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Equality in the Colonies: Concepts of Equality in Sicily During the Eighth to Six Centuries BC Author(S): Matthew Fitzjohn Source: World Archaeology, Vol
Equality in the Colonies: Concepts of Equality in Sicily during the Eighth to Six Centuries BC Author(s): Matthew Fitzjohn Source: World Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 2, The Archaeology of Equality (Jun., 2007), pp. 215- 228 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40026654 . Accessed: 18/09/2011 07:36 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Taylor & Francis, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Archaeology. http://www.jstor.org Equality in the colonies: concepts of equality in Sicily duringthe eighth to six centuries bc MatthewFitzjohn Abstract In thelate eighthand earlyseventh centuries BC, a seriesof Greeksettlements of significantsize and organizationwere established on the east coast of Sicily.Their spatial organizationand systemsof land tenureappear to have been establishedon the principleof equality.This standsin contrastto the widelyheld beliefthat relationsbetween Greeks and the indigenouspopulation were based predominantlyon inequality.The aim of this articleis to re-examinethe materialexpression of equalityin the Greek settlementsand to reflectupon the ways in whichour categoriesof colonizer and colonizedhave influencedthe way thatwe look forand understandthe social relationsbetween people. I argue that the evidence of hybridforms of existenceas expressedthrough material culturerepresent different forms of equalitythat were experienced across the island in the Archaic period. -
Urban Planning in the Greek Colonies in Sicily and Magna Graecia
Urban Planning in the Greek Colonies in Sicily and Magna Graecia (8th – 6th centuries BCE) An honors thesis for the Department of Classics Olivia E. Hayden Tufts University, 2013 Abstract: Although ancient Greeks were traversing the western Mediterranean as early as the Mycenaean Period, the end of the “Dark Age” saw a surge of Greek colonial activity throughout the Mediterranean. Contemporary cities of the Greek homeland were in the process of growing from small, irregularly planned settlements into organized urban spaces. By contrast, the colonies founded overseas in the 8th and 6th centuries BCE lacked any pre-existing structures or spatial organization, allowing the inhabitants to closely approximate their conceptual ideals. For this reason the Greek colonies in Sicily and Magna Graecia, known for their extensive use of gridded urban planning, exemplified the overarching trajectory of urban planning in this period. Over the course of the 8th to 6th centuries BCE the Greek cities in Sicily and Magna Graecia developed many common features, including the zoning of domestic, religious, and political space and the implementation of a gridded street plan in the domestic sector. Each city, however, had its own peculiarities and experimental design elements. I will argue that the interplay between standardization and idiosyncrasy in each city developed as a result of vying for recognition within this tight-knit network of affluent Sicilian and South Italian cities. This competition both stimulated the widespread adoption of popular ideas and encouraged the continuous initiation of new trends. ii Table of Contents: Abstract. …………………….………………………………………………………………….... ii Table of Contents …………………………………….………………………………….…….... iii 1. Introduction …………………………………………………………………………..……….. 1 2. -
Oikos and Economy: the Greek Legacy in Economic Thought
Oikos and Economy: The Greek Legacy in Economic Thought GREGORY CAMERON In the study of the history of economic thought, there has been a tendency to take the meaning of the term “economics” for granted. As a consequence, when considering economic thought in ancient Greece, we turn to what the Greeks said about wealth, about money or about interest. This seems relatively straightforward. Problems emerge when we consider that the term “economics” had a different meaning in ancient Greece than it does today. As a rule, we project back onto history what we mean by “economics” and more or less ignore what it meant during the period in question. On one level, there is nothing wrong with this way of proceeding; after all we have no choice, ultimately, but to study the past with the concepts that are at our disposal. But the procedure can have certain drawbacks. The tendency of positive investigations is that they risk overlooking the kinds of transformations that give rise to our own concerns and even what is essential to our own thought and assumptions. The term “economics” has a long and varied history; the following is a brief attempt to turn things on their head and consider the history of economics not from the perspective of the modern notion of economics, but from the perspective of its ancient Greek ancestor and to begin to indicate the non-obvious ways in which the Greek legacy continues to inform even our most recent economies. As such, while brief mention is made of some modern economic historians, the primary focus is on the meaning of PhaenEx 3, no. -
William Greenwalt
WILLIAM STEVEN GREENWALT DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS, SANTA CLARA UNIVERSITY SANTA CLARA, CA. 95053 Education Ph.D. Ancient Greek and Roman History, University of Virginia, May 1985 M.A. Ancient Greek and Roman History, University of Virginia, August 1978 B.A. History and English with High Distinction, University of Virginia, May 1975 Dissertation The Development of Royal Authority in Argead Macedonia Academic Honors, Awards and Distinctions Profiled as a Macedonian Scholar of note in Volume One of the journal, Karanos. Member, the Scott R. Jacobs Fund: endowing graduate students and junior faculty for the study of Alexander the Great and his ancient legacy (2010-). Chair, Department of Classics (2013-14). Director of the Honors Program, Lead Scholars Program and the Office of Fellowships, (2008-12). Chair, Department of Classics, 2000-2006. Teaching Award for Summer Excellence, 2005. Durham Summer Program Professor, 2004. University of California at Berkeley, Visiting Professor, 2004. Faculty Director, Alpha Learning Community, 2003-2006. College of Arts and Sciences Special Recognition Award for Energy, Vision, and Leadership in Pioneering Residential Learning Communities, 2002. College of Arts and Sciences Tenure Committee for the Arts and Humanities. Chair, 2003-2004; Committee Member, 2001-04. Brutocao Award for Teaching Excellence, 2001-2002. Promoted to Full Professor, 2001. Chair, Session III (“The Thracian Kings”), Eighth International Congress of Thracian Studies, Sophia, Bulgaria, 2000. Faculty Founder and Director, Communitas Learning Community, 1999-2003. College of Arts and Sciences David E. Logothetti Teaching Award, 1998-1999. College of Arts and Sciences Tenure Committee for the Arts and Humanities Chair, 1995-1996; Committee Member, 1993-1996. -
Female Property Ownership and Status in Classical and Hellenistic Sparta
Female Property Ownership and Status in Classical and Hellenistic Sparta Stephen Hodkinson University of Manchester 1. Introduction The image of the liberated Spartiate woman, exempt from (at least some of) the social and behavioral controls which circumscribed the lives of her counterparts in other Greek poleis, has excited or horrified the imagination of commentators both ancient and modern.1 This image of liberation has sometimes carried with it the idea that women in Sparta exercised an unaccustomed influence over both domestic and political affairs.2 The source of that influence is ascribed by certain ancient writers, such as Euripides (Andromache 147-53, 211) and Aristotle (Politics 1269b12-1270a34), to female control over significant amounts of property. The male-centered perspectives of ancient writers, along with the well-known phenomenon of the “Spartan mirage” (the compound of distorted reality and sheer imaginative fiction regarding the character of Spartan society which is reflected in our overwhelmingly non-Spartan sources) mean that we must treat ancient images of women with caution. Nevertheless, ancient perceptions of their position as significant holders of property have been affirmed in recent modern studies.3 The issue at the heart of my paper is to what extent female property-holding really did translate into enhanced status and influence. In Sections 2-4 of this paper I shall approach this question from three main angles. What was the status of female possession of property, and what power did women have directly to manage and make use of their property? What impact did actual or potential ownership of property by Spartiate women have upon their status and influence? And what role did female property-ownership and status, as a collective phenomenon, play within the crisis of Spartiate society? First, however, in view of the inter-disciplinary audience of this volume, it is necessary to a give a brief outline of the historical context of my discussion. -
The Trial of the Arginousai Generals and the Dawn of «Judicial Review»
Edwin Carawan THE TRIAL OF THE ARGINOUSAI GENERALS AND THE DAWN OF «JUDICIAL REVIEW» After the victory at Arginousai in 406 BC the Athenian generals were accused of «betrayal» and condemned without trial, by a decree that the Athenians later repudiated as «unlawful» 1. What precisely made the proceedings paranomon is hard to define: What is the nomos that was violated? There was no constitutional document prescribing what we would call «due process», no general statute that expressly guaranteed to each citizen the right to trial by a properly constituted jury. And, as Xenophon describes it, the process was not altogether arbitrary. The assembly debated the matter at length and the defen- dants made a brief statement, presented witnesses, and nearly per- suaded the people to leave them free on bond. But as it was nearly dark and impossible to count hands in a close vote, it was decided that the council should draft a measure defining «the manner in which the men should be judged». One of the councilmen, Kallixenos, in- troduced a decree for the assembled demos to judge the defendants summarily and en masse: «… let the Athenians all decide, tribe by 1 Plato, Apologia, 32b: strathgoÝj toÝj oÙk ¢nelomšnouj toÝj ™k tÁj naumac…aj ™bouleÚsasqe ¡qrÒouj kr…nein, paranÒmwj, æj ™n tù ØstšrJ crÒnJ p©sin Øm‹n œdoxen. Cf. Xenophon, Hell. 1.7.25: … toÚtouj ¢pollÚntej ¢kr…touj par¦ tÕn nÒmon. Andrewes (1974) concludes from Diodoros (13.100-103) that it was the generals who began the recrimination. Nemeth (1984) gives a useful summary of prosopography; five of those condemned were associated with Alkibiades, a group on the ascendant, while Theramenes in eclipse had every reason to discredit them. -
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Ebook Download Greek Art 1St Edition
GREEK ART 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Nigel Spivey | 9780714833682 | | | | | Greek Art 1st edition PDF Book No Date pp. Fresco of an ancient Macedonian soldier thorakitai wearing chainmail armor and bearing a thureos shield, 3rd century BC. This work is a splendid survey of all the significant artistic monuments of the Greek world that have come down to us. They sometimes had a second story, but very rarely basements. Inscription to ffep, else clean and bright, inside and out. The Erechtheum , next to the Parthenon, however, is Ionic. Well into the 19th century, the classical tradition derived from Greece dominated the art of the western world. The Moschophoros or calf-bearer, c. Red-figure vases slowly replaced the black-figure style. Some of the best surviving Hellenistic buildings, such as the Library of Celsus , can be seen in Turkey , at cities such as Ephesus and Pergamum. The Distaff Side: Representing…. Chryselephantine Statuary in the Ancient Mediterranean World. The Greeks were quick to challenge Publishers, New York He and other potters around his time began to introduce very stylised silhouette figures of humans and animals, especially horses. Add to Basket Used Hardcover Condition: g to vg. The paint was frequently limited to parts depicting clothing, hair, and so on, with the skin left in the natural color of the stone or bronze, but it could also cover sculptures in their totality; female skin in marble tended to be uncoloured, while male skin might be a light brown. After about BC, figures, such as these, both male and female, wore the so-called archaic smile. -
This Is the Social and Religious Background Against Which The
BOOK REVIEWS 183 This is the social and religious background against which the accusation of ‘ac knowledging new deities’, brought against Socrates in 399 B.C., makes its appear ance. As Ρ. has shown, this accusation as such cannot be regarded as sufficient justifi cation for the trial. In spite of the general negative attitude on the part of the state, individuals did in practice ‘introduce new gods’ with some freedom, and by no means every case of such unauthorized religious innovation was prosecuted by the state. Socrates’ prosecution for kainotheism was in fact ‘only a counterpoise to that other and much more damning one of “not acknowledging the gods the city believes in.” And it was as a priestess in what we have called an “elective” cult, a “leader of lawless revel-bands of men and women”, that Phryne was attacked’ (pp. 216-17). That is to say, it was above all what was grasped by the Athenians as the antisocial character of the religious activities of Socrates and Phryne rather than the issue of ‘theological orthodoxy’ as such that brought both to trial. To be sure, the phenomenon which Ρ. calls ‘the totalitarian side of the classical city and its religion’ (p. 50) (‘communitarian’ seems to be a better term) was not a fifth-century Athenian invention. It can be discerned already in the legislative activi ties of Solon, and it was far from unfamiliar to other city-states of Archaic and Classi cal Greece. Yet, as Ρ. himself puts it, ‘The great attraction of studying the religion of classical Athens is not so much that it is either Athenian or classical a? that it can indeed be studied, in some detail’ (p. -
Socrates and Democratic Athens: the Story of the Trial in Its Historical and Legal Contexts
Princeton/Stanford Working Papers in Classics Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. Version 1.0 July 2006 Josiah Ober Princeton University Abstract: Socrates was both a loyal citizen (by his own lights) and a critic of the democratic community’s way of doing things. This led to a crisis in 339 B.C. In order to understand Socrates’ and the Athenian community’s actions (as reported by Plato and Xenophon) it is necessary to understand the historical and legal contexts, the democratic state’s commitment to the notion that citizens are resonsible for the effects of their actions, and Socrates’ reasons for preferring to live in Athens rather than in states that might (by his lights) have had substantively better legal systems. Written for the Cambridge Companion to Socrates. © Josiah Ober. [email protected] Socrates and democratic Athens: The story of the trial in its historical and legal contexts. (for Cambridge Companion to Socrates) Josiah Ober, Princeton University Draft of August 2004 In 399 B.C. the Athenian citizen Socrates, son of Sophroniscus of the deme (township) Alopece, was tried by an Athenian court on the charge of impiety (asebeia). He was found guilty by a narrow majority of the empanelled judges and executed in the public prison a few days later. The trial and execution constitute the best documented events in Socrates’ life and a defining moment in the relationship between Greek philosophy and Athenian democracy. Ever since, philosophers and historians have sought to -
Agricultural Practices in Ancient Macedonia from the Neolithic to the Roman Period
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by International Hellenic University: IHU Open Access Repository Agricultural practices in ancient Macedonia from the Neolithic to the Roman period Evangelos Kamanatzis SCHOOL OF HUMANITIES A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) in Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Studies January 2018 Thessaloniki – Greece Student Name: Evangelos Kamanatzis SID: 2201150001 Supervisor: Prof. Manolis Manoledakis I hereby declare that the work submitted is mine and that where I have made use of another’s work, I have attributed the source(s) according to the Regulations set in the Student’s Handbook. January 2018 Thessaloniki - Greece Abstract This dissertation was written as part of the MA in Black Sea and Eastern Mediterranean Studies at the International Hellenic University. The aim of this dissertation is to collect as much information as possible on agricultural practices in Macedonia from prehistory to Roman times and examine them within their social and cultural context. Chapter 1 will offer a general introduction to the aims and methodology of this thesis. This chapter will also provide information on the geography, climate and natural resources of ancient Macedonia from prehistoric times. We will them continue with a concise social and cultural history of Macedonia from prehistory to the Roman conquest. This is important in order to achieve a good understanding of all these social and cultural processes that are directly or indirectly related with the exploitation of land and agriculture in Macedonia through time. In chapter 2, we are going to look briefly into the origins of agriculture in Macedonia and then explore the most important types of agricultural products (i.e. -
Copyrighted Material
9781405129992_6_ind.qxd 16/06/2009 12:11 Page 203 Index Acanthus, 130 Aetolian League, 162, 163, 166, Acarnanians, 137 178, 179 Achaea/Achaean(s), 31–2, 79, 123, Agamemnon, 51 160, 177 Agasicles (king of Sparta), 95 Achaean League: Agis IV and, agathoergoi, 174 166; as ally of Rome, 178–9; Age grades: see names of individual Cleomenes III and, 175; invasion grades of Laconia by, 177; Nabis and, Agesilaus (ephor), 166 178; as protector of perioecic Agesilaus II (king of Sparta), cities, 179; Sparta’s membership 135–47; at battle of Mantinea in, 15, 111, 179, 181–2 (362 B.C.E.), 146; campaign of, in Achaean War, 182 Asia Minor, 132–3, 136; capture acropolis, 130, 187–8, 192, 193, of Phlius by, 138; citizen training 194; see also Athena Chalcioecus, system and, 135; conspiracies sanctuary of after battle of Leuctra and, 144–5, Acrotatus (king of Sparta), 163, 158; conspiracy of Cinadon 164 and, 135–6; death of, 147; Acrotatus, 161 Epaminondas and, 142–3; Actium, battle of, 184 execution of women by, 168; Aegaleus, Mount, 65 foreign policy of, 132, 139–40, Aegiae (Laconian), 91 146–7; gift of, 101; helots and, Aegimius, 22 84; in Boeotia, 141; in Thessaly, Aegina (island)/Aeginetans: Delian 136; influence of, at Sparta, 142; League and,COPYRIGHTED 117; Lysander and, lameness MATERIAL of, 135; lance of, 189; 127, 129; pro-Persian party on, Life of, by Plutarch, 17; Lysander 59, 60; refugees from, 89 and, 12, 132–3; as mercenary, Aegospotami, battle of, 128, 130 146, 147; Phoebidas affair and, Aeimnestos, 69 102, 139; Spartan politics and, Aeolians,