"THE BOMBS THAT DROP IN EL SALVADOR EXPLODE IN MOUNT PLEASANT:" FROM COLD WAR CONFLAGRATION TO IMMIGRANT STRUGGLES IN WASHINGTON, DC, 1970-1995 A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Patrick Daniel Scallen, M.A. Washington, DC July 22, 2019 Copyright 2019 by Patrick Daniel Scallen All Rights Reserved ii "THE BOMBS THAT DROP IN EL SALVADOR EXPLODE IN MOUNT PLEASANT:" FROM COLD WAR CONFLAGRATION TO IMMIGRANT STRUGGLES IN WASHINGTON, DC, 1970-1995 Patrick Daniel Scallen, M.A. Thesis Advisors: John Tutino, Ph.D. and Joseph McCartin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This study charts the rise of metropolitan Washington, DC’s largest immigrant population from its roots in the post-war international economy through the end of the Salvadoran civil war (1980-1992). It traces Salvadorans as they migrated from a country wracked by economic disparity, social inequality, dashed democratic hopes, and government-perpetrated mass killings to the capital of the foreign nation most responsible for the conditions they fled. Part of the Latino immigrant community in the District of Columbia that emerged as Washington became the capital of world capitalism following World War II, Salvadorans had carved out a space for themselves as a small but notable ethnic minority when civil war erupted, displacing hundreds of thousands of their countryfolk. Those who survived the journey to the United States were subsequently denied refugee status by the Reagan administration, which was bent on casting the Salvadoran conflict in Cold War terms. Salvadoran immigrants to Washington, DC were thus forced to take the lowest-paying menial jobs and faced broad racial, ethnic, and legal discrimination as they struggled to gain a foothold in their new surroundings. This investigation probes how Salvadorans struggled to survive and craft community in the nation’s capital during the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s. It analyzes the impact of US immigration policies on Salvadorans, particularly on those without legal documentation. It then moves on to describe how exiled Salvadoran opposition members forged links with North American religious leaders, politicians, and community members in the Sanctuary movement iii and Central American solidarity movement, giving birth to agencies that protected Salvadoran immigrants from deportation and fought for their civil rights. The study explores the relationship between Washington, DC’s burgeoning Latino population and its African American majority, examining racial tensions on the street, in public schools, and at city hall. It then shifts to the urban unrest that rocked DC’s multiethnic neighborhood of Mt. Pleasant in early 1991, sparked by a policewoman’s shooting of a Salvadoran man. The dissertation closes with an appraisal of Latino activism in the aftermath of the Mt. Pleasant riots within the broader social, economic, and political context of the national capital region. iv AKNOWLEDGEMENTS One can never do justice to the selfless efforts of others who have sacrificed so much of their time, energy, and love to make this project a reality. In addition to those whose interviews are cited in this text, dozens more have given of their time to help me better understand the complex dynamics of such intimate subject matter. These individuals include but are not limited to Arnoldo Ramos, Arturo Griffiths, Beth Perry and Orlando Cortés, Bonnie Cain, Chico Díaz, Elinor Hart, Evelyn Gonzalez and Fred Mills, Jeannette Noltenius, Joe Eldridge, Jose Sueiro, Lilo Gonzalez, Mara Cherkasky, Marcia Bernbaum, Mario Sol, Mario Velasquez, Olivia Cadaval, Patricia Weiss Fagan, Lori Kaplan and Pedro Avilés, Sue and Phil Wheaton, Quique Avilés and Hilary Binder, Rick Reinhard and Judy Byron, and Sylvia Rosales-Fike. I am also deeply thankful for the efforts of the dedicated folks at CISPES, Humanities DC and the DC Oral History Collaborative, Rafael Roncal and El Pregonero , Abel Nuñez and the CARECEN staff, Ranald Woodaman and the Smithsonian Latino Center, Magdalena Mieri and the Civic Engagement team at the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, and my friends in Mt. Pleasant and beyond, who have become family to me in my adopted city and who have provided the necessary levity by reminding me that there is, indeed, life outside the dissertation. I owe a special debt of gratitude to two individuals in particular who have been advisors, mentors, and role models throughout the ebb and flow of my academic career and without whom this dissertation would never have reached fruition. John Tutino has shepherded this study expertly, with wit, wisdom, and good cheer, through its many reincarnations. Joe McCartin has provided invaluable and insightful feedback and essential moral support over the past 15 years. I owe them, Bryan McCann, and the entire Department of History at Georgetown University a deep debt of gratitude. This project is dedicated to the Scallen family: my parents (Tom and Jan) and sister (Bridget). Mil gracias, Pat v TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION………….……………………………………………………………………..1 CHAPTER 1: A HISTORY OF INEQUITY AND THE FIRST EXPORT CRISIS, 1524-1932………..………………………………………………………………………………17 CHAPTER 2: MILITARY RULE, THE SECOND EXPORT CRISIS, AND THE ROOTS OF REVOLUTION, 1932-1980………….....................…………………………………………….42 CHAPTER 3: CIVIL WAR AND THE EXPORT OF MIGRANTS AND REFUGEES, 1980-1992………………………………………………………………………………………..78 CHAPTER 4: ORGANIZING FOR JUSTICE IN THE CAPITAL CITY, 1980-1986 .………113 CHAPTER 5: LIMITATIONS ON NEW LIVES, 1980-1991…………………………………176 CHAPTER 6: FIGHTING FOR LEGITIMACY, 1991-1995………………………………….226 CONCLUSION: THE CHALLENGES OF PEACE…………………………………………...252 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………….……...258 vi A NOTE ON TERMINOLOGY When this study was begun, the broadly accepted term – both in popular and academic circles – to describe an individual of Latin American descent who resided in the United States was “Latino” or “Latina” (plural: “Latinos”), consistent with traditional Spanish grammar. Over the course of this investigation, the term “Latinx” has grown increasingly common in certain contexts and is making its way quite rapidly into the popular lexicon. A more gender-inclusive means of identification, it will most likely supplant the more traditional nomenclature of “Latino/a.” I thus began this study writing and referring to “Latinos/as” and have since transitioned to using “Latinxs” in casual conversation and with my students. I have chosen to retain the former designation for two reasons. First, as of the completion of this dissertation, there has been no historical manuscript published in the United States that has solely utilized the “Latinx” designation. More importantly, the participants in this study identified themselves as “Latino” or “Latina” when interviewed. In order to be true to the voices that have shaped my dissertation, I have elected to use their words and thus have retained the more traditional usage – for now. vii INTRODUCTION One hot, humid summer evening in early May of 1991, a Washington, DC neighborhood two miles due north of the White House exploded in violence. Mt. Pleasant, an area that over the past several decades had welcomed an eclectic mix of activists, artists, punk rockers, and other counter-culture types who shared space with multi-generational African American families, Latino immigrants, and an increasing number of middle- and upper-income young white families, had prided itself on its multicultural flavor and ethno-racial diversity. 1 But following the shooting of a Salvadoran man by an African American female DC police officer on May 5, 1991, something snapped. Youths – predominantly but not entirely Latino and male – took to the streets, hurling bottles, bricks, and rocks at the police who rushed to the scene. Patrol cars went up in flames; protesters raced through the streets and down the alleys adjoining the main commercial strip of Mt. Pleasant Street, daring their uniformed pursuers to contain their rage. The following night, the Latino protesters were joined by African Americans and some whites from across the city; the situation quickly escalated into a full-scale riot. Hundreds tore through the commercial areas in adjoining neighborhoods, smashing windows and sacking stores. Mayor Sharon Pratt Dixon responded by slapping a curfew on the area, effectively halting the looting: only sporadic skirmishes were reported in the nights to follow. But the damage had been done; 1 According to U.S. Census data, Mt. Pleasant in 1990 was approximately 42.6% white, 36.5% black, and 26.8% Hispanic. The percentage of Hispanics in Mt. Pleasant had risen significantly over the past decade: the 1980 census only recorded 12.6% of Mt. Pleasant residents as having “Spanish origins.” (District of Columbia’s Office of the Chief Technology Officer (OCTO), opendata.dc.gov) In his study on Mt. Pleasant, Robert D. Manning used Census data to determine that Mt. Pleasant in 1990 was 35% black, 35% white, and 27% Hispanic. It must be noted, however, that the Census has been known to drastically undercount Hispanics, as many undocumented Hispanics avoid the count or are not reached by Census volunteers. Unofficial sources often peg the racial distribution of Mt. Pleasant at one-third white, one-third black, and one-third Hispanic. Robert D. Manning, “Washington, D.C.: The Changing Social Landscape of the International Capital City,” in Origins and Destinies: Immigration, Race, and Ethnicity in America , ed. Silvia Pedraza and Rubén G. Rumbaut (London: Wadsworth, 1996), 387. 1 the wounds were still fresh and deep. The neighborhood would take years to heal, and the city would spend just as long grappling with the underlying forces that led to the Mt. Pleasant riots. News of the unrest spread quickly. Newspaper reporters swarmed the scene that first night and the following days. Radio and television stations picked up the story and broadcast it nationwide. Even international news organizations aired small snippets; one Mt. Pleasant resident picked up the phone to hear her friend in Germany on the other line, concerned about her safety.