sign in sign up
<<
Home , George Spalatin, Johann von Staupitz, Luther (play), Martin Luther, Reformation

1

Luther’s : From Humble Beginnings to Widespread

Dr. Paul Kreiss, Professor Emeritus, Concordia Chicago1

Martin (1483-1546) is best known as the face of the Reformation, a movement that found its origins in the scholarship of the and the growing malpractices of the

Catholic . Through his act of posting the 95 Theses on , 1517, Luther called for a in Church policies and a return to the true teachings of God’s Word that had been buried and lost under centuries of Church traditions. His disaffected writings set the European continent ablaze, turning one monk’s call for debate into centuries of church separations, violence, and rebellions. If Luther alone stood for what he believed in against the

Church, the Reformation would have surely failed. The Reformation was not the result of one brave man’s radical writings, but the culmination of decades of biblical scholarship across

France and .

Johann Von Staupitz’s Influence in Luther’s Meteoric Ascent

Before Luther ever thought of posting the 95 Theses, his life was remarkably influenced by his spiritual father, , a vicar of the regional Augustinian Order, prior of the convent, and of Augustinian monasteries in a large area of southern

Germany. A great spiritual leader, Von Staupitz guided Luther through his anxious guilt and depression. Luther believed he was unable to satisfy the demands of a righteous and sovereign

God to whom he had dedicated his whole life. Despite his unrelenting zeal in carrying out his duties as a monk and giving God his total devotion, he could not find in his efforts to

1 Emeritus Professor Dr. Paul Kreiss, inspired by the 500th anniversary of the Reformation, labored on this essay while in his 90s. He and his are particularly grateful for CUC graduate Jason Kohm’s extensive editing which enabled it to come to fruition. 2 please such a perfect God due to his extreme sensitivity and consciousness of his own . He felt continually rejected by the Creator despite his and confessions. However, Von Staupitz exercised endless patience and empathy for this gifted young man who nearly tortured himself to death in his devoted service—he was barely skin and bones due to . The prior tried to assure Luther that went to the cross and laid down His life not only for him, but for the whole world, yet Luther could only see himself as the victim of an unloving God.

As with Saul of Tarsus who later became the Apostle Paul, God had mercy on this tormented . Von Staupitz recognized the endless energy and gifts in this driven young man and decided to take a tremendous risk: he called Luther to take over his post as professor of at . He wanted to take Luther’s boundless efforts spent on self- deprecation and channel it into teaching and lecturing students in the study of the . Luther initially resisted the offer because he felt unqualified and feared losing his close relationship with his best friend and mentor. Von Staupitz hoped, however, that Luther would find a deeper insight into God’s mysteries and proclamations by teaching the Bible to students instead of merely studying it for his own edification and wisdom. Although this gesture seemed magnanimous and risky, it was quite logical for Von Staupitz, who had become vicar for an even larger portion of the Augustinian Order and needed relief from some of his other responsibilities.

It was customary for institutions like Wittenberg University to begin the school year with the study of the book of , since it was so widely used in the daily meditations of a monastery’s liturgy of house prayers. After the Psalms followed the study of St. Paul’s epistles like Romans, Galatians, Ephesians Hebrews, etc. Von Staupitz most likely speculated that in this new teaching position, the gifted and restless professor would be exposed to God’s grace in 3

Christ, giving the the opportunity to open Luther’s heart and mind to the good news so frequently presented in the Psalms and epistles.

Luther, alongside his positions as professor at Wittenberg and prior of his own monastery, was asked to oversee the priories of 11 additional Augustinian monasteries in order to visit their operations, evaluate their function, and foster their betterment. In an excerpt from a letter to his friend John Lang, a prior of the in , he indicated the extent of his status as a leader in and around the territory of Lower almost one year before the posting of the 95 Theses. He humorously writes in 1516:

Greetings! I nearly need two copyists or secretaries. All day long I do almost nothing else

than write letter; therefore I am sometimes not aware of, whether or not, I constantly

repeat myself, but you see. I am a preacher at the monastery, I am a reader during

mealtimes, I am asked daily to preach in the city church, I have to supervise the study [of

novices and ], I am a vicar (and that means I am eleven times prior), I am caretaker

of the fish [pond] at Leitzkau, I represent the people of Herzberg at the court in , I

lectured on Paul, and I am assembling [material for] a commentary on the Psalms. As I

have mentioned, the greater part of my time is filled with the job of letter writing. I

hardly have any uninterrupted time to say the Hourly Prayers and celebrate [].

Besides all this there are my own struggles with the flesh, the world, and the devil. See

what a lazy man I am!2

What a tremendous amount of work and success for this thirty-three-year-old monk from a quite ordinary and rather poor family! Luther’s many accomplishments, initiated by Von Staupitz,

2 , “To John Lang,” Oct. 26, 1516, Luther’s Works, Vol. 48, Letters 1, (Fortress Press, Philadelphia, 1963), 27-28. 4 began to restore his family’s good name and earn the respect of his father, who originally was incredibly disappointed in Luther’s abandonment of law school for a clerical career.

With this new professorship, Luther was expected to uphold the truth of Holy Scripture in his lecturing on doctrine and . He took this obligation very seriously as he began to teach the book of Psalms in his first year at Wittenberg University. Unfortunately, he initially interpreted the Law in the Psalms too literally with very little to accompany the passages. It was not until his second time teaching Psalms (after having been through Paul’s epistles) that he discovered how much of the New Testament Gospel was already hidden within them. This uncovered a new enlightened and balanced spiritual connection across both

Testaments for the professor. Luther soon found his own road to Damascus in Wittenberg and experienced his own conversion from Saul to Paul by leading students into God’s powerful

Word. Von Staupitz had successfully led and equipped his protégé to carry out the plan for which God had destined him.

Lefevre d’Etables’ Writings Instruct and Inspire Luther

Luther’s perspective on Scripture began to change as he read the writings of Lefevre d’Etaples (1460-1536), the earliest and most prominent reformer in early French literature. D’Etaples graduated from the University of Paris, published a textbook about

Aristotle’s metaphysics, and taught philosophy and liberal arts at the College of Cardinal

Lemoine. As all humanists did, he rediscovered great works of antiquity, but as a devout

Christian he took special interest in biblical . A few years later, like Luther, he became a very popular teacher and lecturer who influenced many students until his retirement in 1508.

They later embraced his Quincuplex Psalterium (1509), which rejected the medieval exegesis— literal, allegorical, topological, and analogical interpretations of the Psalms—in favor of the 5 literal supplanted with spiritual meaning grounded in the direct prophetic mystery of Christ. I am inclined to James Samuel Preus’ study in his book From Shadow to Promise:

Interpretation from Augustine to the Young Luther, which explains how d’Etables, in his preface to the Quincuplex Psalterium, entertained a different view of “literal” in the Psalms than what had been previously accepted. Preus states, “the proper literal sense of Scripture is that which corresponds to the intention of the prophet (of the Old Testament) and the sense of the Holy

Spirit speaking in him…there is no treatment of the grammatical issue, no direct dealing with the four senses—except the assertion that his own ‘literal sense’ is not what others called allegory or tropology or analogy.”3 In other words, a “literal sense” has no sole grammatical foundation of interpretation, but goes beyond to a “spiritual” one inspired by the Holy Spirit. As the Apostle

Paul says in 2 Corinthians: “For the letter kills, but the Spirit gives life.”4 D’Etables concluded that the true meaning of the Psalms cannot be understood correctly or adequately without the promise of the New Testament. If the Law, the “literal sense,” had been sufficient for salvation,

Christ’s death would have been unnecessary. Thus in Psalms, David is more of a prophet in the

Christological sense than a mere product of literal history. Himself states that the Old

Testament prophesied about Him: “It is [the Scriptures] that bear witness about me.”5 If the Old

Testament is read in light of the New, the Psalms become messianic with a new spiritual meaning lodged in the direct prophetic mystery of Christ.

In this sense, d’Etables was a step ahead of the Reformation. When Luther began to lecture on the Psalms in 1513, he benefited greatly from d’Etables’ insight. With the new approach of bridging the Old and New Testaments, the Psalms read differently. The harshness of

3 James Samuel Preus, From Shadow to Promise: Old Testament Interpretation from Augustine to the Young Luther, (Belknap Press, 1969), 137-139. 4 2 Corinthians 3:6 ESV. 5 John 5:39 ESV. 6 the Law exposing man’s inadequacy was tempered by the grace of God. For instance, a psalm of , Psalm 32, reads: “Blessed is the one whose transgression is forgiven, whose sin is covered. Blessed is the man against whom counts no iniquity, and in whose spirit there is no deceit.”6 In the context of Christ’s crucifixion, this verse shifts from a lament of insufficiency to a delight in grace. D’Etables’ perspective gradually freed Luther from the medieval, literal method of interpretations and allowed him to find meaning not in his own , but in the salvation earned by Christ on the cross for mankind. With Lefevre d’Etables help, Luther came to know God as a God of mercy who imparts the righteousness of

Christ to sinners who put their trust in Him.

As more time passed after Constantine’s council of Nicaea in 325, the Church gradually lost more contact with the Word of God due to the decreased accessibility of manuscripts.

This made the church vulnerable to human ideas, to tradition with no roots in God’s Word.

Through his avid study of scripture, Luther noticed that many practices without scriptural foundation had infiltrated common church practices to fill the void caused by the lack of access to God’s Word. had expanded tremendously throughout , which meant that resources and guidance for church leaders and their congregations were spread thin, causing the church to depend almost entirely upon oral transmission. Only a select few could read the

Scriptures for themselves—a striking contrast to today’s ease of accessibility. This resulted in a largely uneducated and allowed the historical turmoil of the Dark Ages to diminish the cross of Christ. As Luther plunged further into his study of the Bible, he began to see how much the Church had deviated from the core teachings of Scripture after the death of John, the last of the Apostles. In an effort to rediscover the heart of the Bible, Luther referenced all available

6 Psalm 32:1-2 ESV. 7 resources from the Church, including the writings of Augustine, , Chrysostome, , and Tauler. His primary theological source, however, was Lefevre d’Etables, who had embraced the Renaissance and published biblical commentaries freshly uncovering

Scripture’s original Greek and Hebrew texts. Lefevre was the most current authority on biblical commentary, especially the Psalms due to his Quincuplex Psalterium.

Although d’Etables was some 20 years older than Luther and had been significantly more acquainted with humanistic thought and the ancient languages, a surprising amount of congruence between the two gradually became evident. In Luther’s second year of teaching, he extensively referred to Quincuplex Psalterium. D’Etables later published a commentary on

Romans in 1512. Although this did not fall into Luther’s hands until 1515 or 1516, as with the

Psalms, d’Etables was Luther’s main exegetical guide for the first eight chapters of Romans, which discuss and righteousness through Christ. For the second half of Romans,

Luther turned to , the leading humanist by 1516 for his insight on language and style. In a letter to his great friend (the chaplain and private secretary of Frederick the

Wise) in January of 1518, Luther recommended him to read Erasmus and Lefevre as “two great princes of learning,” but later added, “Erasmus [is] by far the superior of the two, and he is a greater master of languages.”7 Although Erasmus was the clear expert on the ancient languages,

Luther questioned his theology much more than that of Lefevre. As such, Luther heavily relied on Lefevre’s spiritual insights for most of his time at Wittenberg.

The Conflict between Erasmus and Luther

Both d’Etables and Luther came to reject the writings of Erasmus, one of the greatest scholars of their generation. When Luther taught the book of Psalms for the first time to his

7 Luther, “To George Spalatin,” January 18, 1518, Luther’s Works, 55. 8 students in Wittenberg in 1512, he had Quincuplex Psalterium and d’Etables exegetical comments on hand. D’Etables rejected human and exalted the grace of God, aligning with what Luther discovered as well. Later that year, d’Etables studied Romans and concluded that

God’s Word was the source of all doctrine and had authority over it. Luther, who expounded on

Romans in 1516, agreed with his precursor that the Word was founded on Christ and the apostles. However, both scholars similarly questioned whether certain traditions in the Church should be upheld. They both interpreted “the righteous shall live by faith”8 to mean that man is justified by faith without any merits and works. What about sin’s continued existence in men?

They agreed that man was totally corrupt, which they may have accepted already from their study of Augustine, the founder of their order. They also stressed, like St. Paul, the necessity to have faith in the redemptive work of Christ in His death and resurrection. Additionally, they expected in the life of the believer, as the Apostle James explains in his epistle.

Interestingly, d’Etables believed in salvation by faith alone before Luther, who questioned it until he and Erasmus broke up their earlier spiritual cohabitation over the issue of man’s in 1525. D’Etables seemed to have this same conflict with Erasmus but had an earlier fallout with him, which Luther discovered and mentioned in a letter to Spalatin in October of 1516. In this same year Luther acquired Erasmus’ Greek New Testament with a version succeeding the

Vulgate as a source resulting in improving his own annotations. Luther had barely become acquainted with this linguistic work when he could already see that there was a lack of proper theology in Erasmus’ writings. Luther also noticed that while d’Etables never become a true theologian, he nevertheless had a better understanding in interpreting Scripture than Erasmus.9

8 :17 ESV. 9 Luther, “To George Spalatin,” October 19, 1516, Luther’s Works, 25-26. 9

After about a year of contact with Erasmus’ writings, Luther became aware that their thinking was so profoundly different that a collaboration between them was not possible.

Luther’s biggest issue with Erasmus was their different doctrinal positions. Luther explains his issues with Erasmus in a letter to his friend John Lang:

I am reading our Erasmus but daily I dislike him more and more. Nevertheless it pleases

me that he is constantly yet learnedly exposing and condemning the monks and for

their deep rooted and sleepy ignorance. I am afraid however, that he does not advance the

cause of Christ and the grace of God sufficiently; here he knows even less that

Stapulensis (Lefevre d’Etaples). Human things weigh more with him than the divine.

Although I pass judgment upon reluctantly, nevertheless I do it to warn you not to read

everything, or rather, not to accept it without scrutiny, for we live in perilous times...I see

that not everyone is a truly wise Christian just because he knows Greek and Hebrew...But

the discernment of one who attributes weight to man’s will is different from that of him

who knows of nothing else but grace. I definitely wish to keep this opinion a secret so

that I do not strengthen the conspiracy of his enemies. Perhaps the Lord will give him, in

His own good time, a true understanding.10

As they had both presented their works to the public eye, how could they both remain popular and avoid mutually destroying the other’s ideals? Not wanting to draw unnecessary attention to this conflict, Luther initially resolved to keep his reservations against Erasmus mostly to himself.

Despite Erasmus’ knowledge of the original Scriptural texts, Luther rejected him and primarily ascribed to Lefevre d’Etables for his more accurate understanding of Scriptural teachings.

The Sale of

10 Luther, “To John Lang,” March 1, 1517, Luther’s Works, vol. 48, Letters I, 40-41; emphasis mine. 10

As Luther continued to delve into God’s Word, one Church practice in particular stood out as a gleaming falsehood to Luther: the sale of indulgences. This practice dated back to the

11th century when it was necessary for the Church to raise considerable funds to launch the

Crusades for the Holy Land. Later on in 1300, Boniface VIII was extremely successful in giving a plenary closer to events at home to anyone who made a , especially one to .11 In 1343, the Unigenitus declared that indulgences could offer sinners based on the merits built up over the centuries by Christ’s death on the cross combined with the good works of the . Through the purchase of a certificate, a common man could reduce or eliminate time in . A greater profit was soon found in the sale of indulgences not for the self, but for loved ones who perhaps were still helpless and lingering in Purgatory. At first, Luther did not think that such sales were entirely immoral, so long as penance was still evident in the purchaser. In fact, his own prince and lord, Frederick the

Wise, used indulgences to benefit the local and foster his human endeavors, yet this was not the case across the European continent. Others sought to use indulgences for more selfish means.

Johann Tetzel, a Dominican preacher in a neighboring territory, was the most successful vendor of indulgences. In his book The Trial of Luther, Daniel Oliver describes a highlighting Tetzel’s grandiose method of selling these indulgences:

The solitary saw a vision. Banners shimmering in the sunlight, all the candlelight,

moving towards the indulgence preacher, voices singing the ancient canticles.

Children were there with their teachers on holidays. Men had deserted their workshops,

women had interrupted their housework to swell the ranks of the parade. They were

11 , The Life and Letters of Martin Luther, (Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007), 37. 11

followed by the city council, the burgomaster at the head, monks, and priests. The

precious scrolls, the objects of so much , were at the city gate, guarded by another

group of priests, treasurers, and secretaries, not to mention the men at arms. The let

out a full peal - then came the triumphant entry into the church, the thunder of the organ.

A scarlet cross was raised in the middle of the nave, adorned with streamers in papal

colors…”12

Equally radiant and deceptive, Tetzel certainly would have landed a brilliant career in advertisement in our 21st century! However, Luther despised these festivities surrounding the sale of indulgences. He suggested that special resources were wasted to make such events even more appealing. In a letter to Von Staupitz, he writes:

The new war trumpets of indulgences and the new bugles of pardon started the sound,

even the blast, but they failed to evoke in us any prompt zeal for the battle...so that no one

has never heard of a similar ‘glorification’ of poenitentia. Finally they taught impious,

false, and heretical things with so much authority-temerity, I wanted to say that if anyone

muttered anything in he was immediately a heretic destined for the stake and

guilty of eternal damnation.”13

In particular, Luther was irked by Prince Frederick’s collection of sacred relics. The prince’s astounding and ever-growing collection was to be publicly displayed in the Castle Church on All

Saints Day, November 1st, 1517.14 It was promised that “Those who viewed these relics on the designated day and made the stipulated contributions might receive from the pope indulgences for the reduction of purgatory either for themselves or others, to the extent of 1,902,202 years

12 Daniel Oliver, The Trial of Luther, (Mobrays, 1978), 6-7. 13 Luther, “To Johann Von Staupitz,” May 30, 1518, Luther’s Works, 68. 14 Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther, 7th ed., (Abingdon Press, 1960), 53. 12 and 270 days. These were the treasures made available on All Saints Day.”15 Because of these relics, Luther decided to post his theses on October 31, 1517, one day prior to the display.

Although the sale of indulgences sought to deal with man’s sin, it brought with it a cheapening of the Church’s doctrine of penance. Consequently, Luther warned against the money collected to view the prince’s sacred relics in three separate . He feared that people would expect to gain some kind of benefit from their purchase, like Tetzel had advocated for in neighboring jurisdictions. Luther could not remain silent with such questionable practices infiltrating the

Church and threatening the salvation of his parishioners.

The Reformation Begins

Luther believed that these tradition-based concepts of purgatory and indulgences ignored

Scripture and diminished Christ’s death on the cross as the full payment for all the of mankind. Luther was convinced that no merits by man were necessary to compensate for sin.

Only by a Spirit-led faith in the complete forgiveness of sins through Christ’s sacrifice could man be saved. Thus, Luther’s main goal in posting the 95 Theses was to inform his Wittenberg parishioners that Christ’s final cry of “It is finished”16 on the cross marked the atonement for mankind without exception. In response to this grace of God, Luther called believers to live a life of . This was the message that Luther wanted to communicate on All Saints’ Day in

1517. By the word “repentance,” he desired for his parishioners to not only sorrow over their sins, but to also have faith and trust in Jesus, who alone freed the world from the consequences of sin through His death and resurrection. The sale of indulgences, however, led the of man to misunderstand the gravity of sin since the gates of paradise could be unlocked with the

15 Ibid., 53. 16 John 19:30 ESV. 13 simple purchase of certificates. Luther adamantly wanted to dispel this belief and restore the sanctity of Christ’s death.

For the people of Wittenberg, the posting of the propositions was likely just another day in Luther’s , for he preached several sermons against indulgences and spoke on the topic to his students while studying Romans and Galatians in 1515 and 1516. Perhaps some parishioners remembered one of Luther’s earlier sermons against the sale of indulgences exactly one year prior to the posting of the Theses. To Luther, the Theses were simply the next step to creating a greater stir against the intolerable sale of indulgences. In fact, Luther preached so often about indulgences that some authors believe the posting is a legend that developed years later once artists tried to explain the Reformation in their inventive minds. It is even possible that Luther did not personally nail his 95 Theses to the church door; perhaps a layman felt compelled to emphasize his message. However, these ideas are highly unlikely to have occurred and generally not subscribed to by researchers of Luther, considering the document’s rapid circulation over a short period of time.

The Spread of the 95 Theses

Upon the dawn of 1518, just two months after posting the 95 Theses on the door of

Wittenberg’s Castle Church, Luther realized that his propositions were travelling like wildfire across all of Europe, especially within . The rising attention concerned Luther as the subsequent reaction of both the citizens and the could cause widespread turmoil.

Luther’s 95 Theses spread so quickly partly due to the efforts of John Grüenberg, the local Wittenberg printer. Multiple copies soon appeared in a variety of , such as

German or other languages more commonly spoken than Latin. Some copies had even been shortened into tracts highlighting certain parts of the theses. In response to an increasing demand 14 for this publication, Grüenberg and his printing shop began to disseminate the documents across

Lower Saxony, , , Turin, Lyon, and beyond. While printing and disseminating

Luther’s writings became a top priority for Grüenberg, the Theses’ spread was initially limited because printing was a complex process and relatively expensive. Additionally, most material was printed in Latin. However, once translated into German and French (with the help of

Marguerite de Navarre, the sister of King ), documents were quickly printed and circulated due to increasing demand. Soon the little town of Wittenberg had at least 10 printers bringing back Luther’s writings to their hometowns.

Luther’s work and ideas were further spread by his career as a Doctor of Theology and professor at Wittenberg University beginning in 1512. A brilliant lecturer and dynamic preacher,

Luther attracted students from many neighboring German provinces and nearby foreign countries. Documentation claims that his students actively spread the good news of Christ in the

5 years prior to the posting of the Theses in 1517. However, I am not inclined to believe that five years were enough for Luther to spread the news through foreign students returning to their respective countries after studying at Wittenberg. Regardless, Luther clearly gained influence through his position at this university. Daniel Olivier uncovers a letter written quite boastfully by the reformer to one of his former philosophy and theology professors concerning his influence:

“You know the ability of our doctors-Karlstadt, Armsdorf, Schurf, Dr. Wolfgang Feldkirchen.

They all share my ideas, as does the whole university, with the exception of the licentiate

Sebastian; The Prince (Frederick the Wise) and our are on our side. Other prelates and men of learning are saying that for the first time they feel that someone is speaking to them of

Christ and .”17 Luther’s fame and renown as a preacher who proclaimed the true

17 Oliver, The Trial, 20-21. 15 gospel preceded the Reformation, helping lay the groundwork for his reforms to spread once he posted his Theses.

French Humanists as Early Supporters of the Reformation

Luther was not alone in his ideas for the Church, for the prominent French humanists of his time supported his arguments. Already in the French distinctly differed from the humanism fostered by the , which most of Europe had subscribed to. flourished in and literature by reverting to ancient Greek and Roman practices that were characteristically secular and worldly. Meanwhile, the French stressed their interest in upholding moral and religious values from Judeo-. They were upset that the Vatican and upper levels of the Church hierarchy spread spiritual and moral decay through this Italian humanism. Because the French humanists were already engaged in an adversarial pre-reformation and reviving interest in the study of the Bible at the turn of the century, I place them as laying the groundwork for the spread of the Reformation.

French humanism thrived mainly among the nobility and educated bourgeois who used the new to voice their concerns about moral . Although this movement did not reach the majority of the uneducated peasants, France could use its sovereignty to control a large portion of the Church, enabling the country to support the burgeoning reformist movement. Thus French , through the common language of Latin, could communicate and influence other western countries like Italy, , Portugal, England, and especially Germany.

These French humanist writers include the aforementioned Christian humanist, Lefevre d’Etaples; the foremost poet of the 16th century, Clement Marot; and the talented sister of King

Francis I, Marguerite de Navaree. They are still listed today among impactful French authors from that time period because all three played a significant role in the early Reformation. 16

Reforms within the Church before the Reformation itself took root and began to spread in

France due to Lefevre’s efforts. In 1508, he was offered lodging and a pension at -Germain- des-Pres under the prior Briconnet. Briconnet went on to become the bishop of the large of Meaux northwest of Paris around 1515. Under Lefevre’s influence, Briconnet had already undertaken some reforms within the first year of his bishophood. The diocese of Meaux was the earliest and most receptive center of the French reformation movement. Later on in 1521,

Lefevre joined Briconnet to carry out further reforms, especially those concerning preaching and non-scriptural practices. Like Luther, Lefevre and Briconnet had no intention of starting a new church. However, it seemed that their preaching content was reaching the general public much more effectively than the old church practices which had been previously ingrained in the lives of the people.

Lefevre d’Etaples and Marot were both accused of being Lutherans as early as 1518. This title hardly bothered Lefevre, who had already published his Latin commentary on the Psalms, but Marot, a cultural figure and poet, found it more difficult to be labeled as such. As previously mentioned, Marot was a gifted poet of the Renaissance period but had surprisingly embraced the study of the New Testament and salvation from a young age. He was often present in gatherings of known reformers like Guillaume Farel. Marot was irritated by the University of Paris accusing him of being a Lutheran and a heretic because people hardly understood what “Lutheran” meant in the early days of the Reformation. In 1520 and 1521, the label was immediately placed upon any person who questioned any value or practice of the church. One could argue the label

“Lutheran” was not clear until the of in 1530, when the princes of Germany stood 17 up as followers of Luther pronouncing their Augsburg . Regardless, Marot expressed his rejection of this title through the following poem:18

Lutheran they called me

May truth get its due. I am not.

Luther did not descend from heaven for me

Luther was not suspended on a cross for my sins

And let it be known to all, I am not baptized in his name

Baptized I am in the One whose name rings so well

That at the sound of His, the Father eternal gives

What one asks: the only name under heaven

In whom and through whom this sinful world

Can be saved…19

Some scholars accept Marot’s words “I am not” as genuine, but others see it as neither a denial nor an affirmation. I assert that Marot’s doctrine is not Lutheran, but rather a reaffirmation of the spiritual foundation of his faith: “There is no other name under heaven given among men by which we must be saved.”20

Both d’Etables and Marot had to run for their lives to escape arrest and trial, but luckily

King Francis I’s sister, Marguerite de Navarre, offered them refuge in her castle in Nerac. The

18 Marot’s poem is quite similar to (and possibly even inspired by) what the Apostle Paul says in 1 Corinthians 1:10-13 to a church divided by factions: “I appeal to you, brothers, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, that all of you agree, and that there be no divisions among you, but that you be united in the same mind and the same judgment. For it has been reported to me by Chloe's people that there is quarreling among you, my brothers. What I mean is that each one of you says, ‘I follow Paul,’ or ‘I follow ,’ or ‘I follow Cephas,’ or ‘I follow Christ.’ Is Christ divided? Was Paul crucified for you? Or were you baptized in the name of Paul?” (ESV). 19 Earle, Alice Morse. “The Sabbath in Puritan New England.” The Reformed Reader, 1891, www.reformedreader.org/puritans/sabbath.puritan.newengland/sabbath.puritan.newengland.chapter14.htm. 20 Acts 4:12 ESV. 18

Italian Curia, which grudgingly bowed to the French King in matters of authority, could not reach these runaways under de Navarre’s protection.

Reactions to the Reformation

Returning to Luther, he was dumbfounded over the stir his theses caused in Rome. He expected some local reaction to challenge his position, particularly from another order like the

Dominicans, who were peddling the sale of indulgences right next door to Frederick’s Saxony.

He also expected objections from the nearby University of , which aligned itself closely to church traditions and envied the young Wittenberg University’s high enrollment and recent growth. However, his writing did not remain on the petty academic level as he intended—it had escalated and spread into far and wide on a serious scale.

Luther did not realize that his “propositions” would be interpreted as a direct challenge to the Church, the highest and mightiest institution on Earth at the time. He was now stuck in an inevitable battle against not one tradition, but all matters of traditional doctrine like purgatory, , , mass, and the intercession of saints. Ultimately, the question

Luther unintentionally presented was this: Who holds the highest authority on church doctrine—

Scripture, or the papal hierarchy?

Despite hearing some encouraging news of approval and commendation, Luther grew terribly worried over the outcome of his propositions which now flooded . He was especially worried over its large number: 95. For this , he originally contemplated calling his Theses the 95 Propositions, a word that calls for mere discussion and debate. Luther only hoped to start a lively academic discussion that would perhaps coax higher Church authority to act on this serious matter. He reasoned that around 100 favorable points behind an argument would prove a great challenge for anyone to offer a rebuttal to because they would have to reply 19 with at least 115 counterpoints! Tetzel and Sylvester Prierias (the father confessor of and papal censor of publications) indeed tried to silence Luther with 115 retorts, but had limited success,21 causing them to eventually charge Luther with attacking the authority of the Holy

See.22

Luther’s were met with widespread opposition: Frederick’s citizens were unhappy with the inconvenience of travelling to another town to buy indulgences, Frederick himself was angered by the increased difficulty to raise money for the small territory he controlled, and Luther’s spiritual superiors from the Vatican were especially enraged by the efforts of this “good doer” to jeopardize the building of their new church. Of course the leaders of the church knew that the Bible said nothing about the sale of indulgences, but how could they give in on one tradition without undermining all of them? Thus, they concluded that the only possible solution would be an unconditional recant from Luther. Frederick the Wise suddenly had his hands full with this popular, young, idealistic professor who certainly put his

Lower Saxony on the map, but clearly had a limited understanding of how the practical world worked. Frederick found himself caught in the middle of admiring Luther’s courage and fearing the Church’s mighty power.

In Luther’s day before the Reformation, the Church exercised complete control over the daily lives of people, from education to healthcare to lodging. The Church also had great power and many assets as the owner of approximately one-third of all available European land. The

Church even had the closest access to an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and spirituality through the booth. Social life was centered in the Church through weekly gatherings and

21 Bainton, Here I Stand, 68. 22 Luther, “To George Spalatin,” August 8, 1518, Luther’s Works, 72. 20 holidays. In times of plague, war, catastrophe, and death (which there was plenty of), the Church was there to serve the people. In this context, where could anyone find an equal power to enforce the corrections to the Church Luther sought to make?

Luther Seeks Help

Around six months after the posting of the theses, John Tetzel and Sylvester Prierias reopened a two-century-old debate over who possessed the final authority over doctrine in the

Church—the pope as the vicar of Christ, or the council of cardinals, , and Church leaders or Scripture? Luther, having accidentally sparked the debate, was faced with the challenge to appease the argument. How could a monk from an obscure university in the dark forests of

Germany bring such a controversial case before the pope of the universal Church? He would have no chance of success unless he gained support from someone higher up in the Church’s hierarchy in Rome.

Beyond the door of the Castle Church, Luther attempted to ask his , Albrecht, for support in this matter by sending him a copy of the 95 Theses along with a letter explaining his motives for writing them. Luther believed that his superior as a Church leader would certainly understand his predicament and empathize with the spiritual danger presented by the sale of indulgences. In his letter, Luther tried his best to ease the archbishop’s displeasure while remaining firm in his priestly call to save the of unrepentant sinners that believed money could erase the consequences of their sins. Luther was bold enough to even request a halt in indulgence traffic. He writes:

Grace and mercy from God and my complete devotion

Most Reverend Father in Christ, Most Illustrious Sovereign: 21

Forgive me that I, the least of all men, have the temerity to consider writing to

Your Highness. The Lord Jesus is my witness that I have long hesitate doing this on account of my insignificance and unworthiness of which I am well aware. I do not impudently, and I am motivated solely by the obligation of my loyalty, which I know I owe you, Most Reverend Father in Christ. May Your Highness therefore deign to glance at what is but a grain of dust and, for the sake of your episcopal kindness, listen to my request.

Under your most distinguished name, papal indulgences are offered all across the land for the construction of St. Peter. Now, I do not so much complain about the quacking of the preachers, which I haven’t heard, but I bewail the gross misunderstanding among the people...Evidently the poor souls believe that when they bought indulgence letters they are assured of their salvation. They are likewise convinced that souls escape from purgatory as soon as they have placed a contribution in the chest.

Further, they assume that the grace obtained through these indulgences is so completely effective that there is no sin of such magnitude that it cannot be forgiven - even if someone should rape the Mother of God, were it possible…

O Great God! The souls committed to your care, excellent Father are thus directed to death… Therefore I can no longer be silent on this subject. No man can be assured of his salvation by any episcopal function… After all, the indulgences contribute absolutely nothing to the salvation… They only compensate for the external punishment which- on the basis of - once used to be imposed.

Works of piety and love are infinitely better than indulgences; and yet [the indulgence preachers] do not preach them with an equally big display and effort...The 22

first and only duty of the bishops, however, is to see that the people learn the gospel and

the For on no occasion has Christ ordered that indulgences should be

preached, but he forcefully commanded the gospel to be preached...one of the principal

graces [bestowed through indulgences] is that inestimable gift of God by which man is

reconciled with God and by which all the punishments of purgatory are blotted out…

Contrition is not necessary on the part of those who buy off their souls…

What can I do, excellent Bishop and Most Illustrious Sovereign? I can only beg

you, Most Reverend Father, through the Lord Jesus Christ, to deign to give this matter

your fatherly attention...and command the preachers of indulgences to preach in another

way. If this is not done, someone may rise and, by means of publications, silence these

preachers…

I beg Your Most Illustrious Grace to accept this faithful service of my humble

self... just as I am rendering it with a most honest heart, and in absolute loyalty to you,

Most Reverend Father. For I too, am a part of your flock. May the Lord Jesus protect

you, Most Reverend Father forever. Amen.23

Luther clearly did not wish to start a massive confrontation with the Church over the sale of indulgences; he merely wanted a change in the process of their distribution so that the people’s would be clear of wanting to earn their way to heaven. However, Luther did attempt to show the archbishop the power the printing press had to distribute information like the 95

Theses. Luther proceeded to exercise this insight by publishing his “ on Indulgence and

Grace” in March of 1518, advising people to spend their money on charitable causes instead of trying to buy their own way to heaven. Unfortunately, since the 24-year-old Albrecht presided as

23 Luther, “To Archbishop Albrecht,” October 31, 1517, Luther’s Works, 45-49. 23 bishop in three , he was residing in another estate at the time Luther sent his letter. In order to gain so many offices and be an underage archbishop, Albrecht had borrowed huge sums of money from the Fugger bankers in Augsburg. He was charged with horrid interest rates and sought to pay off that debt through the sale of indulgences. Despite his best efforts, Luther could not convince Albrecht to stand with him against the sale of indulgences due to the archbishop’s selfish greed for money.

His old mentor Von Staupitz, if so inclined, had the opportunity to help Luther with permission from Luther’s bishop Jerome Sculteus of , the ecclesiastical superior of the University of Wittenberg. After some difficulty, Jerome granted this permission. Luther launched his appeal in Explanations of the Theses Concerning the Value of Indulgences with the hope that Von Staupitz would propel the document through the Church.24 In this appeal to Pope

Leo X, Luther seemed convinced that he would agree that the sale of indulgences deviated from

Church doctrine on penitence. Luther refuted the claim that he violated papal authority with his

Theses because he merely believed that the papal authority had to be in alignment with Holy

Scripture. However, just like Archbishop Albrecht refused to assist him, Luther’s plea was also rejected by Pope Leo X.

About a year after the meteoric spread of the 95 Theses, Luther deeply regretted that what he hoped would spark academic discussion in little Saxony now appeared to be an attack against the Church. To avoid casting a broader shadow over the Church, he was willing to gloss over many of the other traditions which had developed since the apostolic days to avoid killing all hope of finding common ground with the Church. He wanted to deal exclusively with the sale of indulgences which threatened the faith and salvation of parishioners who sometimes

24 Luther, “To Johann Von Staupitz” May 30, 1518, Luther’s Works, 64-65. 24 came unrepentant, arrogantly waving certificates granting releases for the time of their stay in purgatory. On one hand, Luther could not give in on a reform of the sale of indulgences without a clear teaching that money cannot buy an individual’s salvation. On the other hand, the Church would not accept any kind of a solution which would stop the sale of indulgences because it would be an admission that she had erred in either her doctrine or her practice. This would then expose the Church as a fallible institution, opening an entirely different can of worms. Thus, the

Papal Legate Cardinal Cajetan demanded that Luther give a full recant of all the 95 Theses to avoid having the Church lose face before the world. Before we examine Luther’s hearing in

Augsburg in 1518, let us first return to France and observe how the Reformation progressed outside of Germany.

The Reformation in France

The established Church under the leadership of the University of Paris saw the danger that this growing Lutheran nucleus represented, and it began to react two years later. However, it was not until 1525 that they could intervene effectively by burning Lutheran reading materials, scattering the leaders to flee or suffer martyrdom, and forcing them to recant. This response was delayed due to the absence of the French reform-minded king, Francis I, who had recently lost a campaign in Italy to the forces of Charles V at Padua (1525), resulting in his capture and imprisonment in Madrid. Consequently, without her brother Francis at the helm of the country,

Marguerite de Navarre could no longer ensure the protection of Lefevre and Marot in her castle at Nerac. Both were forced to flee to avoid arrest.

King Francis was finally freed in 1526 after Marguerite herself rode to Madrid and asked the emperor for her brother’s release, impressing the emperor with her courage and boldness.

However, his freedom came at a tremendous cost: a huge sum of money was to be paid, two of 25

Francis’ children would be imprisoned, and Francis had to pledge to rid France of “Lutheran .” When he returned to France, Francis had the French Parliament reject the agreement he had signed by claiming it was made under duress, but his children were retained in captivity.

Lefevre and Marot were brought back from exile to the royal court. Marot’s position of court poet was restored and Lefevre took up the job of librarian and preceptor of one of the king’s children.

Despite these advances for the Reformation cause, the mid-twenties saw a backslide in the effectiveness of the movement. Across Europe, radical followers of the reformers began to desecrate religious artwork and foster uprisings among peasants against landowners in France and Germany, disregarding God’s warnings in Scripture against the use of violence. They forgot that the Word of God was their ultimate weapon and ignored Christ’s example of suffering for their sake. These radical actions hampered the spread of the Reformation, causing many who once were receptive to the movement to revert to believing that the Church should stay on course with slight changes. The king consequently suppressed both radical factions and became more invested in protecting reformers.

Unfortunately, the king was finally forced to take harsh measures against reformers after the Affaire des Placards (1534). This protest was not only violent, but also extremely well- organized, daring, and widespread from Paris to the countryside. Posters denouncing the Mass were displayed everywhere, including Francis I’s chamber door in the castle of Amboise. The king, perceiving this as an attack on royal authority, accordingly took action against perpetrators by leading a great procession through Paris and letting heresy trials and burnings run their course. While the Reformation had successfully spread throughout the church in France, it also sparked some of the most severe violence and dissensions in the movement’s history. 26

Luther Prepares to Meet the Cajetan at Augsburg

In 1518, Luther’s hearing was difficult to set up due to the adversaries his writings earned him. Luther had gained many enemies from the order of the Dominicans in Ingolstadt (including the overly dramatic Tetzel), so there was no chance at a fair hearing there. Additionally, Tetzel obtained an order from the which forced Luther to appear before Rome within 60 days, a date which would have elapsed on October 7. Frederick the Wise, Luther’s prince and protector, vehemently protested the order and demanded that Luther should be able to defend himself in neutral German territory without biased judges. Pope Leo X, knowing how pious and influential Prince Frederick was, finally yielded to him in early October, suggesting that Luther meet in Augsburg while Cardinal Cajetan sought to prepare the Holy for war against the Turks. Prince Frederick sent Luther to Augsburg immediately. There remained, however, one last obstacle: Augsburg was not Wittenberg. Although it was a good Augustinian territory with Von Staupitz currently present to give support from his quarter, the city pledged strong Catholic loyalty to the powerful emperor in its midst who vocally wanted Luther arrested.

Luther refused to meet without a safe-conduct from the emperor valid for his journey to

Augsburg and his way back to Wittenberg.

The Papal Curia saw these theses as an attack on the Church and not a simple local call for a discussion over the sale of indulgences as Luther intended. Therefore, Luther had no chance at a fair hearing, not even in Augsburg. Before the cardinal left Rome for the meeting in

Augsburg, Leo X advised Cajetan not to let himself be drawn into any explanations or justifications Luther might make about the 95 Theses. The pope also instructed Cajetan to offer

Luther two choices: recant and stop his attacks on the sale of indulgences, or within 60 days appear in Rome before the Roman Curia to avoid arrest accused of heresy. The pope was 27 impatient with this upstart from Saxony and wanted this turmoil squashed, as the impending

Turkish invasion mattered more to him than dealing with an ambitious German monk.

Before the debates began, an Italian named Urban de Serralonga came to visit Luther. It is not clear who sent him, but he seemed to have the purpose to shake Luther up psychologically for his meeting with Cajetan. Here is the brief conversation he had with Luther:

Urban: Your business here may be summed up in one word of six letters: Recant!

Luther: But may I not defend my position or at least be instructed on it?

Urban: Do you think this is a game of running in a ring? Don’t you know that it is all

right to deceive a little—as you say the preachers of indulgence do—to get their

money? Do you think the lector Frederick will take up arms to protect you?

Luther: I hope not.

Urban: If not, where will you live?

Luther: Under heaven.

Urban: What would you do, if you had the Pope and cardinals in your power?

Luther: I would show them all reverence and honor.

Urban: (with a scornful gesture) Hem!25

The Italian then left Luther, unable to shake him from his convictions. Not only did Luther succeed in standing his ground against Urban de Serralonga, but he also displayed this same stubbornness during his hearing in Augsburg.

25 Smith, The Life, 49. 28

The Hearing in Augsburg

On October 16, 1518, almost a year after the posting of the 95 Theses, Luther met with

Cardinal Cajetan in Augsburg. The cardinal had a double assignment: represent the pope in settling the controversy with Luther and encourage Emperor Maximillian and his princes to stop the Turkish invasion of southeastern Europe that slowly encroached upon Vienna. Both assignments ended badly for everyone involved, since Luther would not recant until being shown that indulgences were supported by Scripture, and the royal representatives could not agree on raising a joint army to fight the Turks.

After his last meeting on that day, Luther anxiously waited on the cardinal to either stage another meeting or permit him to attempt to bridge the divide between him and the Church once more. Three days of unresolved debate passed, and with every passing day he and his friends grew more concerned. It became clear that the cardinal truly meant these final words to Luther before they separated: “Go away and don’t come before me again except to retract.”26 Luther

(despite having a safe-conduct from the Emperor for his stay in Augsburg and his return to

Wittenberg) felt that he had to sneak out of Augsburg the night of October 20. Bainton adds this about Luther’s secret return to Wittenberg:

Rumor in Augsburg then reached Luther that the cardinal was empowered to arrest him.

The Emperor had reneged on his safe-conduct. The gates of the city were being guarded.

With the conniving of friendly citizens Luther escaped by night in such haste that he had

to sneak (through the gates where, on the other side), a horse was waiting and he had to

ride on horseback in his cowl without breeches, spurs, stirrups, or a sword.27

26 Oliver, The Trial, 54. 27 Bainton, Here I Stand, 74-75. 29

Frustrated by his double failure to recruit armies and shut down this unruly monk, Cajetan sought to achieve at least one victory for Rome by forcibly arresting Luther. The cardinal suffered a third failure when he discovered that Luther had successfully slipped away from him into the night.

“Let Him Deny Himself and Take Up His Cross and Follow Me”28

What followed the meeting with Cardinal Cajetan were some of the darkest days in

Luther’s life. After suffering much discomfort and pain from ten days on horseback, he arrived in Wittenberg on October 30, one day before the anniversary of his posting of the 95 Theses.

What a year this had been for him! A year ago, he was a well-known dynamic professor, a brilliant expounder of God’s Word, and a good preacher loved by students and colleagues at the peak of his calling in his mid-thirties. But now he had just fled for his life to escape from the accusation of heresy, which could see him burnt at the stake. While Luther was certainly horrified and frightened at the thought of being burned at the stake, he was even more mortified and alarmed by being accused of heresy. He had taken an oath as a Doctor of Theology to faithfully study and truthfully lecture on God’s Word and the Church’s , only to end up accused by the very institution he poured his life into. How could this happen, that after six years of studying and teaching the Holy Scriptures, the foundation of his beloved Church, he wandered away to become her enemy?

The shock that he experienced from these things is difficult to fully understand from our vantage point in the 21st century. Luther was torn between the cause that he embraced and the many thousands of people at all levels of society who were deeply concerned about the Church’s spiritual state. He looked for change, but he also realized that the leaders of the Church knew

28 Matthew 16:24 ESV. 30 how their power and control extended over every other aspect of society. His propositions had sparked a David and Goliath confrontation. Luther awakened to a reality he did not anticipate because he was initially too ideally focused on remedying his beloved Church. He saw himself too small to confront this enormous task and actually overcome it. Luther began to ponder the consequences of his actions and became uncertain about the future as he arrived safely back in

Wittenberg.

As fear threatened to overtake him, Luther remembered where hope could be found as a man of God—in God Himself. He recalled, perhaps even with a smile, all the encouragement thousands of ordinary people showed him on the road to Augsburg and then back to Wittenberg.

Many in the world stood beside him as he spoke out against the Catholic Church. But despite their support, they could not save him from martyrdom. The Church would never admit its error in Luther’s condemnation and demanded that Luther recant. He had to walk to the cross, like his

Master, Jesus, placing the Gospel before his very own life.

Luther’s refusal to recant also brought up difficulties with his mentor Von Staupitz. Since the 95 Theses developed under Von Staupitz’s territory, he was suspected to be involved in this conspiracy with Luther. Although Von Staupitz now saw his protégé at the brink of being burned at the stake, he could do no more for him. There was also the possibility that Von Staupitz himself could be dragged with Luther into the abyss, if he continued to support him. Luther, feeling that he had to be on his own and could not further take anyone else with him into the fray, requested that Von Staupitz release him from his oath of obedience to the Augustinian

Order. This devastated them both, but they felt the painful moment had come for their separation where Luther had his future fully in his own hands. Free from his Augustinian Oath, Luther was considered a secular citizen of Prince Frederick’s Saxony. However, Cardinal Cajetan disagreed. 31

To him, Luther was still a Doctor of Theology and a member of the Catholic Church. Therefore,

Cajetan demanded again that Luther be delivered to face the papal court. Prince Frederick realized that he had become the sole obstacle to block the Church from seizing the suspected heretic to be tried. Due to Luther’s piety and devotion to the Church, Frederick refused to let him be sent to Rome for further trial. From this moment on, Johann Von Staupitz’s name barely surfaces in the biographies written about Martin Luther. This certainly did not end the mutual respect they had for each other. Von Staupitz’s impact on Luther remained for the rest of his life, and the momentum and influence both contributed to the history of the Reformation remains unchanged.

Conclusion: A Reform Firmly Rooted

“God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble,”29 the Psalmist writes.

With the help of people like Johann Von Staupitz and Lefevre d’Etables, Luther realized that the

Catholic Church and its false practices and teachings had become the world’s refuge and strength. He rediscovered the true God of grace and mercy, whose pardon cannot be purchased, nor his favor earned by human merits. Luther unknowingly took a tremendous risk by posting his

95 Theses, but he also received tremendous aid from those who heard the true gospel and believed. Between the efforts of John Grüenberg’s printing press, the writings of the French humanists, the support of many common people, and the Word of God itself, Martin Luther found the strength to stand against the “divinely appointed” ruler of the world in order that the name of Jesus as Lord might be proclaimed to the ends of the earth. Despite the Church’s unwillingness to admit that it had indeed led people astray as Luther claimed, the Reformation

29 :1 ESV; this passage partly served as Luther’s inspiration to write his famous , “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God.” 32 persisted as a lasting movement that would forever point people to Jesus, “the way, and the truth, and the life.”30

30 :6 ESV. 33

Works Cited

Bainton, Roland H. 1960. Here I Stand: A Life of Martin Luther. 7th ed. Abingdon Press.

Earle, Alice Morse. 1891. “The Sabbath in Puritan New England.” The Reformed Reader. www.reformedreader.org/puritans/sabbath.puritan.newengland/sabbath.puritan.newengl and.chapter14.htm.

Luther, Martin. Oct. 26, 1516. “To John Lang.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. Aug. 8, 1518. “To George Spalatin.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. Jan. 18, 1518. “To George Spalatin.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. Mar. 1, 1517. “To John Lang.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. May 30, 1518. “To Johann Von Staupitz.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. Oct. 19, 1516. “To George Spalatin.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Luther, Martin. Oct. 31, 1517. “To Archbishop Albrecht.” 1963. Luther's Works. Letters 1. Vol. 48. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Oliver, Daniel. 1978. The Trial of Luther. Mobrays.

Preus, James Samuel. 1969. From Shadow to Promise: Old Testament Interpretation from Augustine to the Young Luther. Belknap Press.

Smith, Preserved. 2007. The Life and Letters of Martin Luther. Kessinger Publishing, LLC.