beaches; and, without orders, our men assembledin their Company lines to prepare foraction. After waiting in suspense for a considerable time we were informed that our troops were the aggressors and that the object of ouroffensive was to split the Turkish forces in order to ease the resistance at Suvla Bay, where a fresh landing was being attempted.

On the followingday, our local rag, "The Peninsula Press," announced that a great victory had been achieved and we made merry; but our merriment was short-lived. A few days later we moved forwardto relieve all that remained of the 29 Division and discovered that we had not advanced at all. Afterthe first"Stand-to-arms" th at dawn I visited a barricade in a communicationtrench close to the Turkish firingline which was held by a garrison of twenty men under the command of my old friendFry. Fry greeted me cordially enough, although I had the feelingthat there wassomething at the back of hismind. Handing me a periscope he bade me look over the parapet and I looked. There, a few intervals apart, was an unbroken line of our dead which seemed to stretch the fulllength of the British front - all had gone forwardto a man and had fallenabnost simultaneously. The white smoke which obscured the right spur of Achi Baba had come fromthe guns that

835. mowed them down. The fire had broken the second wave which followedand the intervening ground betweenthe first wave andour Fire trench was covered withtheir bodies. Little birds perched on the protective belts of wire and warbled innocently over their lifeless forms, while high in the sky vultures circled, waiting an opportunityto descend. In this atmosphere we existed for seven days in torrid heat, amidst smells that almost destroyed the sense ofsmell. All traces of gaiety vanished, and when relief came we marched away with hearts heavier thanthe packs we carried.

For some reason or other our Rest Camp was moved farther to the rear and sentry duties were introduced for the firsttime out of the line. During my spell of"sentry go" I had to include in my beat part ofthe camp occupied by the Royal Horse Artillery. Observing the fine condition of their horses, I remarked to a sergeant in attendanceon them that I could do with a horse's job forthe next month. He replied with a significantsmile, that there was a great deal of truth in my observatio� and very kindlyinvited me to tea in the Sergeant'sMess that evening. I gladly accepted his invitation and after a most enjoyable tea the conversation centred round the last fight. They asked me what the conditions were forward; and I told them all I had observed. The news vexed them exceedingly, forno unit had the welfare ofthe infantryso much at heartas the artillery; they were our bucklers and right well they responded. Commenting on the absence ofcovering artilleryfire, I enquired why they had been silent. Almost in a whisper the Sergeant-major answered: "We had only thirty rounds of high explosive to fire that day." This revelation sent a cold shiver through my whole being, but when I learned that the assault hadbeen made by fresh troops who had landed during the night and had therefore facedthe massacre like innocent lambs, I could have wept.

Before going into line againour Company marched offone evening at nightfall, accompanied by stretcher bearers.In addition to our riflesand bandoliers with ammunition we carried picks andshovels. The presence ofstretcher bearers was convincing evidence that the job on hand wasa serious one. After passing over the open in Worm formationwe reached the magnificentMule Track CommunicationTrench, and along this trench we proceeded until halted at a point close behindo ur Reserve line. Here the Company deployed, andeach man was given his task. The Mule Track was to be extended to the Fire trenches. I observed that a platoon had marched ahead of us but it was now dark I was unable to discernwho they were. No sooner had digging begun than fire fellon us; bullets spluttered allabout, and calls for stretcher bearerswere raised. The fire eased off: but one shot, which would have passed without a billet had it not ricocheted, thus causing a momentaryspark, was followedby a voice calling "Mac,Mac." I jumped out ofmy hole and shouted "What's the matter." Out of the darkness a reeling figure emerged and I rushed to support a young boy who was a comparative stranger to me, forI could recollect having spoken to him onlyon two previous occasions, and that in passing. I gave him water and asked him where he had been hit. He pointedto his leftfoot. I removed the boot andfound a slight swelling, but no sign of a wound. The boy had foundtime to tell me that he had beenpreviousl y wounded andI had succeeded in soothing him and had got him on his feet again when he collapsed.

836. Cypress tree at entrance to Eastern Mule trench, Helles. Imperial War Museum. Reference Q 14821.

837. Firing Line in old R.N. Division Sector. Sentry looking into periscope. Mid - summer 1915.

Imperial War Museum Reference. Q 14819.

838. Realising that there was something seriously wrong, I saw him safely on to a stretcher but he died on his way to hospital The bullet which ricocheted had entered his body just clear of the entrenching tool blade and had tornits way through the intestines to the right thigh. When the news of his death reached me I had leftmy hole for a breather and was asking Fry and another petty officer why the boy should have called for me, when there was another burst of fire. Fry and I remained upstanding. So did the other petty officer, of whom you will hear more as my story progresses, but this petty officertook cover behind Fry's bodyand mine. All three escaped injury, I was dismissing the unpardonable offence as perhaps unintentional when, following further fire he again placed himself behind us. Fry saw the move and smiled cynically.

On reachingcamp I foundthat some of my old friendshad not forgotten me. Quite a number of nice parcels hadarrived and a few letters, including one fromhome. From this letter I learnedthat my brother had joined the forces. While making forhis work one day he saw a femalewith a face of brass offering white feathers to young men not in uniform. This was too much for him. That same day he went to the nearest Recruiting Officer and joined the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders. A place was found for him in the first battalion, and after a few weeks of traininghe was despatched to the V ardar front. There he served throughout the campaign and returnedhome wounded and diseased to die a lingering death.

My parents did not complain about his going. There was not even any mention of the vultures at home who were exploiting the essentials of life, and forcingup the cost of living. That piece of informationcame to me frommy comrades, some of whom were almost distracted at the thought of their old folkat home fleeced by people, titled and otherwise, who had promised equalityof sacrifice andhad asked us to pledge our lives if necessary, on the strength of that promise. But by far the most revolting piece of news that reached me was that when a boy died of wounds and had been buried in his blood­ stained blanket, the ghouls in their funkholes on the HorneFront docked the cost of the blanket fromthe balance at his credit beforehanding the balance over to his parentsor relatives. And were there so many instanceswhere no money was handed over at all - money which disappeared in an orgy of organised thieving, indulged in by people who were saved frombeing pounded to pulp, by the flowingblood of the men they robbed?

The "Peninsula Press" was still going strong. One interesting news item acquainted us of the factthat a General had beenevacuated to England suffering fromslight sun-stoke. It seemed to me unjust to evacuate a regular soldier with such a complaint, and I wondered if any ranker with a similardisability would have succeeded in getting to England on the strength of it. Therewere citizen soldiers about me who were seriously affectedby the sun,but they were forced to carry on by a compeJling conscience- nothing less than a serious wound or a raging fever would have separated them fromtheir perilous duty. This discriminationbetween the loftyand the lowly on the fieldof battle began to sap my faith in our vaunted ideals; but ruder shocks were in store forme.

839. At Rest Camp I was included in a small fatigue partywhich, according to our information, was to proceed to the bakehouse to chop sticks for the bakehouse fires. It promised to be the best fatigue we had been on, as there was the prospect of the present of a pound loaf when the day's work was done. As we marched off, the only sombre memberof the party was the non-commissioned officer in charge, but this did not raise any suspicion in our minds, since Billy was of a contemplative nature and rather undemonstrative. On nearing the cliffs we began to show some interest in our rendezvous, and were resolving to give of our best in order to shame the bakers, if need be, intogiving us a loafapiece, when direction was changed and we were halted at the cemeteryat Helles. Only then did Billy Laingdisclose that our job was to bury some boys who had died of wounds. He expressed his regret at having led us up the garden but added that he had acted strictly in accordance with his instructions. The dead arrived in two ambulances and were laid to rest in their blood-stained blankets. As there was no need to hurryback to camp I engaged in conversation with a man whose duty it wasto superintend interments. From him I learned that men who held Commissionedrank had coffinsprepared to receive their mortal remains while rankers were buried asthey were. This, together with the reporting of an officer casualtyas MrSo-and so killed or wounded, and of a non-commissionedofficer or able sea.manC.Z. as 123 killed or wounded brought me face-to-facewith the stark reality that I was now merely a numberand no longer a being with heart andsoul.

With :futigue duties increasing when we were supposed to be resting it became a matter of indifference whether we were in the line or out of it. The lack of reinforcementshad leftus strong enough fortrench duty only, and with a weakened garrison came the need for stronger protective belts of wire. Thismeant more work in the line. The firstjob of this kind fellto Fordham. It was a particularlyrisky one, as a distance of not more than eighty yards separated the opposing forces. Fordhampassed along our Fire trench surveying the ground with the aid of a periscope. When the Turks had nothing of importance on hand they seemed to take a fiendish delight in smashing periscopes, andwhen he observed from the point where Popham and I were stationed, bang went his glass eye and the splintered glass rolled down the funnel. He gaped in astonishment at me and then at Popham; the splintered glass had :fixed his eyes so that he could not blink. The officer on duty immediatelydespatched him to the rear,and I felt sure I had lost anotherold friend.Judge my surprise when he reappeared the following evening and insisted on finishingthe task which had been delegated to him.

When darkness fell, concertina wire was placed over the parapet and Fordham's little partyset to work. On account of the nearnessof the enemy he foundit impossible to use staples for fear of betraying his whereabouts, and he was forced to drag the decomposing bodies of our dead through the wire in order to :fixit in position. I was greatly relieved when he returnedsafely to the trench but I saw little of him until we reached the Rest Camp again. Fordham and I always slept together, and now we found it necessary to nestle into each other, for the nights were clammyand cold. Ralph usually slept like a toper, but that night he was so restless that I was thankfulhis boots had been removed otherwise I should have been a casualty and a bad one at that. Next day he was busy as

840. usual; it was the late afternoonbefore I got a glimpse ofhim. I then observed a strange look in his eye, and aftertea I succeeded in persuading him to lie down, for I could see that he wasfar away. I too went under the blankets earlier thanusual hoping and trusting that sound sleep would ensue. Both ofus got a good start, but throughout the night I was wakenedregularly by my sleeping partner kicking , tossing and turning. I was doing my best to compose him when, on one of his rolls, he gave me a whiffof his breath, which smelt like nothing else on earth. My stomach turned and sleep took wings: until "Wakee, wakee" came round again I rolled to the right when Fordham rolled to right and to the left when he rolled to the left in order to escape his breath. On waking he looked madly strange and resisted my effortsto get him offto the Doctor. Eventually he agreed, and, soon afterwardshe returnedto muster some gear, telling me at the same time that he was being evacuated with a temperature ofone hundred and four.

I began to feel "dickey" myself, and when I saw that my urine resembled a mixture of treacle and syrup, I thought it time to consult the Doctor also. It wasmy first experience ofthe kind, and on being asked what I complained ofl ventured to suggest that I was suffering from influenza. "It's not foryou to tell me what your trouble is; that's my job," the Doctor rapped out. This unexpected reproofquite unsaddled me and the symptoms I advanced caused the medicine man to order for a good dose ofcaster oil while he directed that I be put on light duty fortwo days. Afterswallowing the oil, I asked the medical orderly ifhe knew Fordham. He replied yes, adding that Fordham was su.ffering from Paratyphoid fever; and since it took weeks formy head to clear I strongly believe that Fordham lefta good dose of it behind him

Apartfrom Fordham's misfortune,nothing ofoutstanding interest happened during this time down, save perhaps that I learned of the fate ofHillier and Perkins. It transpired that on the Benbow break-up they were transferred to the "Ansons"and went with them to Sulva Bay. In common with the other Ansons they were exceedingly annoyed at having to take part in the new landing, but when the landing had been effectedand the battalion was made to fetch and carryfor the troops ahead, my old friendsfelt they had something to grouse about. There must have been slackness somewhere, for both ofthem, having elected to carry forward rum, were allowed to do so. As the carrying party proceeded on its way they slackened pace and indulged in a game ofbullynuts with the rum jars, with the result that one broke. It would have been easy for them to have invented a plausible excuse, but the temptation to imbibe was too strong and they were found speechless beside the broken rum jar. Being Naval ratings they were taken aboard HMS. Swiftsure to be Court-Martialled. (1) I cannot remember what sentence was imposed, but it was to be served at Malta, where the "pukka" naval disciplinarians enjoyed the reputation of being able to tame lions. After sentence the culprits were accommodated temporarily in the Guard Room at the bottom ofthe ship, where the temperature was in marked contrast to that obtaining on the Peninsula. As a consequence both developed pneumonia, and on arrival ofthe Swiftsure at Mudros, the rascals were transferred perforce to a magnificent hospital ship on which they recovered their normal health on the way to England. What happened to the worthies afterwards is a closed book to me.

841. Our sector in the line remained unchanged, so that in effectingrelief we had still to cross the open by platoons, in worm formation. Although the summer was well advanced, occasionally the heat seemed to be more oppressive than in mid-summer. Happily, it was tempered at times by a balmy breeze, which came fromthe direction of the magic hill Achi Baba and which, more often than not, was freefrom the smell of the dead. A current of air swept down the Mule Track but with it was wafted a film of finelypowered sand. The sand had been disturbed by the trampling of men and mules in front, and as our Company brought up the rear there was no escaping the plague until we reached the fire area Fortunately our company were to garrison the Reserve trench, and into it we dashed, scowling and cursing and spitting. I doubt ifthere was one calm soul in the Company. But the scene changed with remarkable suddenness: each man began to gape at the other, and as mirrors were as rare as powder puffs each had to accept the other's evidence as final. The faces I saw were the funniestI had ever seen. A thick coating of sand dust covered the skin and filledin any holes or crevices that existed. All bore a striking resemblance to Chinamen. The eyes were bloodshot andfour streams of water trickled fromthe four corners. Each streamhad made a bedfor itself in the soft sand. On the facesof the irreproachable, among whom were to be numbered another "Baby" draft,the courses did not deviate but made straight forthe mouth; but on those ofthe hardened sinners each stream pursued a devious course. Chaffing went on apace. "Look at your dial" was met with "Look at your own" and bursts of the heartiestlaughter rent the air.

Good humour prevailed duringthe term in Reserve notwithstanding two rather unpleasant incidents, one of which was serious to a degree, andthe other rather annoying. It was Fry's turnto visit me. He duly arrived belching out the smoke ofcheap tobacco and anything else that would burnin his drooping pipe. He then settled down to read me some letters fromhome when the petty officer who had used our bodies forcover came tearing into our firebay. In excited tones he related that a largesnake had dropped into his fire bay and that he had escaped by the skin ofhis teeth. Fry naturally asked ifhe had left anyone in the bay, and he confessed without a blush that a lad named Gill was there alone. The old icicle got on his feet and walked smartlyoff. I kept at his heels and the petty officer brought up the rear. On reaching the firebay we found Gill had won the fight. As the reptile reared itself to strike, he had seized a shovel which waslying on the parados and succeeded in separating the head fromthe body with a well-directed blow. His next concern was to keep the head from doing harm, and this he managed to do by passing a darning needle through the head, thus fixingit to the firestep. Addressing himself to the pettyofficer F ry explained that the snake was a female and that according to his knowledge and belief the outraged male would most certainly endeavour to findhis lost spouse. The bluffsucceeded, but had to be toned down later in the day out of consideration for the peace ofmind ofthe brave who stampeded.

The second little upset had a peculiar origin. There floated down the breeze fromthe support trench the music and words ofthat well known Salvationist hymn "O! say, will you go to the regions above." The day had inspiredit, forit was Sunday, and we knew that the leader ofthe singing was a good type ofSalvationist who was not given to

842. dogmtising. When the hymn was repeated the lads of our company joined in the singing, clapping their hands as Salvationists sometimes do. This caused no little merriment of the most innocent kind: but when the singing finished, an argument on religion followed. A rather crude Rationalist popped up from nowhere and served up the street-comer stuff about Jonah and the Whale. Singularly he had the loudest voice and believing, on this account, that he was top dog, it was quite impossible not to hear what he had to say about the silly people who believed in the Bible. As for myself he could have raved until doomsday, but when I saw the effect his ill-timed blethers had on some ofthe young boys of the latest draft my monkey rose, and within a few minutes the discussion was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. ''Greenie" the offender, appeared to be reading a passage froman open Bible when I aITived on the spot. I listenedatientively and as he was making a dreadful hash of the business I asked in tones none too polite, ifhe could read. To my great astonishment he answered that he could neither read nor write. The confession burst my bubble of indignation and leftme without a word to say; but :fromthat time to the end of the campaign on Gallipoli I did not find it necessary to tell anyonethat the fieldof battle was not the place to discuss the merits or demerits of the Christian religion or the probability or otherwise of a life beyond the grave. Unfortunatelyyoung Pophan had heard "Greenie" dilate and seemed quite concernedabout the souls of the wreaks that lay out there unburied in No Man's Land; for our dead were still lying out and had the appearance ofhaving beensprayed with petrol and set on fire. I told him how firmly I believed in a life hereafter and this seemed to give himall the assurance he needed, to carry on with a calm mind.

The enemy appeared to be quite pleased with their work and were now resting on their oars. We in turnwere not in a mad mood to disturb the peace. Even ifwe had been so inclined, the strength of the battalion would not have permitted offensive action of any kind, for almost all the "Babies" had to be evacuated with dysentery and our numbers were now dangerously low. In addition, on account of the collapse ofthe juveniles, fatigues increased both in the line and out ofit, and with the quality and quantity of the rations still going down, our vitalitywas sapped and the spirits for offensive action was going up the chimney. The old stagers were nearing the condition of mind when a wound was considered a blessing or a clean knock-out an act ofmercy. As old Tom Quin put it: "I wouldn't mind a cushey one now, but since I must work hard for my bread and butter I would prefer that the Good God took me away altogether, than that I should go back to Rotherham minus a leg or an arm."

Swainston and Quin came along to see me frequentlyduring "this time up" and now and again Quin would ask me to read a little more fromthe "Imitation of Christ."I derived great pleasure in reading to him and in writing an occasional letter to his old mother in Ireland, forpoor Quin had not enjoyed any of the great privileges which a sound elementary education bestows. The one thing he could not understand was how a Presbyteriancould read Thomas A'Kempis and but fora wee bit of good sense, Tom and I might have quarrelled.

843. Sects and schisms thrive amidst comfort and ease: neither Helles nor any other battlefields affordedfacilities of the kind.

With us, as withthe dead, there was no creed worth quarrelling about; in the great essential all were one in Charity and thereforeat one withour Maker.

The casualties inflictedby the enemy during this period were not serious. Now and again the sniper's bullet found its mark and the shrieking shell would call some others Home. Here it was that the real Swainston emerged. Aftersentry-go he would seek the bodies in order to give them decent burial behind the parados, and this he continued to do until the last days on the Peninsula. Relief, as I hinted before, now meant jumping from the frying pan into the fire. "Hates" were delivered morning, noon and night. The travelling guns on the Asiatic coast co-operated with enfilade fire while those trained on the beaches could be trusted to land their shells with unfailing accuracy. So far as I could see we never enjoyed superiority in artilleryfire, and the longer we remained on the Peninsula the greater was the disparity.

Of working parties there seemed no end. Our Division was kept on the trot so constantly that they came to beknown as "The White Slaves of Gallipoli." As a result of overwork, tempers went frombad to worse. On being detailed for fatigues, groups would sing aloud, even in the presence of the officers.

Working, Working, Working; Always bloody well working. Working in the morning, And working all day long;

And this would be followed by muttered curses, course and gross. To demonstrations of this kind our tolerant Company Commander turneda deaf ear. He knew and we knew that things would have been different if he had had the say. Oh! those Brass Hats, what impossible people they must have been. One thing is certain, apart from their long record of blunders, they were now failing to realise that the burden they had fashionedwas too heavy forour backs to bear. In the newspapers, but more oftenin the periodicals, which reached me at this time, I observed a growingtendency to encourage pieces from Oxford and Cambridge and titled scribblers to wax eloquent on the methods which they thought should be adopted to bring the war to a speedy and successful termination: while others fromtheir easy chairs in London were earningeasy money by assuming the role of military historian on the strength of their authorship of a fewperishing novels or books of puerile essays. I have particularlyin mindan article in a literary review by a Doctor of Literature. This emboldened amateur reviewed all that had taken place on Gallipoli in a manner that left me wondering where I was. He concluded with a stirring appeal to evacuate the Peninsula and send all the troops without delay to Serbia to stay the progress of the

844. combined Germanand Austrian forces. In point of fact had it been possible at that time to medically examine the men of the fighting units there would have been wholesale removals to hospital. Besides, as the Evacuation itself proved, much greater ingenuity was required to get offthe Peninsulathan to get on to it, and this meant time.

Such were the circumstances prevailing when we moved forwards once more. As proving the weakened condition ofthe old stagers, it was a common sight to see them flop down in the communication trench quite exhausted under a load which normally they would have snuffed at, even on the hottest day, Another spectacle at once disheartening and disgusting was the flight of"pukka" sailors back to the ships at sea. News had reached them that there were vacancies afloat, and they never ceased to pester the officers with requests to be transferred, until they had gained their point.

The officersthemselves must havefound it exceedingly difficultyto keep going, for their numbers, through casualties and sickness, did not now represent a third of the establishment fixedfor officers. They were spared a good deal of anxiety, however, by the stalemate in the battle area and by the invaluable co-operation of conscientious and capable citizen non-commissioned-officers.

The struggle forthe Peninsula had now virtuallyceased. For the best part of three months we held the leftsector , experiencing to the fullthe monotonous and exhausting tasks entailedby Trench warfare. And yet this form of warfare had its compensations: it allowed us to settle down andg ive our better selves an airing. When we took stock we were uplifted by the discovery that a fair proportion of old comrades was still by our side and that the "Baby" drafts had left some perfect little gems behind. Being now considered an old hand I enjoyed considerable latitude in the line and I made the most of my privileges in getting aboutand conversing with friends old and new. AlwaysI carried forward as many papers and journals as possible, and these I distributed according to the tastes and needs of my comrades.

But the greatest purveyorof news was our Company Chief.After "Stand-to-arms" each morningeveryone was on tip-toe to hear Pincher Martin'slatest bulletin. Like the mule which had been shot in the ear through carrying its head too high, Pincher almost invariably toured the Fire trenches with his chin on his chest. This attitude wasado pted after his recovery froma superficialhead wound inflictedby a sniper's bullet. When Pincher had no real news to impart he never failed to be diverting. In a loud voice he would put the question: "Have you heard the news?" To this we would reply automaticallyin fullvoice: "No, what's the news this morning?" "The Swiss navy has put to sea" was one of his hardy annuals. Among others more subtle were: "Mr Asquith is now a cabinet-maker and Lloyd George is learninghis trade" and "Lloyd George is getting more shells fromthe sea shore." When his invention failed, he trotted out the old favourite about the squire's daughter beingfoull y murdered. It was an ill day when Pincher could not be funnyin the morning.

845. Of the wanderingminstrels no one was more in evidence at this than Wallace, a merchant seaman. Like most of his fraternityhe wasa rough-cut diamond and an anti-Rechabite, but his enforced abstinence fromalcoholics did not influencehis jovial nature adversely. It was he I :first hearsinging :-

The moon shines bright on CharlieChaplin, His boots arecrackin', forwant ofblackin'; And his little baggy trousers they want blackin'; Beforethey send himto the Dardanelles. (2)

And-

Roamin in the gloamin', When yer in the Dardanelles, Waitin' forthe "Goeben" Tae come down and test her shells. She came down to Chanak, But she bloody soon went back, When she saw the "Lizzie"in the gloamin'.

With one of the draftsthere arrivedtwo simple honest and well-meaning men named Dick andZack Martin- both brothers andmarried men fromsome town in Staffordshire. Wallace took a real fancy to them and tried to immortalise them in song. This is what he produced:

The Turks they did attack, Paraffinoil ; The Turks they did attack, Paraffinoil ; The Turksthey did attack, But they bloody soon went back, When they saw old Dick and Zack, Paraffinoil.

This ranting rhyme was howled along the line, and as Dick bore a striking resemblance to Bairnsfather's"Old Bill" it became an established favourite.

In the course ofa conversation I had with Wallace, I learnedthat he had been away from Glasgow fora long time and had joined up in St Petersburg. It transpired that on arrivalof his ship at the Russiancapital almost the entire crew decided to joinforces and marched offin a body to the officeof the British Consul. News of the affairgot round the cityand when they left as recruits to join a ship which was homewardbound, a band appeared and played them aboard. Afterthe bandhad done justice to the national anthemsof both countries, Wallace and Company sang "Tipperary" and to their great amusement, all Russians present came smartly to attention. 846. Duringthe quiet spell I found more time forreading and had worked through short histories ofGreece and Rome. On the margins of these and other books,I made a point of noting any happening ofimportance which took place during my reading, and on this account their value to me was greatly enhanced. When safelyout ofthe line my first concernwas to stow away the books I had perused in my kit bag which was stored with others at the battalion dump.

Life out ofthe line during this long spell ofcomparative freedomfrom fighting was very much as it had beenpreviously. We had changed forthe time beingto a Rest Camp situated between the Mule Track and the cliffs overlooking the Aegean. While I continued on this spot, fairly regular batches of reinforcements arrived, including officers. A fe w of the old petty officers had received Commissioned rank and were shaping exceedingly well in theirnew sphere: so well, indeed, that I considered it a great misfortune that junior officers were not recruited entirely fromserving non-commissioned officers, for, viewed fromany angle, the class ofreinforcing officerwe received was not nearly good enough. They seemed far too young to have so much authority and responsibility thrust upon them and were much too inexperienced to be anything short ofa hindrance at such a time; yet there was no end to their pretension and swank. The three posted to our company had the Kelvinside - Oxford accent to perfection; but it was as evident as day that they were little more than spoilt boys.

One of them had not beena week a "Drake" when he addressed us in pompous tones on the necessity for inoculation. At the conclusion of his ill-considered speech, he ordered those who objected to signify by taking one step forward. This I promptly did for I had beeninoculated before leaving England. Mustering all the invective at his command, he held me up to ridicule as an example ofone who wanted "to die like a rotten sheep." The idiot did not finishthere : he called me out for an extra fatigue, and because I walked to the point of assembly and did not double, he threatened to double me in full pack round the camp. Aftertea that evening he had another shot at me. For perhaps the first time he had been given the job of"MrCensor" and it occurred to the imp that he might give me the job oflicking and closing the envelopes. The mail was a big one so that I had moistened all the dirty gum-edged envelopes with my tongue, my mouth was parched and foul. In a very superior fashion he inquired if I would like a drink and when I answered in the affinnative, he pointed a supercilious finger in the direction of a bottle oflemonade and instructed me to help myself Something held hisattention and when he cameto observe me again I had finishedthe bottle. This crowning piece ofimpertinence, for so he seemed to construe it, almost brought on a stroke, and with eyes flaming the "temporary gentleman" ordered me out ofhis dug-out. Not many days afterwards, andbefore this waste-of-public-money had fireda shot at the enemy, he was carried offthe Peninsula on a stretcher with a fever. How he got it, Heaven only knows !

A vague depression was settling on me, at nightfall. I leftour dug-out and wandered aimlessly to the rear ofthe battalion lines. There, in the darkness, I had my firstsmoke. One evening, it was a Sunday, while I was sitting apart, I heard a large company ofmen

847. s:ing:ing the old Scottish Psalm, "I to the hills will liftmine eyes." This was followed by a period of silence and later they sang that beautifulh ymn "By cool Siloam's shady rill." Hymn, silence, psalm and paraphrase alternated. I was now on my feet and remained standing until the soldier's hymn "Abide with me" brought what was evidently a religious service for the men of the Lowland Division to a close. As I listened, feelings of sadness and elation passed over me in turn. How I wished that I had been one of the company! How easyit was to be a Scot in a Scottish unit, I thought, and how trying in a unit like my own. Eventually my gloomy thoughts gave way to a feeling of thankfulnessthat I too could sing frommy heart the praise I heard, and believe the message which the words conveyed, and in this frameof mind I settled down again. Fordham had returned and with his parcelsand mine, we entertained the platoon in honour of the occasion.

The days now passed quite pleasantly. Of fatigues there were enough and to spare, but none was so distasteful as the July fatigue in the cemetery. After that affair Billy Laing and I had had a number of little talks together, and prior to moving to the right sector again he called and asked me to walk with him towards the beach. During our conversation I found he had had many questions to put to me, mainly about the need for religion, but it did not occur to me that he was covering a presentiment. His father, he explained, had been a Roman Catholicwho had thought out of that Churchand out of the feeling of any need for religion. I learned also that before leaving forGallipoli, Billy had become engaged to a girl who was a member of the Roman Catholic Church andthat she had succeeded in breaking down a few of his inherited antipathies. As our talk progressed, I was struck by the earnestness of his enquiry and I told him, as I had told others before, whatI considered my relation to my Maker to be. Before we returnedto camp the conversation changed to the personnel of hisnew section, fromwhich I gathered that they were all young bloods and exceedingly game. That was the last talk I had with Billy. We moved forward again to the right where he was given a dangerous bombing sap to improve anddefend. The Turks made a raid on the sap, but the youngsters repulsed them. A bombfragment got Billy on the back of the neck. Down he fellinto the trench,but beingmost anxious that his young charges shouldnot go too far, he was up again likea shot and got a bulletthrough the head. On hearing of Billy's death I was sorely perplexed as to why he should have talked to me so much about religion, when a faintvoice seemed to say "The Lord looks after his own."

Winter was no far off: there was a sting in the east wind. Rain clouds, dark and menacing, hung low overhead, andwhen they burst, the Relles basin became as unpleasantlyslimy as it had been uncomfortably sultry during the hot season. And yet, a day or two sufficedto show that the change was allto the good; forwith the cold rain cameimproved health and a very appreciable diminution in the number of fliesand lice. There had also been a welcome slackening of enemy artillery firefor some time; but later, with the accession of Bulgaria to the Triple Alliance, fresh supplies of ammunition from Germany reached the Turks through that country. As a result, strafing began afresh, and we were pasted continually. To add to ourdiscomfort, hail, sleet and snow followed the rain.

848. A blizzardwhich lasted fourdays swept the Peninsula and took a heavy toll of life, particularly among the French colonials. Their losses fromexposure were so severe that they were hurriedly evacuated and the Naval Division took over their sector. No provision had been made to protect us against Crimean conditions; we stood in the clothing in which we leftEngland and which was considered by the wise-men at home to be the most suitable for a sub-tropicalclimate. Either the "Spit and Polish" brigade in Whitehall had not the intelligence to foresee the possibility of a winter campaign, or their benighted representatives on Gallipoli were so hopeless as not to be able to realise the need forwarm clothing.

To make matters worse, the Senegalese trench system was shocking, alike in conception and in the manner in which it had beenkept in condition. Traverses were conspicuous by their absence and, thereforethere was little, if anything, to impede a shell which might luckily find the "lie'' of a trench. But what upset us more than anything else was their foul practice of burying the dead in the parapets, parados and latrines. Colonies of rats had sprung up, and what brutes they were ! In all my experience on the field I saw nothing to compare with the rats on Gallipoli. The dead were their staple food, and as there was no limit to supply sheer gorging unshaped them in a hideous fashion. Mortonwas one of the first to discover that they liked to nibble at a piece of cheese. I had not settled long in Reserve when I was told offwith others to take timber forward to the Fire trench in order to give secure footing in the Fire bays. The fatigue was a most unpleasant one, for the going was treacherous and at times the piece of wood which each man carried fouled some part of the winding Communication trench. When we reached our objective, almost every man had sinned his soul damningand cursing, and was ready to ram Britisher or Turk that got in the way. Morton was in the Fire bay nearest the Communication trench. Hearing us approach, he hissed out "Haud yer tongues" and espying me he excitedly: "Oh! Tommy, Tommy, haud on a meenit, an' no' a whusper, no'a whusper." I was struck dumb, but obeyed."D'ye see that wee bit bread and cheese on the parapet?" he asked. I could see something on the sandbag and nodded "Well"said Ginger," there will be a rat at it in a meenit, and keep yer eye on the rat." I obeyed and as sure as the sun rises in the east and sets in the west, a big, fat, greasy-looking rodent crawled along the sky-line. Ginger had his back to the parados, and laying aim he whispered, "keep yer eye on that rat." This second reminder was quite unnecessary for I had both my eyes fixed on it. Just as the brute made to secure the tit-bit, bang went Ginger's rifle, and although his shot did not even cause me to wink I did not see the rat disappear; that was the fun thing to Morton. He laughed his sides sore and wondered if the rat would get the length of Johnnie Turk. Following Morton's example, rat pinging became a favourite pastime. Thus at every turnour afllictionswere made to minister to our amusement, and our existence reeled off in an atmosphere of vexation, exasperation androllicking hilarity.

Apart fromSerious enfilade shelling which caused no end of repair work on our trenches, nothing of importance happened. The indefatigableFry had found time to scout, and he asked me to accompany him to see two young heroes he had discovered. I knew it would

849. be a waste oftime to ask questions about the "Young heroes" so I followedon in silence. He led me along an Immediate Support trench which could not be garrisoned. Since in parts it resembled a human slaughter house fromthe number ofhalf-buried andmutilated dead which were lying about. At long last we halted, in his usual quick manner he asked me to mount the Fire step and look over. I did so and there, an arm's length from me, I saw two very young Turks clasping each other in death. I was deeply moved as I looked on, forI could picture the scene at the forging of the bond which kept them true to each other, even unto death. On retracing our steps, we observed two ofour PettyOfficers poking their scaredheads out ofa very satisfactory funkhole. One of them was the Gallant who excelled during night operations at Blandford, and the other was the Petty Officer who used Fry's body and mine as cover and who left Gill to battle with the snake while he fled.

Life in the line was now more exacting. Enfilade artillery firefrom beyond the Straits was closing stretch after stretch of trench and obliterating communication trenches. As our safety largely depended on keeping the communication trenches freefrom obstruct ions, all hands were kept busy throughout the night repairing the damage caused by the enemy guns. Cold rain and sleet begun to fall, formingstreams ofwater which rushed down the frontline trench and settled in places to a considerable depth. Some evil genius fromhis snug little hole in the rear had sent up hosepipes and our ill humour was dissipated to a degree by the knowledge that our superfluous water was being pumped into the Turkish trenches. Whether the Turks retaliated by serving up some ofour own medicine, I cannot say; but from that time onwards we were never without water to an uncomfortable depth in those parts ofthe trench in which were dips and hollows. I had the misfortuneto "click" for a Fire bay where the water scurried past to a depth ofabout two feet. Blanketswere provided to keep us warm; but with the rain now falling in torrents and the blustery wind following aggravating the rushing water, we were glad when the blanketswere withdrawn, since our main concernhad been to keep them dry. During those awfulnights, sleep was out ofthe question. Exercising the greatest caution, we would slip down on to the fire step, aftereach "sentry go". There to squat piously hoping thatthe flood in the trench would not rise any higher.

As comrades in my firebay I had two young London boys who arrived with a September draft. Normally there should have beeneight men in the bay, but our battalion strength had been sapped to such an extent that an average ofthree to a bay was about the rule. Of Peters and Vernon I cannot speak too highly. I could see that both were well-bred, unspoilt Englishmen. Peters took unkindly to the cursing and swearing of his rough mates, but in time he came to smile at all extravagant expressionsoflove or hate. Not quite so wiry as Vernon, he had occasion to consult the doctor during his first duty in the Fire area, and when he returned, hisheart was in his mouth. "The doctor was a brusque and unsympathetic individual," he said. Because ofa scar on the neck he had asked his medical history and that ofhis parents. The kind but gruffdoctor really wanted to send him home, but the little brick would not consent, and in a quavering but defiant voice he told me that the next time he went to the doctor it would beon a stretcher. I thought it a bit silly ofthe

850. doctor to ask questions of the kind at such a time and place. The boy, like his companion, was obviously not able to endure the great hardships we had to face and should have been evacuated. And yet, in the fire bay, they were a pair of littleterriers ; for sheer gameness, coupled with good sense, they had no superiors.

In a manner, therefore, I was glad when Peters, "got one." The lack of traverses let a rifle grenade right in on us. Vernonhad almost learnedto swear, but Peters could still have gone to church with a good conscience; and when I heard the bang followed by "oh dear, oh dear!" I knew that Peters was the victim. Rushing to his aid I foundthat the grenade had almost blown his foot off. I applied a very prinntivetourniquet and watched him being carried offby the stretcher bearers through about three feet of water to a much kinder and very efficient doctor, whom we all loved to refer to as "Doctor Jock." Later I was told, that of all the casualties handled by Doctor Macewan, forsheer "guts" none impressed the doctor so much as young Peters.. All the flesh had been blownoff his foot and the leather of the boot had been wedged between the bones. There was no time for frills: the leather had to be pulled out with forceps, and although suffering great pain, the brave lad never uttered a whimper. By the time Peters got the knock-out, Vernon seemed to bedying by inches from exposure, but no amount of entreatycould persuade him to report sick.

Swainston too, was on the unofficialsick list. As he pursued his spare time job of grave-digger I observed a fixedexpression of pain on his face. Despite hiscondition, I watched the kind soul wade through water knee deep in order to recover the body of a boy who had been mashed by shrapnel. As our term of duty was nearing its close. Swainston came to me one morninglooking sorely perplexed. "Didst thou see yon bright light in the sky last night, Mac ?" he asked. During my night watches I had seen the light to which he referred. The December nights had been profoundlydark and the moon and stars were seldom visible, so that anything untoward could not failto arrest one's attention. The light I saw could not be mistaken for Chanak's great light, for it was infinitely brighter; it was the light of a brilliant moon streaming through a solitary rift in the dense obscuring clouds. "Yes, I saw the light," I replied sympathetically. "Well I saw Christ in yon light," said Swainston. As it was the first time I had heard him speak the name of Christ with reverence, I encouraged himto continue. "\Veil," he added, "and when I get down the line I willsee a clergymanand be confirmed." Whether he did not, I cannot say. I guarded Swainston's little confidence jealously, and never again referredto the incident. But my concernfor the fixed expression of pain on his face, increased as the days passed by.

Young Popham was also on the doctor's hands; boils were his complaintand he was all over with them. The doctor was anxious to send the boy to hospital, but having heard we were about to evacuate the Peninsula, he pleaded that he be allowed to continue until the day of complete evacuation, in order that he might have the satisfaction of knowing that he had played a man's part and had not been a burden. The request was granted.

851. Evacuation buzzes were now very prevalent. The supersession of Sir Ian Hamilton by Sir C.V. Munro did not affectus very muc� forwe had lost all faith in people with big reputations and high sounding names, and without good reason. The buzzes would have been dismissed contemptuously had there not appeared in our trenches an Anzac non­ commissioned officerwho told us that Suvla and Anzac had been evacuated while at the same time, he described the harrowing experiences endured by the infantrybefore the operation was completed. This information accounted forthe increase in shell fire on the Relles area, as can be imagined, we anticipateda none too bright ending to our attempt to get away.

On the day prior to our relief, gum bootswere served out and our enquiries elicited the unpleasant information that the "Rue de Paris" - the communication trench down which we had to pass on our way to the rear was floodedto a depth of fromthree to fourfeet. On the followingday , rigged in gum boots, and thoroughly worn out, we leftfor the Rest Camp. For the life of me I cannot say how long we took to clear that infernaltrench. On more than one occasion I was conscious of walking over the body of someone who, overcome by fatigue, had lain down in the water to rise no more. Every man seemed so far gone that it was impossible to lend a helping handto a falteringcomrade. When a hold-up occurred, there was only energy enough left to shout: "For Heaven's sake, carry on; don't stop." On emerging from the awfultrench , it was a case of the blind leading the blind.

The nearest chum to me was a hardy Northernernamed Mitchell. As the ranks had broken the "touch" could not bemaintained, we mated and trudged on over a new road, which was paved with stones with their sharp edges uppermost. I learnedlater that the idea was to make it impossible fora poorly shod foe to pursue us duringthe retreat. The strain on our tired legs was almost unbearable and both of us had to fighta strong inclination to lie down. To sleep by the wayside would have been to die fromexposure, forthe cold was now intense and there was no one near to help. Mitchell stumbled andfell. Duringmy efforts to get him to his feet I discovered that the water in the trench must have been waist deep in parts, forthe seat of my trousers was soaked and water was oozing out of my gum boots. My benumbed extremities had not given me any warning; and but forthe timely discovery, Mitchell and I would have joined the alarmingly increasing number of men suffering fromfrost-bitten feet. Divesting ourselves of our gum boots, we limped on. All was dark about us and the surroundings were strange: not a soul could be seen to ask for direction. Just as we were despairing of reaching camp we heard the voice of an officer hailing the "Drakes." The voice rang out again and again andwith a feeling of great relief we caught sight of the officerstanding on a small mound of earth. Dragging ourselves forward we stumbled on the old Senegalese camp whichwas to serve as our billetsof rest. Here we foundan elephant shelter - one of manywhich hadbeen provided for the Senegalese - (3) and we decided to make it our quarters for the night. Finding that my trousers were wet throug� I removed them and my pants also, using the dry part of my great-coat to protect my bare limbs fromthe cold damp earth. Sheer exhaustion triumphed over all my afflictions and I fellasleep. On wakingI was reminded that it was Christmas Day. I made the further discovery that the men about me were not of my platoon.

852. There had been a proper mix-up during the night, but soon we were sorted out and dispatched to our respective units.

For months our food had been bad. If the bakers had been purveying bread, the :fighting soldiers saw very little of it; "square bread," as the dog biscuits had been derisively called, being served up to us with monotonous regularity. When we mustered forrations on Christmas Day and were told that our food had miscarried, an ugly scene was prevented by the announcement that the "Daily News" Christmas Puddings had arrivedand, better still, that there was a pudding for each man. That day we survived on dog biscuits, a small portion of cheese, two pints of tea fairly warm, and the precious pudding, weighing one pound. I secured my kit-bag fromthe heap and changed my trousers. With a dryseat my temper improved, despite the unpleasant news that I had been detailed for "sentry go" over two water wagons. On the whole my sentry duty was pleasantenough duringthe day and my stretch fromtwelve mid-night to two in the morningpromised well, forthere was a fullmoon and a touch of frostin the air. I looked forwardto the still hours in the hope l would have an opportunity to think over in peace and quietness the purport of the latest Routine Order which contained the following announcement;

"The Eight ArmyCorps will shortly be relieved by the Ninth Army Corps."

th And also to study unobserved a copy of a Special Order of the Day, dated 20 December, 1915, by Lieutenant General Sir Francis Davis, commanding the Eight Corps, which had been circulated prior to leaving the Fire area and which was still in my possession. The order read :- The British Troops have been removed fromSuvla and Anzac inorder that they might be more usefully employed elsewhere to defect German ambitions in this theatre of war and to crush the Turks and Bulgars who have been induced to join our enemies.

This withdrawal was carried out entirely unknown to the enemy and, thanks to the steadiness and discipline of the troops and to the excellent arrangements made by the staffs of both Navy and Army, nothing had been leftto the enemy but our empty trenches. A few guns at Anzac which could not be extricated fromtheir positions were destroyed.

The position at Cape Helles will not be abandoned, and the Commander-in-Chief has entrusted to the Eight Corps the duty of maintaining the honour of the British Empire against the Turks on the Peninsula and of continuing such action as shall prevent them as far as possible, frommassing their forcesto meet our main operations elsewhere.

Thisduty is one for which we are fullyprepared and is only the continuation of the operations which have gained the strong position we now hold. In frontof this position division after division of the Turkish Army has been worndown and so many Turks have beenkilled that this part of the Peninsula is known amongst them as "The Slaughter House." We can only hope that the Germans will force the Turks, already heartily sick of war, to attack us againand again, being confidentthat the same fate will befall all fresh troops brought against us as befell their predecessors. 853. Reinforcements of artillery and increased supplies of ammunitionhave already arrived and furthertroops will be available shortly.

In the meantime, Sir Francis Davis wishes every officer, non-commissioned officerand man to know how confident he is that, one and all, theywill put their whole hearts into the work beforethem, and they will show both to the Turks and to those at home who are so anxiously watching our deedsthat the Eight Corps will continueto do more than pull its weight.

We must by strenuous labour make our positions impregnable,and while driving back every attack we must ever seekto make steady progressforward and maintain, both in spirit and action that offensivewhich every soldier knows, alone leadsto success in war.

Since the Royal Naval Division was supernumeraryto the Eight Army Corps there was much speculation as to whether we would be relieved with the Eight Corpsor remain to be attached to the Ninth. It was common talk that our Divisional Commander had reported to his superiors that the men of his Division were anxious toremain on the Peninsula until the operations had been brought to a satisfactoryconclusion. If our Divisional Commanderwas reported correctly, either he did not know the mind of his me� or it was a case of wishful thinking on his part.Our position appeared hopeless to any manwith a spark of intelligence, yet some believed, and they were vocal, that we were fated to fighton.

A party of those thusminded assembled in an elephant shelter on my beat to drown their sorrows and renew their courage. Everything would have passed offcheerfully enough if there had been as liberal a supply of good foodas there was of rum; but when the rum took possession of their empty stomachs and turned their heads, sentimental songs took precedence over '"Rule Britannia" and the like. For two solid hoursI, in my sober senses, was forced to listen to the miners, when they got an innings, singing the doleful lay: "Don't go down the mine Dad, dreams very oftencome true." This was followedby "Homeland, Homeland, when shall I see thee again" by the company. The Orderly Officer gave the songsters a long run fortheir money - too long for my liking, formy heart was fullas they kept on repeating

"Dear Homeland, Homeland, It may be for years, And it may be forever, Dear Homeland, Homeland."

Before my watch ended sleep laid her finger on their lips of care, and I was given an opportunity for quiet meditation on the course of events.

854. Above :- French native troops fromtheir Colony of Senegal unloading ammunition from SS River Clyde at "V" Beach, Gallipoli, 1915. This was the first time that native West African troops were employed in a European Campaign. Imperial War Museum. Reference Q 61091.

Over the page:- Above shows French trenches at the right (Eastern End) of the line occupied fromthe end of December by 1st R.M.L.I. Parapet of block stones with wooden loopholes. As the communications of both sides were equally exposed, there was tacit agreement that firing was not to take place. One could go out and take photographs with impunity as is shown here. Imperial War Museum. Reference Q 14830.

Over the page:- Below shows 1st R.M.L.I. in trenches on the extreme right of the French Line, taken over from the French at the end of December 1915. Imperial War Museum Reference Q 14829.

855. 856. To the discerning eye it was evident that a general evacuation was intended. It was soon common knowledge that the Ninth Army Corps did not exist. The announcement was intended to bluff the Turks, and I believe that it succeeded to a degree. Just before the New Year, we set out forwhat proved to be our last duty in the line. The Up Communication Trench, which still bore the name"Rue de Constantinople." had been drained by our Engineersthus affording a comparatively dry passage. Again our company was in Reserve, with Fordhamin charge of our platoon and myself acting as platoon petty officer, although our respective ratings were still ":Leading seaman" and "Able seaman." I brought in New Year'sDay in this trench and spent the afternoon watching the Turkish shells breaking in their flight above us and overshooting their mark by about thirty or forty yards. Our next move was to Immediate Reserve, and our last was to be to the frontline, as it had fallen to our Company to provide the last garrison. The first days inImmediate Reserve was uneventful; but our Adjutant, Stemdale Bennett, scurried about a good deal and looked grave. The Battalion Commander on his rounds was as cheery as ever, and laughed heartily when he saw me endeavouring to shave. Despite the factthat the rations were scandalously inadequate - the allowance per day being four biscuits and two ounces of jam with a pint of cold tea - no one complained. Even when chilly rain fell heavily, faces bore the expectantlook of relief soon to come.

Swainston had been doing the round of the trench and I observed that the groups who gathered round him were being kept in the best of humour. I wondered what he was up to but bided my time. My tum came in due course: without saying a word he placed before me on the fire step rows of small cigarette cards bearing the photos of the celebrated beauties of that time, and looking his height, invited me to "choose your pick." I got the laugh of my life, but Swainston could not join me forhe was much too ill. I patted him on the back and watched him move slowly up the trench to give some others anopportunity to choose their pick. Vernonmeantime looked on the while andtried to smile, but that seemed beyond him.

We were now on comparatively high ground, and, looking over the Aegean Sea, the excellent visibility made it possible forus to discerna fleetof transports offthe Islandof Imbros, which is about fourteenmiles fromthe Peninsula. I divined that these were supposed to be transports with the 9th Corps, and that their atTival at Imbros was part of the bluff. Lieutenant Commander Campbell paid us a visit and expressed the desire that the Immediate Support be wired forsafety. Like a shot Fordhamreplied : "'Verywell, Sir, if you will send up the wire, I shall see that the job is done." The Immediate Support was well within one hundredyards of the Turkish frontline, and the slightest sound was bound to draw fire. I was annoyedat Fordham's haste to volunteer forsuch a risky job - annoyed forhis own sake, for I fearedthat he might be hit when there wa'> every chance of his getting safely offthe Peninsula, and I reproved him. My admonition upset him considerably; but recovering himself he replied that there was no fearof him being killed since he never neglected to pray to be spared, and he was sure that his prayer would be answered on this ason other occasions. He saw that his apology was none too well received, andwas hurrying offto select his wiring party when I calledhim back.

857. Perhaps it was wrong of me, but I could not allow what he said to pass unchallenged. "Look here, I said "I think it very wrong ofyou to pray such a prayer. When you joined up you volunteered to kill or be killed, ifsuch were to be your fate, and, therefore, you have no right to petition the Almighty to shield you in particular." Hisconfusion was painfulto behold and the child in the courageous soul exclaimed with heat: "It doesn't matter, I am going to ask God to shield me while I am out tonight."

In Ford.ham's absence I was leftin charge ofthe platoon, and at the approach ofdusk I arranged the night watches; but beforeI did so I removed Vernon to the head ofthe platoon and refrainedfrom numbering him off, for he was now very far through. No sooner did the boy liedown on the fire step than he fell into a deep sleep which nothing could disturb. Fordham's job was successfullyexecuted and when he returnedto the trench I informed him ofVernon's condition and it was agreed to evacuate the lad in the morning. When he awoke, it was with the greatest of difficultyI managed to persuade him that he was seeing the light of a new day and I only succeeded in getting him offto the Doctor by threatening to report what had happened the previous evening. This had the desired effectand he dragged himselfon his toes to the Medical dug-out. After examination De Macewan ordered him to the rear and he volunteered to findhis own way, since stretcher bearers were in short supply. From enquiries I made later I learnedthat both his feet had been frost-bitten,and that on clearing the "Rue de Paris"he collapsed and was picked up unconscious and despatched to Egypt fortreatment.

Lieutenant Commander Campbell's good intentions had an unfortunate sequel. In the darkness Fordham's wire had been positioned on a little eminence in fullview ofthe Turks. Their look-out could not failto see it and their artillerybegan to search the ground with high explosive. I observed that the fire was mainly enfilade, which suggested that the enemy batteries on the Asiatic coast had been contacted and were being used to blast us out. A more unenviable position could not be imagined. The fire from the "Asiatic Annies" was exceedingly well directed, and succeeded in blocking our trench for a distanceof about a hundred yards. Frantic effortswere made to save the platoon in garrison and all got clearwith the exception ofthe lastsection which was smothered in debris. The rescue work had to be confinedto groping with the hands and in this Doctor Macewan did not spare himself Keeping at it with might and main, his party succeeded in rescuing three of our comrades alive, but the remainder were beyond recall. A fresh burst offire forced us to seek other quarters, which brought me close to Fry. His facewas a study. I sat down beside him and asked what he thought ofour chances. After admittingthat they were none to rosy, he whispered: "I have a job foryou on the final day." What the nature ofthe job washe would not divulge, remarkingthat I would learnin good time.

On the day prior to moving forward, our Episcopal padre burstin on us with the announcement that he would celebrate Holy Communion in the Front Line Trench on the afternoonof the day fixedfor our :finalwithdrawal, and he very graciously consented to permit dissenting souls like myself to spectate. Fordham could not have been happier ifhe had been made a bishop, while the factthat I promised to attend the service gave him no

858. I felt fresh and cheerful as I strolled down the line to find my bearings, but towards mid­ day an over-powering drowsiness fellon me and I lay down on the fire step to rest. Fearing lest I might fall asleep, I hailed Dick and Zack Martin and requested them, in the event ofmy dozing off: to waken me in time forthe promised celebration ofHoly Communion. When I awoke, I foundthat beforeI could get on to my feet I had to shed strips ofblankets which had been spread over me by my faithful guardians to protect me from the intense cold. Dick and Zack were standing by with the demeanour ofdefaulting schoolboysand before I could utter a word, Dick beganhis apology. "Do you know, Mac," he said, "I thought it a sin to waken you although sometimes you frightenedme with your snoring. I am sure the Turks must have heard you." "Well, I replied with a smile, "I suppose you meanme to accept that as your excuse forallowing me to sleep through the service," and sheepishly both ofthem answered in unison: "Yes, Mac, we thought it best not to disturb you,"

I was curious to know where the blanket strips had come fromand for what purpose they were intended. Dick could not give me any information, but mentioned that Fry had been along and had left word requesting me to call on him as he had some important instructions to pass on. I hastened to Fryand listenedearnestly as he unfolded the scheme which had been conceived. In measured tones he told me that at dusk every man was to attend to arms, and firemastery was to be maintained until 8.0 p.m. when the major portion of the company, under an officer,would withdraw. Forty men were to remain and were to spread over the Divisional front. They were to work in pairs and,if possible, secure fire mastery as in normal trench warfare. Thisparty - which was to be known as "The Last Ditchers" - accompanied by the remaining officer, and Pincher Martin, were to leave at 11.45 p.m. The bombing sap was to be held by Swainston, who would go offwith the eight o'clock party while Fry, with two rankers, was to follow"The Last Ditchers". As the open ground had been heavily mined and beset with traps, Fry's job was to block the communication trench with concertinawire, supplies ofwhich had beenplaced along the trench at regular intervals. His last words to me were, that I was to take position on the extreme left ofthe Divisional front at a traverse called "Stink Point" and "bring up the rear." The strips ofblankets, he explained,were to be used to cover the soles ofour boots, so that we might leave the trench with as little noise as possible. We shook hands on parting and he promised to call on me during the course ofthe evening.

When I arrived at "Stink Point" I had reason to be gratefulthat my sense ofsmell was shock-proof An unholy slaughter had taken place in the vicinity and the limbs ofthe decaying dead stuck out at all angles from the high and irregular parados behind me. There was a bright moonin the sky which, though beautifulto behold, was decidedly unwelcome: with such clear visibility, I feared we would be foundout.

At 7.45 p.m. Fry cameto tell roe that the officers had ''the wind up properly" and that the officer in charge ofthe eight o'clock party had remarked to his colleague that it was "twenty minutes to eight," and had asked ifhe could take his party off. Overhearing him, Fry had replied firmly: "Eight o'clock is your hour sir." This incident was followedby

860. another exhibition of"wind up." Red, white and blue Verey lights shot up from the Turkish positions and the fearstrickenofficer exclaimed excitedly, "Whatdoes that mean ?" To this Fry dryly: "Merely that the Turks have captured some of our artillerylights and are trying them out." "Where are the officers?" I asked; for neither of them had been patrolling the trench. "OH!" he replied, '"They are hugging the communicationtrench."

The officersreferred to had joined the battalion with the nincompoop whom I had offended by refusingto be reinoculated and, like him, were more ornamental thanuseful. I expressedsurprise that our Battalion Commander had taken such a risk indelegating two men of their calibre to discharge so onerous a duty, while inwardly I thankedGod that Fry was to be with us to the end.

At 8.0 p.m. I took position on the firestep, having my boots swathed in the blanket strips, while on my leftforearm was fixeda piece of white bandage which was to serve as a mark of identification. My first concernwas to get in touch with the two men of the battalion on my left,which turnedout to bea battalion of the Highland Light Infantryfrom Glasgow. Some way downtheir trench I could see a figure working towards me and having an occasional shot as he came along. He seemed in no hurry to arrive and when he did so I was astonished to findthat he was a mere boy. I greeted himkindly, remarking that he was very young.''I was nineteen in December," he replied. "Where is your mate?" I asked. "He's lying down there tipsey" replied the boy, nodding his head in the direction of a form which I could discernin the distance down the trench. I called my mate and asked him to carry on with his fireuntil I returned, and offI went to see the happy warrior; but no effortsof minecould bring him to his senses. "Let him lie," said the boy, ''I'll get him up in time to go offwith me." I got my young friendto promise that in the event of the Turks attacking, he would make use of our communication trench in preference to his own, since ours was more accessible and our frontmore heavily protected by wire.

My mate, a Welshminer, had not been warned that he was to be a "Last Ditcher." When he made the awful discovery he was so beside himself that I though he wasgoing to lose his reason. He had come with andlast batch of reinforcements and on that account I felt he had a grievance, for he had not experience enough to stand up to the strain which such a hazardous venture imposed.Soft words slowly brought him round; but not forworlds would he go near "Stink Point" unlessI accompanied him- it was part of the plan to cross and recross one's mate, thus ensuring that our firewould proceed fromvarying positions. When he settled down I was greatly relieved to observe that his fire did not betray the slightest nervousness. This encouraged me to prolong my stay occasionally at "Stink Point" which, being on high ground, afforded an excellent view of our frontfor a considerable distance on each flank, when the flares were high in the sky. From my vantagepoint I watched the Verey Lights ascend fromthe Aegean Sea to the Straits with such delightful regularity that I feltat once thrilledand assured. Up they shot in switchback fashion to the accompaniment of crackling rifles. Thatall seemed normalto the Turk was proved by his periodical rifle flashes fromvarious firepositions; this to show that his sentries were not sleeping. Little did he know that, at the moment, his riflecrackle

862. andthe rap-tap-tap of his machine guns were to us the sweetest music under Heaven. Had he remained silent how ominous it all would have seemed to the anxiouswatchers of the skeleton garrisons.

As the night dragged on I perceived a perceptible darkening of the sky and ,lookingwest, observed a blanket ofdark black cloud in the path ofthe moon. By degrees I saw the moon advance and with uncanny suddenness disappear in the folds ofthe dark impenetrable mass. Providence was being mercifulto us in providing a pillar ofcloud to hide us fromour enemies.

My weary watch was brightened by occasional visits fromFry, who invariably arrived with his old drooping pipe in his mouth and no smoke issuing fromit. "Are you so busy that you cannot light up?" I enquiredduring one of his visits. "No," he replied, "I have tons of time, but only an ounce oftobacco, and God knows I may need every scrap ofit before the night is out. Believe me, I shall pufflike merry hell when I reach the sea." At 11.0 p.m. Fry made his last call forthe purpose of advising me to be on the alert for the word to move. My concern for the sleeping Scot had not abated and making my way intohis preserves I foundhim in the act ofstre tching hislimbs and preparing to rise as for "his mornin'." He rubbed his eyes and gaped at me in astonishment but my accent stilled his fear. The whole situation was so funnythat I could have laughed outright as I enquired how he felt. "As fit'sa fiddle"replied his young mate "and mindyersel' noo; we'll get aff a' richt." I bade them good-night and good luck and hurried back to my position.

I was now counting the minutes, and slick on time I heard Pincher Martin's voice whispering me to come. OffI shot, and wadfag through empty cartridgecases which were strewn in profusion onthe floorof the fire trench I reached the mouth of our communication trench as my mate disappeared round the :firstbend. Rushing on I caught a glimpse ofsome ofthe boys who had lost their lastchance of escaping and who waited in death the arrival ofthe enemy. Dr Macewan and his faithfulassistants had foundold stretchers forthem and with tender care had covered them over with blankets, leaving only their tackety boots to view. Runningas fustas my legs could carry me I eventually got up with my party as they were leaving the communication trench for the open. There we halted and removed the blanket strips fromour feet. When freedfrom our fetters, the gallop was resumed. No sooner had we set offthan we foundthat the road had been broken up purposely by our engineers, and at frequentintervals we were precipitated, at times headlong, into holes of considerable depth. The wisdom ofthis precaution was not challenged, and we endured uncomplainingly. On clearingthe road, fromwhich it was impossible to stray by reason ofdirecting belts ofwire, we were halted at the first blockhouse. The officer in charge and Pincher Martin satisfactoryaccounted for our party to a cool and calculating engineer non-commissioned officers, and on we passed to the nextblockhouse.

863. On passingthrough we had to traverse the rocky road I have already referred to. This road led us to rather high ground, part of which was lit up by Chanak's great light, which shone with a fixed brilliancy on Cape Relles. Eski Hissarilick point on the east of Morto Bay neutralised much of this light, but sufficient remained to cause us grave uneasiness. The undeviating glare foretold that the Turks believed the total evacuation of Gallipoli to be only a matter of time. Their travelling gunshad reached a point where the Asian coast outstrips the straits, thus enabling them to firepoint-blank on to the beaches ofHelles. In reply our monitors, which lay hidden in the darkness, belched forth their concentrated thunder and greatly conduced to our peace of mind by almost entirely mastering the Turkish :fire. Treading familiar ground we arrivedat "V" beach, andcautiously moving along in the darknesswe came to the last blockhouse over which ruled supreme a sprightly staffofficer who knew his business. Without waiting any declaration be identified our partyand called the officer forwardto report. With the least possible delay he passed us through and soon we found ourselves in the rear of a slow-moving column in single file. Although the darkness was profound, the sheen offthe sea made it possible to see the column winding its way round the foot of the cliffs like a ponderous and gigantic snake. The dead-slow marchproceeded without a break until we reached the temporary break-water at Relles and halted close to the destroyer Bulldog. (4) Whisperingwas a lost art with the Commander of the destroyer and when asked how many men he could take aboard, he shouted at the top of his voice "350." All our party were accommodated on his ship and were packed like herrings.

On putting out to sea we found the Aegean at its worst. The wind fumedlike a demon and the sea lashed us mercilessly. Spray was light fare: :frequentlythe sea rolled over us in lumps. But our battered bodies were now proof against such paltry annoyances. All through the night the Bulldog pitched and rolled. "Is this the Aegean?" asked a small voice near me. On being assured that it was he remarked with a snigger: "No bloody wonder John was wrecked on the Island of Patmos."After steaming for ten hours, the ship swung into Mudros harbour and anchored close to the troopship Minnesota. Her arrival was the signal for all manner of small craftto draw in close while we transferred.

Following the lead we dragged our perishing bodies up the spacious gangways of the troopship, and, once on deck, were surrounded by willing helpers who removed our equipment and took charge of our rifles. I was first aware of the sense of smell; there seemed to be cocoa, cocoa everywherewith more than enough to drink. With the cocoa came prodigious supplies of bread and butter, and we gorged ourselves as we had not done for many a long day. The feast over, we rose like giddy foalsand looked about us. All seemed quite normal again, and with the minimum of help we succeeded in boarding a tender which conveyed us to a point in the bay calledTurk's Head. Here we landed and set out to march to our camp which wasabout two miles distant.

The march was laboured and painful. At regular intervals we halted without order and squatted on the ground. Groups of men from all units looked on sympathetically at our utter helplessness and under their breath muttered, "Some of the last party." On one

864. Above:- R.M.L.I. Mules and horses in a "K" Drifter after evacuation of Gallipoli Peninsula, 9th January 1916. Imperial War Museum. Reference Q 14892.

Below :- Taken at Lemnos afterthe evacuation. Most of these men lost their lives on the Ancre or at Gavrelle in France. Left to right standing :- Joseph Murray, Townsend, Howell. Leftto right in middle :- Wilson & Wilkinson. Left to right sitting :- Sutherland & Chris (Stanley) Jones. Hood Battalion. From the Joseph Murray papers. 865. Note :- The new style of hat issued during this winter period. occasion the party halted close to the lines of a Highland regiment and the quartermaster very kindly issued tea. The tea was worth a ton of sympathy, and under its sweet influence we reached our destination. Old churnswere waiting us, on arrival with eyes of gladness, and beforenightfall we were snugly packed away, sixteen to a bell tent and went sound asleep.

Next morning I woke in time to answer the roll call, and found, to my dismay that Fry and his two companions were missing. Fordhamand I enquired forthem without result. Fully two days later they appeared. Fry leading with his old drooping pipe blazing merrily and his weather-beaten facewreathed in smiles. "When I had :finished my job and reached the beach," he explained "all boats had gone to sea. Only a small boat remained, and in it we pulled from the shore. A patrolling destroyer observed us some time after dawn and took us to Imbros fromwhence we have come here."

The Naval Division had to depend on the Navy for decorations and, as a result, very few were bestowed. Fry was given a slip of paper to testifythat he was a brave manand was mentioned in despatches in common with scented nonentities who had never fired a shot andhad never faced a Turk in battle, while his two companions were completely overlooked. Fordham also received a slip of paper to certify that he too was a brave man, but apart from these no more of my comrades caught the official eye. (5)

* * * * * * * * * *

References :- 1) HMS. Swiftsure. British Battleship, completed in 1904. Built by Elswick & laid down 1902. Speed 19.1 Kts. 1180 tons. From Janes fighting ships of WWl. Page 46. 1990 Edition. ISBN 1 85170 3780

2) This song also appears in the Hood Battalionby LG.Sellers. ISBN O 85053 386 9. Page 69. It was sung to me by my fatherMarcel Albert John Sellers, who sung it as a young boy.

3) During a visit to Gallipoli with my friend Kieran Hegarty, we found very large dug outs which could well be these elephant shelters. Ifone goes to the ruins ofZimmerman Farm, which overlooks the valley containing the Achi Baba Nullah & opposite Observation Hill, you should continue along the earth track and enter the present pine wood. About 200 yards into this wood one will finda number of very large dugouts. These are about 50 feet long by 20 wide. Pine needles etc cover the floor and they must have been deeper than the present 8 to 10 feet. The French had been alongside the R.N.D. with the Senegalese just to the right ofthe Royal Naval Division.

4) HMS. Bulldog. British Destroyer. G Class. Built at Clydebank in 1909. 952 tons with Parsons turbines. H.P. 12,500. 27 Kts. This class was formerly known as the Basilisk Class or "The Mediterranean Beagles." From Janes fighting ships ofWWl. Page 74. 1990 Edition.

5) This account is from 'The War To End War.' 1914 -1918 by Thomas Macmillan. Dated 11th November 1935, Glasgow. Housed in the Department ofDocuments, Imperial War Museum, London.

I would like to thank Thomas Macmillan's son Ian Macmillan forpermission to publish this work.

866. GtLbbIPObl.

On 'Standing to'

By A.P. Herbert .. Hawke Battalion.

No it is not the hour before the battle, (Though then, indeed, I amnot at my best) Nor when at eve the Moslerns'muskets rattle And goodness knows what wiles are in his breast, Nor when all day one builds some earthly wall And huge Staffofficer, absurdly tall, Come up and say 'This parapet's too small' That I am most depressed.

But when, at dawn, ere over Asia's marges Phoebus prepares to advertise his charms, With no excitement, with no Turks for targes, With none of war's legitimate alarms, None of the fire that fillsthe soldier's face When it appears that something must take place (though more than likely it is not the case) We sadly stand to arms.

Now when the citizen of England's couches Turns yawning over and renews his snore, We wake with cramp, and grimly pat our pouches, And I go forth to tramp the trench'ed :floor. To squeeze and stumble in Tartarean tracks, Past 'bulging men andelephantine packs, To tread on toes and talk about attacks, And be a general bore.

867. It's very cold, andI cannot findmy 'webbing,' And in the night my pipe has taken wing; Some soured battalion, in its midnight ebbing, Came surgingpast and pinched the precious thing. There is no light, save Southward in the bay, A Red Cross vessel with a long green ray, And on the parados two glow worms play. I wonder if they sting.

Yonder the Turk is quiet in his caverns But I suppose he too is standing by, With wistful visionings of Stamboul taverns, And sometimes swears and sometimes winks an eye, For he like us is painfullyaware That neither host is like to leave his lair Yet allstand vigilant and fullof care- And no one quite knows why.

But there's a tale some Red-Hats set the fashion, That foundthe firing-line one fatefulnight, Whereat the foe,with pardonable passion; Disbursed a bomb their very sight; And they, indignant at a stroke so rare, Supposed some special peril in the air At this dim period, and then and there Arranged this dismal rite.

But do they share our grim nocturnal orgies? Do batman call them when the moon is low, In yon softnests behind these fatalgorges, To prime their pistols and expect the foe? Or arethey seen before the stars have set For ever peering o'er the parapet? It may be so. I never saw it yet, But still - it maybe so.

A.P. Herbert. Lieutenant.

Published in 'Half-Hours at Relles.' By B.H. Blackwell, Broad Street. 1916. I would like to thank A. P. Watt Ltd on behalf of Crystal Hale & Jocelyn Herbert forpermission to reproduce the poem.

868. 6'(l6bIPObl.

CASUALTIES OF THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION WITH NO KNOWN GRAVES.

Names appear on the Helles Memorial.

From the Database of The Commonwealth War Graves Commission.

Bland, Private, Ernest, PO/88l(S). Portsmouth Bn. RM.LI. Died 13th July 1915. Age 20 years, Son of Charles Bland, of Low Farm, Serlby, Bawtry, Doncaster. Panel 2 to 7.

th Bligh, Able Seaman, William James, KP/451. Anson Bn. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Blundell, Private, Arthur, CH/18831. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Blyth, Able Seaman (H.G.) John, Clyde V297. CollingwoodBn. R.N. V.R. Died4 th June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Alexander and Elizabeth Falconer Blyth, of 6, Cleghorn St., Dundee. Panel 8 to 15.

th Bolland, Able Seaman, James Edward, KW/150. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 30 June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of the late John and Isabella Bolland. Panel 8 to 15.

th Bolton, Sub Lieutenant, Wilfred, Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915, Age 18 years. Son of Henry and ChloeBolton, of Rest Harrow Crowborough. Panel 8 to 15.

Bookless, Sub Lieutenant, James, Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died4 th May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Boots,Stoker 1st Class, George Henry, SS/108078. (RFR/CH/N/10351) HoodBn. Died 10th May 1915. Panel 1 and 2.

th Borthwick, Able Seaman, Samual, Clyde Z/2007. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of John Borthwick, of 24, Wampool St., Silloth, Cumberland, and the late Martha ElizabethBorthwick. Panel 8 to 15.

th Bowman, Able Seaman. William, Clyde V330. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Bownes, Private, John Edward, CH/48 (S) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 5111 May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Bowser, Private, William, PO/340(S) PortsmouthBn. R.M.L.l. Died4 111 September 1915. Age 25 years. Son of Thomas and Mary Jane Bowser, of 2, New Post OfficeSt., Shotton Colliery, Co. Durham. Panel 2 to 7.

869. Boyd, Able Seaman, James Wear, Tyneside Z/1829. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 37 years.Husband of Bella Jane Boyd, of, East Hyo, AnnfieldPlain, Co. Durham. Panelth 8 to 15.

Boyle, Stoker 1 Class, Alexander, DEV/278618. (RFR/DEV/B/1676) Howe ,Bn.Died 4 June 1915. Panel l and 2. st th

Boyle, Able Seaman, Patrick, Clyde Z/2095. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15. th

Bradbury, Private, Ellis, PO/37 (S) Portsmouth Bn. R.ML.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Bradford, Private, FrederickDaniel, Ply/16853. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died28 th June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Mr. and Mrs F.D. Bradford, of 2, Tynant St., Grangetown, Cardiff. Panel 2 to 7.

Branch, Private, William, CH/15250.Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 29 April 1915. Panel 2 to 7. th Bray, Leading Seaman, William Michael, Sussex Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 20 years.Son of Thomas andLily Maude Bray, of 82, Highland Rd., Eastney, Portsmouth.th Panel 8 to 15. SZJ262.

Brewer, Able Seaman, Melville, Sussex 1/347. lloweBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Bridge, Private, George Arthur, PLY/263 (S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died12 July 1915. Age 20 years. Son of Thomas Hilton Bridge and Annie Cicily Bridge, of 14, Central Avenue,th Levenshulme, Manchester. Panel 2 to 7.

Bridger, Petty Officer, Aubrey Gerald, Sussex S3/287. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Bright, Private, John,PO/658 (S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.L Died 13th July 1915. Age 25 years. Son of Samual James and Emily Bright, of 60, Elgar Rd., Reading; husband of NoraAlice Bright, of 90, Pell St., Reading. Panel 2 to 7.

Broadbent, Stoker 1 Class, Norman, SS/108049, (RFR/DEV/B/5636) Howe Bn. Died 4th June .1915. Panel 1 and2. st

Brookfield,Lance Corporal, Charles, PO/123 (S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 12th July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Brookman,Able Seaman, Sidney George, Bristol Z/534.Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 15 years. Son of James and Matilda Brookman, of 17, Vincent St., Swansea. Joined,th 4th Jan I 915. Panel 8 to 15.

Brooks,Able Seaman, Robert, KP/81. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died28 April 1915. Age 20 years. Son of Mrs. AM. Brooks, of3, Mill Lane, Tteeton, Rotherham, Yorks,th and the late RobertBrooks. Panel 8 to 15.

Broster, Colour Sergeant, Joseph, PO/8804. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6 May 1915. Panel 2 to 7. th Brown, Able Seaman, Alexander, Tyneside TZ/35.Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 3 May 1915. Age 19 years. Son of William and E Brown, of 15, Simpson St., Sandyford, Newcastle-on-Tyne.rd Panel 8 to 15.

870. Brown, Lance Sergeant, Fred Walter, CH/10352. (RMR/B/10352) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. th Died 13 July 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

th Brown, Able Seaman, Joseph, Tyneside 'ZJ70. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13 July 1915. Age 25 years, Son of Mr. J.J. and Mrs H.M. Brown, of 25, St. Frederick St., South Shields. Panel 8 to 15.

nd Brown. Leading Seaman, Robert, Tyneside HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 22 September 1915. Age 26 years. Husband of Sarah Jane Barron (fom1erly Brown), of 14, Rothbury Avenue, Pelaw-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15. 'ZJ526.

rd Brown, Private, Samual. PLY/I 14(S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died3 May 1915. Age 22 years, Son of John and ElizabethBrown, of 101, Derby Road., Heanor, Derbyshire. Panel 2 to 7.

th Brown, Stoker I51 Class, Simeon, SS/108419. (RFR/DEV/B/5775) Howe Bn. Died 4 June 1915. Panel and 2.

11 Brown,l Able Seaman, Stanley Gordon, London Z/719.Hawke Bo. R.N.V.R. Died 19 ' June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

nd Brown, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 22 July 1915. Age 23 years. Son of Joseph Brown, of The Gardens, Newbiggin-by-the-Sea, Northumberland, and the late Margaret Best Brown. Panel 8 to 15. 'ZJ926.

th Brown, Able Seaman, William, Clyde 1/2167. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Brown, Lieutenant, William Fraser, Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of James and C.F. Brown (nee Grant) of"Dungourney," 13, Newark St., Greenock. Panel 8 to 15.

rd Browne, Private, Arthur, PLY/298(S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 3 May 1915. Age 25 years. Son of John Frances Buckley. Panel 2 to 7.

Browne, Leading Seaman,Edward. DeV/239874. Anson Bo. Died 6th May 1915. Panel and 2.

th Browne, Sub-Lieutenant, William Denis, Hood Bn. RN.V.R. Died 7 June 1915. Panell 8 to 15.

th Bruce, Leading Seaman, Victor Ernest, 288685. (RFR/CH/B/4590) HoodBn. Died 6 May 1915. Panel and 2.

Bruty,l Private, Frederick Charles, CH/18684. Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 20th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Bryant, Able Seaman, Walter Theodore Grahame, London Z/868. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 10th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Buchan, Leading Seaman, Edward, Clyde 1/2624. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of George and Helen Buchan, of 12, Ashley Place, Leith,Edinburgh. Panel 8 to 15.

rd Buchanan, Able Seaman, John, Clyde Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R Died 3 May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Buchanan, Able Seaman, William Walker,'ZJ32. Clyde 5/2425. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of MrsElizabeth Buchanan, of 12, Mount Stuart St., Shawlands, Glasgow, and the late J.C. Buchanan. Panel 8 to 15.

871. Buckley, Able Seaman, Sydney, KW/292. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Bullock, Able Seaman, Harold, KW/145. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Bunting, Stoker 1st Class, William James, SS/107140. (RFR/CH/B/9708)Hood Bn. Died 6 May 1915.

Burge, Able Seaman, David Elrick, Clyde 1/2086. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 20 years. Son of Mary E. Burge, of 31, Lyndhurst Gardens, Glasgow, and the late David Burge. Panel 8 to 15.

Burgess, Able Seaman, George, Sussex ZJ53.Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died4 th June 1915. Age 19 years. Son ofMrs.M. Burgess, of 523, Seaside, Eastbourne. Panel 8 to 15.

Burgess, Lance Corporal, John Robert, PLY/16505. Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.l. Died 28 May 1915. Age 19 years.Son of Daniel and Margaret Burgess, of 45, George St., Salford,Manchester. th Panel 2 to 7.

th Burgha� Able Seaman, George, Tyneside ZJ2278. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Burgis, Sergeant, Edwin George, CH/4692. (RMR/A/525) Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 30tl' April 1915. Age 48 years. Son of William John and Jane Burgis; husband of Kate May Burgis, of 92, White Hart Lane, London. Panel2 to 7.

Burkmar, Lance Corporal, Frank Edwin, P0/549(S). Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Burn, Able Seaman, Robert John, Tyneside ZJ61 l. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 25th December 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Burnett,Private, Harry Egerton, P0/15066. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.I. Died6 th May 1915. Age22 years. Son of HarryBurnett, of 16, Empress Rd., Kensington, Liverpool, and the late Florence Burnett. Panel 2 to 7.

Burnett, Private, William, PLY/21 l(S) Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.L Died 28th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

Burnip,Able Seaman, William, K/117. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died6 th June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Burrows, Able Seaman, John, Mersey 3/230. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Peter and Ellen Burrows, o� 11, School Lane, Seaford, Liverpool. Panel 8 to 15.

Burton, Able Seaman, George Henry, KP/893. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th May 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Busby, Able Seaman,Art hur Leslie, London Z/2098. Hawke Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 24th December 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Butcherd, Able Seaman, Stanley, Sussex 3/321. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R Died� June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Butler, Able Seaman, Patrick Arthur, London ZJ1405.Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6th November 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Button, Able Seaman, George Eyre, KP/779. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4th June 1915. Age 20 years. Served as Eyre. Son ofHenrietta Musgrave (formerlyButton), and the late George Button. Panel 8 to 15.

872. th Byres, Able Seaman, Robert, Clyde Z/564. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Cairns, Petty Officer, Robert Philip, Clyde Z/246. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4tJi June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Mr and Mrs Robert Cairns,of 27, Cranston St., Cranston Hill, Glasgow. Panel 8 to 15.

th Caisley, Able Seaman, James Pearson, Tyneside Z/ 1986. Anson Bn. R.N. V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Callaghan, Chief Petty Officer, Alfred, 172647. "A" Coy. HoodBn. Died 4 June 1915. Age 38 years. Husband of Ethel Callaghan, of The Cottage, Crafthole, Cornwall. Also servedat Antwerp. Panel 1 and 2.

th Caller, Private, William George, CH/18821. Deal Bn. R.M.L.I. Died 20 May 1915. Age 20 years. Son of William Robert and Laura Caller, of The Cor-..age, 76, Broom Rd., Teddington, Middlesex. Panel 2 to 7.

Calrow, Stoker pt Class, Alfred, 285945.(RFR/B/6611) Hood Bn. Died 4th June 1915. Age 37 years. Son of Robert William and Annie Calrow, of 9, Seldon Rd., Nunhead, London. Panel 1 and 2.

th Campbell, Able Seaman, Charles, Clyde Z/4867. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 27 December 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th CampbeH, Able Seaman, Henry, Tyneside Z/1766. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 23 years. Son of Richard and AgnesCampbell, of 3, South St., Langley Park, Durham. Panel 8 to 15.

th Campbell, Able Seaman, John, Clyde Z/1020.Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13 July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Candlish, Private, Robert, PO/380(S) PortsmouthBn. R.M.L.I. Died 24 June 1915. Age 25 years. Son of Mr. and Mrs. John Candlish, of 12, Forster St., Gateshead-on-Tyne. Panel 2 to 7.

th Capelin, Leading Seaman, David Charles John, Sussex 3/215. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 6 June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of the late William and Annie Capelin. Panel 8 to 15.

Card, Able Seaman, Joseph, Sussex 2/293. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died13 th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Carline, Able Seaman, George, KW/143. Hood Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Carmichael, Able Seaman,Robert Oswald, KP/843. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died6 May 1915. Age 18 years. Son of Maria and the late F.W. Carmichael, of 15, Woodbine Terrace, Gateshead-on-Tyne. Panel 8 to 15.

th Carr, Able Seaman, Joseph Whitefield, Tyneside Z/3720. HoodBn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

th Carrier, Petty Officer,Samual, KP/946. Anson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 21 years. Son of William Carrier, of LeaMoor Avenue, Somercotes Alfreton, Derbyshire. Panel 8 to 15.

Carson, Able Seaman, Albert George, London Z/1049. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13th July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

873. th Carter, Sergeant, Richard George, CH/7423. (RMR/A/691) Chatham Bn. RM.L.I. Died 7 June 1915. Age 40 years. Husband of Elizabeth Carter, of79A, College Avenue, Gillingham, Kent. Panel 2 to 7.

Carter, Lance Corporal, Robert Vincent, CH/14947. Chatham Bn. RM.L.I.Died 14th July 1915. Age 33 years. Son of Robert Vincent Carter and Emma Carter, of 64, Venner Road., Sydenham, London. Panel 2 to 7.

Carton, Stoker l51 Class, Michael, SS/103072. (RFR/DEV/B/3810) Nelson .Bn.Died 13111 July 1915. Husband of Mary Carton, of 35, Capel St., Dublin. Panel 1 and 2.

th Cartwright, Able Seaman, George, KX/123. Nelson Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 13 July 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Cartwrigh4 Private, GeorgeJohn James, PO/392(S) PortsmouthBn. R.M.L.L Died13 th July 1915. Age 20 years. Son of George Cartwright, of 27, Main St., Goldthorpe, Rotherham, and the late Henrietta Cartwright. Panel 2 to 7.

th Cartwright,Able Seaman, John Harold, Tyneside Z/1114. CollingwoodBn. R.N.V.R.Died 4 June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Ann Bell, of 12, Backworth Lane, Castle Park,Backworth, Shiremoor, Northrnnberland.Panel 8 to 15.

Casbolt, Stoker 1 Class, James John, SS/106198. (RFR/CH/B/1218) HoodBn. Died 29th May 1915. Panel l and 2. st

th Cash, Private, Thomas Harold, CH/18541. Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I.Died 7 June 1915. Age 19 years. Son of Albert and Sarah Elizabeth Cash, of 39, Kensington St., Derby. Panel 2 to 7.

_Casken, Private, Alfred, PLY/178(S). Plymouth Bn. R.M.L.I.Died 4th March 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

th Castle, Able Seaman, John, Tyneside Z/181 l. Collingwood Bn. R.N.V.R.Died 4 June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Chalk, Private, FrederickDudl ey, P0/15693. Portsmouth Bn. R.M.L.l.Died11th May 1915. Panel 2 to 7.

th Chalmers, Able Seaman,Harry Frank, London Z/268. Howe Bn. R.N.V.R. Died 4 June 1915. Age 28 years. Son of Emily E. Chalmers, of 7, The Exchange, London Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey, and the late Peter Chalmers. Panel 8 to 15.

Chamberlain, Able Seaman, William, Tyneside Z/3499. HoodBn. R.N.V.R Died 4t1, June 1915. Panel 8 to 15.

Chandler, Private, Harry Evans, CH/588(S). Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I.Died 2 September 1915. Panel 2 to 7. nd

th Chapman, Stoker 1 Class, Edward, 282295. (RFR/CH/B/1463) HoodBn. Died 4 June 1915. Husband of Mary Chast pman, of 5, WestboumeTerrace North, Paddington, London. Panell and 2.

Chard, ColourSergeant, William George, CH/7415.Chatham Bn. R.M.L.I.Died 4th June 1915. Panel 2 to 7. ************************************

874. Nore� f'ROM Ttte f'RONT.

ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION'S MEMORAMDUM FOR OFFICIAL lJSE ONLY. AUGUST 1915.

PART THREE :- NOTES FOR ENGINEER UNITS.

Extractfrom "Engineer Training, 1912" (Reprint 1914).

Chapter IX. - Employment of Engineers in Battle. Para. 1 13. - Engineer duties in defence.

1. Troops detailed to the defenceof a position are responsible forsiting andexcavating their own trenches, defences, etc.

Amongst the work of the Engineers willbe the following:-

a) The execution of work requiring technical skill. b) Technical advice when required. c) Construction of overhead cover, if desired. d) The construction of mechanical alarms, signals, flares, land mines and demolitions. e) The blasting and removal of all ground too hard forthe Infantryto deal with. f) Assistance in revetments and drainage arrangements. g) Assistance in the construction of obstacles. h) The collection and distribution of materials andtools other than those belonging to Units. i) The laying of tramways. (Except in Artillery Batteries.) j) Water supply.

Engineers' Headquarters, RN. Division.

The accompanying sketches are foruse of the Engineers, R.N. Division, in reconstructing the firstline trenches; are issued for guidance only, and are subject to the necessary modifications to suit local conditions and the trenches already constructed.

875. Rough sketches are appended figuring the leading dimensions.

Too much stress cannot be laid upon the absolute necessity of traverse, as by this means alone candamage due to shell firebe localisedand enfiladeavoided. Usually a mean distance of 10 yards from traverse to traverse is considered suitable, but where enfilade is probable this distance should be reduced to 5 yards or in exceptional cases, 3 yards. Further, the thickness shown, viz., 4 feet, should be conformed to as far as possible.

Figure 1. Shows a cross section and plan of the trench most suitable. Where rest trenches are required forthe actual firingline these should be at least 10 yards back fromthe fire trench. Undercutting may be allowed as shown at B, but inno case should there be undercutting in the firetrench. Out of these rest trenches, wells, kitchens and latrines should be dug, the latrine accommodation approximating as nearly as possible to five per cent, as shown in figure2.

When there is an advance the rest trench will probably not be continuous at once, but when afterwardsjoined suitable angles should beleft thus formingtraverses. Soil excavated fromthe trenches when thrown in frontshould be made to conform with the ground and be inconspicuous.

2. A general diagram showing first line and support trenches, which in general should be from 150 to 250 yards apart with communicationtrenches at suitable intervals, is given on sheet 2. These communication trenches should be zig-zagged with straights not greater than 10 yards in length. The width should be from2 feet 9 inches to three feet, andthe angles rounded offto allow a stretcher seven feetsix inches long and two feet wide to be carried round, the depth of these trenches to varyfrom fourfeet to fivefeet six inches.

3. Water. Every possible local facilityfor obtaining water should be takenfull advantage ot andif practicable it is advisable, to makewells direct fromcommunication trenches and from kitchens in rest trenches.

4. Redoubts shown in sheet 2 (special design in each case) should be made at suitable points at a distance of200 yards apart; these should be well wired and connected to the support or communication trench, but in no case must any connecting trench pass through the redoubt.

Reference:- From a Royal Naval Division booklet. Reference(12) 29908 Wt21385 - P 1252 1000 9/5 E & SA. AdmiraltyLibrary, Mezzanine3, Great Scotland Yard, London.

876. o/te.e<,/.-:.

FIRE TRENCH. REST TRENCH ( Section.) (Section.)

PLAN

. 3:0'.: __ Fire ______----Fire------Trench Traver$ Trench

/0 ¼-, To RestTrench

NOTE:- It is essential that in every case the traverse should be the fullwidth of the trench. and the communicatiw f.renchbe cut as shown to clear actual trench alignment.

I I I I . . .. ti" - I -�:y.: I I I I I ··.f1tif· I I I I I I I I I I 1' &Jpporc

877. '(lNTWe�.

THE MOERBEKE AFFAIR Continued from June 1999 issue 9.

EVIDENCE GIVEN AT A COURT OF INQUIRY ASSEMBLED AT FORTON BARRACKS

ONTHE

24th of November, 1914.

This hearing was to be conducted under the control of the President Brig-General H.S.N. White, M.V.O. , R.M.L.I. The other members were Colonel 2nd Commandant C.E.E. Curtoys, R.M.L.I., Lieut-Colonel and Bt.-Colonel A.G. Tatham, Reserve of Officers,R.M. This follows on fromR.N.D. number 9, pages 727 - 742. when the evidence of Lieutenant Colonel Frank William Luard the 0.1.C. of the Portsmouth Battalion was highlighted.

PART ONE - TO CATCH A TRAIN.

Lieutenant Colonel E. G. Lywood, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. We were sent to support the Naval Brigade in the trenches, and eventually marchedas rear-guard to that brigade to the Gare de Formation, some 12 miles, where we expected to get instructions. There was no one, however, to tell us where to go on reaching there and one naval battalion and ourselves were left. The men were tired and laid down to rest. Colonel Luard sent Major Burge to find out where the bridge was. Eventually we found the bridge which we had to cross, and crossed it. Upon arrival at Zwyndrecht we found our other two companies, which fellin under Major French, and continued the march to St. Nicholas. Halfway to that place I picked up a car and took our doctor with me. He had asked me to get a car for him previously, as he had wounded men. I went with him, my idea beingto get some information. So far I knew nothing. Up to this time I had been with Colonel Luard. I went straighton and found the Burgo-master's secretaryand a major of the Belgian Artillery, and asked then aboutthe situation. This was at 1 p.m. The Belgian major said there were someGermans at Lokeren. The force he believedwas between 3,000 and 4,000, with guns. I went back to Major French, commandingthe advance guard, who said he thought he heardsome guns, as also did Doctor Greig. This was the only information I received. Colonel Luard had an idea ofbilleting us at St.

878. Nicholas that night. I let Colonel Luard know at once what I had been told, and explained the situation as far as I knew it. After discussing the matter, it was decided to march on to Stekene. I went up with the advance guard, and when about 5 miles fromSt. Nicolas had orders to push on hard. I thought these orders came from Colonel Luard; but found afterwardsthat they were from the naval commander. I pushed on as fastas possible, and shortlyafter that I met a farmer who spoke French, and he told .methat there were some German cavalry on our right, at or nearSt. GillisWaes. I listened, and could hear horses trotting. After a study of my map, I pushed on towards Stekene, conducted by a Belgian soldier, who told me he knew the country very well and had motored over it recently. The men's feet were very bad, and thereforeI did not take to the main cobbled road when we got to Kemseke, but moved on to a side road which was smoother and easier for marching, andalso shorter. I got to Stekene with about 30 Marines and the whole of the naval battalion. After waiting about 20 minutes or so, I foundthat Colonel Luard had not turned up with the Marine battalion, so I walked down the railway line and blew a signal (whistle), but the only answer I got was some bullets over my head. I thought at the time they were fromexcited Belgians, and saw some lamp flashes in the distance. We had been ordered by Colonel Luard to go to Steken Station, and when I got to Kemseke cross­ roads, as the advance guard had lost touch, I sent a man on to let Major French know which road we were taking, in case he had gone up the main road. The sailors marched so fast that they outmarched our men of the rear-guard, and Colonel Luardon arriving at Kemseke (I learnedafterwards) turnedto the right and went to a station about 4 miles N.E. ofStekene. The sailors were utterly faggedout on reaching there. We waited about an hour beforegetting into the train, and had great difficulty in getting them in.

Major A.H. French, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. On the night of Thursday and Friday, the ih and the gth of October, the battalion was bivouacked at Zwyndrecht. We startedat 9 o'clock in the morning forSt Nicholas. With my company, I formed the advancedguard. Owing to the slow progress of the main body, I arrived at St. Nicholas two hours beforethem. I halted, piled armsin the square, and set aboutgetting some food. While the Mayor was seeing what bread he could get Major Burge and Colonel Lywood turnedup. Colonel Lywood was told of the defeatof a German forceby an English and French forcethat morning at Lokeren; and it at once became apparent that the defeatedforce would be marching on Antwerp. Shortly after I heard the sound of firing. I at once got the advance guard under arms,retired, and found three naval battalions, with Colonel Luard, near the station. I explained the situation; that a German force, size unknown, was retiring on St. Nicholas, and it seemed obvious that our only course was to move north to the railway. After a good deal of delay we eventually started. I again formed the advance guard and I was to guide the column to Stekene. Some way alone the road I picked up a local guide who said he could conduct me to Stekene, as Stekene was offmy map. I explained to him that I wanted to go to Stekene Station. It was dark when I arrived at a station, andI then discovered that it was KernsekeStation. I got on the telephone and foundthat a naval officer, who had gone on to arrange a train, was at Stekene, and he said he would send a trainback. I went back to

879. the cross-roads in Kemseke village to intercept Colonel Luard and explain what had happened. As it would save the men a long march, it was quite obvious we should collect the battalion at Kemseke. I explained this to the Colonel but he would not listen to my explanation. The result was that a certain number of men went on the original route to Stekene. When the train arrived at Kemseke Station it was already crowded with refugees, and it was quite impossible to entrain the men in anysort of formation, and we had to get into the train as best we could, and as quickly as we could. I discovered that half my companywere away, and I reported this to Colonel Luard that there were some men adrift, and that Major Burge and my subaltern were missing.

Major N.O. Burge, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. --- I had been appointed adjutant The men were hungry, and I had been sent on in advance to try andrequisition some food.I leftSt. Nicholas at the same time as the battalion, andwent ahead on a bicycle to try at Stekene. Beforeleaving we heard there was a train leaving at 7.30 in the evening. Afterunsuccessful efforts to raise suppliers, I got to the Stekene station , between 7 and 7.30, and there I founda long train fullof men, both seamen and marines, and a very large number of refugees, and, as I discovered later, some Belgian soldiers.

Captain A. E. Syson, Reserve of Officers, R.M. Portsmouth Battalion. When we left St. Nicholas I knew nothing about where we were going and what we were going to do. My orders were to form the rear guard to a partyof blue-jackets, and from a remark let drop from Dr. Greig, I imaginewe were going offto deal with a forceof Germans, who had been badly handled by the English that day. I delayed the advance of the rearguard to a certain extent in order to satisfymyself that we were not passing Germanstragglers. At last I got information fromCaptain Teague that we were to push on at all possible speed; and I then had to rush the men along to get in touch with the main body. We eventually arrivedat Kemseke Station. When I got there one recruit had collapsed and practically the whole of the Company were absolutely dead beat. We had simply raced along, but I did not lose anyone.

PART TWO-TRAINTO SAFETY?

Lieutenant Colonel E.G. Lywood. The train was fullof Belgian refugees, men woman, and children, and others, and I could not get a seat forsome time. I walked along the train and called out to Colonel Luard, but got no reply. I heard, however he was on the train all right. We thought we were going to get through to Ostend, so I lay downin a coal truck and dropped offto sleep. I had not beenoff long when a bell started to ring. I did not think it wassuspicious at the time, but about fiveminutes after another started to ring, and soon afterthere were a fewshots. The five became more violent, and a third bellbegan to ring, Graduallythere seemed to be firingall round and the train stopped.

880. Major A.H. French, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. We were ordered to entrain and proceed, and when we got to Stekene, to my relief: Major Burge and the missing men were there. By this time the train was uncomfortably crowded. We proceeded, and after about 20 minutes we heard firing, and the train slowed down, and eventually stopped. I was aboutthe centre of the train.

Major N. 0. Burge, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. We got into one of the open trucks but it was already very crowed, A..-lterwardswe got out and went along the train because I was told that there was plenty of room farther up. I got in another closed goods truck with the door on the right hand side of the train, but not with Colonel Luard whom I missed; and the people in it were very mixed � marines, bluejackets, refugees(mostly woman) and some Belgiansoldiers. I had heard that some Germans had been seen at Moerbeke. Bearing this in mind, I had trouble with the refugees, who would insist on keeping on lighting candles. We moved offand I went to sleep. Aftersome minutes I heard some shots fired a.rid I thought at the time it was only sniping. I thinkthe train was either stopped or travellingvery slowly at the time.

Captain A. E. Syson, Reserve of Officers, R.M. We eventually moved off:and picked up a good many at the next station including a certain number of Marines. We then made anotherstart but kept stopping and just before we got to Moerbeke, the train pulled up seemingly just outside the station. As we moved on again some shots were fired, and the train came to a standstill once more. I did not think much about it, because I had had some experience of the Belgians, and knew they were in the habit of firingat anything, and I had seen some Belgians get into our train at Stekene. The train started to move offagain, and it feltas if the engine driver was trying to put on an extra spurt. The engine raced just as if it had a heavy load behind it. This happenedtwice, and eventually pulled up altogether. There was some shouting and some firing, and fromthe sound it seemed as if a 3 pounder had been fired somewhere in the village. I heard Gowney' s voice issuing orders to some men, and the :firingwent on.

PART THREE-THE TRAIN IS ATTACKED.

Lieutenant D. Gowney. Portsmouth Battalion. When we got to Stekene there were cries that some marineshad beenshot, and that some doctors were wanted. There had been some desultory firing. After we had left Stekene about a quarter of an hour, I looked out, and on my right frontappeared between40 to 50 flashesof rifles. I went into the adjoining truck and told everyone to load up and prepare to fire. When we were abreast of the flashes they were alxmt 150 to 200 yards on our right. We had about 35 to 45 men in our truck, and beforethe train eventually stopped the snipers hadshifted their ground. When the train pulled up my coach was opposite the centre of the station. I gave orders to my men, and it was reported that a party of men was coming down under the angle of a wall. I gave orders forsilence, and challengedthe party. I called out, "Are you Belgians?" The reply cameback, "Yes." Whoever it was

881. answered me could speak English. They came on for some distance, and finally returned in the direction they came from. Although the marineshad orders not to leave the train, a good many did. After a short space I heard the tramp of a body of men, and saw between 12 and 20 approaching under cover of a wall. All of a sudden they extended across the road, until their left got in touch with a ticket officeon my right. I challenged them, and got no reply at first, and it flashes across my mind that these men might be part of my own battalion. I called out. "Are you British?" The reply came back, "We are English."I said, "What division do you belong to"; there was no reply to this. I said, "Come on, come closer," and to my own men I said, "Don't fire." The men came a little forward, and I saw them bring their rifles to the ready. A man shouted fromthe top attic of the ticket office, fromwhich there had been some sniping.I challenged again, they repeated that they were English. When they came within range of the light we saw that they had helmets on, and I gave orders to fire. Three of them got to the side of a truck, five dropped, and two others took cover, and several more ran back. I shouted out for the senior officer, and Colonel Luard crone along, I told him we had been engaged; the nextthing was I got an order, I think it was fromColonel Luard, "Everyone out of the train."

Major A.H. French, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. We proceeded for about 20 minuteswhen we heard firing, and the train slowed down and eventually stopped. I was about the centre of the train, andabreast of me there were some houses andgardens. The firing was irregular, and some of it was coming from the north side of the train. After about 10 minutes delay, I received a verbal order from Colonel Luard that I was to takemy company out and take action. I did not take the whole of the company out because I did not need the whole of the men in such a confinedspace. Moreover, it was pitch dark, and I had no indication of the strength or direction of the attack. I sent some men round to the north side of the train to observe what was going on. I took some men to the front near the engine myself I then saw thata house, probably the stationmaster's house; which was lighted with electric light, contained Germans. I saw one German come out and I shot him. I went towards the engine, to call the engine-driver, but found he had bolted, and there is little doubt that he was a German agent. However, I passed the word back for a mechanic who could drive a train. About this time there was an attack on the train. I heard a lot of firing, and apparently Lieut. Gowney had detected men about to make a rush on the train. He promptly opened fire,and when I arrived there were six German dead. I was next informed that although the engine could be got to work it was impossible to move it, as some of the metals had been removed.

st Lieutenant Ivor Fraser, R.N.V.R. Hawke Battalion, R.N. 1 Brigade. We started offabout a quarter to seven, and we had beengoing about three-quarters of an hour when the train stopped. I popped my head over the truck and saw a red light in front. I thought it was perhaps a signal against us, and took very little notice. We waited about 10 minutes, and the train went on again. Then before we had gone very farit slowed up again, a shot was fired and the train stopped. Several shots followedand a marine subalternjumped out of the truck. I followed, and we tried to get on to the engineto see what was the matter, but we both dropped on some live wire entanglements.

882.

We eventually got on to the engine, when I saw a German coming towards us. I had my revolver out and shot him. We tried to startthe engine, and while this was going on, the firingwas continuing, and a perfect pandemoniumprevailed, woman and children crying and men calling out. We foundwe could not move the engine, and a naval stoker came along. He said he knew something about machinery, and tried to get the engine started; but he also failed.Presently there wasa lull in the firing, andI don't know quite what happened, but I foundI was left on the engine by myself

PARTFOUR-CALLSTOSURRENDER!

Lieutenant Colonel E.G. LywoodE.G, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. I was with the two senior naval officers, one ofwhom was Lieutenant Crossman commanding the Royal Naval Battalion.----- Meanwhile a woman with her child in her armswas shot near me, and this, I think, somewhat disconcerted me; as I knew there were a lot of woman in the train. The two navalofficers in the truck said it would be a hopeless massacre of woman and children ifwe fought there; and hismen were faggedout and demoralised, and not fit to fight. I knew ofmy own knowledge that they were "all to pieces." When Lieutenant Crossmanadded he believed they had not more than five rounds per man ofammunition, I concluded that thingslooked rather bad. He, the naval officer, said, "I must surrender, I can do nothing, what do you think?" I said, "Well, I do not see you can do anything else." The second naval officer agreed. Even supposing there were no womanand children, I thought the Germanswere in force, as I knew they had 4,000 men at Lokeren, 6 milesoff, at 11.30 a.m. that day. It seemed to me the enemy had a thousand men round the station. I thought it probable that there would be no friendlyforces nearer than Burges, some 30 miles away. Looking through the thing rapidly, I knew we could not have marched 30 miles. Indeed, the naval men could not have marched five miles; I said, "They have absolutely got us." We got out of the train, and I saw that the engine had been run in on a bogey-line, and that two wheels seemed to be in the mud.

I then went to see what our fellows were going to do. Major French and Major Burge were both there, but I could not find Colonel Luard, I called out "Look here, you fellows, the naval people have decided to surrender on account ofthe woman and children; and havinghardly anyammunition," I added, I though they could not do otherwise. I think it was Major French who replied "Surrender be damned ! We are going to fight it out." I then said "All right, I will let them know it." I added "By our (Marines) present position, the enemy's firewas drawn on the woman and children, and we ought to try and save them if we can." Someone called out "Go and get them out ofit." I decided to go back to the front of the train and get the woman out, and did so. I then considered the situation better, and that we might cut through. I hurried the woman and children through a gap in the fence, and told them to go by a side lane, which I pointed out, and get over the border, three miles off. Afterthis I took up a position with eight or nine men just beyondthe engine, with a view to assisting the retirement. Although second in command, I should like

884. to point out that no definite work had been assigned to me. When I found that I had only three ot fourBelgians and five or six sailors with me, I told them to liedown and carry on the fireagainst snipers to the south. I was then alongside some sleepers, about 30 yards in front of the engine. We continued the fire forabout 15 minutes, andthen the enemy's fire began to slacken.

Major A. H. French, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. Somebody reported to me "Do you know that Lywood has ordered the train to surrender ?" I did not stop to question the man, but bolted down the train; calling out for Colonel Lywood, I said to him"What is this about surrender?" He said "V./e must surrender because of the woman and children." I said, "Surrender be dammed, I am not going to take any orders from you. Colonel Luard is in charge of this train; there is to be no surrender." I went down the train calling out, "There is no surrender" and I know that a great many men heard me. I went back and saw Colonel Luard, and said "Are you aware Colonel Lywood is ordering the train to surrender?" I do not know exactly what his reply was, but it was "Rubbish," "Impossible," or something like that. However, he did not take any steps in the matter. Shortly afterthis there was a lot of :firing fromunder a row of cattle trucks near the engine, and as a general attack appeared to be developing I ordered Captain Syson to get some men out across the street, and keep anyone from approaching up it. I collected about 15 men and got them into line, and fired "10 rounds rapid" at the trucks, after which there was no more firing fromunder the trucks, and there is no doubt we had clearedthem out or killed them. Just afterthis somebody came to me again, I think it was Captain Stockley, and said "Do you know Colonel Lywood has ordered the men to surrender, and that they are laying down their arms?" I went to Colonel Luard again and said, "For God's sake go and put the hat on Lywood, he is doing it again." Colonel Luard was in the same place where I had seen himbefore, ru'ldhe made no reply. Just after that I heard a gun, and the whole situation seemed to become more clear to me. I found Major Burge, and he said in reply to my question that he had heard the gun also. He also said that he did not believe that this was an Uhlan attack, as all the dead Germans were infantrymen. It became clear therefore that this was an advance guard, sent to intercept us.

Major N. 0. Burge, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. I distinctly heard a burst of firefrom a machine gun, and two or three rounds from what must have been a field gun. Thismade me think it was much more serious than I anticipated. The people in the carriage were excited, and the woman and children were crying. Our own men in the carriage wanted to get out and fight. I kept them inside, as I did not want them to get out without orders, for fearthe train might move on, and leave them behind. I tried to get out to see what was going on, and as I was doing this I heard a cry which appearedto be coming fromthe right hand side. "Naval Brigade lay down your arms." This order was being passed along andI did not realise the sif,rnificance of what it meant the firsttime. I thought it might be a differentmethod of giving ordersto the naval men to cease fire. Shortly after,however, it was repeated: "Lay down your arms, we have got to give in." I then appreciated the seriousness. I saw a seaman shouting out the order and Colonel Lywood passed along the train saying "Lay down your arms, we must

885. surrender, for the sake of the woman andchildren, several of whom have already been wounded." His orders were general, and no particular unit was named, he wasshouting it out fromcarriage to carriage. These perhaps were not the exact words, but they were a gist of the order. I spoke to Colonel Lywood and said it wasquite ridiculous and impossible fora trainload of fightingmen to lay down their arms without putting up a scrap. I told him I could not accept such an order, ashe was not in commandof the battalion. I also told the men nearby to retain their arms and take no notice of this order. While I stood taking to him, our conversation was being listened to by a number of men. They were evidently waiting forsome decision to be arrived at. And I know there was a great deal of muttering, and evidently there was grave dissatisfactionover the order. I heard some men saying that they would not give in. And they were talking amongst themselves, muttering words such as, "Let us get out of this," or words to that effect. I certainly saw individuals, and more or less organised groups, going through a gap in the palisading to the right of the trainwith their arms. I thought they intended to fight their way through. It was about this time that the order waspassed round by Colonel Lywood "The men are to bring their arms to the frontof the train, and lay them down in a pile," which I objected to. I went up and down the train, I cannot say if I went the whole length, because the distance between the train itself and the palisading was very narrow and crowded. I was calling forColonel Luard, as I could not see any officers on this side of the train. Some Belgian soldiers came up to me in a good deal of agitation, and wanted to know if they were prisoners? I said I knew nothing about them, but as far as our men were concerned we had not surrendered. One of them said that the frontier was only five kilometres away and made offwith other Belgian soldiers. I did not shout at the men to stop them, as it was impracticable to do so. I told them aswell as I could see plainly enough that our men were not going to be mixed up in any surrender.

I went up and down the train calling forColonel Luard, but I could not findhim; but presently between a gap through two carriages I saw Major French on the other side of the train. I crawled underneath and discovered forthe first time, thatwe were in a station. I don't think there was any firing going on at that time fromthe engine. I think it was practically all over. Major French, as soon as I came across, ordered either Captain Syson or Stockley (I think the former) to clear the street by opening a rapid fire. This was done. And I could see steps were being taken to repel any real attack on the train on that side. I told Major French that I would go back and look foranything coming fromthe right. I crawled underneath the train again and foundtowards the frontof the train a group of seaman who appeared, mostly, if not all, standing with their hands above their heads. I said to them "What are you doing?" And they replied that the Germans were right in frontof them, andthat they had been ordered to surrender by anOfficer. Again I heard this cry on the right hand side of the train, "Bring your armsand lay them down," and more about the woman and children. It was a general cry this time, and it was evidently being passed along. I collected about 15 or 20 of the closest marines I could findwith the intention of clearing up the situation on the right flank; and we were advancing up a little alley way in filewhen firingwas opened on us fromabout 100 yards to the north. It was a

886. rugged volley, and not more than 10 rounds; we advanced along the alley way and at the end founda stable yard, which we occupied. We did not reply to the fire,because as a matter offact I was hoping they would fireagain and that we would be able to get their position by the flashes. Nothing however happened.

Captain H.F.H. Stockley. Portsmouth Battalion. I think the firstwords I heard passedwere : "Out No.4 Company." This was Major French's company. Some men got out of the train on Major French's order and his Subalternfollowed. Dr. Greig and myself got out afterwards. Sergeant Major Sutcliffe was with me also. We laid down with some men behind us, and saw some Germans coming round the comer. We did not fireas some ofour men were in front ofus. The attack seemed to quiet down, and a good many men got back into the train again. I think we had an order to that effect.After that the sniping started again. We got out ofthe train again, and founda forceof Germans were facing our men in the vicinity ofa house. I went back to findout ifthere were any more men in our rear. A naval officer came up to me (I think hisname was Hanson and that he is since dead) and said the train had been surrendered, and that I had to surrender, and get my men to do so. I was extremely rude to him I am afraid, and asked him by whose authority the train had surrendered. He told me that Colonel Lywood had surrendered the train. I said that Colonel Lywood was not my commandingofficer, and that I should not accept the order. I went along the line to look for Colonel Luard and foundhim near the signal box. I told him that an order had come down to me that I was to surrender, and apparently the order was given by Colonel Lywood.I asked him what I was to do, but I got no answer fromhim. I waited for two or three minutes, and still receiving no answer, went to Major French and Major Burge, who were some 10 to 15 yards away, and said, "What is to be done? I can't get any reply from the Colonel." They replied, "Neither can we." I said, "Is it right we are to surrender?" Major French answered, "No certainly not; we will get the men together and clear off."

Captain A. E. Syson, Reserve of Officers, R.M. Portsmouth Battalion. As soon as Major French got out ofthe train I told the men to sit tight and there still seemed to be nothing serious happening. A little later Sergeant-Major Humphries came back along the line with a fewmen to the line ofthe hedge, facing the Station House. I told a fewmen to get down and come with me to support him, and Captain Stockley was called forby Major French. And then there was a shout of surrender, which I took no notice of I thought it was all nonsense, and said there was no one to surrender to, and that the order had evidently not come fromour Commanding Officer, as I had not heard his voice. I was called upon by Major French and picked up six men, as I ran forward.I heard Colonel Luard giving orders to a few men, and knew then that the surrender order had not been given by him. I was told to watch the entrance to a house, and laid the men down inthe road, but we saw nothing to fireat except once, when a head seemed to appear which I fired at. No one came out of the house, but I noticed there were eight or nine dead Germans lying near by. We firedin dependently down the street to make sure that no one was about, and a<� no one appeared I returned.It was about this time, that there was more talk about surrender going on among the men, I contradicted it, and then

887. we got an order fromthe front of the train. It was"Major French says that everybody must come to the front ofthe train." When thisorder came there was another buzzthat we had surrendered. Some of the men were talking about it, and said they would not surrender. I pointed out to them ifMajor French had had to surrender, something must have happened that we did not know of.

Captain J. C. J. Teague, Reserve of Officers, R.1\1.. Portsmouth Battalion. After a time a report came down the train that we had killed 10 Germans, and that the street was fullof dead. Shortly after I heard shouts of surrender, and jumped out of the train, thinking we had rounded up the enemy. To my surprise I found that it was some of our people calling out. They were member� of the Naval Brigade. I said to them "What do you mean by shouting surrender?" They said "We are surrendering." I said, "You have no right to do that." They said they were going to." I do not remember whether they said they had received orders to do so or not. My nextinquiry was,"Where are the officers?" They said"They are allsurrendered." Another manshouted out"They are all dead." I said "I am not surrendering, or dead, but I am going to fight my way out," and called on them to followme. The men refused to come with me, and stillpersisted that they were going to surrender for the sake of the woman and children. They also said "We are Englishmen." I said "Englishmen don't surrender," but they again replied that they were going to. I called out to all marines near by to followme, and I took about20, a<;far as I can remember, to the frontof the train, and there I met to my surprise and relief Colonel Luard. I said to him "What are your orders?" He replied" We are going to trek home, get round to the front of the engine as soon as possible or you will be leftbehind.

Lieutenant D. Gowney. Portsmouth Battalion. Just afterwardsa naval officercame along and asked who was in charge. I said I was of that portion of the train, and he said, "Give orders to your men to lay down their arms as we are entirely surrounded at the other end of the train. None ofmy men have any ammunition, andowing to the woman and children in the train it is no use resisting." I told him I preferred to get my orders from my commanding officer; and he said, "Do as you are told, put your arms down." I told him I should not give the order to my men until I had received the order frommy own senior officer.He then went away. Just afterwards Colonel Lywood came up and seemed to agree with the naval officer that there was no alternativebut to surrender. I said that the most I had seen of the enemy was 20. Colonel Lywood did not give me any order to lay down my arms, and left. The nextorder I got was to the effect that everyone was to go to the front portion of the train.

st Lieutenant Ivor Fraser, R.N.V.R., Hawke Battalion, R.N. 1 Brigade. A bluejacket came up to me, and said that the orders were that we were to surrender. I asked why, and he said,"Because they are shootingupon the woman and children," I asked who gave the order, and he said, "An officer." I asked,"What officer"?He said he did not know who the officerit was, but only knew he had the order to surrender, and went away in the dark. I waited forsome time, when Hansoncame up. He was in a frightful state, and said it was all his fault and dashed offin the dark. I waited some time,

888. and then saw a party of men coming along. They said they were dammed if they were going to surrender, and were going to march on. I said, "What about the other fellows in the train?" They replied, "We have tried to get them out, but they will not come."

Colour-Sergeant E. Dallison, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. Aftera time there wasa lull in the firing and Colonel Lywood came along the line, and said we had surrendered. Everyone asked why, and Colonel Lywood said that the senior naval officer had decided to save the woman and children, and that one woman and one child had already been wounded.

Sergeant William Whitter, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. I was returningtowards the train, a naval man,presumably a petty officer, said, "All right, we have surrendered." I said, "Take no notice of that," and went on to the front of the train and there saw Major French and some other officers. Just at that moment an officer of the Naval Brigade said, "I take the whole blame for this.My men are practically unarmed, with very little ammunition, and we have woman and children to consider." Shortly after that Colonel Lywood said that he had given orders to surrender because of the womanand children on the train. Major French said, "Who is Commanding Officer of the battalion, you or Colonel Luard? I for one refuse to obey your order to surrender."

PART FIVE - BREAK A WAY TO FREEDOM.

Major A.H. French, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. I shouted out to pass the word to all Marines and the naval ratings to get out of the train with their arms and equipment, and came forwards to me in front of the engine. The men began to collect, and I led them. When I had gone 150 yards I had a look at the men with me, and saw that it was nothing like a battalion- So I sent Sergeant Whitter and Sergeant Scott back to the train to pa">s the order again that everyone was to get out of the train, bring their gear, and follow me. They came back and told me, "The train was empty." We couldnot do any shouting owing to the presence of the enemy, and the only thing to do was to get away before we were cut off. We proceeded along the line in the direction of the next station, Wachtebeke. It was a difficultwalk of about 3 miles, and when we got to our destination, the station-master told us that there were no Germans in the district, and that he would telephone to Selzaete about a train. We found we could get a train at that place. I told Colonel Luard thls. He did not wish to go on. He wished to rest in a wood until the followingnight. Major Burge and I opposed this idea, and said that the only thing to do was to move on to Selzaete, where we could get a train and perhaps food. EventuallyColonel Luardcons ented, and we marched along the line by road to Selzaete, getting into the station about 2.30 a.rn. Saturday morning.

By the Court :

Question:- Did you go down the end of the train at Moerbeke?

889. Answer:- Not fromend to end. I was up and down the firsttwo-thirds, it was a very long train, andI should imagine it had quite 30 trucks.

Question :- Did you lose many men fromyour company?

Answer :- Yes, a lot.

Question :- You had your company more or less intact at Moerbeke?

Answer:- I believe so. But it was quite impossible to be certain, as some of the men got in at Kemseke, and others at Stekene. I don't believe I lost anymen on the march to St. Nicholas.

Question:- To what do you attribute the loss of so manymen ?

Answer:- I attribute the loss to three reasons: First, that there were many wounded in the train; secondly, that Colonel Lywood started the order to surrender, and that I could not get the order countermanded by the officer commanding the battalion. I asked Colonel Luard to stop it, but I believed he did not do so, and remained at one point. My third reason is that I think that this "surrender" order having been given, when I gave the order forthe men to come out with their armsthey did not trust me, and thought that they were about to go forwardto lay downtheir arms. I have every reason to believe that the Company Sergeant-Major of No 1 Company did actually call his men together, and said, "We won't surrenderlads, get your arms, and come with me." Those who came with me got away, but those who dallied were cut off, and must have been taken without a single shot being fired, as we heard no firingwhile marching to Wachtebeke, and it was a very still night.

Question:- Did you see anyMarines with their armslaid down?

Answer :- I did not, but I believe there were a number on the right side of the train. I saw no one in the act of surrendering.

Question:- Did you actually hear Colonel Lywood give this order?

Answer:- No, but I am absolutely convinced that he did so, because he told me he had done it. I said, "What is this about surrender?" and although I did not see him I heard his voice, which I know well say, "We must surrender because of the women and children." As a matterof :fuct I did not see him again until2.30 the nextmorning, when he walked into Selzaete Station.

Question:- When you were engaged you gave the orders ?

Answer :- Yes, I gave the orders. I wanted someone reliable, and I called on Captain Syson to keep the street clear.

890. Question:- You did not hearColonel Luard shout, "No surrender?"

Answer :- No, I did not. But it is quite possible that he may had done. There was a certain amount of noise, mostly fromrifle shots.

Question:- Were the men's feet very bad?

Answer :- Yes, they were getting very bad.

Question:- Had anymen in the train removed their boots?

Answer :- Yes, it is quite possible.

Question:- It is possible that some of the men remained afterthey had beencalled ?

Answer:- Quite. But when I sent back I was told that the train was empty.

Cross-examinationby Lieutenant Colonel Luard of Major French.

Question:- Can you give your grounds for the statement that, when you reported to me that Lieut-Colonel Lywood had advocated surrender, I took no steps in the matter?

Answer:- I stayed with you for some short time, say half a minute, and you did not appear to me to be going to take steps.

Question :- Do you remember my giving you any orders to formup the men a little way down the line at the head of the train?

Answer :- No, I do not remember .

Question:- Did you hear me say to the officers nearhouse "A": We have run into a mess. "The train is immovable. The enemy have withdrawn. We must collect the men and resume the march on foot?

Answer :- I do not remember hearing you say that. I had probably gone down the train to collect men.

Question:- With regard to your statement that one reason for the loss of the men was that you could not get an order to surrender countermandedby the commandingofficer of the battalion, were you aware that I had given categorical orders, in the presence of an officerof the battalion, that there should be no surrender ?

Answer:- No, I was not awareof it.

891. Question:- Were you aware that a naval officer had approached me on the matter of surrender, and that I bad emphatically told him that I was in Commandof the troops, and that there would be no surrender ?

Answer :- I did not know it at the time. I heard it subsequently.

Question:- Were you aware that I called down the train "Colonel Lywood has no authority to speak of surrender. There is no surrender. All ranksare to stand to their arms?

Answer :- No.

By the Court:-

Question :- Did you ever imagine that Lieut-Colonel Luard had in any way acquiesced in the proposed surrender?

Answer :- No I never thought so for a moment.

Question :- Major Burge in his evidence states : "I asked Major French if he bad seen Colonel Luard. He replied "The little man is offhis head, and we must take charge" Is that correct?

Answer :- I cannot remember the exact words, but I undoubtedly said something of the sort.

Question :-Why did you consider it necessaryto take charge ?

Answer :- Because Colonel Luard would not apparently take vigorous action with regard to Lieut-Colonel Lywood, or to the situation generally.

Major French, cross-examinedby Lieut-Colonel LywootL

Question :- You admit in your evidence that you did not hear me give any direct orders to surrender?

Answer :- I did not hear you.

Question :- Is it a factthat you did not see me ?

Answer :- I did not see you.

Question:- How are you so positive that I gave the order to surrender, as you state you did not see me or hear me give the order ?

892. Answer :- As stated in my evidence, I ran down the train calling out for you until you answered. You were on the other side (the north side) of the train. I said to you, "Colonel Lywood, what is this about surrender?" You replied to me : "We must surrender because of the woman and children." This to my mindcorroborated the report that had been made to me.

Major N.O. Burge, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. We both agreed that with woman and children in the train the only thing to do was to move the fighting men away fromthe train. I asked him ifhe had seen Colonel Luard anywhere. I want to be very carefulabout this, and I thinkhis precise words were "The little man is offhis head, and we must takecharge." My own impression at the time was that the German's attack had been repelled, and that they were probably massing elsewhere. We thereforedecided that we must advance towards Ostend. We told some other officers this, including Captains Stockley, Syson and Teague, and they all agreed. I went towards the forepartof the train and saw Colonel Luard. I explained that we must get on, and that this cry which had been passed roundmust be put a stop to. As a matter of fact I cannot be certainwhether it was immediately before or afterseeing Colonel Luard that Major French and I passed the order round forall Marines to come up to the frontof the train with their arms, as there had been no sunender, and we were going to advance. There was a certain amount of cheering at this message. (It is difficultto explain exactly what I meanby this. It was not exactly a "cheer," but a few "Hoorays," and sentences such as "That's all right,""You lead us on,sir, we'll followall right," and similar expressions.) It appeared that the men were obviously in an undecided state before this as to what they were going to do, and this decision seemed to give them relief They at once beganto come to the frontof the train, and I think the men when they received the order, thoroughly understood it. The men, however, were not fallen in by order in any way. I was told that the engine was offthe line, and we told Colonel Luardthat we had decided to move on, and he agreed that the battalion should resume its march to Ostend.

I think at that time Major French told offthe men nearest to him as an advance guard, and I think he went himself; but I am not certain because the station widened out, and I ordered Captain Teague to act as a left flankguard a5 long as the ground was opened up. I went back and tried to get more men along and it seemed to me that there was a very considerable number.I made no attempt to sort them into companies, but simply to get them at once on either side of the line where there was a certain amount of cover. We than advanced along the line, and had one or two halts, and a rough sorting out process, and got the men in their proper companies as faras we could. I personally called out before we leftthat all Marines were to bring their arms to the frontof the train, and that there would be no surrender. One naval man asked me, I don't know what rank he was either officer or C.P.O., if this included the Naval Brigade. I said "Yes, everybody is to come," and it was afterwe had left the station I discovered we had about 12 bluejackets with us.

By the Court :-

Question:- What do you thinkhappened to those left?

893. Answer:- There is no doubt that the men had a very long tiring march, without sufficient food, and when theygot into the train, and travelled a short distance in the crowded carriages they got cramped and stiff, and I certainly think, fromthe point of view ofthe seaman, that manyof them were unwilling to move. I think that their morale had failed, and that they had had enough. They had every opportunity of coming with us, because the cry wasrepeated continually along the line.

Captain H. F. H. Stockley. Portsmouth Battalion. I got all the marines together I could out ofthe train, and told them to followme to the frontof the train. When we were near the engine I leftthem, and foundthat some more men had been drawn up near a house and were opening fireabout 10 rounds rapid. I understood this was to cover our retreat; and after trying to collect more men, I was told that all No. 1 Company had already gone on ahead. Some of my own Company, including Sergeant Major Humphries, had been busy with the scrapping which was going on. He had been with me previously and askedme what the order was about to surrender. I told him to remain where he was, and that I was going to find Colonel Luard, and would let him know when I returned. When I returnedI could not findhim, and so imagined that he had gone on ahead and that I had missed him. Just before I moved off,I looked through the coaches and saw some men with their hands up. To the best ofmy recollection there were no men in myrear when I left the rear ofthe train. Proceeding to the front ofthe train we moved offfor a considerable way along the line and were halted afterabout a mile by Colonel Luard. He called us together and told us to organise the men into platoons, and companies, and so on. We were all somewhat against this, as it would mean losing time, and Major French was ahead with the advance guard, and we were getting out oftouch with him. However we got the men together, and it was then to my surprise that I found only 18 or 20 ofmy own company were there. I thought it possible then that they had gone on ahead with theadvance guard. We marched on to another station where we interviewed the stationmaster, and as aresult put it to the men, as to whether they could stand another three or four hours' march to Selzaete or would rest where we were and wait till daylight. They were all pretty well done, but said they were farmore able to go on at once than remainuntil the morning, when they would be stiffand tired. We therefore proceeded on our march and arrived at Selzaeteabout 3 o'clock in the morning.

By the Court :-

Question :- What sort of state were the seamen in ?

Answer :- Absolutely demoralised. When we were at St. Nicholas I assisted Crossman to get his people out ofthe cafosand I put a guard over them frommy own company. They seemed to be an absolutely undisciplined rabble.

Captain A. E. Syson, Reserve of Officers, R.M. Portsmouth Battalion. An order arrived "Allmarines go to the frontof the train with their equipment and rifles."

894. With it came rumour that it had been decided that we were to go on, and, if necessary, fight our way through. I told the men to go forward, and walked along to the rearof the train, to see that no marines were leftbehind. If any remained in the train, they must have been absolutely lying down in the trucks, so that I was unable to see them. I saw some bluejackets with their armsdown. I said to them "Go along to the end of the train." But they would not move, saying they were not going to be shot, or something to that effect. There were between 20 and 30 of them and they simply refused to move. So faras I saw they had no officer with them. I walked along the train again, but there was none of our men visible. As I walked down, in one truck I saw Dr. Greig dressing the wounds of a woman who had beenshot; and as I did not see him as I came back, I concluded he had joined the remainder of the party. I joined the other officersand I have some recollection of meeting on my way a naval officer who said the train had been surrendered. I replied that there had been no surrender. I heard Colonel Lywood had been wounded, but I did not see him. I did not meet Colonel Luard until we were actually going to advance, neither did I get any orders fromhim. Major French organised the march, and I thought when we started I had all my men, and was horrifiedto find later that I was about 50 short. It was extremely difficultto see anythingin the dark, and there seemed to be a lot more men than we had actually with us. I have a theory, which has since been more or less confirmed by some of the men and that is that Sergeant Major Humphries, on the cry of surrender being raised, mm,i have taken some men offon his own. This was not to surrender but to attack, he simply took charge of the men.

Captain J.C.J. Teague, Reserve of Officers,R.M. Portsmouth Battalion. I calledout to all marines near by to followme, and I took about20, as far as I can remember to the frontof the train, and there I met to my surprise and relief Colonel Luard. I saidto him "What are your orders ?" He replied "We are going to trek home; get round the frontof the engine as soon aspossible or you will be leftbehind. l shouted to the men to come along, and went on. I met the main body of officersand men, and findingthat no one was in charge at the rear, I took it on. I think I was the last of the officersto come up fromthe side of the train, There may have been some men behind me, but I did not see them.

By the Court :-

Question:- What was your opinion of the naval morale?

Answer :- Very bad indeed, I think it was disgraceful they seemed to have no go in them at all. Of course, they were very tired; but there was absolutely no excuse fortheir hanging back after they had been called upon to fight.

Lieutenant D. Gowney. Portsmouth .Battalion. The next orderI got was to the effect that everyone was to go to the frontportion of the train. I passed word round among the men I had been in charge of, andtold them where to go, andafter getting between 500 or 600 yards away fromthe station saw that we had

895. nothing like our numbers withus. I told Private Willard to go to Major French and tell him he had not the support he should have, and that I was going back to try and pick up some more men. Between the timeI left and rejoined the main body, I picked up in small parties a matter of about 60 men. I saw in one of the carriages a wounded marine and others, including a Belgianwounded woman, who had been hit as a result of the sniping. On returning along the line, I did not see any more men, and it was not until I got to the next station that I discovered, on the battalionbeing mustered, that we were so short.

Sergeant Major Sutcliffe. Portsmouth Battalion. I afterwards saw Colour-Sergeant Lowe, and he also told me that they had laid down their arms on account of the woman and children, and because the Naval Brigade had no ammunition. I said there are no Germans about, and Lowe picked up hisequipment. I then heard Major French say, "What is this talk about surrender?" Some of the men replied, "They are surrendering in the frontsir." He said, "Who has given the order ?" The voices replied, �'The Colone4 sir." Major French said, "There will be no surrender." I then went to the other side of the train where I heard the order given, "All marinesgo to the frontof the train." All the party I saw on the booking-officeside of the train with the exception of Colour-Sergeant Lowe and another manwere naval men. I was almost the last to leave. There were a few marines there, and I thought Lowe would join us on the other side of the train. The battalion was then reformed by Colonel Luard, and we marched into the next station. We foundwe could not get the train to Selzaete, and marched along the line. The German prisoner we took with us said he was a corporal in charge of a patrol, and he had under him eight or nine men. He said that when they were challenged first they said they were Belgians; the second timethey were challenged they said they were English. Their helmets were seen, however, and the English firedupon them. He said they did not expect British in the train, and thought that the train was fullof refugees, andprobably a fewBelgian soldiers.

By the Court :-

Question :- Did you see Colonel Lywood ?

Answer :- Yes, I saw him. I was standingnear Major French when he was talking to Colonel Lywood. On the other side of the train, Colonel Lywood was asked by Major French about the surrender story, and Colonel Lywood replied that there was nothing else to do, on account of the women and children.

Question .- What about the condition of the troops, were there feetvery bad ?

Answer Yes, they were. They had had a long march and very little food, and were done up. I did not see anytake their boots off.

Question :- There were a lot of elderly men amongthem ?

896. Answer Yes, but I foundthat the recruits were more inclined to throw it up than the older men.

st Lieutenant Ivor Fraser, R.N.V.R., Hawke Battalion, 1 Brigade. I waited some time, and then saw a partyof men coming along. They said they were dammed if they were going to surrender, and were going to march on l said, "What about the other fellows in the train?" They replied, "We have tried to get them out, but they will not come." Eventually I decided to join up with thisparty , and we proceeded along the line.

By the Court :-

Question:- What sort of condition were the men in when they got into the train?

Answer :- Absolutely beaten.

Question:- What about the ammunition?

Answer :- They had about 20 rounds apiece; they had been throwing it away. When we crossed the bridge of boats, on the retirement fromAntwerp, somebody shouted out, "We are inDutch territory, now; ditch your ammunition. Thereupon the men started to get rid of theirammunition. We stopped them as soon as we could, but they were more or less a tired rabble at the time.

Question :- Whowas in commandof the naval party in the train ?

Answer :- Hanson was senior officer in the train. (2) Crossman wasalso in the train, but he was injured through the bursting of a shell. (3) Effortswere made to get the men to rally but they were incapable of it; the men were absolutely whacked, and threw their hand in. They were Fleet Reserve andR.N.V.R. men, and were very green.

Sergeant William Whitter, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. Major French ordered the companies to get together, andgo forward to the engine. We proceeded about 200 yards, and found that there were only a few foUowing us. Lieutenant Gowney said that we were not supported, and I was sent back to get the remainder. I went back and met Colour-Sergeant Broster and his party. He got his people together and came on. I went down the train and saw Colour-Sergeant Blanchardand Sergeant Spicer, with their parties. I then rejoinedthe main body. The train was not empty as far as I could see there was great confusion, and shouts that we had surrendered; and I also heard some men calling out, ''Put your rifle downor you willget shot." And such like. As far as I could see there were no marines in the trucks.

897. .Bythe Court:-

Question :- Did the Naval Brigade influence the marinesin any way?

Answer :- They hindered us, sir, we had been harassed by them for24 hours, and the troops were disgusted with them before they got in the train. The naval men, however, had had a very trying night and day, previous to this.

PART SIX - LYWOOD LEAVES THE TRAIN.

Lieutenant Colonel E. G. Lywood, R.M.L.I. Portsmouth Battalion. While I was lying down, a Belgian soldier said, "Do you know there are French and English forces within 10 kilometres of this place ?" I did not believe him at first; but as he insisted, I afterwardsthought he spoke the truth. (He said he had seen the forcefour days previously.) I thought that some one must get some information through to them. The only way to get out of this place, so far as I could see, was down the line; andI decided to move down about 300 yards and then lie down again. While lying down, I again discussed with the Belgian the question of English troops being in the district; and it struck me that it might be Sir Henry Rawlinson's rear or advanced guard that he spoke of.I then called out to the men I had lying down in the hedge with me to move another 300 yards. But I met with no response; and foundI was left alone with the Belgian to whom I have referred. I had thought eventually that I might collect 20 or 30 men and move on.; But found I could not do so. I was now practically by myself, and made up my mind to push on; and the Belgian, who was a local man, told me he would guide me through the woods to the French and English camp. We moved together up the side of the railway four ot five hundred yards. We then saw cavalry tracks of apparently eight or a dozen horses. I thought "'Uhlan patrol." We then left the railway and worked towards a hamlet, where having secured information that a German cavalrypatrol had passed and gone back, I proceeded through a wood to a larger village. Here a gendarme informed me that there were some Belgian troops nearby. I was exhausted, however, and could not go on. I remained at his cottage for25 minutes or so, and got some refreshment; and then a man rushed in and said that the Germans were coming. I went out scouting with fiveor six gendarmes. We could not discover the enemy, however and thought probably the scouts had heard some of our (Marines) marching and I expected to pick up stragglers. I afterwards went on with the gendarme to Selzaete Station, where I found Colonel Luard and the men had already arrived. This was about two or three in the morning.

By the Court:

Question:- Did you think the fighting was over when you leftMoerbeke Station?

Answer :- I thought it was lessening, and that they had either got through or had been surrounded.

Question :- You knew that the whole battalionwas in the train?

898. Answer:- I presumed they were; but I was in the front with the sailors, and our men were in the rear. Also asI entrained at a different station, I did not see the Marines entrain. Also it was a very dark night.

Question :-Having got these refugeesout of the train, why did you not think of going back to your men?

Answer:- I should have done so perhaps, but as I had picked up 9 or 10 (sailors and Belgian soldiers) I thought at the time I did well to hold the far end exit of the station with them.

Question:- Did you hear Colonel Luard speaking to a naval officeron the subject of surrender?

Answer:- I did not.

Question:- Did you go down the train shouting out "Surrender," or that surrender had been decided on ?

Answer:- No, I certainly did not. I distinctly told the naval officersthat I would not give any orders forsurrender, as I was not the senior officer.

Question:- Did you hear anyone call out on either side of the train that there was to be surrender?

Answer :- Yes, I heard a naval officer call out they had to surrenderto save a useless massacre of woman and children. I do not know his name.

Question:- Had no proposal to surrender been made by the naval officers in the carriage with you, would any idea of surrender have occurredto you ?

Answer :- No, I think not.

F'INDING.

(a) The Court are of the opinion that no individual officer or officersare directly to blame forthe loss of the men in the Moerbeke affair. (b) The Court consider that the conduct of some of the officersis open to criticism.

Lieutenant Colonel Luard appears to have been somewhat slow in arriving at his decisions and in making them known to his subordinate officers. It is thought also that he did not take his second in command sufficientlyinto his confidence.

899. Lieutenant Colonel Lywood appears to have accepted too readily the suggestion to surrender advocated by the Naval Officers [R.N.V.R. ?] who travelled with him in the trainwithout the authority of his own Commanding Officer. He, personally, gave no order to surrender, and subsequently, after meeting his own officers, modified his views and did what he thought best to deal with the situation.

Major Burge, who was Acting Adjutant, might possibly have rendered his Commanding Officermore personal assistance.

The company officers, who undoubtedly did well in other respects, were perhaps inclined to act too independently, and might have made greater effortsto collect their companies. The difficultieswere obviously great and, further, the companies very under-officered, and some of the younger officershad had very limited training.

The Court consider that the loss of so many men may be attributed chiefly to the following causes:-

The men were distributed throughout a long train crowed with refugees andNaval ratings who were obviously shaken. They had had no regular foodfor over 24 hours, and were physically exhausted after several days and nights under fireat Antwerp, and after a long forcedmarch under exceptionally difficultcircumstances. Many of them had also taken their boots offin the train. It is possible that some ofthose lost were left asleep in the trucks and heardnothing ofthe affair.The cry ofsurrender appearsto have been strongly resented by the Marines, andit is thought that the majority of the men missing left the train to fighttheir way out. Signed at Gosport this 30th day ofNovember, 1914. H.S. Neville White Brigadier-General, R.M., President. (1)

References:-

(1) Public Record Office, Kew numberADMJ137 /3112. Proceedings of a court of inquiry assembled at Forton Barracks. Pages 547 to 565. (2) Lieutenant Commander O.H. Hanson was an officer ofthe Benbow Battalion, see R.N.D. number 8. (3) Lieutenant R.F.L. Crossman was an officer ofthe Collingwood Battalion, see R.N.D. number 8.

Note:- Additional typed handwritten statements and reports. Public Record Office, Kew number ADM 137/1010 pages 364 to 411.

900. I referyou to page 888 of this issue of the R.N.D. in which Lieutenant Ivor Fraser of the Hawke Battalion gives evident that Lieutenant Commander Oswald Hanson of the Benbow Batta.lioncame up to him in a frightful state saying it was all his fault and then made off in the dark. It seems clear that he was one of the Officerswho decided to surrender forthe sake of the women and children. Whatever, your standpoint regarding this matter it is clear that he was still thinking of others, when his actions resulted in a death sentence, as outlined below. Details of Lieutenant Commander Crossman's condition are also given. (He was a Lieutenant Commander, even though he is referredto sometimes as a Lieutenant.) These two letters one from 1914 the other 1918 indicate the knowledge that the Division and Commodore Henderson had regarding the matter and might well explain how the situation developed as it did.

Intemeerings depot, Groningen

28th October 1914.

To The Secretary of the Admiralty, Admiralty, Whitehall, London, S.W.

Sir, In reply to Admiralty letter of20th October 1914, No 61677, addressed to the Secretary of State forFo reign affairs, and communicated to me through His Majesty's Minister at the Hague, I have the honour to report that Messrs, H.S. Moore, E.L. Mather, E.M. Lockwood, A. Leck, and G.S. Smith have beeninformed that they have been promoted to the rank of Sub Lieutenant R.N.V.R. Temporary. Consequent thereon, they have been released fromclose confinement in the Barracks at Groningen, and given parole, similarly to all the other Offices interned here.

With reference to the paragraph concerning Sub Lieut. J. E. Moncrieff, this mystery is traceable to Dutch lack of familiaritywith the Englishname. The name should be Sub Lieut John Elliot MoncrieffNoad, R.N.V.R. This Officer is amongst those present at Groningen.

I regret I have no information concerning Lieutenant F.C. Grover, R.N.V.R. Sub Lieutenant T. Y. Dobson or Sub Lieutenant W. Carlisle R.N. V .R., except that I heard an unconfirmed rumour that Sub Lieutenant Carlisle had reached England. (Noteon file - he is a prisoner of war in Germany.)

901. I note that there is no record of Sub Lieutenant Carlisle's appointment at the Admiralty. I do not know this officer myself, but fromenquiries made amongst the officers of the CollingwoodBattalion I understand that he joined about 4 days before the Brigade left England, under a promise fromthe late Col. Maxwellthat he would endeavour to obtain a Commission for him, as we were so short of Officers. Acting on this promise, Mr; Carlisle appears to have supplied himself with a kit, and when the Brigade received sudden orders Th on the 4 October to proceed to the Continent, Col. Maxwelldecided to take Mr. Carlisle with him, Commission or no Commission.I myself was mot aware of Col. Maxwell's action at the time, but had I been aware of it I should most certainlyendorsed it, and I accept fullresponsibility for the irregularity of the proceedings.

With regard to Lieutenant R.F.L. Crossman, RN., the report by Surgeon Sparrow that Lieut Crossman was slightly wounded, and sufferingfrom concussion and cerebral irritation, is correct. Surgeon Sparrow gave him a sedative injection, and when the retreat fromAntwerp commenced, he was carried on a stretcher, as he could not be awakened. From enquiries which I have instituted amongst officers and men interned here, I have ascertained that during the retreat he woke up, got offthe stretcher, and assun1ed command of3/400 men who were with him, and led them to St. Nicholas. He is stated to have entrained his forcethere forOstend, but the train was attacked on its journey, after going about 2 miles, and as to what happened after that we have no information here. Some of the officersand men who were in this train succeeded in reaching England. The remainder I can only assume were made prisoners of war. Lieut. 0. H. Hanson, R.N.V.R., appears to have been with Lieut. Crossman's party, and isprobably a prisoner of war also.

I have no information concerningLieutenant Lionel F. Robinson, RN. who was sent with Naval guns to Antwerp. I never saw this officer.

I have the honour to be Sir, Your obedient Servant,

Wilfred Henderson

Commodore, 1 st RN. Brigade.

There is a note in the file:- Sub Lieutenant Carlisle to be officiallygazetted 9/11/14.

902. Interneerings depot Groningen 15th Feb 1918. To Secretary of the Admiralty, London SW.

Sir, I have received a letter fromLieutenant Commander F.C. Grover, R.N.V.R., who has just arrivedin Holland fromGermany for interment in the Country, and in the letter he tells me the story of the death of Lieutenant Hanson, E.N.V.R, late commanding D Company of the Benbow Battalion 1st R.N. Brigade.

I quote what he says as follows:-

"Poor Hanson was shot by the Germanson the 10th October 1914. He had struggled with a sentry who was about to frre on one of our own men trying to escape after we were 1 taken prisoner on the night of the 9 \ and under German Military Code such an act can be punished with death. I tried to get the sentence mitigated, and so did the Commandant of the troops guarding us, for it was evident that Hanson was overwrought by the fatigues of the previous days. The matter was referred to highest authority; at that time, General von der Goltz was Military Governor of Belgium, but it was of no avail, and Hanson was shot at midday, and is buried by the Church at Exarde. He particularly wished to be remembered to you, andsaid how much he hoped that you would think that he had done his duty, and he sent manyremembrances to the officers andmen of his Battalion.

I writethis because I feel sure Their Lordships/ if not already in possession of the details/ would be glad to knowsomething aboutthis officerslast moments. His death was apparently one of those cold-blooded military murders, of which we have already had too many instances.

I call Their Lordships attention to the pathetic message to myself, and his Battalion. His lac;tthoughts were evidently not concernedwith his own fate, but with what to him was a very much higher consideration, viz. his duty. Lieutenant Hanson during the short time that I knew him, impressed me as being one of the most zealous and earnestofficers in my Brigade. I felt his death, and still feel it, very deeply. Perhaps the gist of this letter of mine may be some consolation to his relations.

I have the honour to be Sir, Your obedient Servant WilfredHenderson. Commodore, 1 st R.N. Brigade.

***************************************************** Reference:- Public Record Office, Kew. ADM 137/4819. Note:- For details of his service please see R.N.D. issue 4, page 260.

903. we�Te'R,N f'R,ONT.

TO MY PLATOON SERGEANT WHO MAY COMMAND ME ANYTHING. (after Herrick.)

Bid me to rise and I will rise, No matter when reveille And ifmy Sergeant in bed lies, Still I will never dally.

Bid me to drill and I will drill On the hottest day for thee Or bid me stop and sad indeed, I'll stop it instantly.

Bid me to march and I will march With pack and rifletoo And when with thirst my tongue doth parch I'll drink no cooling brew.

Bid me to eat and I will eat. On stew andbully feed. Dear Sergeant I won't ask formeat If you get all you need.

Bid me to share and I will share My things fromhome with you And never one bad word I'll swear Whate'eryou make me do.

Bid me to sleep and I will sleep ( at least as well as can be) And between my blankets I will keep My mem'ry fixed upon thee.

For thee I'd gladly give up my life, But, Oh, be kind andsay You'll never tell my wife. The way her husband can obey. E.J.P.

From 'The Mudhook' Number 6. July 1918.

904. Petty OfficerJohn Robert Wilkinson RNVR.

T/Z1144 - Benbow, Collingwood & Hood.

by Barry Wilkinson - his grandson.

My interest in my Grandfather's exploits during the First World War was firstaroused when I was given some years ago, ironically at the funeral ofmy eldest uncle, a package of artefactsrelating to his service. Apparently, because I was in the Navy and also the family knew ofmy interest in modern history, I was considered the best member of the family to have them. ! Also, as a result of passing my research to a cousin in North Shields, a further bundle ofletters and photographs arrived a fewmonths ago. The package proved to be very interesting, containingmed als, letters and photographs. The medals are the normal General Service issue ofthe day inscribed with name, rank and officialnumber. The first package contained the official telegram informingmy grandfather that he was missing and two letters from the prison camp in Germ.any charted the finalyear ofthe war as far as he was concerned. The second package resulted in more photographs andletters, including details of my Grandfatherscontemporaries and also his two cousins.

I was aware of the Royal Naval Division and ofits role at Gallipoli(my copy of 'Galliopli' by Robert Rhodes James is fairlyenlightenin g on the subject) and I also remembered my fathertalking ofgrandfather serving there. Further reading ('Somme' by LynMacDonald) revealed to me the action on the Ancre in November 1916. By delving on the internetI came across Len Sellers, the editor of this publication and my knowledge of the Royal Naval Division grew immensely. I have included all the relevant photographs and I hope that they may provoke some additional factsto be revealed. I am especially keen to pass the non-family photographs onto relatives ifthat is possible. What follows is a summary of my research into my Grandfather'speriod in the RND - if any readers can add more or wish to know more, then they are welcome to contact me. The official records are from the MOD Records at Hayes andalso the Fleet Air Arm Museum sent me a copy ofhis documents.

J R Wilkinson joined the RNVR 7th Nov 1914 This in itself is a comment on the social situation ofthe time. My Grandfather was 29 years old, married with three children and

905. one on the way (my father who was bornMarch 15th 1915) and a qualifiedemployed tradesman. Despite this, he joined as a volunteer a couple of months into the war. Whether he expected to end up in the trenches is another question. I suspect that, as a North Shields man bornand bred, he saw himselfon one of the warships that regularly sailed past on their way to the North Sea. He was at Crystal Palace forhis basic training by 28 Nov hence the standard Crystal Palace postcard to my Grandmother (Figure 2). By Saturday 19th February 1915 he had arrived at Blandford Camp for his advanced combat th th training and was assigned to, 13 Section, 4 Platoon ofA Company Collingwood Battalion. This information was obtained fromanother letter to my Grandmother which also mentions that his cousin Jack will shortly be joining him from Crystal Palace in a few weeks.

Service Record.

No date recorded. Joined 3rd Battalion RND. (Benbow Battalion) 4 02. 1915. Transferred to Collingwood Battalion. (4 th Battalion) Note:- It seems clear that he was involved in the disastrous advance at Krithia on June 4th 1915 where the Collingwoods were decimated. He is shown as Pay Number 307 of A Company 4th Platoon in the book 'The Collingwood Battalion Complied by Lieutenant Stanley Geary, RM. 8 06 1915. Transferredfrom Collingwood Battalion to Hood Battalion. 28 08 1915. Hospitalised with Diarrhoea. 09 09 1915. To Convalescent Camp. 12 09 1915. To Convalescent Camp, Mudros. 16 10 1915. Rejoined unit - Dardanelles - rated AB (Higher Grade) 13 11 1915. Rated Leading Seaman. 03 01 1916. To Hospital Ship Ass aye, transferred at Alexandria. 07 01 1916. Hospital - Slight gastro-enteritis. 15 01 1916. Discharged from hospital 22 01 1916. Embarked on HMTNestor. 26 01 1916. Rejoined unit at Mudros. 04 02 1916. Joined part of unit at the island ofTenedos 29 04 1916. Promoted to Petty Officer. 16 05 1916. Embarked on HMTIonian at Mudros. 22 05 1916. Disembarked at Marseilles. 05 06 1916. 1st Hood joined the BEF France. 11 06 1916. To Aire (sur Lys) for Gas instruction. 17 06 1916. Rejoined unit. 14 07 1916. Reprimandedfor being absent from billet and creating a disturbance on main road at 1020pm Verdrel on the 9th July 1916.

906. 08 09 1916. Course in Pemes. 22 09 1916. Returned to unit Hood Bn. BEF. 19 11 1916. To 5th Army Infantry School fora course. 18 12 1916. Rejoined unit. 29 12 1916. To UK on leave. 11 01 1916. Returned fromleave. 06 11 1917. Awarded 1 Good Conduct Badge. 19 01 1918. To UK on leave.st 01 02 1918. Returnedfrom leave. 24 03 1918. Reported missing NOK informed. 23 04 1918. Reported POW by Red Cross. 24 06 1918. Red Cross report POW at Munster. 05 09 1918. Reported POW at Dulmen fromMinden. 06 01 1919. Repatriated POW and arrivedat Hull. 10 03 1919. Demobilised to Shore.

Although I have no direct evidence I must assume that he was involved in most of the major actions of the Collingwood and then Hood Battalion up until his capture. All this is reasonably straightforward and probably not very different to the stories ofmany other men of the RND who survived the war. Incidentally, my Grandfatherlived until 1953 when he died having suffered a stroke aged 68 and asfar as I can ascertain , did not suffer any ill-effects fromhis war experiences. According to my surviving relatives, he was quite happy to talk about the war (unlike some!) and spent a lot oftime with his uncle, the father ofJack and Robert Wilkinson who did not survive. Sadly I never met my Grandfatheralthough I was only then 5 years old myself when he died.

th Prisoner of War letter dated Sunday 28 ...... 1918 Dulmen I. Westf.

My Dear Wife,

Just a line or two to let you know I am still well up to the present but I have had a swollen face with toothache. I see by one of your letters that you have had it as well, I think you must have sent it through in your letter to me Dear but I am a lot better now. Well Dear I have done very well this last fortnightI have received fourletters fromyou Dear and fiveparcels from the Red Cross and they are good parcels with baccy and tabs in them but I have not received any of your baccy parcels yet but I may get them in a day or two but I got the money alright Dear there are three ofus POs together and they have got parcelsas well so we share alike andI am the

907. th Below:- Prisoner of War letter dated Sunday 28 ...... 1918 Dolman I. Westf. (Must have been July !)

908. Above :- Is the official notification of J R Wilkinson as a POW - the date 5th September 1918 is almost seven mouths after he was captured and six months after the officialletter that he was 'missing' (20 Apr 18) - this must have caused his family a little anguish, to say the least!! 909. cook and the housewife Well Dear you need not send any more money only a baccy parcel when you can affordit but don't run yourself and the kiddies short Dear as the parcels keep us going alright if we get them regular I know what you are Ada Dearyou would send and go without yourselfif you thought I was needing it Dear The only thing I want now is to get back to you and the kiddies again Dear as this is no life it has brightened me up a bit since I got into the string band with the violin it is a good band as well just the same as you see in the Music Halls at home and turns every week it is all done by us prisoners in a nice hall you would be surprised to see some of the turnsthere is among the prisoners of course you can findall sorts in the army now ifit were not forthis things would be very dull but it is no holidayDear farfrom it. Now Dear you have been asking about some chaps in two of your letters I got well you can tell their people I will try my very best to see ifl can get to know anything about by the time I write ifyou ever see Mary Barrett tell her George Algberg her husband will be alright as he was alright when I lefthim was a bad finger where a bit of shrapnel had grazedit but it was nothing to be alarmed about I left him at a very good camp. Well Dear I would like to know what this is that has happened to him and to know if is anything serious as it is troubling me a bit and I should not like anything to happen to him Any of your folkor mine can write to me if they wish as often as they like and letters are very acceptable at any time Well Dear I will have to close hoping you and my Dear Kiddies arein the very best ofhealth and God Bless you all with the best ofLove and Kisses from your loving husband and Daddy Bob with kind regards to all.

I have highlighted the reference to the violin because I know that Grandfather was a talented, ifamateur, violinist. I wonder whether he played inany of the RND musical organisations, especially the Hood band.

Prisoner of War Postcard dated August 4th 1918 Dolmen I. Westf.

Dear Wife. Just a PC to let you know I am still alright up to the present and that I have got a smoke at last. I got a baccy parcel from Nell andJim but sorry to say I have not got any of yours as yet but may get them in a day or two. I am getting parcelsthrough the Red Cross now through the borough of Tynemouth War Funds and they are very good parcels. I had another letter from you yesterday this is about six I have had. Well Dear I will put more in the letter next week as there is not much more on here. Pleased to learnyou are all in good health. Thank Nell forme when you see her. Bidding you all good bye for the present Dear and best oflove fromloving husband Bobby.

910. LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS.

Figure 1 :- J. R. Wilkinson in 1914.

Figure2 :- Crystal Palace. The Text reads :- "Just a PC to let you see where I am staying it would be a lovely place in the summer but the place is all bare at present ...... there is not much to see here you have to go to Brixton, Croydon and London beforeyou can see anything and it costs something forlodgings ...... "

Figure 3 :- Cousin Jack Wilkinson. Benbow Battalion. Killed during the war.

Figure 4 :- Cousin Robert (Bob) Wilkinson. Killed during the war.

Figure 5 :- Taken at Blandfordwith an interesting caption on the back of the photograph. It reads "With Mr Sharpe and Mr G Majors Compliments May 1 st 1915 Blandford Naval Camp Dorset". It appears fromthe CWGC database that both survived the war.

Figure6 :-Petty Officer T McLaughlin of 4th Platoon, A. Company, Collingwood Bn.

Figure 7 :-Another comrade of my Grandfatherwas S.T. Luther. 13th Section, A Company, Collingwood Bn. He was killed in action at the Battle of the Ancre on 13th November 1915 and is commemorated on the Thiepval Memorial.

Figure 8 :-J R Wilkinson and Platoon. There are several interesting points concerning this photograph. No date is given but my grandfather(rear rank Middle) is clearly now a Petty Officer but they are all wearing Collingwoodcap tallies. He was transferredto the Hood on 8th June 1915. Since my grandfather was not rated Petty Officer untilApril 1916 I can only assume that the Collingwood tallies had been retained by the men and used forsentimental reasons. Alternatively, since the hut in the background in remarkably similar to those in other Blandfordphotographs it is possible that my grandfather has been made some sort of Acting Trainee Petty Officer.There was a similar system in operation when I was doing my basis training at HMS Ganges in 1963/64.

Figure 9 :-This is J R Wilkinson 'somewhere in France' on 6th September 1916 which shows the RND uniformof the trenches very clearly.

Figure 10 :- 'Coy QMS P Johnstone. C Company Hood Battalion. 6/7/17. Interesting that the convention inaugurated by General Shute of the Petty Officer's badge on the leftarm and Sergeants chevrons on the right is evident here. As faras I can ascertain he survived the war.

Figure 11 :- A group photograph showing a number of Collingwoods. J. R. Wilkinson is bottom right, presumably under training with what appears to be a Royal Marine NCO sitting in the middle. Note:- This photograph appearson the back cover of this issue of the R.N.D.

911. Left:- Figure 1.

Below:- Figure 2.

912.

'R.N.CV. pe'R,�OtlkITY. N Petty Officer T McLaughlin 4th Platoon A. Company, Collingwood Bn.

This informationwas written on the back of the photograph of McLaughlin (See Figure 6.) and, having obtained his officialnumber and service documents from the Fleet Air Arm Museum, the followinginformation is available. However in the book 'The Collingwood Battalion , compiled by Lieutenant Stanley Geary, R.M. he is shown as Pay Number 6. 1 st Platoon, A Company. If any relatives of Tom McLaughlin would like the photograph or records then they are welcome to contact me.

Petty Officer Thomas McLaughlin Clyde Z./245.Born 28th November 1888. Next of Kin Sister Mrs McQuarrie 12 Apsley Street, Partick, Glasgow.

17 11. 1914. Joined the Royal Naval Division for the duration of the war. He had already served 6 years in the R.N. V.R. 04 06 1915. Wounded in the right elbow (presumably in the battle forKrithia referredto earlier) 08 06 1915. Report fromSMO Ascania en-route to Cairo. 10 08 1915. Embarked on HMTCawdor Castle to rejoin his Battalion. 22 08 1915. Transferredto Nelson Battalion. 18.09 1915. Promoted to Chief Petty Officer. 19.12. 1915. Killed in Action.

Note:- He has known grave and hisname appears on the Helles Memorial, Gallipoli. Panel 8 to 15.

These records were received by the Record OfficeRND on the 4th February 1916 and signed by who appears to be AMMaynard Lieut. RNVR I/C RND Record 3n.lEchelon GHQI.

It would appear from the dates involved that McLaughlin and my Grandfatherwere good friends, otherwise why would the photograph have been retained all those years? After enquiries it was found that nobody in the familyseems to know anything about him.

915. About the author.

Barry Wilkinson was born in Derby in May 194 7 and joined the Royal Navy in 1963, eventuallyspecialising in Meteorology and Oceanography. After many and varied appointments including 3 years in Naples Italy and HMShips Victorious, Ark Royal and finallyInvincible, he was promoted to Warrant Officer in 1985. Having qualifiedas a weather forecaster, he spent the finalten years of his career in the training of the Navy's meteorological and oceanographic personnel at RN School, Culdrose in Cornwall. During this time he gained his Open UniversityBA (Hons) degree in Modem History and now teaches part-time, as well as working voluntarily part-timefor SSAF A/Forces Help and KingGeorge's Fund forSailors. He can be contacted at:

Heathfield

Frogpool

CornwallTR4 8RU

Telephone: 01872 865281.

Fax: 01872 863533.

916. we�Te'R,N f'R,ONT.

WHAT THE ARMY HIGHER COM1\1AND

THOUGHT OF THE 63rd (RN) DIVISION

& its recommendations for change.

When the Royal Naval Division arrived in France it was clearly a shock to the Army's Higher Command, who came into contact with it. They were different, very different and in an army of uniformity such a non standard outfit could hardly be tolerated. It would by the nature of things have to be changed. However, the R.N.D. had its defender and champion in it's Commanding Officer, Major General Sir A. Paris, who was justly proud of his Division. Also, by this stage, it was only partly controlled by the War Office,as due to complications, such as pay and administration it was also to be directed by the Admiralty. Further more, it had the ear of people in high places and was far fromlacking influence, when threatened. Unfortunately, Paris was injured by shell fire, on 12th October 1916, passing his command to Major General C.D. Shute, a very differentproposition. He was instructed to bring his new charge into line with army thinking and discipline. As this article shows he had been ordered to shake up the division, by the 5th Army Higher Command, who wanted action. It would prove a clash of cultures. Shute has obtained a bad reputation over the years, but it is clear from his report that he was fully aware of rough times ahead. Shute was right, be wouid soon become very unpopular with both R.N.D. Officers and men, so unpopular that A.P. Herbert would be minded to write his poem The General Inspecting the Trenches. (1) This the men would sing, wben marching from village to village. I am reproducing below Shute's reports. The firstis dated 7th November 1916, just beforethe 63n1 (RN) Division's great success of just six days later, at the Battle of the Ancre. The second, of 1 December has a slightly different tone, as if he grudgingly, was being won over. Strangely,st it was Shute who would not survive, not the R.N.D. The army had taken on more than they had bargained for, when on the 19th February 1917 he was replaced by Major General C.E. Lawrie. The War Office had backed down, after a spirited defence by the Admiralty. This aspect, is covered fullyin my book The Hood Battalion. pages 202 to 208.

917. H.Q. 63rd (R.N.) Division. Headquarters 5 Corps. th SUBJECT :- 63 rd (R.N.) DIVISION.

Inaccordance with instructionscontained in 5 Armyletter No. G.A/16/1/12 dated 1 st November 1916, I forward herewith my report.th

1. As a preamble I should like to say that I approach the subject with great diffidence. It opens a big question and one which may easily affectthe interests and prejudices of many. All? these are, however, outside my province and my report deals simply with what I consider necessaryfor the militaryefficiency of the Division whilst fighting in France.

2. The main difficultyis, that whilst wishingto preserve the Naval identity of the Division for the sake of its History and Esprit de Corps, it appears to me practically impossible to do so without dangerously impairingits efficiencyas a military Division, for it is precisely the factthat the Division is administered partly by the War Office and partly by the Admiralty which causes all the administrativetrouble.

3. This difficultybecomes the more apparent when it is realised that in the R.N.V.R. Battalions there is not one single serving Naval Officer and that in all 6 Battalions only one Officerhas ever been a Naval Officer and he retired long ago as a Lieutenant.

4. Thesame nearly, but not quite, applies to the Royal MarineBattalions and other units of the Division whose personnel is foundby the Royal Marines. Throughout the Division (exclusive of Staff:) there are only 19 serving Officers of the Royal Marines, 10 of whom have beenpromoted fromthe ranks since the War began. There are 2 retired Royal Marine Officersin the Division, bothof whom are commanding Battalions. All are temporary commissions and these Officers are simply New Army and have never served anywhere except with the Naval Division.

5. The menare the same.There areno real sailors amongst them and very fewMarines who servedanywhere except in the Naval Division. They are practically New Army, but serving under the Admiralty, the only difference being that whilst receiving nearly double the Army pay, the standard of physique is far below the average of the drafts now arriving to Army Battalions andthe trainingis farbelow the Army standard. This is possibly due to the fact that the best men enlisted by the Navy or Marines are naturally kept to serve with the Fleet. It must be remembered that even the Officers and men originally forming the Naval Division never had any real previous training and have only picked up what they could.

918. 6. N.C.Os are practically non-existent except a few Royal Marines andthese are mostly too old and far below the high standard of the pre-War Royal Marines. There are no really smartBattalions or Company Sergeant Majorsin the R.N.V.R. Battalions and as there are also practicallyno Regular Officersit is impossible to teach any smartness, armdrill, musketry, etc etc. Although there is no "Crime" the discipline is lamentable. This is not the fault of the troops. There has been no one to teach it or to enforceit.

t 7. In the 2 Naval Brigades of the Division, the 188th and 189 \ promotion is internalin the Battalions and C.O's, 2nd in Commands and Company Commanders have therefore had no experience except that gained in Gallipoli. No officershave been brought in fromthe Old or New Army. Thus, it is most difficultto teach these brigades or to improve them. They can never come up to, or even approach, the standard of other Brigades unless Officers and N.C.O's of the Army, whether New Army or Regular Army, are brought in who have had experience in the recent fighting in France. On this point I am convinced.

8. In view of what has beensaid in para. 3, it is rather ridiculous that Officers, N.C.O's and men should bear Naval titles such as "Temporary Lieutenant Commander", "Acting Sub-Lieutenant" etc, and such Officerscan hardly expect any promotion outside the Division. Again it is scarcely worth the confusion entailed to call men "Petty Officers"and "Leading Seaman" whose only experience of the sea has been crossing the channel.

9. The actual "G" and "Q" Officers of the Divisional Staffare excellent and no Division could have a more efficient Staff. The same can be said of the Brigade Staffs.

10. Thus, the 63rd (Royal Naval) Divisionhas really nothing Naval about it, except a few terms and titles which are inapplicable to the holders and meaningless on shore. Yet none the less it is half under the War Office and half under the Admiralty. Both issue instructionsand sometimes neitherapply. The Naval and ArmyRegulations differ in almost every detail, Pay, Field Allowance, Extra Duty Pay, Pensionsand Separation Allowance, all are different, yet all are inextricably intermixed in the differentelements of the Division. Few could believethe ludicrous and intricate problems which have to be solved by the "Q" and "A" Branches of the Staff- problems which take up all their time and by keeping them fromtheir proper duties lessen the efficiencyof the Division. As to the pay, no ArmyField Cashier can undertake it and the Division has to carry about a special Field Cashier and a Trea...qrre Chest which men have to be used to guard, and transport (to carry.)

11. I feelcompelled to say that the Division is not in a satisfactory state at present. It requires two or three months thought training, and re-organisationbefore it can reach the level of other Divisions. The re-organisationmust come first andmust be done thoroughly and without delay. My recommendations in detail are attached.

7/11/16. C.D. Shute. Major General, Commanding 63rd (R.N.) Division.

919. CHANGES RECOMMENDED IN THE ORGANISATION OF THE 63rd (R.N.) DIVISION.

1. MEDICAL.:- The A.D.M.S. is a Fleet Surgeon, the D.A.D.M.S. is R.A.M.C. The Ambulances are partly R.A.M.C. Officers.The rank and fileare Royal Marines. I recommend that all Fleet and Naval Surgeons be withdrawn as they do not understand Armyorganisation and that the entire personnel be transferred to the R.A.M.C.

2. DIVISIONAL ENGINEERS.:- The Headquarters and 3 Field Companies are composed of Temporary Officersand Marines enlisted forthe duration of the War. They cannot be promoted outside the Division and all incentive to ambition is lost. Properly trained reinforcements are not available. They should be transferred to the R.E. and reinforced from R.E.

3. DIVISIONAL SIGNAL COY. :- It would, in my opinion, be more satisfactory if arrangementswere made to transferthe personnel of the whole of the Divisional Signal Companyto the Army Signal Service. If thissuggestion is approved, it is thought that Officers and Other Ranks should retain their present ranks on transfer. All ranks in the 63rd Divisional Signal Company are now debarred fromany promotion except within the Company.

4. DIVISIONAL TRAIN.:- The Officersare partly A.S.O. and partlyMarines. The men are Royal Marines, enlisted forthe duration of the War. A considerable portion of the Marine personnel is considerably below the requisite standard. Reinforcements trained in the work are unavailable. Train to be entirely A.S.C. Suitable Marine personnel to be transferred to the A.S.C. The remainderto be returned to England and trained as Infantry or otherwise employed.

5. POLICE. :- Now composed of Mounted Marines andR.N.V.R. They have not been trainedin their duties andfor this and disciplinaryreasons are unsuitable. Interior economy is complicated. Recommendation.Present personnel to returnto their Battalions and Police to be sent out from the Corps of Military Police.

6. MEDIUM TRENCH MORTARS.:- At present, the personnel of the Medium Trench Mortars are found by Royal Marines. There were, no doubt, originally, plenty of men amongst this Corps well trained in artillery. This class of man, however, is gradually disappearing and hence it is only a matter of time when casualties in the T .M. Personnel could not be efficiently supplied from the 1 st and 2nd Royal Marines. In any case, to so transfer men, weakens these Infantry Battalions and even if reinforcementsare allowed in lieu, these are not always available. The MediumTrench Mortars are always under the Artillery and in all other Divisions their personnel is found by the Artillery and there appearsto me to be no advantage in departing from the usual organisation - quite the reverse. I recommend that the Medium Trench Mortars be taken over by the Artillery andthe present Royal Marine personnel rejoins the 1 st and 2nd Royal Marines. 920. 7. ORDANCE.:- The Ordnance detail are composed ofR.N.V.R. and Royal Marines. They do their work well but trained reinforcements are not available and interior economy is complicated. Recommendation:- Transfer to A.O.C. or returnto their Battalions.

8. MACHINE GUN COYS. :- At the present time the Machine Gun Companies are composed as follows:- l 88th M.G. Company ofR.N.V.R. personnel. 189 M.G. Company ofR.N.V.R. personnel. 190th M.G. Company ofRoyal Marine personnel. th These are good companies but have had no experience in the offensiveoperations which have lately taken place. The 189 Machine Gun Company was formed from the old Machine Gun Sections of the R.N.V.th R. Battalions who had been through the Gallipoli Campaign. The remaining two Companies came out to this country after having been through a course at Grantham. As none of the personnel of these Companies belong to the Machine Gun Corps all ranks composing them have no chance ofpromotion except within their respective units. Such a state of affairscannot be aninducement to ambition. Further no officer satisfactorily trained in transport duties exists in these three companies.

Further, in accordance with O.B. 181 the 32 Privates forthe 190 Infantry Brigade canonly be found from the 2 R.M. Battalions of the 188 Infantryth Brigade, otherwise the 190 M.G. Company, now composed of Royal Marines,th would become a mixture of Armyth and Royal Marines.

The Machine Gun Corpshas proved a great advantage, the Commanding Officersand Seconds in Commandare always supplied from officerswho have had recent experience, reinforcementsm·e readily obtained and there is an incentive for both Officersand men to rise to a higher rank than can the officers and men of the R.N. V.R. and R.M.M.G. Companies.

For the sake of efficiency and organisation in addition to the reasons given above, I recommend that three Machine Gun Companies fromthe Machine Gun Corpsbe sent to the three Brigades in the 63rd (R.N.) Division and that when relieved the present Royal Marines and R.N.V.R. personnel join their Infantry Units.

9. CLERKS.:- The Divisional HeadquartersClerks are also ofR.M. and R.N.V.R. personnel. Individually a feware excellent material andall do their bestbut nearly all lack the requisite Militaryclerical knowledge which an A.S.C. Clerk should possess. Since the Division has been in France, viz fromthe end of May 1916 three Head clerks have been employed at the "A & Q" Office.All three have had to be taught detail by the Staffwhich a good clerk should have known on joining. At least one fullyqualified clerk as head of"G" and "A & Q" Branches is required.

921. 10. BATTALIONS. :-The principle should be that when the Battalion Commander has not bad experience in France a Second in Command should be appointed who has, and vice versa. Also that half the Company Commanders should have had experience in France. This could be arrived at by degrees.

11. GENERAL.:- These alterations will assist the militaryefficiency of the Division. They will not, however rectifythe hopeless confusion of the interior economy nor will they obviate the present great expense of the Division caused by two Brigadesbeing paid nearly double Army pay. To place the Division on a really proper footingin all respects andto ensure trained reinforcements of good physique are available there is but one possible course and that is to transfer all the Naval and Royal Marine personnei except the Staffto the Army. Any unwilling to be so transferredto returnto the Service of the Admiraltyand their place to be filledup fromArmy reinforcements.

C. D. Shute.

?1h November 1916. Major General, Commanding 63rd (R.N.) Division.

* * * * * * * * *

So there we have it, not just minor adjustments and tinkering with a problem, but major root and branch changes were required. One can only imagine the effect of its implementation on the moral of officersand men, being sent back to their battalions, as it was considered by the Army that they were not up to standard. rd Sometimes in life, timing is of the essence, this was one such occasion. The 63 (R.N.) Division was to perform so well during its firstmajor battle on the Western Front (See R.N.D. pages 108 to 126.) that it was to help provide the ammunition that the Admiralty needed to shoot down the War Office'ssupport forShute's views. In December be submitted his second report on the subject:-

nd H.Q., 2 Corps.

With reference to the attached correspondence:

I consider that the gallantry theof Naval Division on the Ancre only emphasises the necessity of its preservation and it cannot be preserved unless re-organised.

nd 1. In the 2 para. of page 3 of my report I pointed out the necessity of experienced officers being put in to fillgaps especially in the service ranks.The fact that the right of the Divisionalattack was so successfulunder brilliant leadership whilst on the left the attack was not so successful owing to the leadership not being so good - points to the necessity of some new blood with war experience inFrance.

922. 2. Officers and men must be asked to choose between the Naval Division practically ceasing to exist or transferring to Army pay and allowances. A small bounty as an inducement would probably be possible. I believe all will transfer.

3. Recruits must be obtained to provide the draftsnow due, fromthe Army Pool. Practically none is available fromthe Navy pool of suitable age.

4. The Marinesmust sent out some good N.C.O's and some young regular officerswith experience or else the two Marine Battalions will be such a discredit to the Marines that they will cease to exist.

5. After the good work of the Division it hasearned consideration and hasmade itself a great name and great "esprit de corps". This must be preserved as it is a great asset. The Naval Battalions, even when transferred to the Army,must keep their names andI even recommend that the Division be called "The Naval Division" without the No. "63rd,,_

6. Officers and N.C.O's must drop their naval titles and adopt the military ones.

7. Medical Staffand Commanders ofField Ambulances must be R.A.M.C. so that military organisation whilst fighting and marcrungis preserved.

8. All the points mentioned in the appendix to my report must be attended to.

The matter is urgent if the Division isto be trained and re-organised in time to take its place in the line.

C.D. Shute, Major- Genl. Commanding63 rd (RN.) Divn. 1st December 1916.

923. II Corps, G.T. 1050 21st February, 1917.

FifthArmy.

Referenceyour verbal enquiry regarding the proposalsfor the re-organisation of the 63rd Division which were put forwardby the G.O.C. of the Division on the 7th Novemberlast, I beg to state that afterhaving this Division under my command for over two months I do not wish to recommend any modification in the proposals made.

Although the gallantry and fightingqualities of the personnel of the Divisionleave nothing to be desired, I regret that I cannot say the same as regards the general organisation and efficiency ofthe Division as a fighting formation.

General want of training in the elementaryduties of a soldier, bad organisation and lack of Officers with sufficientexperience make the Divisionin my opinionunfit forany sustained effort in the frontline, andI ammore than ever of opinion that it is essential that the proposals put forwardby the G.O.C. 63rd Division in November last should be carried out without delay.

In the circumstancesI hope that it may be foundpossible, at an early date, to withdraw the Division from the line fora considerable period of training and re-organisation.

Until this is done the Division will not, in my opinion, be capable of undertaking any offensive operations extending over a period of three days.

C.W. Jacob. Lieutenant General, Commanding II Corps.

Once again nothing happened. In April 1917 Higher Command had decided on a major operation before Douai and Cambrai. Gavrelle was selected as the pivot on which the Third Army was to swing in its sweep forward,and the important task of taking Gavrelle was to be entrusted to the Naval Division !

Reference :- Public Record Office,Kew. WO95/3117.

Crown copyright and is reproduced with the permission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationary Office.

924. Thi Wistirn front. RND GRAVES IN ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY, [Fr.777LIN ASSOCIATION WITH TIIE ARRAS MEMORIAL TO THE MISSING, [MR. 20] By Trevor Tasker.

(Note:- During this and later articles Trevor Tasker wiH be using the Harvard system of referencesinstead of the numbered system.)

This series started last year with a two partintroduction. The firstpart tried to explain why there are so many unknown graves, and these can bedivided into (totally) unknowns, (no name, just identifiedby their kharki) and partially unknown, (still no name, but unit/rankis known). The second part of the introduction explained the differenttypes of CWGC cemeteries and their distribution. It was explained that concentration cemeteries had a high proportion of unknown graves. The articles afterthe introductions covered examples of the various typesof cemeteries: Battlefield, (Naval Trench); Casualty Clearing Station, (Dozinghem); Base Hospitals, (Abbeville); and isolated Communal graves, (Doudelainville Com Cem). In this article we go fullcircle by linking up a concentration cemetery, with a Memorial to the Missing.

To recap on the basic information essential to remember. All war dead were to have their name commemorated somewhere, either on a headstone, or inscribed on a Memorial to the Missing. All bodies foundwere to have a headstone there are three types: with name; unknown; and partiallyunknown (usually unit and/or rank). It was also stated statically, that half the names on the Memorials to the Missingdo in fact have graves, but these are unknown graves, but these graves, especially the partially unknown headstones provide informationfor researchers, and these headstones were forgottenpages in the neglected libraries of CWGC cemeteries. The cemetery registers contains details of the known, but since the majority of concentration cemeteries are mostlyunknown, the cemetery registers only represent the tip of the icebergas regards the total graves in the cemetery.

925. The last article, (RND No. 8, March 1999), covered the small battlefield Cemetery of Naval Trench Cemetery, which was an introduction to the Gavrelle area. Gavrelle was awash with graves, but only a small proportion ofthe casualties were left at Gavrelle in a small cemetery. Most ofthe graves at Gavrelle were concentrated to outlying cemeteries, especially Orchard Dump Cemetery. There are 109 known RND graves in Orchard Dump Cemetery, (APPENDIX ONE), but Orchard Dump Cemetery being a concentration cemetery, most of the graves are unknown,and the names ofthese, (and other RND unknowns in other cemeteries, those stillburied somewhere in Gavrelle, or to a lesser extent obliterated by artillery), have their names on the Arras Memorial to the Missing. This article links the concentration cemetery ofOrchard Dump Cemetery and the Arras Missing. As stated before my aim is not to identifyany of the missing, but a general overview, to make the missing less 'missing' by being better understood.

Even though most ofthe RND in Orchard Dump Cemetery died in Gavrelle, this cemetery lies outside the Commune ofGavrelle, alongside the D919, between Bailleul and Arleux, (FIGURE:ONE). A plaque on the cemetery wall states the site was given by a widow of a French Captain in the 72 Infantry Regiment killed in action 1914. This generous gift has resulted in the displacement ofmost ofthe graves fromthe Arleux/Fresnoy, Oppy Wood, and Gavrelle battlefields. There are just over 3,000 graves here, and being a concentration cemetery, most are unknown. For every name on a headstone there are four headstones without a name.

The position of this cemetery north ofGavrelle, has resulted in another injustice. In "Before Endeavours Fade", (COOMBES,1994); the 'bible' guide book on the Western Front, there is a paragraphon Gavrelle, and a photo ofthe RND Anchor memorial, but the route taken, was deflectedwest by Vimy Ridge, which has resulted in Orchard Dump Cemetery beingbypassed andnever mentioned. A high proportion of those who visit the WesternFront, are unaware ofthis large, interesting, and important concentration cemetery, north-east of Arras.

It is hoped thata new guide book, written by two regular contributors to this journal, (TASKER & T AL LETT, 1999), will help to put this neglected cemetery into perspective. Orchard Dump Cemetery is so largeand mixed due to the concentrations it can be rather confusing, and the authors have even added a guided walk through the cemetery pointing out interesting graves. This article concentrates on the RND in this cemetery, and includes informationand illustrations that had to be edited out ofthe guide due to lack ofspace.

The plan ofOrchard Dump Cemetery, (FIGURE ONE), shows the irregular lay out of the original battlefield cemetery ofmost ofplot 1. As usual the area between this plot and the access road wasfilled with neat rows ofconcentrations. (The fourgraves by the road are also original graves).

926. FIGUREONE ABOVE: Plans and location photomap montage of ORCHARD DUMPCEMETERY, and the ARRASMEMORIAL TO THEMISSING. (N.B. In order to squeezethe map between the plans it was necessary to reorientate the map. Note the compass sign). Orchard Dump Cemetery and Gavrelle are NE of Arras.

927. FIGURE TWO ABOVE: ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY, aerial Photo, 1998; Unknown RND headstone and ground view. 1987. (Only the treesand plants change).

BELOW: ARRAS MEMORIAL TO THE MISSING, Aerial photo of memorial and Fauborgd' Amiens Cemetery A/B Simon Owen James, Anson, (No Known Grave). some of the RMLI names on Bay One of the Arras Missing Memorial. 928. As Appendix One shows, there are 109 known RND graves in this cemetery. However, every headstone was visited and the partial unknowns were written down. It was noted that there were many unknown RND, (e.g. Unknown Sailor of the RNTI, Unknown RMLI, and so on). A total of 93 unknown RMLI were counted in this cemetery, and when added to the 30 RMLI of Appendix One, the total RMLI in this cemetery rises dramatically to 123 RMLIof the RND. There are also a few very interesting unknowns, which includes an 'Unknown Lieutenant of the RND' in Plot VIII, and an unusual 'Unknown Captain of the RMLI', in Plot IX, (FIGURE TWO). When we cover the RND of the Arras Missing, the list of possibilities will be discussed.

I hope by now the reader is beginning to appreciate the importance of these unknown graves, especially the interesting partially unknowns. This valuable information is not in the cemetery registers but are engraved on the headstones, and once recorded and grouped, can show some very interesting trends and patterns.

FIGURE THREE: Flow diagram (SOURCE: TASKER, 1997)

929. Collecting this information is quite time consuming, but I have devised a simple and straight forwardprocedure, (FIGURE: THREE). As stated before, the RND is one of the best divisions to study the missing, as an Unknown Sailor or RMLI on the Ypres, Arras and Somme battlefields have a high probability of being RND. Naturally the Army Battalions are harder to sort out. There were only two Honourable Artillery Company Battalions, but an unknown HAC could be a 2/HAC,who fought at Bullecourt during the Battle of Anas. Obtaining the map reference of where found, would help with this problem. This is where the CWGC burial returns, (the map referencesof where originally found),are so important, but these are hard to access, but some ofthe burial return graves in Orchard Dump Cemetery have been obtained, these are important pieces in the jig-saw and much can be learnt from this patchy picture.

FIGURE FOUR: Analysis of Orchard Dump Cemetery.

Contains 109 RND ( consulting Cemetery Registers)

Contains 127 RND without names. (Consulting info on Headstones)

possible RND (Army Battalions)

HONOURABLE ARTILLERY COMP ANY: 4 BEDFORDSHIRE REGIMENT: 15 ROYAL FUSILIERS: 53 ROYAL DUBLIN FUSILIERS: 3

There are 1,500 totally unknown in this cemetery, i.e. Headstones with: 'A Soldier ofthe Great War Known unto God'

The figures in Figure Four show small numbers forthe RND Army battalions with one exception. There were numerous Royal Fusiliers battalions in many divisions who fought at Arras. In fact the battalion with the most names on the Arras Memorial to the Missing, are the Royal Fusiliers with 1,442 who have no known grave.

The cemetery contains 1,500 totally unknowns, which have a low probability ofbeing RND. Ifwe add the unknown Army possibilities, (75) to the unknowns we get a total of 1575. Ifa 1 in 10 chanceof being RND, (this is the number ofdivisions represented in the cemetery and battlefield area.) we can divide by ten, giving a figure of 157, then add 157 to 109 RND known, and 127 RND unknown;making 391. So we can say there are about 400 RND (known and unknown) in this cemetery. 930. Some may be wondering what all this is for. Even though not an exactscience, if the same procedure is followed for every cemetery with RND, we can obtain a rough calibration. We can 'see' which cemetery, (e.g. OrchardDum p Cemetery, or Ancre British Cemetery), has the most RND, (knownand unknown). At this stage some of the readers may regard all this as going offon a tangent, (no pun intended), so I will returnto hard evidence. FIGURE FIVE: Page from Anson Battalion WAR DIARY.

War Dairies are a popular source of informationfor military historians. However, even this primary source of information should not be accepted as 'gospel', or more importantly, one must be wary of falling into the trap of misinterpretation. (FIGURE FIVE) is a page fromthe Anson Battalion War Diary. Casualties are mentioned on the 23rd and 28th May. The six killed by one shell, (28/05/17), can be identified as there were only six Ansons killed that day, from 'D' Company.

GLENN, J.E. A/B 28/05/17 No Known Grave HOLLAND, L. A/B 28/05/17 buried in ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY MOUNTFIELD, W.A. A/B 28/05/17 No Known Grave MULLEN, J. A/B 28/05/17 buried in ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY SLACK, S. P. A/B 28/05/17 No Known Grave WELLING, A. W. A/B 28/05/17 buried in ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY

931. Note that half are in Orchard Dump Cemetery, and half have no known grave, these three are on the Arras Missing, and probably lie in anunknown grave in Orchard Dump Cemetery. While going through the casualty list, it was noted there were "killed in action", and no mention of casualtiesfor that day in the Battalion War Diary. A/B Simon Owen James, (FIGURE TWO), was killed by a shell while bringing supplies up toGavrelle and buried beside a road on 26 April 1917. Not only has he no known grave, but there is no mention of casualties that day, it was "a quite day''.

We have 'visited' Gavrelle, Naval Trench Cemetery, and Orchard Dump Cemetery, it is now time to visit the Memorial to the Missing in Arras. The memorial is sited in Fauborg d' Amiens cemetery, which is in westernArras, near the citadel, (FIGURE ONE). The site became available when the French graves were moved to the large French National Cemetery at Notre Dame de Lorette. The memorial was designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens with Doric columns, open court yard and a cloister whose walls contain the names of nearly 36,000 who have no known grave. The RNVR and RMLI , being part of the Senior Service have their names on Bay One. The RAC being a senior Territorial Regiment are close by, also on Bay One. The others are scattered along theBays, (e.g. Worcesters onBay 6). The Memorial Register lists 546 RNVR, and 421 Royal Marines, which are all RND.However, the army battalionsin the RND are listed alphabetically with other battalions of the regiment, and only furtherinformation in the registers can be used to separate them. The register states that the area of the memorial covers from Loos to Berles-au-Bois, (a line drawn fromBerles-au-Bois toBullecourt is 10 Kilometres south of Arras). However, studying the RND in this memorial shows a more complex geographical area.

The RND canbe divided into three areas with a year time period, 1) the 1916 Souchez­ Angres Sector, 2) the 1917Gavrelle Sector, and 3) the 1918 Flesquieres Salient area. The latter includes dates of early April 1918, when the RND were fightingin Averly Wood, near the Ancre, which is 12 kilometres south ofBerles-au-Bois. Added to all this complexity and confusionthe RND missing on Welsh Ridge, (end of December 1917), are commemorated on the Thiepval memorial to the Missing. This Memorial will be covered in future articles.

There are only a few RND missing from1916, I could only find four, their dates are from July to September. The RND were in the Souchez-Angres Sector from17 July to 16 September1916, (JERROLD, 1927). Remember these are no known graves, and the cemeteries in the area show more casualties for this time period.

The most RND unknowns are fromthe Gavrelle area, April to September1917. The peak dates are from the capture ofGavrelle and theBattle forGavrelle Windmill at the end of April. However, I did notice a high number of Army RND missing on the 15 April, when the RND tried to 'feel' their way toGavrelle. This incident is not much writtenth about, but the RND casualties for this date shows this action needs more attention from researchers.

932. As regards the unknown RMLICaptain (IX.D.12), in Orchard Dump Cemetery, there are three possibilities listed on the Arras Missing:-

Captain Neville BURTON-FANNING 2/RMLI, 28/04/17 Captain John CAlvfPBELL 2/RMLI, 28/04/17 Captain George GIBBINS 2/RMLI, 23/03/18

The burial return for this unknown is near the Gavrelle Windmill, which means we can eliminate Captain Gibbins fromthe list of possibles as he was killed south-east of Bapaume. This still leaves us with two possibilities, but at least we arc certain that one of them is in Orchard Dump Cemetery.

As forthe unknown Lieutenant RND (VIII.C.45), in Orchard Dump Cemetery, there are six possibilities on the Arras Missing, (four 1917 and two 1918). Also in Orchard Dump Cemetery are three headstones with, "Unknown British Officer",one of whom we know his original burialsite as B24.b.2.5, which is just north of Gavrelle.

This map reference, along with nine other sites have been plotted on a trench map, APPENDIX TWO, and alsolists the known and unknown graves foundthere. Note that sites 1. and 4 are in No Man's Land. Site 5 is a fewyards behind the British Front Line, in anarea knownas the 'Mayor's Garden'. Site 9, contains 29 graves, and nearly became another small cemetery like Naval Trench Cemetery. It was also near an aid post, battalion HQ, and a major communication trench known as Viscount Street. In the War Diaries of the RMLI, it states that Lt. Lion and Lt Fielding and 11 other ranks foundand buried at the end of Viscount Street. Both Lion, (FIGURE:ONE), and Fielding are on the Arras Missing. They were killed near the Windmill, their bodies taken to Viscount Street during the War,and were probably concentrated into Orchard Dump Cemetery after the war, and now lie under an unknown headstone.

The highest ranking RND Officer on the Memorial is Lt Col Alfred Ladd, 14/Worcesters, age 38, killed 25 March 1918, when the Division was fighting around Courcelette. So Ladd probably lies in an unknowngrave within sight of the ThiepvalMemorial, but his name is commemoratedon the Arras Memorial to the Missing. Some sources say Ladd was a Major, so the rankmentioned in CWGC MR 20 could be acting/temporary.

Due to the size and complexity of the ArrasMissing, the next article will also be on the missing on this memorial in association with other cemeteries. It is hoped that ne2-.1: year I will cover the Thiepval Memorial to the Missing and associated cemeteries on the Somme.

* * * * * * * *

933. NOTE

I would like to thankGodfrey Owen Jamesand Kyle Tallett for their help in writing this article.

All aerial photographs and maps areby the author.

REFERENCES

COOMBS, R., ( 1994) BEFORE ENDEA VO URS FADE, after the Battle Publications, London.

CWGC Fr.777,Cemetery Register, ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY, CWGC, Maidenhead

CWGC MR20, Memorial Register, ARRAS MEMORIAL TO THE MISSING, CWGC, Maidenhead, (published in 24 booklets).

JERROLD,D., (1927) THE ROYAL NAVAL DIVISION, Hutchinson & Co., London

TALLETI,K., "Backs to the Wall, The Royal Marines, March 1918" in RND No. 8, March 1999, (pp 651-674).

TASKER, T., (1997), REMEMBRANCE GEOGRAPHY: Cemeteries and Memorials in the Arras/Lens area of France, (UnpublishedDissertation), Geography Department, University of Wales, Swansea.

TASKER& TALLEIT,(1999) GAVRELLE, Pen & Sword, BattlegroundEurope Series, (To be published late 1999).

WARDIARIES,ANSONBATTALION, RND, May 1917, (PRO WO95/3111)

WARDIARIES, RMLI, RND, Sept. 1917, (PRO WO95/3108) ------

TREVOR TASKER 14 Rosebill Terrace Mount Pleasant Swansea SAl 6JN.

934. APPENDIX ONE.

RND GRAVES IN ORCHARDDUMP CEMETERY, [Fr.777]

ADAMS, G.A. AIB R/330 Nelson 07/06/17 (VI. R 3) ANDREWS, S.H. Gnr 610288 223/RFA 22/04/17 (Vll l. F. 33) ASLETT, G. H. Pte PLY /1662(S) 2/RMLI 28/04/17 (XL D. 25) BAKEWELL, w. AIB B/Z/3636 Hood 23/04/17 (III.J. 39) BANNING, A.H. Sub Lieutenant Drake 23/04/17 (IX.E.27) BATES, J. AIB R/693 Hood 06/07/17 (SMOuse Alley) BAITENSBY, A.B. Pte PO/553(S) 2/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII.H. 13) BAULCOMB, C.H. Pte 61029 7/RF 23/04/17 (VIL H. 18) BOWLES, G. C. Sub Lieutenant Drake 25/04/17 (IX.E.24) BRADSHAW, E. L/Cpl PLY/16976 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (V. G. 1) BRIGGS, E.E. Pte PLY/16972 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. G. 3) BROMLEY, A/B M/Z/629 Nelson 23/04/17 (III.B. 4) BROOKES, F.W. Pte 3788 1/HAC 20/04/17 (SMA.7) BROWN, J.H. Pte 24270 10/RDF 15/04/17 (VIII.D. 2) CARPENTER, C. Pte CH/1264(S) 1/RMLI 14/07/17 (IV. A. 1) CARSS, W.H. A/B T/Z/4812 Hood 19/07/17 (H.G. 3) CHAMBERS, W.T. Pte CH/838 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (V. F. 2) CHAPMAN, L.R. Dvr 610350 233/RFA 24/04/17 (VII. C. 42) CHRISTIE, G. A/B Howe 14/08/17 (IX. H. 1) CLARK, E.H. Pte PO/17165 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. A.43) CUTCLIFFE, W.R. AIB R/702CIZJ2926 Hood 05/07/17 (VIII. A. 31) DAVIES, A. J. Pte PO/I 172 (S) 2/RMLI 16/06/17 (IX.G. 36) DAVIS, G.W. Pte PO/1552 (S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. H.6) DODSON, J. Pte CH/18037 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (IV.H. 10) DONKIN,MM J. Pte PO/399 (S) 2/RMLI 10/07/17 (VI.B. 49) DONNELLY, H. P. Pte 26319 10/RDF 23/07/17 (Vlll. B. 1) DUNCAN, J. CPO C/Z/3681 Nelson 23/04/17 (IX. K. 32) EVANS, J.E. Pte 43404 10/RDF 15/04/17 (VIII. C. 5) EVANS, R.R. Pte 14801 10/RDF 15/04/17 (VII.C. 20) FIELD, G.E. Pte G/1G130 7/RF 23/04/17 (V. H. 13) FINDLEY, A. McD A/B C/Zl2783 Hood 05/06/17 (V. J. 7) FORBER, W.J. Pte PLY/966 (S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (III.H. 2) FOSTER, E. Pte 23437 4/Beds 15/04/17 (VI. A. 16) FRAMPTON, G. Pte PO/17692 2/RMLI 18/07/17 (VIL F. 35) GADSBY, F. Pte 23078 4/Beds 23/04/17 (VIL G. 13) GAGIE, B. Gnr 770756 223/RFA 02/05/17 (VIII.C. 46) GANNON, G.W. Sgt CH/18137 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (V. E.1) GATWOOD, A.F. Pte G/52371 7/RF 23/04/17 (VII. C. 12)

935. GORMALY, T.W. Hood 07/05/17 (V. C. 26) GOTTS, J.W. L/Srnn Nelson 23/04/17 (IX. G. 11) GRAINGER, J.H. PteAIB PO/1304TIZJ6I3 (S) 190/MGC 19/04/17 (VI. H. 5) GUSH, W.G. Captain TIZJ43O6 7/RF 23/04/17 (VI. J. 10) HAMILL, E. C/ZJ4268 Nelson 23/04/17 (III. B. 3) HAMILTON, A. A/B T/ZJ4853 Nelson 23/04/17 (V. D. 43) HART, R A/BAIB M/ZJ1517 Hood 03/06/17 (VII. B. 20) HAITERSLEY,H. L/Cpl PO/124 (S) 2/RMLI 17/07/17 (IX. G. 34) HEALY, P. Pte 24147 10/RDF 22/05/17 (VI.G. 5) HESKETH, W. Gnr 916207 223/RFA 02/05/17 (VIL C. 47) HEPBURN, A. A/B Hood 04/06/17 (VI. c. 8) HIRST, J. Pte PO/1146 (S) 190MGC 29/04/17 (VII. A. 12) HODDER, G.F. Pte PO/1106TIZJ30OO (S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (III. D. 37) HOLLAND, L. A/B Anson 28/04/17 (VII. E. 40) HOLLAND, w. L/Cpl PLY/17862 1/RMLI 23/04/17 (VII.E.34) HOLMES, F. L. Sgt M/ZJ572765389 223/RFA 02/05/17 (VIL C. 43) HOLLOWAY, A. A/B Drake 23/04/17 (XL J. 39) HORNE, H.T. A/B Hood 04/06/17 (VIL H. 5) HUMPHRIES, J. Pte CIZJ5929CH/1674(S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. K. 4) HUNT, S.A. L/Srnn B/ZJ3371TIZJ6332 Drake 23/04/17 (L H. 9) HUITON, C.A. Pte CH/1898 (S) 2/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. H. 19) KELLY, T. A/B C/ZJ5823 Howe 23/04/17 (IX.H. 4) KERSHAW, E. A/B M/ZJ403 Hood 05/07/17 (VIII.A. 30) KILCULLEN, P. Pte 27300 10/RDF 15/04/17 (VIII. C. 7) LEIGH, J. S. Pte PLY/15419 2/RMLI 11/07/17 (LG. 5) LENNON, w. Anson 29/04/17 (VIII.B. 39) LOUCH, H.G. Pte PLY/790 (S) 2/RMLI 05/07/17 (IX.G. 40) McARTIIlJR, A. L/SrnnAIB TIZJ45O6C/ZJ6126 190/MGC 23/04/17 (III.A. 46) McDONALD, H. A/B Howe 23/04/17 (VIII. F. 32) McDOWALL, H.W. A/B C/ZJ5050 Howe 14/08/17 (IX.J. 5) McGREGOR, D. A/B C/ZJ5552R/2222 Howe 13/09/17 (III. H. 38) MAULL, L. E. Cpl PO/15942 2/RMLI 25/04/17 (IX.G. 15) MERCER, T. A/B C/ZJI439 Hood 20/07/17 (VIL A. 10) MIDDLETON, W. A/B C/ZJ2937 Nelson 23/04/17 (I.H. 5) MORGAN, P. J. Pte PLY/1643 2/RMLI 28/04/17 (VI. J. 6) MORRIS, H.J. A/B L/ZJ4453 Nelson 23/04/17 (III. B. 2) MULLEN, J. A/B T/ZJ2628 Anson 28/05/17 (IX. C. 24) MURRAY, M. Pte 27448 10/RDF 23/04/17 (IX. C. 3) NAPIER, J. T. Pte PLY/1572 (S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII.H. 3) NEALE, C.F. Sub Lieutenant Drake 23/04/17 (III.H. 39) NEWCOMBE, A. Pte PO/1675 (S) 190/MGC 28/05/17 (V.F. 17) NORMAN, G.H. PO T/Z/1505 Anson 03/06/17 (IX. J. 3) O'CONNOR, J. Pte 27096 10/RDF 15/06/17 (VIII. C. 4) PERRY, G. Pte 43424 10/RDF 15/04/17 (VIII. C. 3) POLLARD, A.P. L/Cpl PO/15953 2/RMLI 28/04/17 (IX.J. 6) RAWLINGS, O.G. Pte 23219 4/Beds 23/04/17 (VIL F. 20)

936. RELF, A.S. NB L/Z/4353 Nelson 24/04/17 (Ill. B. 1) RICHARDSON, M. L/Smn T/Z/2027 Howe 23/04/17 (IX. G. 3) RIGBY, T. S. NB R/2211 Howe 13/09/17 (III. H. 37) ROADLEY, G.F. A/B Z/1644 Anson 15/07/17 (IX. J. 9) ROSE, w. NB C/Z/545 Anson 28/04/17 (Ill. K. 36) SELLERS, D.R A/B Z/5109 Hood 20/07/17 (VII. F. 7) SHORT, F. A/B Z/6319 Hood 21/07/17 (VIII. E. 38) SPENCE, J. R Pte PO/1026 2/RMLI 06/06/17 (IX. H. 38) STEVENS, A.E. L/Cpl PO/17563 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (VII. G. 8) STEVENSON, J. NB Z/5349 Howe 20/07/17 (VIII. J. 32) SWAN, E.A. Pte G/26750 7/RF 23/04/17 (VI. 6) SYKES, w. L/Cpl PO/1440 (S) 2/RMLI 10/07/17 (VI. 50) TAYLOR, T. A/B T/Z/7052 Drake 23/04/17 (IX.D. B. 30) THIRLAWAY, M. l. Pte PO/532 (S) 2/RMLI 29/04/17 (V. G.B. 20) THOMAS, D. L/Cpl B/23540 7/RF 23/04/17 (V. H. 11) TIBBLES, A. J. Pte 23283 4/Beds 23/04/17 (Ill. J. 38) TURNER, J. T. A/B Kl X /71 Howe 14/08/17 (IX. G. 7) TUSTIN, G. A/B R/584 Hood 16/07/17 (IV. G. l) TWIBEY, A. PO KlP /334 Drake 10/06/17 (VIL J. 13) TYTLER, C.D. A/B R/185 Drake 23/04/17 (VIII. 46) WATFORD, H. E. A/B KIP/ 39 Drake 23/04/17 (III. H. 40) WEBSTER, J. NB KX/442 Howe 20/07/17 (VIII. B.G. 40) WELLING, W.W. A/B S/2/280 Anson 28/05/17 (IX. K. 26) WHEATLEY, E. L. A/B T/Z/7191 Drake 18/07/17 (VIII. A. 23) WINDERS, L.A. Pte CH/1680 (S) 1/RMLI 28/04/17 (III. J.9)

------

937. APPENDIX TWO PLOTTING SOME OF THE ORIGINAL GRAVES NOW AT ORCHARD DUMP CEMETERY ABOVE: Trench map of Gavrelle, with original burial sites marked I - 10 B.ELOW: Informationon known, partially known, and unknown graves found.

(1.) Captain William GUSH, 7/RF, (Cl 9. c. 9. 7.) (2.) Eleven unknown RMLI, (Cl 9. c. 4.4.) (3.) Unknown British soldier, (C19. c. 2. 2. ) (4.) Six unknown RMLI and 6 unknown W. Yorks, (3151 Division), (C25. a. 9. 7.) (5.) A/8 BROMLEY, Nelson; A/B RELF, Nelson; 4 unknown Ansons; and 3 unknown British soldiers, (C25. a. 5.4.) (6.) A/8 McGREGOR, Howe; S/Lt. NEALE, Drake; A/B RIGBY, Howe; A/8 WATFORD, Drake, (C25. c 2. 8.) (7.) Unknown British soldier, (830. d. 2.4.) (8.) Unknown HAC, (B24. a. 2. 9.) (9.) Pte CHAMBERS; RMLI; Pte DAVIS, RMU, Sgt GANNON, RMLI; A/8 MERCER, Hood; A/BG. TUSTIN, Hood,; 11 unknown soldiers; 5 unknown RMLI; 3 unknown W. Yorks; 2 unknown Beds; 1 unknown RF; 1 unknown British Officer; Also 1 named 10/East Yorks, total 29. (824. b. 2. 5.) (10.) L/Cpl STEVENS, RMLI; Pte NAPIER, RMLI; 8 unknown RMLI; 2 unknown British Soldiers; total 12. (824. b. 8. 4.)

938. If you have an article or photographs on any subject concerning the RNDI will be pleased to hear from you.

The next issue, number 11 will be published in December 1999.

It will contain the 4th part of Thomas Macmillan's account of life in the R.N .D. as he reaches the Islands and describes their transfer to the Western Front.

Gallipoli :- How the Field Ambulances were able to deal with the terrible casualties on the 4th June 1915.

Inspection of the training methods of the RND, at Crystal Palace.

The H.A.C. at the battle of the Ancre, 13th November 1916.

The promised account by Joseph Murray concerning his visit to Gallipoli, has had to be put back this month. However, it will be reproduced in December.

There will be much more.

If you enjoyed the RND please tell a friend.

939. This photograph was taken at Blandford with an interesting caption on the back.

It reads "with Mr Sharpe and Mr G Majors Writers Compliments May 1st 1915 Blandford Naval Camp Dorset".

Barry Wilkinson writes:- It appears fromthe CWGC database that both survived the war.

Photograph :­ Barry Wilkinson of Cornwall.

940.