Social Immobility, Ethno-Politics and Sectarian Violence: Obstacles to Post-Conflict Reconstruction in Northern Ireland
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SOCIAL IMMOBILITY, ETHNO-POLITICS AND SECTARIAN VIOLENCE: OBSTACLES TO POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION IN NORTHERN IRELAND A dissertation presented by Curtis Holland to The Department of Sociology and Anthropology In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the field of Sociology Northeastern University Boston, Massachusetts October 2016 1 SOCIAL IMMOBILITY, ETHNO-POLITICS AND SECTARIAN VIOLENCE: OBSTACLES TO POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION IN NORTHERN IRELAND A dissertation presented by Curtis Holland ABSTRACT OF DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the College of Social Sciences and Humanities of Northeastern University October 2016 2 Through analysis of semi-structured and open-ended interviews with community leaders in Belfast, content analysis of newspaper reports, and interpretation of police data on sectarian violence, this dissertation identifies shifts in power dynamics within and between the polarized Protestant and Catholic communities which (re)shape obstacles to post-conflict reconstruction in Northern Ireland. Findings suggest that political provocations which promote ethno-political tensions are facilitated by the economic marginalization of communities historically susceptible to violence; failure of the same elected leaders to deal with the past; ongoing community influence of paramilitary factions; and disjuncture between the political priorities of upper- and lower-classes within each ethno-political community. The research further illustrates how ex- paramilitary prisoners’ political disaffection shapes their social agencies of "resistance," which is underscored by desires for autonomy and recognition, and channeled by ethno- gendered scripts rooted in both violent cultures of paramilitarism and non-violent peacebuilding masculinities. The implications on women of male ex- combatants' takeover of leadership roles in the community sector are also discussed. More generally, the research highlights how a lack of investment in social and economic modes of reconstruction undermines the development of new political forms of cross-community cooperation and contributes to the reconstitution of intergroup division. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank the professors serving on the committee –Drs. Gordana Rabrenovic, Liza Weinstein, Neil Jarman and Jack Levin –for their thoughtful engagement with the project and overall excellence in graduate student advisement. In addition, I would like to thank my wife, Marie Sillice, for supporting me while I wrote this dissertation, and my parents, Carl and Gail, and sister Jennifer for always being there for me. 4 Table of Contents Abstract 2 Acknowledgements 4 Table of Contents 5 Chapters Chapter One – Introduction 6 Chapter Two – Data and Methods 63 Chapter Three – Social Inequality, Ethno-Politics, Sectarian Violence, 78 2008-2013 Chapter Four –Exclusion, Ethno-Social Power and Contradictions in Ex-Prisoner Community-based Peacebuilding 146 Chapter Five – Dealing with (Denial of) the Past 205 Chapter Six: Conclusion 257 References 291 5 Introduction Post-conflict societies with generally successful peace agreements continue to experience intergroup tensions and violence (for examples, see Berdal et al. 2012; Dionisio 2012; Eide 2012; Manz 2008; Shirlow and Murtagh 2006). For many within divided societies emerging from conflict, “peace” is an ambiguous term. For some, it can even mean defeat, and/or invoke anxiety about their place in the future of the society. Eventually, the cessation of violence is typically welcomed by most. Yet it is only the beginning of a long, peacebuilding process which, ideally, intends to more fundamentally transform ethno-political relations, and deepen social integration and interdependency between historically polarized groups (Lederach 1997; Levin and Rabrenovic 2004). The development of cross-community interests and alliances connecting members of historically divided groups promotes social heterogeneity and thus strengthens pluralistic democracy (Coser 1956; Varshney 2003; Gurr 2000). Yet the development of intergroup interdependency and a politics shaped by cross-community interests, transmuting traditional, ethnocentric foundations, remains rare in post-conflict societies. Without mechanisms which gradually improve levels of interdependency and trust, shifts in distributions of power and privilege –or lack thereof –might exacerbate simmering resentments, contributing to periodic re-escalations in tensions and hostilities. In this respect, empirical attention to socio-structural dynamics of class and gender inequities – 6 among others –within and between ethno-political communities in “post-conflict” societies are imperative. Research which evaluates post-conflict reconstruction has been disproportionately concerned with political reconstruction, such as, legislative and criminal justice reform. While necessary in providing legitimacy for post-war and power-sharing governments and providing a sense of public security, such an approach is, by itself, not sufficient in establishing long-term, sustainable peace. Peacebuilding efforts which also take into account the unique impacts on post-conflict communities of particular socio-structural conditions, shaped along various cultural dimensions of power and identity, will have greater likelihoods of promoting a more transformational type of peace. Much research has examined how “horizontal inequalities” –or overlapping gaps in economic, political and social (dis)advantage between ethno-political or -religious groups –underscores initial escalations of mass violence (Stewart 2008; Gurr 2000). Yet implications of dynamics of inter- and intra-group structural (dis)advantage which persist and shift in the post-accord society has received surprisingly little examination. With a particular focus on Northern Ireland, this study intends to highlight structural obstacles to peacebuilding in this respect, examining how limitations in social and economic reconstruction underscore the persistence of conflict and facilitate ethno- political and sectarian provocations. Data collection was underscored by the author’s 7 interest in discovering how emerging shifts in dimensions and distributions of political and social power correspond with intersectional identities of class, gender, age, and ethno-nationalism, and how shifts in relations along such lines of social demarcation within the broader ethno-religious communities are shaping obstacles to, and prospects for deepening intercommunity trust and cooperation. The exploratory approach to data collection (see chapter 2) allowed interview respondents and the unobtrusive data (newspaper reports) to guide processes of inquiry and analysis, telling stories that indicate recent developments in overlapping class-, gender- and ethno-specific relations and mentalities which underscore broader dynamics of social and political domination and “resistance.” The author sought more generally to identify forms of intragroup conflict in (post)conflict societies which facilitate or restrict positive interethnic relations, and mitigate or escalate interethnic hostilities. More specifically, by tracing incidences and fluctuations in frequencies of violence –used as a proxy for ethno-political tensions –with corresponding behaviors and discourses of political elite and community leaders, the author identifies dynamics of conflict and cooperation which illuminate or underscore how relations along intersections of class, gender, age, and ethno-national identities underscore processes in the (de)escalation of hostilities and (re)constructions of blame. What forms of intragroup conflict (if any) correspond with transformations in (ethno)political identities, interests and ideologies? On the other hand, how do such 8 emerging intra-community divisions (re)shape old, sectarian and ethno-political mentalities and goals? Findings from such inquiries also helped facilitate a critical examination of the very meaning of “peace” within the polarized communities in Northern Ireland, and how such meaning is inextricably linked with dynamics of social class identities. The impressive cessation of violence and emergence of relative political stability and urban cosmopolitanism in the country has improved living conditions for most (if not all) within the society, at least in terms of security. The very stability brought about by the peace process has itself opened space for greater attention to issues of social inequality previously subordinated in political discourse and practice by unconditional loyalty to the ethno-national in-group as a collective strategy of group preservation. In this respect, the very emergence of greater in-group disagreement over the direction of “peace” signals an important marker of societal progress. Yet at the same time, growing class inequality and the persistence of relative poverty in working-class communities which suffer most from legacies of violence –as findings will illustrate –pose a substantial threat to the peace process. Thus, as put by Neil Jarman, it is most appropriate to take a “both-and” approach to analysis of conflict and peacebuilding in Northern Ireland.1 The important milestones of the peace process remain in-tact; the society both 1 Personal conversation with author 9 continues to move forward in many ways and is faced with serious challenges. Recognizing this paradox in turn brings additional questions, in particular