THE GOLDEN HARVEST A HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN VALES L8J6-I88O

Robert James Randall DonIeY B.A Honours

A thesis submitted in flulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts degree in the Deþartment of History at the University of AdeIaide, February 1986.

Ar,uode.[ :i il' :.1 , 1'lT'3 This thesis does not contain any material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university and, to the best of my knowledge and belÍef, this thesis does not contain any material previously published or written by another person, except when due reference is made in the text. The author consents to the thesis being made available for photocopying and loan 1fl applicable if accepted for the award of the degree.

R. J. R. DonleY

11 ABST R AC T The vales to the south ofl l^,ele a palt of the region in which commerciat grain-growing first developed in . This thesis seeks to expJ-ain rnlhy the southern farmers became So successflul- in the lB5Os, and rlrthy the regi'on declined as a grain-producing area in the 1870s. The writer argues that the lB4Os Deplession played a dual role, dashing the hopes of would-be pastoralists and compelling wheat-farmers to adopt more efficient methods of production. By the time of the gold-rushes in the flarmers tnrele ideally placed to take advantage of the heavy demand for theil ploduce. In the IB6Os a number of problems Ied the southern farmers to support l-egislation for credit selection. This began a chain of migration, by which many of the agricultural techniques and rural- tradilions formed in the "OId South" hJere transmitted to a nernl generation of cultivators on the Australian wheat-beIt. ì¡lheat-farmers dominated Southern Vales society because of the early demise of the pastoralists and the relative weakness of urban devel-opment. A number of smaLl townships competed fiercely for sUIVivaI and plevented the emergence of a large regional centre. The farmers elected men to the colonial parliament who would place Iocal needs before "nationaL" issues. They l/vere sensitive to any ploposal to tax l-andhoLdings to pay flor public works, but at the same time enterprising in the Iesponsibilities they rllere plepared to undertake at the local level. These same qualities vvere apparent in the voluntary support they offered to their churches and schools, as well as in the relief of poverty and maintenance of order. The balance between voLuntary effort and reliance on the central goVernment varied according to

Ìl_1 practices established in the formative years of the colony, but nowhere wele the farmers content to surrender local control entirely. This thesis tends to suppolt Douglas Pike's emphasis on the importance of political radicalism and religioús dissent in shaping early . what is interesting is the interaction between these ideologies and the real-ities of a nel^, life-styte as predominantly urban immigrants strove for commercial success as farmers.

1V C ONTENTS

Statement 11 Abstract 111 Contents Acknowledgements vi Author's Notes vii Introduction I Chapter One - Settlement 7 Chapter Two - Making a Living 50 Chapter Three - Townships and Transport 96 Chapter Four - PoliticaI Representation r41 Chapter Five - The Voluntary Principle in Practice 180 Chapter Six - The Ebb of ProsPeritY 242 Conclusion 288 BibtiographY 295 Appendices 302 AC KN 0l^JLEDGE ME NTS

This thesis tnlas conceived during the yeals that I taught at Christies Beach High School. As I looked for ralays to enhance the teaching of histotY, I became atrvare of the wealth of local history soulces and the important contribution that the early settlers in the Southern Vales had made to the development of South Australia. Many local residents assisted me by. ansWeling my qUestions, showing me family records and sharing stories passed down by theil ancestors. Professor Eric Richards of Flinders University and Mr. Tony Denholm of Adelaide University helped to formuLate the lines of enquiry that I have pursued. Howevet, the main task of supervision fe11 to Doctor Peter CahaIan, the Director of the Constitutional Museum and later the State History Trust. His suggestions, encoulagement and critical reading of the draft have been appleciated ovel the five years that this thesis has been in preparation. The staff of Archives, Lands Department and Barr Smith Library trvele of great assistance during the Iesearch stage. A special thanks is due to Mr. Ian Haines of Brighton High Schoot for his instruction in the use of the computer and the many hours he spent heJ.ping me to produce the final copy. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the support of my wife, who took over many family Iesponsibil-ities to allow me the time needed to complete this thesis.

vl_ AUTHOR'S NOTES

Abbreviations SAA South Australian Archives BRG Business Record GrouP GRG Government Record GrouP PRG Private Record GrouP SRG SocietY Record GrouP SAPD South Australian Parliamentary Debates SAPP South Australian Parliamentary Papers

Units of Measurement and CurrencY The material covered in this thesis predates metrication and hence all measurements have been given in the Imperial form. AIso it has been considered an unnecessary and misleading exercise to adjust the currency from the pre-decimal pound (*), shilting (s) and pence (d).

.'rt

vii T NTRODUCT T ON To the south of the Adelaide Plains spurs of the Mount Lofty Ranges reach the Sea neal Tapley'S and SelIick's HiJ-1s' malking off an alea of undulating land known as the Southern Vales. (see fig. f) John Morphett ¡ras one of the first to describe the Iegion in a letter written from in November L836. The sloping glassland in front, without a tree for three oI four miles sõuare ofl a beautiful bright green in.Iinter and spring and a golden col-our during the holter months, is SUlrounded by"finely Ì^Jooded eminences and a bold Iange of hills beyond: . . . Uôre is a most l-uxuriant soiJ-, in some places lävel and commanding an extensive view,.in others iraving vistas through rows of elegant trees. ( 1) This varied landscape ririas mole likeIy to remind English settlers of home than the plains around the settlement on the Torrens, especially when the latter t^,ele scolched by the "si10cco" ofl mid-summeï. It formed a part of what Karen Moon has called the "paIk" landscape, which gave the impression of a state of readiness for man's use in contrast to the wildness of the hilIs. Howevet, such a perception of the landscape tlvas based on aesthetic appeal rather than any objective assessment of physical conditions, for that iudgement coutd only be made as experience of using the Iesources of the Iand vvas gain ed. Q) The attractiveness of the Southern Vales to the first settlers ensured that it was one of the first areas to be occupied by those intent on cultivating the soil. By I858 the landscape had been transformed, as is shown by the following description recorded by a Victorian travellel apploaching the region f rom the erest of l^lilLunga Hi11. A scene broke upon the view unlike anything I have seen since I left engfand. From the hiIl I speak of a tract of country is visible for several miles - it seems one continual piece of cultivation. The hedged gardens ' the well groyxn orchards and well-appointed homesteads proclaimed I FIc?. I fOPOGR APHY OF THE SOUTHERN V E

S-Í. vlNc.ENl GULF HURT LE VALÉ FIÉLÈ RI\ER

M OR PHÉ.TT VâLE qHR\STIÉ CREEK

R,I! ÉR N( APARTI..lGA

ÞÉDLâÈ C Ë MgLAREN VALÉ

ALÞINGA ÞLA IN

ql,ttoO LAF.IÞ SCALE l: O\¡EQ tSO rrrstce-S o AßOVS Sb-A - LE\JEL ì1ìr€S bE& - Dqocls^a,^+.og Lo,".d.s Sunre¡ '.qp (€-sccteÐ cultivation of the land by an industrious and thriflty yeomanry. That his pelceptions aIe as coLoured by utopian expectations as the descriptions of the natural landscape by Morphett is apparent as he goes on to claim: It is in miniature - England without its poveItY, without its monstrous anomal-ies of individual wealth' It i. England with a finer climate, with a virgin soil, with freedõm from antiquated abuses, with more liberal institutions, with a happier people. It l^,as in view of scenes Iike t.fir that I first felt fu1ly the pleasures of a real ized daydream. ( f ) To attain the perfection of the dreamers who planned a model colony, South Australia had to be made in the image of England - both in terms of its landscape and its society - but without the defects ofl the mother country. The landscape they dreamed of ¡r¡as the IUlal world of Cobbett untainted by the squalor of industrial cities. 0n the other hand the society they hoped to create r¡as one free of the corrUption of the Unr,eformed parliament and established church. tnlakef ietd had prophesied that in a balanced community of enlightened citizens there would be "no adoration of wealth, no opplession of the pooI, îo reason for pol-itical discontent.rr(4) Thus there vvas both a conservative and a ¡,eformist aspect to the colonial dream' This thesis takes a broad look at the development of a part of the colony settled earl-y enough to bear the imprint of these expectations. Professol J.ìlrl. McCarty has stressed the need for regional historians to understand the wider setting in order to identify theil ornln Iegions and impart a wider significance to their writings.(5) Thus, while it is valid to study a region for its o1¡n sake and to create a distinct regional identity that permeates and unifies all aspects ofl life in the region, many

2 of the regions chosen are only a part of a much larger region that sets the stage. In McCarty's opinion South Australia has been welI-served by John Hirst in his study of the relalionship between Adelaide and the country, and D.L. Meinig, in his study of the Northern Areas and Yorke Peninsula during the land rush of the 1B7Os. HoweveI, McCarty feels that the pastoral region, the boundary of which contracted with the advance of the farmers and expanded as they retreated, and the "ol-d South", the original farming area which stagnated with northern farming expansion, stiIl await their historians. (6) The "oId South" has been described in many general studies of South Australia and histories of Australian agriculture as the "ctadl-e of Australian wheat-larming." From this alea farmers migrated or sent their sons north into the wheatlands of South Australia, while others went east to settle the inland wheat-beIt of Victoria and New South Wales. It r¡las in the "oId South" that the problems of growing wheat for outside markets tnrele flirst tackled, with a degree of success that made South Australiats reputation as "the glanaly of Australia" in the mid-nineteenth century. Here, too, attitudes to the Iand and its nurture rntere formed and passed on to a neW generation of wheat-farmers. The region studied in this thesis is only a part ofl the "oi-d South" and is 1Ímited to the district council aleas of Morphett Vale and Noarlunga, as proclaimed in the 1850s, with some extensions where it is essential to the argument to talk about the peripheral- aleas of the Southern Vales included in neighbouring district council areas. The boundaries of the study Iegion are therefore somewhat arbitrary, just as Kiddl-e's l¡iestern District stops short at the South Australian border and

3 Buxtons's Riverina stops at the .(7) Nevertheless there tnias much in the history of the Southern Vales that talas typical of othel aleas of the "old South", such aS the South Coast, Mount Barker, the Adel-aide Plains and the Barossa VaIley. Readers may wonder l/l,hy this lhesis concentrates so strongly on wheat-farmers rather than other economic groUps in the community. Census returns reveal that from l85l onwards farmers tnrele by far the largest occupational gloup in the Southern Vales, while the next most numelous gloup rlrtele the agricultural- labourels.(see figs.15 and 16) There was not the balance between pastoral, âgricultural and commercial- classes, which f oI example D. B. l¡laterson obselves in the Darling Downs. inlaterson makes it cl-ear that the pastoralists retained theil poh,eI in all but a small alea of.the eastern Downs, where middle-clasS rrshopkeepels" in large towns like Toowoomba and lnlarwick rlvere able to manipulate the votes of the farmers to attack the pastoralists.(8) This thesis will show that in the Southern Val-es those who Iived by extensive grazing of flocks and herds wele soon ove11¡helmed by the influx of cultivators, while the ploximity of the region to the capital city and its lack of a valuable hinterland prevented the development of any sizeabLe urban cenlre. In the first chapter the focus is upon the land and the people who first settled in the Southern Vales. An attempt is made to explain lhe factors that determined the pattern of settlement and the kind of society that ralas formed in the light of tnlakefieldian ideals. The second chapter describes the emelgence of an economy based on commercial grain-growing and

4 adVances Some IeaSonS for the SUcceSS of farmers in the lB50s compared to the period of initial settlement. For many the dream of prosperity in a netrv land was to be fulfilled in this period. Chapter three l-ooks at the development of a transport and township network to seIVe the settlers ofl the Southern Vales and link them to the widel economic structure of the colony. The next two chapters concentrate on the reformist aspect of the colonial dream. In both central and local governmenl replesentative institutions gave the ordinaly settler a voice in decisions that affected his welfare, while the vol-untary system of allowing settl-ers to provide for many of their orrvn needs was placed on trial. The last chapter examines the reasons for the decline of the Southern Vales in the IB70s and the influence the region had on other agricultural areas, which superseded it as a commercial grain-grotrver. The influence of lnleston Bate's study of Brighton, Victoria, has induced the writer to take a multi-faceted approach to understanding the development of the Southern Vales.(9) to focus on one particular theme, as for example EIízabeth Milburn did in studying the evolution of Clare society on the basis of changing elites, would inevitabJe distort the overall picture by filtering out aspects that did not fit the theme. (10) Thus the regionrs population and economy as well as its potitical and social institutions have aIl been examined in the fol-lowing pages. There has been a conscious attempt, though, to rel-ate various aspects of the history of the region to wider discussions of these in books and theses on South Australian history. In doing this it has been possible to test some of the generalizations that have

5 been made about South Australia as a whole against evidence from a portion of the col-ony.

Notes

2 D a\ e m b e 3 7 South 1. Morphet t,J , i n Svdney Times e I I I Austral ian A I c h 1V ES 180 . il 2. Moon, K P Þ I ep tio ns and Ap pra isal o f t h e S o uth e R o Austral ian L a n d SC ape LB36-185 Otr , Pro i n o ï c hica 1 S o ci of Austr a S o U t h A U I a l 1 a n Branch, Vol. 7O I 69, pps. 4I 3 Melbour ne Argus l 3 April 1B5B , QUoted in Manning, G. H. pps. ' F rm Chron , Gillingha m, Adelaide , L9B4, r86-7 . U n 1 Ptess, 4. Pike, D P a I a d 1 e o f D ]- e n t M e 1 b OUINE versily , T9 5 7 p. 7 9 ll I il 5. McCarty ,J l^i , Au S ir alian Regi o n a I Histo v Historical 9 7 t dies ,v o I 1B t N o. fO, April I B. 6 nce M cCa T t v WI ot e this there h a e been a NU mber of studies of S o uth H U st ralian pas t o r a lists. N otabLe among them is l^Ji 11 i ams , E A tnlay of Life , Adel a1 de UniversitY Union P TES rtQ Ade la 1 de , I980. lilji1l iams a r.g ue s that despite common ASS UM p tio NS la I g e p a S t o r a I e states W er e as common in South A ust IA I ia AS th e v W e I e i n t h e other c ol onies. 7 . KiddIe, M. M en of Ye S t e T e a I M e l- b ourne Un iv . Ptess, Melbour îet 196L. Univ. Press Buxton, G. L., The Riverina lB6l--91 , ' Melbour fle, 1967 . ô B. llrjaterso n, D.B., S uatter lector and rekee -A 'sY ney Un Ptess, 9 elbourne Univ. Pr ess, Thi s book is an extension of Bate' s M. A. Thesis, which to ok a broa d iew of the development of the Brighton dislrict from IB35 to TB6O. 10. Milburn, L. Clare I840 to 1900: Ch an n EIite M .A Thesis, Univers' yo F aide , 1982, p. r39.

6 I. SETTLEMENT until 1B4r the sale of land and the selection of emigr labour for the nernr colony of South Australia rlrere in the hands of a Board of CommissionerS, who 1¡ere supposed to apply the principles of colonization laid down by Edward Gibbon 1¡akef ietd. According to Douglas Pike, lnlakef ield believed in the "ciVilizing virtues" of a concentrated settlement, which "started from a ploperly planned town and spread in a regUlated pattern over the adjoining countryside. " ( I ) since the southern Vales l¡,as the first area to be sulVeyed and sold at^,ay from Adelaide, it plovides a good test ofl how faithfully the principle of concentration rlvas observed by the Commissionels' The instructions issued to the first suIVeyoIS also give an insight into the Commissionelsr ideas about the disposal- of land in the netal colonY. 11rlakefield also set down some very precise guidelines about the âge, sex and nationality of the labourers selected as flree emigrants. This chapter wiIl analyse the population of the Southern Vales during the early yeaIS to see how closely it matched the composition considered ideat. George Fife Angas went to a tot of troubte to pelsuade respectable, practical farmers to emigrate as tenants of the in order to form "a middl-e-class amongst the cultivators of the soil."(Z) John Cashen has argued that l/\lakefield's main aim WaS to create a division of labour between "trnlo IankS'r of colonists.(l) rnis chapter will trace the fortunes of some of the tenants and freehold settlers during the difficult early period to See how SUCcessfuI the Commissioners and Company tatele in creating the kind of social order envisaged by Angas and

ìnlakef ieId.

7 (A) Exol-oration Simple priority of arrival- does not qualify a person to be regarded as the explorer of a region. Thus the seafers who came to the 0nkaparinga River in the earl-y 1830s to kidnap aboriginaJ- rnlomen did little to provide useful information on the area. More respectable in his intentions rlvas Collet Barker, who l-anded at the mouth of the 0nkaparinga in tBlI and followed it upstream towards Mount Lofty. Yet he talas too pre-occupied with the task of looking for access to the Murray to spend long considering the resources of the Southern Vales. A major task of explorers in Australia has aJ-ways been to judge the suitability of the land for pastora.l- and agricultural- settlement. Therefore true exploration of the Southern Vales had to await the arrival of men more intimately involved in the process of settlement - surveyors, pastoralists and land agents. 0ne of the first to ponder the potential of the Southern Vales rlltas John Morphelt, the shrewd son of a Chancery Lane solicitor. In June IB35 he had advertized his intention to act as an agent "for the selection, purchase and superintendence of land" in South Australia. (4) fn order to best serve his clients he secured permission to go out with Colonel Light's survey party before the main body of colonists. He travelled on the "Cygnet", which rnras left flar behind Light's "Rapid" and did not rendezvous with it until 0ctober 1836. lllJhile Light waited for the arrival of the first emigrant ship, Morphett sailed north along the coastline of St. Vincent Gulf and the commander of the 'rRapid'r, Lieutenant Field, must have

I shown him the mouth of the 0nkaparinga River. cJ.earIy they had the leisure to closely observe the surlounding country for Morphett lecorded that ''it is of the richest character and is covered with so long and thick a herbage that it is quite laborious to walk through it ' There are nUmetoUS woodS . . . of a VeIy open description, and Some spots where the Scenery resembles an English gentleman's park or is even mole beautifu1." It is cl-ear that Morphett judged the fertility of the soit by the vegetation it supported and regarded the park-l-ike landscape as the ultimate measule of both beauty and fertility. Karen Moon has explained the concentration of earLy obse¡.Vers on climate and vegetation at the expense of soil in terms of SenSoIy perception. She argues that the first two are readily experienced, observed and recorded u¡hile soit is much less visually accessible.(5) t^lhile John Morphett 1¡as stimulating the interest of his English clients in colonial Iand, Light was engaged on the arduous task of Iaying out the capital city. By March IB37 he had finished and settlers were able to move from the temporary camp at Holdfast Bay. tnlith an inadequate staff Light then began to survey the surrounding plains into 134 acre sections so that the preJ-iminary purchasers could take possession of their country lands. His assistant, George Kingston, wâs sent to England in the "Rapid" to pless the Commissioners to send out mole men and equipment. tn|hile most of the Ìeading colonists fell to speculating in town acres' a few enterprising settlers began to explore the country acloss the ranges.(6) In ApriI L837 C.t^l. Stuart travelled south with two companionS, All-en and Al-f ord, in search of wandering hoISes. Near Noarlunga they taiere abl-e to enjoy "the charming prospect

9 of the rivel meandering in a serpentine couISe through natural meadotlrls.tr During theil contemplation of this scene they t¡lele disconcerted by the sudden appearance of a considerable number of natives. TheiI guide, Nat., a sealer from Kangaroo IsJ-and, had every reason to be disturbed by this encounter and kept out of sight as much as possible. Hor¡evel' the aborigines proved to be friendly and the exploling party h,ere able to pelsuade them to return to Holdfast Bay, where they r¡ere issued with blankets by GoveInoI Hindmarsh. From this time members of the Encounter Bay tribe made a Iegular annual journey to Adelaide for their handout ofl Government blankets'(7) In June Light's curiosity about the land to the south pelsuaded him to l-eave the suIVey in the hands of his assistants and accompany the Resident Commissione¡,, , oñ a iourney to Encounter Bay. He described theil alrival at a beautiful valley with "soil altogether adapted for grazing oI agricultute" and which was named Hurtle Vale in honour of Fisher. John Morphett rlvas al-so in the party and his name was bestowed on the next vaIley, which Light described as ,'a most rich and beautiful country."(B) The party had considerable difficuJ-ty fording the 0nkaparinga with their heavy cart and had to give up their intended destination when they tnrere confllonted with the steep lnlillunga scarp ' Exploration parties trrtele sent out in other directions and reported fertile and well-watered land, but Light continued to favour the southern aleas with theil certain Iainfall and points of access to the sea. His estimation of the land to the south may have been a factor in encouraging public demand for a wider extension of the survey' which indirectly brought

t0 about his downfall. The amount of land actually needed by the preliminary purchasers tnras 59,000 acles and this had been trigonometrically surveyed by Light as earl-y as December 1837. However the Board oi Commissioners had promised that survey arrangements woul_d secure for the preliminary purchasels "as faI as practicable the first choice of Iand throughout the colony.l' In February IBlE a map of 60'0OO acles alound Adelaide tntas exhibited, but some of those who held preliminary land orders refused to select their land from those "saft bogs and arid plains.,,(9) Ihis opposition rrvas 1ed by a group known as the rGovernor,s party'r, who wished to exercise their choice in the Encounter Bay area. l/ll.B. strangt^lays took out an injunction in the supreme court to prevent Fisher holding a meeting on I March, at which the choice of country sections would be determined. He argued that, although the Board's promise implied an exact survey, the wishes of his party could be met if certain districts wele thrown open for theil occupation ,,subject to admeasUrement theleafter when the Surveyol-General

rnras prepared to proceed with it."(lO) To ovelcome the impasse without saclificing the principle that survey should always precede seÌection, Fisher ploposed that the preliminary purchasers should be abte to Ieserve their right ofl selection for districts yet to be suIVeyed. This arrangement proved to be satisfactory to strangl/llays and he withdrew his

injunction. ( rt ) l/rlhen the meeting at last took pJ-ace on 17 May lBl8, 2I8 preliminary tand order holders agreed to exercise their right of selection from land already surveyed around Adelaide ' Another 165 Ieserved their choice until the six pleliminary

1I districts, labell-ed A to H, tnlele sulVeyed in an area extending south flrom the Adelaide Plains to Encounter Bay and . ( r2 ) Fisher I s decision to make an extra thousand square miles available for sel-ection has been described by Pike as "injurious dispersior", contrary to the model 0f concentrated settlement put f orward by lnlakef ie1d. ( 1l ) This capitulation to the demands of an influential minority of preliminary pulchasers to increase the extent ofl the survey placed an impossibfe burden on an undermanned suIVey department. Then Kingston arrived back from England without the help requested but with instructions for Light to abandon his slower trigonometrical method in favour of a running survey recommended to the Commissionels by a Captain Dawson of the Royal Engineels. l¡lhen Light resigned in disgust at Lhis interference in his professional aIea, Kingston took ovel the surveyol-Generaf's duties but found that only two of the staff woul-d serve under him. He tried to pelsuade Fisher to let him survey l5O square miles to the north of Adelaide.(14) lrrlhen he flound that the running survey had to be to the south, he real ized that it woul-d be impossibl-e in that hilly Iegion. Instead he confined the activities of his smal-1 force of men to marking off sections that had already been sel-ected on the Adelaide Plains.(r5) The survey continued in this half-hearted fashion until the arrival of Governor Gawler in October IBlS provided the impetus for the push across the ranges to the south. The agricultural and pastoral- potential of the Southern Vales rlrlas first made known by Morphett, whose main object tntas to persuade Engtish capitalists to invest in South Australia

L2 and entrust the selection of their land to him. Pastoralists and government officials also reported favourably on the alea' so that settLers and agents holding preliminary land orders vrlere encouraged to apply plessule for the abandonment of the principles of concentrated and contiguous settlement. Fisher should not bear all the blame fol succumbing to the plessure exerted by speculative interests for his fellow Commissioners in EngJ-and had already compromised the principles on which the colony yvas based in order to attract capital. Despite general govelnment control of settlement, much tnras stilt up to the immigrant who sat,lJ the land and assessed its potential.

I

I

I3 ( a ) survev Even a casual- glance at the map of the southern Vales shows the dominance of the SquaIe BO-acIe Section grid, illustrating Michael t^Jil-liams' conclusion that "survey tnJas the first, the greatest and probably the mosl enduring imprint of man on the land in South Australia." The choice of B0 acles is curious for it yljaS not a natural subdivision of a Square mile, although there is evidence that 50-I00 acres l,ìlas considered an avelage sized f arm in England. t/\,iltiams is inclined to think that the choice was made for a social reason. The plomoters of the coJ-ony calculated that it woul-d take up to five years for a labouIe¡, to save the money to buy such a section and so he would be compelled to work for the existing proprietors. In lheory then the suIVey system would help to produce an ordered society of farmers and laboUreIS as llrJakef i-e1d had envisaged. ( l6 ) The man who took charge of the suIVey in the Southern Vales had been appointed by the Board of Commissionels in January lBlB. They decided to accept the Iecommendation of the 0rdnance Survey officers and sent Corporal John McLaren out to the colony on a salary of énO a year . (tl ) He arrived just before the mass resignation of the suIVey staflf in support of Light and decided to remain loyaI to his employers. He served under Kingston until the latter also resigned in November and trvas replaced by G.O. Ormsby. The following month he Ieceived orders from the netnl administration to proceed with the survey ofl District C. (IB) This sudden burst of energy from his superiors seems to have Ieft him fl-abbergasted for he wrote that he had no document showing the extent ofl District C. Later he Iequested t4 that they should send him the seven-inch theodolite so that he coul-d take a few observations to keep the connection between Districts B and C.(19) His journal entry of 2I December reveals that he rllas measuring the base line between Districts B and C at a point near 0'Ha1loran Hill instead of in its correct position near Hackham. The error rlvas probably due to an assumption that the alea trigonometrically sulVeyed by Colonel Light before his resignation included the whole of District B. By 1 January LB39 McLaren had realized his mistake and renumbered the sections already laid out beyond the base line.(ZO) fnis incident reveal-s the chaos into which the administration of the colony had fallen when hard on the heels of Light's resignation, the offlices of Governor and Resident Commissionel vvere amal-gamated so that GawIer could fiIl them. Light had been instructed by the Commissioners to divide the country land into L34 acre sections in a form convenient for occupation and fencing, with a reserved road adjoining each section. The adjustment from the original plan of 80 acre sections around the capital city trvas caused by Angas'offer to buy 13,77O acres for the South Australian Company in September 1835 al the reduced price of 12/- per acre. So that those who had bought land earlier at 20/- per acre would not be at a disadvantage, the Commissioners increased the country section ofl each preliminary purchaser to L34 acres. At the end of five months the price of land tnras restored to 20/- per acre. Thus Light was ordered to divide into 80 acre sections "such of these lands as may not be selected by the Preliminary Land

0rder hoIders. " (2I ) McLarenrs journal reveaLs that he tl\,as capable of

t5 innovation. 0n 7 January he began to lay out square B0 acre sections instead of the hitherto accepted rectangular pattern' thereby saving future occupiers considerable fencing. 0n L4 February the f irst selections uìJeIe made flrom the nevv suIVey ' McLaren lost two days altering pairs of adjoining 80 acle sections to L34 acres, plus a 26 acle "gIeens1ip", fOr the beneflit of the six preliminary purchasels who chose land in the Hurtle VaIe aIea. Neveltheless he made rapid progless' marking out between four and six sections each day. By the end of March I839 he had virtual-ly completed the suIVey of Morphett Vale down to the correct boundary of District C'(22) i^le can get a clealer idea ofl the hardships and dangels of this work by reading the reminiscences ofl James Hawker, who tntaS an assistant to McLaren at the time. A hammock slung between the poles of my malquee . . . afforded me a comfortabie sleeping place secure from snakes and venomous insects, which were very numelous, âS there tlvas a good deal of deaó timber about, which afforded plenty of [laces for them to hide in. flresh meat ¡1as on very many occasions unprocurable vegetables coul-d not be had at any pric" ... I managed to keõp oul camp w9J-I supplied with kahgaroo meat for ¡¡r. McLaren had instructions from neaãquarters to give me leave for an afternoon when practicable to tã¡e two of my men and my dogs for a hunt . (23) 0ther leisure moments l¡e¡.e Spent accompanying John Gould on bird-watching expeditions oI attending Sunday selVices conducted by the Rev. Newland in Hawker's tent. A major hazard at the time vrlele fires that spread rapidly in the tall kanga¡.oo graSS. 0n one occasion McLaren WaS returning on horseback from the Clarendon alea when he tnlaS completely sulrounded by such a fire. By the time he escaped his "hat l^Jas gone, his whiskers and face, &c. , much scorched, Palt ofl a¡¡ay and the horse required no his clothes had been thrown ' clipping for his coat tnlas cl-ose singed ." (24)

L6 The SUIVey labourers WeIe not easy men to manage and in March I.839 McLaren had to dismiss four of them for drunkenness and insubordination. 0ne had been stabbed in the eaI with a knifle. On another occasion McLaren had the melancholy duty of reporting that James Brien had been found dead from exposule after a drunken debauch. Some of the labourers threatened to go on strike when the nerlv Surveyor-General, , altered their rates of pay and provisions.(25) As the suIVey party began to lay out District C they moved camp from Hurtle Vale to the Horseshoe bend of the 0nkaparinga. According to Hawker they omitted to Ieserve frontage along the banks of the river. This may account for the explicit instruction flrom Sturt to all officers that "one hundred feet from high watel malk is always to be reserved aLong the coast, on the Banks of Navigable stleams, and sheets of WateI. " They WeIe also Iequired to letain the native names whelevel oppoltunity plesented itseIfl. As a IesuIt 0nkaparinga tlvas substituted for Field River while the camp-site u,as called Noarlunga. All main roads yyere to be one chain in width' while half-a-chain wide access roads r¡lere to be left between alternate sections. (26 ) This Iast instruction meant that the southern Vales assumed the appealance of a patchwork quiIt, with its regular pattern of four squale Sections and Su¡.rounding occupation toads, slightly rumpled as it crossed creeks and hi1ls but basically making no concession to topography.(see fig. 2) Ì^Jil1iams has pointed out that this suIVey pattern created too many roads, wasting too much arable land, lequiring expensive double fencing and creating creek crossings at quite

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s31V'\ l{ð3Hroos Nt Nè3.Ll-ud l'-3NUôS l'ÐlJ impracticable places .(zl) McLaren seems to have realized some of the problems of the survey patteln, for he wrote to Sturt suggesting the elimination of a large number ofl local roads near the onkaparinga gorge above Noarlunga and the creek at McLaren Vale.(28) t^lhen Frome assumed the office of surveyol-General- in 0ctober IB39 he t^las quick to revise the instructions issued to surveyors l^lorking in the fietd. He ordered that they should determine and mark out the best lines of communication, "upon which the direction of the boundaries will in great measule depend."(29) Such a commonsense apploach was too late to be applied to the Southern VaIes and when the Main South Road tntas surveyed it divided many sections diagonally, only following their general trend through Morphett Va1e. settlers such as Jacob Pitman, who occupied section 5488, found that their section t^las cut in two by a chain-wide road that had to be double-fenced. Pitman wrote asking whether he could take the occupation road to the east in Iecompense, but found that this l^,as not allowed since it would deny his neighbour' Thomas Parr perry, acceSS to the main road.(lO) Greater care tnias taken south of the onkaparinga to adopt a line that did not inconvenience either travell-er or settler. Nevertheless Charles Hewett u,as denied an alteration to the road through Section L35C on the grounds that the line of road chosen by John McLaren l/l,as best for the travelling public.(3I) McLaren did manage to anticipate another of Frome's instructions, namel-y that sea frontages should be halved to give as many as possible a share in this advantage. As it turned out these rlrele not highly sought after bLocks in the southern aIeas, being flar too exposed to the wind and eroded

IB for farming. John McLaIen's work l^,as highly Iegarded by his contemporaries and there is good leason to believe that the third of the southern Vales l/llas named after him and not the manager of the south Australian company.(32) HawkeI refers to the area as McLaren Plains when he recal-ls cÌearing the road there in L839, âñd the Register also used the term McLaren's Vale in the same year when it announced the opening of 6I sections for selection. Despite this reputation, McLaren ta¡as shabbily treated in August IB41 when GoveInoI Grey's economies resulled in his selVices being terminated. His request for a passage to England l/\,as denied in the following month. Happily justice l^Jas eventually done when in IB42 he was reinstated as

Senior Surveyor under Frome . ( ¡¡ ) lnlhatever the Ieason rlvas for the adoption of the B0-acre section as the basic rural- unit, it dominated the suIVey' The regular section grid l/\,as symbolic of the plan of the Colonization Commissionels lo create an orderly settlement and society. Their precise instructions to the surveyors left little freedom to alter the pattern of land division to take account of topography and soil fertility. Moreovet their promise that "the SUIVeyS should be in advance of the demand" for land placed the suIVeyoIs under such pressule that it tlvas littIe wonder that they developed a mechanical apploach to marking out the land . Q+) Nevertheless an intelligent man l-ike John McLaren was able to make some modifications to the Commissionelsr btueprint for rural settlement and avoid some ofl the more obvious blunders.

I9 ( C ) Sel-ection Colonel Robert Torrens and his feIIow Commissionels tniere by no means as convinced of the virtues of concentrated settlement as t¡lakef iel-d. Theref ore they f ailed to compel the preliminary purchasers to select their land from the alea surveyed near the caPital citY. In The Foundation and Settlement of south Australia Archibald GrenfeIl Price algues that the early colonists failed to understand the effects of the Mediterranean climate on growing wheat. Despite the huge crops of kangaroo grass on the plains, they considered they h,ere too dry in SUmme¡,. J.H. Fisher and George Stevenson both recognized the agricultural potential of the Adelaide PIains, but failed to divert attention arnray from the southern aleas ' There seemed to be 1'a genuine and deep-seated desire flor the wetter hilts areas ." G5) The holders of I34-acre preliminary land orders enjoyed a privileged priority in the selection of land from sulVeyed districts. Eight such land orders had been reserved for District B and another twelve for District C. Second choice rlvas given to selectors who held 8O-acre Iand orders purchased in England. Since the date of pulchase decided the order of selection, there l/\las a ready market for old orders and they l^Jere adverlízed for sal-e. 0n1y after the holders of preliminary and BO-acre land orders had been satisfied, did the officels of the Lands Department examine the tenders of cash purchasers.(16) This system gave a distinct advantage to English investors in coloniat land, including the South Australian CompâflY, and for that Ieason both John Morphett and David McLaren h,eIe prominent in the first selection of sections in the Southern Vales.

20 Morphett's brothers, George and Nathaniel, 1¡ele active in England persuading capitalists to invest in South Australian land. Their letters to John gave him frequent advice on how he should handle the interests of his English clients. In Aprit lBlB George wrote that he "shouLd be vely particular in doing business in the format way old l¡Jilson rntas taught in his day.,, (37) The lirjilsons consigned cargo for John Morphett to selL in the colony as well as placing theil pleliminary j-and order in his hands. They seem to have taken a personal interest in theil young agent for George wrote that he had seen Francis t¡rJilson at dinner and "he and his father could not help thinking you wanted a Partner. " l¡lhen they t^,ele advised that John rlvas about to be malIied, they gave him plate tnlorth 420 as a l/\Jedding plesent.(lB) 0ther clients Iecruited by the Morphetts Were Thomas Acocks, "a friend of Page'S", and the Rev. Dr. Morgan, chaplain of the Dockyard at Portsmouth'(19) lalhen the sections SUrveyed in Hurtle VaIe rrrter.e opened for sel-ection on I4 February 1839, John Morphett |/llas able to secure choice spots along the banks of the cleek for his clients. He had obviously taken a keen interest in the alea for he held three of the preliminary land orders reserved for selection there as well as six of the twenty BO-acre land orders ' None of the purchasels evel settled in the aIea, which shows that the Morphetts dealt mainty with English investors rather than

intending emigrants . ( a0 ) David McLaren also exercised two preliminary J-and orders on behal-f of the south Australian company in the Hurtle Val-e area. He took an even greater interest in District c, where he held six out of the first seven choices. He wrote to the

2T London manager that oice and from his intimate Part of which onlY has been services for which I wiIl PaY

seat of a village or town Bay. ( aI ) McLarenandMorphettWereabletopelsuadetheGovelnorto marked postpone the date of selection until the sections l/ì,ere tnjhen the preJ-iminary of f and numbered on the grou nd. (a2) choicesWelemadeon3June,McLarenWasab]etoSecUIenot 6L-62C, where onJ-y the Horseshoe sections, 7o-7IC, but also fresh water ,,as avairabre upstream.(see fig. 3) His other all rich choices l^lere sections 123-I24C, L35-I36C and L47-148C' soila]-ongthelineofthecreekatMcLarenVale.Forhis which part, Morphett had to be content with sections Il5-I16C' hechoseflorHenryAlcockofskipton,Yotkshire,andofcourse his commission. (41) McLarenandMorphettalsousedBO_acre]andordersto best land ldas choose sections in McLaren Vale, but by then the gone.InSeptemberl}3gMcLarenexeicisedhislast preliminary land order to select for the South Australian Horseshoe. By Company sections 324_729c, downstream from the and 0'Halloran' nol^, other agents l^lele active in the districl NixonandCo.chosesiXsectionsalongtheriverfor ChristopherRawsonofHalifax,Yorkshire.Theyresisted up the McLaren,s offer to exchange sections in order to link Company'sholdings.(44)Morphettalsofoundthatthey ploVidedhÍmwithstiffcompetitionwhensectionsofthe McLarenFlatareau,eleopenedforselectionattheendof 0ctober.O,Halloran,NixonandCo.WeleabletoeXelcise

22 FIG.3 L NN D SELECTED ( rr3g - r¡r+¡)

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btq 614 :lt Ð] a+ as ¿7G bt¡ brl SrB 10t lol 'l¡z (,ls 6ü aa+ ¡oì ù- Ito llt trl 1lç 'l +1 48 a{1 (rSO bsl r-1 lrl 1n a¿L;) ltt 1¿¿ t¿? ,¡Y h!? 6(+6 ({s (s blÍ 6ll þ 56t €(21 b1' t1I 1ür 13r 132 133 139 ÞtslRrc-I ß I (f ?ro I 3 s 6 1 B q ro þt c ) tþ¿ úo3 ,d+ 80S w ¡io7 W, g6rRrct Ç 3\\ 1ì) rb rg tcl tr \t r3 r9 rf r1 lo 319 ïl ï6 tr-l ti¡6 8tì ôs l 516 LIr I zt ).ì- >1 x{l )ø ì,-l 8r¡ :aq 8lc¡ (it l3¿ 13ç r3s K36 zq 3o it 31- 3l 36 ótr¿ trß tq¡{ tl?-l rq8 qo l+l q3 +9 3l 38 3q \ l.- - ôltt rf8 Ð-1 86r l+¡. t+l q8 /r, 'l¡s 1ìI' 3È7" \ç 50 ù ilo ¡3.1 i3) 333 51 Stt sç s6 çt 6r 5r1 60 ß\ Tr-{É :ortt{ e3l S€LEcToß t{oa.p!{eï 33f 35(. 6k 6s q6 61 6e ß'{ Añ ß1 olt

scALË I I ql,160 Mi'rol¿s oP r'rcclir,Ss GßG iSl2'-i @ - o 2- lv\\ÉS fifteen BO-acre land orders compared to the six Morphett had at his disposal.(45) The broad val-Iey of Morphett Vale failed to attract the attention of Morphett and McLaren because of the absence of permanent waterholes. Even here though smaller agents vvele able to place some of the land in the hands ofl absentees. Again they chose land where the creeks draining the valley crossed lhe main road. Here aS in other aIeaS agents acted as the "eyes and hands" of the EngJ-ish capitalist, who sat¡ colonial- land aS a Speculative investment rather than aS a means of establishing a nerrv tife for himself. 0nIy 0'Ha1J-oran, Nixon and Co., who WeIe very active in Morphett Vale, seem to have acted in the interests of genuine settlers, such as the Nichol-son brothers, James Craig and Alexander Murray.(a6) In the northern part of the va11ey, settlers like Thomas Parr PeItyr Thomas Be11 Ke11y, Alexander Anderson, Alexander tlrJearing Long and Samuel Myles Ielied on no-one but trusted theil ot^,n judgement to select their sections. Alexander Anderson r¡ias able to augment his Iandholdings by purchasing additional BO-acIe land orders. He bought his first at home in DubLin in March f839 and used it to select section 6IOB in October. By buying two further land orders, granted originally to J. Scurr and GeoIge Johnstone of , he tnias able to secule sections 6098 and 6118.(47) 0ther settters rlltele not so lucky in their land dealings. Edward Castle of purchased four land orders under the assumed name of Edmund Cartwright of Exeter and sent them to O'HaIloran, Nixon and Co., who chose sections 7C, BC, IIC and IBC for him. tnJhen Castle arrived in the coJ.ony to take

23 possession of his land, he had considerable difficulty proving his legal title to it . ( 4B ) l^lhile Castle could blame no-one but himself for his predicament, Dr. Al-exander Charl-es Kelly was entitled to be angly when he vvas informed that, owing to an alteration in the land Iegulations, his selection of Section 6348 rllas to be cancelled. He i/\lrote back complaining that he had already laid out a considerable sum of money on buildings and other improvements. The case t/\las refelled to the crown Law 0fficeI.' who rlras of the opinion that Kelly had a claim "in equity", and the grant was issued to him. (a9) The success or otherwise of the system of placing genuine settlers on the land can be estimated from the detailed agricultural survey of the colony made at the end of f840.(50) 0n1y lBO sections, abouL 30% of the land surveyed in the Southern VaJ-es, had been selected by that time. ( see fig. 3) Of the sections selected only 72, aboul I2%' rlrrere occupied - 48 (BÐ by the pulchasel an d 24 (4"/") by a tenant of the oyr¡nel ' All this suggests that the wider extension of the suIVeYS, pressed upon Fisher by the preliminary purchasels in 18lB' uvas used mainly to "pick the eyes" out of the land by taking up the best alluvial soil aLong the most reliable watelcourses. The selection system ¡xas Ioaded in favour ofl the wealthy Englishman with money to invest in colonial land. Preliminary land orders and 8O-acre land orders, both of which tlrtele purchased in Britain, had priority in the choice of land over the tenders of settlers who preferred to buy land after they had made the commitment of migrating to the colony. l¡lhile absentee investors enioyed such privileges they exerted pressule for the widest possibl-e extension of the suIVey and in

24 this 1¡ay the lnJakefield principle of concentrated settfement tatas subverted by the legulations issued by the Commissioners. They 1¡ere more concerned with attracting capital than settling a population of farmers and labourers cl-ose to the amenities of a capital city.

25 (D) settlers lnlakefield aimed to create in his model- coJ-ony a Ieplica of the homeland by encouraging the export of both labour and capital to a place where Land was plentiful. (5f) He praised the division of labour that he saw in English society and certainly had no intention of cleating a society of peasant proprietors. t^,lhi1e he r¡as not opposed to the development of leasehold, which freed gentlemen to play a leading role in society and govetnment, he argued that the rich should emigrate along with theil capital. AIl this suggests that he would have been concerned over the degree of absentee ohlnership that seemed to be deveJ-oping in the Southern VaIes. Some astute men like Lovett and Napier had floreseen the probLems 1ike1y to develop if speculators rnlere al-1owed to buy up the best land' Yet perhaps the gleatest problem apparent at the end of l-84I ¡¡as the dispersal of sett,lement that allowed a sparse pastoral society to develop in an area capable ofl sustaining a much greater population. Wakefield argued that the emigrants should be caIefully selected, with a pleference being given to young marriageable pelsons between the ages of fifteen and thirty. The sexes should be sent out in equal plopoltions so that the maximum population could be achieved at the minimum cost of transportation.(52) The detaited census compiled in January 1841 enables us to compale the actual population of the Southern Vales with the ideal put f orward by t¡Jakef iel d. (53) A breakdown ofl the people into age groups appears to be very heartening to the systematic colonizers. A large proportion of colonists are in the 2I-34 age group' fewer in the 35-49 range and none ovel 50. The distribution between t6 the sexes is Iess pleasing, urith a ratio of only 54 females Der IO0 males. Pike's analys'i.s of the poPUlation of the whole colony using the same cenSUS suggests thaL the Southern Vales trrlere abnorma-l in the balance of the Sexes for he came up nrith a ratio ofl 7-7 f emales pe¡. i.00 mal-es. A breakdouln of Sex diffelence by age gloups tevea-ls that the Ploblem lay mainly j-n the adult age range and to a LeSSeI extent among teenagers. This can be explained by the need for large numbers of mal-e shepherds in a pastoral econoflY, and the absence ofl basic amenities a1111ay from the city. The problem seems to be compounded by the absence of marriageable females -rin the 2I-34 age range, although it is possible that some ofl the men had wives and children in AdeLaide. Since the census provides the reader with actual names of individuals it is possible to break up the Iist inlo household oroups, by comparing it to the agricultural suIVey mentioned ear-l-ier. ( see Appendix A ) TwentV-three households contain a family group, usually r'rlith an assortment of singJ-e Servants and labouIeIS. Another ten consist of one oI more single and apparently unrelated men, while flour h,ere related but non-conjugal groups. This suggest a much IoweI plopoltion of conjugal households than has been obtained in other studies. ( 54 ) The size of identif iable f amì-l- ies is also unusual-. t^,hi1e the Ialgest number of f amilies cont.ain only three members, there hlere seven families with six members and trryo truith ten oI moIe. This suggesls that while a coupJ-e rnith two or l-ess children tntas the noIm, some fairly large families had been allowed to emigrate.

Wakefield also exPressed a preference for English migrants

27 and Pike's anaÌysis of the apOlicants for assisted oassages seems to indicate that this rlras largely achieved. (S:) Aqain it is possibte to trace a l-arge ploportion of the labourels employed in the Southern Vales back to the applications Lodged i-n Britain. t^Jhile the sampJ-e is sma11, it yields some interesting comparisons rruith Pike's f-ì-gures. Tot¡tc- I - Oo\qr^ o+ LÂboef¿fs " : WhoIe cotony (Pike) SouLhern Vales Scotland 15% 29% Ireland IO% L6%

Devo n/Cornwall/Somerset 15% ?5% /Hants./Gl-ouc./tnliIts. 20% 7% Sussex/Home Counties 35% IB% @ - t8r+l Cens.rs, Apglìtcr{runs 6c ossis{cd, p.^srÀlÈs (sec'ços}noles) More laboureiñame f rom Scotland, Iteland and /CornwaIl while fewer came from the south-eastern heartland of Enql-and' This prefelence in the Sout.hern VaIes foI Servants from the Celtic fringe is probably due to the origin of theil employers, rruhich can al-so be studied from shipping tists and genealogical SoUIceS. A high ploportion of the landholders 1i\,ere also Scots, followed in turn by men from Devon and IreIand.(56) There is an interesting pattern in Scottish migration to the Southern Vales that Iepays the work of tracing il through passenger lists. Three pairs of brothers settled in the area - ThomaS and Alexander Kelly of Dunbat, JameS and John Turner of Thrushgrove near GIasgow, and Arthur and Robert Nicholson. Surprisingly there is no instance of them cominq out on the same ship, althouç;h John Turner Ief t only a month a.f ter his brother. Both Alexancler KeIly and Robert Nicholson seem to have awaited nerrvs of Ðrospects in the colony before leaving. 0n the other hand there aIe instances of friends, who came out together and settled in the same area. James Craig and

2B Alexander MurIay, both Scotch Baptists from Glasgow, arrived in South Australia on the ship "India" in Februaly 1840. They settled on adjoining sections of land at Morphett VaIe, which had been chosen for them by 0'Hal1oran, Nixon and Co. James Macleod and James Douglas both came out on the Prestonjee Bonanjee in October ISlB and settled in the McLaren Vale area.l>/) Lieutenant JameS MacJ-eocl, late of the Scots GIÊYS, seems to have had the best claim to qentility among those tnrho took up land in the area. He and his wife lodged with Governor Gawler untit he could decide where to exercise lhe land orders that he had purchased in EngIand. He had to.wait until after the preliminary land olders ralele filled in District C before choosing three adjoining sections in McLaren Vale. He then bought f our more sections as soon as cash sales t,rJere permitted. According to Hawker, who visited him r¡lhile clealino the main road throuqh the vale, Macleod "had brought his employeees with him from Scotland and, having pUt Up Some Ioomy Manning houses on his Iand, had made a vely comfortable establishment."(58) According to the applications for assisted passages these employees ìdeIe from the Highlands, where the landlords had taken up sheep-farming. They 1rúeIe weII suited to the task of minding Macleod's flocks. JameS DoUgIaS and Loudon Macleod' a younger brolher who came out to settle in McLaren Vale in I840' also employed HighlandeIS. The Scots who settled in Morphetl Vale ralete of quite a different background, coming mainly from the Lowland counties, which hJere already becomino industrialized and ovelcrowded. Alexander Brodie, from Thornton Loch, East Lothian, may well have had some farming

29 experience in an a1.ea famous for its grain, potatoes and livestock. However, the Kelly br.others rllele Sons of a banker, while MuIray and Craiq rnlele from Glasgow, which aJ-ready had a population of 2O3,OOO in tBll-.(¡g) The only instance of absentee Scottish ornrnership was that of Andrew Warnock, a tnlealthy manufacturer of Paisley, ttho purchaSed three Iand orders in March LB39 and sent out James Larryrie of Ayrshire as his agent. Latryrie selected 24O acres of hilIy land between the South Road at Hackham and the uppel Onkaparinga, calling it Mertin Farm.(eO) On a following ship l¡Jarnock despatched calgo to Lawrie, who engaged the teenaqe son of the lnlauchope f amily f rom Glasgollr. The McRae f amily f rom Kintail followed in I840 and again one of the sons trr,as recruited by Lawrie t.o mi-nd sheep. James Macleod also hired shepherds from both of these ships.(ef) The Scots of the Southern VaIeS Seem to have been a "clannish" Iot wi-Lh a decided preference for the company and empl-oyment of their orrJn countrymen. A similar picture, with an interesting exception, emelges when hre examine the second Iargest gIoUp of settl-ers, those from Devon and CornwaIJ.. John Reynell from has the best claim lo gentility, being part of a family thal could trace its ancestry back to a Sheriff of Devonshire in t-he time of Henry II.(eZ) He emigrated to South Au5l¡¿'ì.ia on the "Surry" with a flriend, Thomas Lucas of County Armagh in IreIand. Marv Lucas, a sister of Thornas, travel-Led on the same ship and Reynell rnarried her soon after their arrival. He camped in Hurtle Vale r,rrhile the suIVeyoIS h,eIe at work and used his brother-in-Iaw's land order to choose Section 5248. Lucas allowed the newly-weds to occupV this secti.on, while he

30 bouqht land nearby. Reynell ernployed th::ee f amiJ-y qloups to mind his extensive fllocks, but none of them hrele flrorn his native counLy.(63) The other emiqrants from Devon sei:tIecl in the Mcl-aren Vale area. They comprised l^li lliam Colton of Sf-onehil Is, Char'les Hewett of Ashprington, John Clift of Sittishaw, Edward Harrj-s of Harberton and Frederick Scott of . Scott and Colton both employed Devonshire rnen on lhe-ir sheep-IUns, urhi'1e charles Hewett sponsored a number of farm-selvants from both Devon and cornwall-. on the applications for ass.isted passages the Cornishmen gave their former occupation as miners' The copper and tin mines of Cornwall WeIe at the ti-me experiencing a boom in production, but this l^las accompanied by a qreat increase in the population of the county. Low hrages and poor prospects probably temptecJ miners to emigrate.(64) Unlike Cornulall ancj the Lottlands of Scotland, Devon did not experience industrialization. The parishes from rruhich Herruett and Harris came WeIe nea¡, Totnes in South Devon, an intensively culttvated alea of small enclosed farms. The Ioss of markets at the end of the Napoleonic ìnlars brought hard t-ì-mes, in which men ldele f orced of f the land. Some of the hardships of farm labourers' lives aIe revealed in the IB43 Report on the Employment of tlrlomen and Children in Aqriculture.(el) It hras Iittle ìdonder that GeorQe Fife Anoas found an attentive audience in his home county urhen he lectured on the advantages of emiqration to South Australia.(66) t^lhile the Colonization Commissioners adhered closely to emigrant labourers 11rlakef ield's guidelines on the selection of ' there tlrtaS a shortage of hlomen in the Southern Vales and fewer

3L f amiJ-y groups. This can be lraced to the land policy t-hat allowed a pastoral economy to develop there and separated workers ftom the amenities of the capi.tal city. A pattern of qloup migration resulted in a high ploportion of scots, Irish and settlers from Devon/CorntruaIl. These employed laboUIers flrom a¡.eas neal their homeland, who they felt rruou1d be more trustrnrorthy and amenab Ie .

3?_ ( E ) South Australian CornPanv The promot-ion of aqricultural settlernent l^Jas clearly dear to the heart of the founder ofl the Soul-h Australian Company, George Fife Angas, when he wrote that he intended "to provide a place where the children of pious farmels rnight have farms on which to settJ.e, and prov-tde bread f or f-heir f amil-ies ." (67) He tnr3, of course also look_ì-ng for reliable tenants, who rrilould provide the Company r¡rith a reguJ-ar return on ils investment in l-and. I n I836 Anqas wrote to l¡Jakef ield asking him to use his influence over t-he Commissioners to obtain free intermed-tate-c1ass passaqes for the families of farmers prepared to emigrate as tenants. This tntould enabl-e them to conserve the.iI capital and relieve them of the necessity ofl associatinq with their servants on the voyaqe, thus "desLroying that proper feel-i-ng of subordination ... on tthich rTriIl depend the vely existence of their cl-ass trhen they arrive in the colony."(68) In January IB37 the clirectors of the Company sent a circular Ietter rrTo Experienced Farmers possessing SmaIl Capitals", outlining details of their settlement- scheme. Tenants could select their land on arrival in the colony, but it had to be not less than three miles from the capital. Rents hJere to be keot as Iow as possibLe, rruith moderate increases eVeIy SeVen yeaIS, and tenants WeIe to have a riqht to purchase before the lease expired at a orice fixed when they signerJ up.(69) David McLaren ralas aPpaIled when the first tenants arrived at the same time as details of the scheme, and thought that both the rental and purchase prices agreed on in England rllele too Iow. He ulged that he should be qiven the pohJer to fix higher rents that r{eIe mole in Iine rtith the

33 inflated price of land in the colony. By the end of tBlB there 1¡¡ere sixteen tenants with an average capital of "*fSO.(70) The Company's first tenants in the Southern Vales rllere the Devonshire f atmets, Charles Hewett and t¡liIliam Colton. They had chartered the ship "Duchess of Northumberland" to take their families, servants, stock and equipment to the colony.

0n Christmas Da y IB39 they rlrlele shown land in the McLaren Vale area and decided to occupy sections 135-I36C and I47-t4BC as tenants of the Company. By February tB4O McLaren tnlas able to report to London that they "aIe highly pleased - as well they might be".(71) Hewett also wrote a letter to Angas that tatas quoted to the SeIect Committee on South Austra.Iia in tB4I ' t¡Je aIe getting thickly inhabited in this qualter. - There is yet . . . much !ood lanô unoccupied as well as unsold, of rich Utack soil anð at different places limestone with plenty of wood. l¡le have no doubt that every experienced and industrious farmer could do much better with his capitaJ- here than in EngI and. Q2) This made excellent copy for what Robert Linn has termed "the propaganda of the South Australian Company."(73) fn the pamphlet, South Arrstralia in IB42 , Hewett's observations on the as trvas potential of the land for farming aIe quoted at length ' the flotlowing Ieport from the Company's Colonial Manager. hle p¡.oceeded to Messrs. CoIton and Hewett's flarms, where aIe to be seen comfortable, brick-buiIt farm-houses, hiith commodious barns and outhouses - half of their land flenced in and prepared for wheat, and evely token of untiring industry. The tenants have each of them a herd of cattle, and a fliock of sheep, with all the comforts of thoroughbred English farmers about them; and within the first term of thõir leases, I expect will be in a position to PURCHASE their farms.(z¿r) In fact Hewett and Colton remained tenants of the South Australian CompanY until I854. During Gawter's term of office (fA¡A-4I) the colony experienced a speculative boom as land purchasers and labourers

i4 arriVed in droves. PubIic workS Were needed on a scaLe not envisaged in I876, and an extravagant amount of land tntas SuIVeyed to satisfy the demands of the preliminary Ourchasels' The Board of Commissionels panicked at the Ievel of spending and dishonoured the bills sent to them by Gawler. In I84I George Grey utas sent to the co-lony to replace Gawl.er and apply what amounted to a rrcredit squeezert. Goods norlt had to be sold at ruinously low prices lo obtain any cash at a1I.(75) In this crisis the South Australian Comoany tilas forced to accept wheat at 4/- a bushel j.n satisfaction of rental payments. The companyts poJ-icy on fulfilment of rent obligations raas spe-lt out by l¡JilIiam Giles in a series of llrJilliam Randell. written instructions to his farm managel ' rrYou will please inforrn the Tenantry of the S.A. Co. that unl-ess they irnmediately proceed to send in their wheat I shall be under the painful necessity of sendinq in a Distraint on theil farms." Randell r¡las also told to keep a constant watch on them to ensule that they did not sell any of their grain.(16) 'In January fB44 the tenants .i-n the vicinity of the Noarlunga MiIl rllele told to deliver their r¡rheat to Messrs. Stevens, PhilJ-ips and DehoIne. Hewett was chided for not complying with these instructions. "I hope you will no. lonqel delay sendinq in wheat to the MiIl at Noarlunga. I think it is about time you r¡rent to work in earnest as there are two and a half years in arlears both of rent and Interest'!Ql) Edward Giles (SecLion 6lC) and the Turner brothers (Sect-ions 123-124C) received similar letteIS. None of these could have been as desparate as Wiltiam Detaney (Section 329C), to tryhom Gi.l-es

35 l/\Jrote. ,,5ome time aqo you came to me to borrow a plouoh to be used on your farm at Noarlunqa. You have teft t-he Farm and taken the plough rruith you. I rn¡i11 i-hank vou to return t'he plough j.mmediately to ffie, and Iet me know rruhy you have oone ahray from your occupation."(7B) The tone of betrayal in this tetter suggests that Gi1es, like GoveInoI Grey, couJ-d be privately charitable while rernaining unmoved in public. There is othel evidence for this conclusion within the correspondence of the company's colonial Manaoer. Giles instructed WilIiam Randel-l to give Samuel Clark (Section 324C) credit for two steers so that he could work his section, intereeded with the manaqer of the Banking Company on behalf of Her¡rett when he owed éfOO, âtrd wrole in the follotruing terms to

E. C. Gwynne. I believe you do not feel in cornmon with myself some sympathy ¡ár poor Edward Giles. The last FIoods s¡¡ept away about 40 or 50 of nursery stock He nol/\l comes to me willing to-give up his farm but I arn anxious to caIIy him if possibie .. T am iru-t11ing to Lake 5/-'î n the Pound for Arrears of Rent, j-f you t¡ri11 do the same f or the amount of hi.s Debt to you.(zr) Despite this forbearance from his Iandlord, Edward GiIes ì¡Jas forcedtoqiveUphisleaseinLB4T.Norl4Jashetheonly tenant to go under in this difficult oeriod. The brothets, rrat James and John Turner, continually disappointed GiIeS not receiving deliveries of t¡rheat oI payments in Cash on account of (their) Arrears of Rent." l¡rJhen in I84B thev sent in wheat "mixed rruith Drake and BarIeV", Giles t¡ras indignant for the Company yxas all-owinq them 4/- a bushet, ninepence above the market price. FinalIy in LB49 they too wele forced to qive up their Iease. ( 80 ) Hewett continued to exasperate GiIes rn¡ith his tardiness in paying off his arrears. FinaLly Giles florced him to sign a

36 Bill of Sale on his sheep and insisted that he deliver 100 r^JetheIS evely month. Despite these clrastic Iemedies, his arrears mounted to nearly J¡OO in lB4B . ( Bl ) l^Jh ile Herrlett's problems could be ascribed to poor management, it is significant that other tenants also struggled to meet thei-r obligations. Samuel Clark raras reminded in 1847 that he talas not only behind with his rent but still- owed the Company for the bullocks he had DUrchased in IB43'(BÐ He t¡las cautioned against holding back his produce for better prices, but tntas still in atIeaIS in 1851. Even tnlilliam CoIton had to be reminded in the same year that he rnlas behind rruith his rent.(Bl) These interchanges between Company manaqement and tenants shor,v Robert Linn's .iudgement that the South Australian Company "caIed l-ittIe for settlers' welfare and much for the profit that could be made in this ner¡l land" to be much too harsh'(84) Under tnlilliam GileS management the Company ratas a far more flexible and humane landlord than rnre would expect. In his study of the first ten yeaIS of the Company's opelations in South Australia, Arthur Diamond claims that the tenants lnJere in a sound economic position after 1845.(85) A detailed study of the tenants in the Southern VaIes Ieveals that Iecovery from the lB4fls depression rltas not as srnriflt as Diamond woul-d have us believe. The problems of low wheat prices and indebtedness persisted right up to the goldrushes of I851.

-

37 ( F ) Survival also a severe test for manY The l-840s€' Depression Provided of the freehold settÌers, Pârticularly those who had borrowed money in order to take advantage of the qrazing potential of the unsold sections SUlrounding their farms. Sheep, which had cost them 40/- a head, were sol-d for 5/- while in IB43 some Ì^Jere boiled down for soap. During L842 no less than L36 writs passed through the sheriflf 's court and 37 fiats ofl insolvency uJele issued. J . t^j. Bull wrote that " the ruin reached every class, and most of those who had invested the whole ofl their capital in l-egitimate pursuits, never afterwards recovered their lost position oI property."(86) The fortunes of some of the pioneer settlers of the Southern Vales illustrate the effects of the commissioners' decision to reject Gawler I s bilIs. The Depression raaS most SeveIe on the largest fl-ockowners like John Reynell, who ran 2,5O0 sheep in I84I' A meeting of his creditors r¡as advert ized in the Register neWspaper in Augu st L843, while a return of insolvents pubtished in November list ed his debts at *l,lz6/o/2.(87) John Reynell wrote a letter to his relati-ve, Sir Thomas Reynell of Essex, describing the circumstances that brought about his ruin' In May tast I was compelled to succumb to the disastrous times which have prevailed here as you know since a veI.y long time. The Ieaction from the first excitement 1¡as so qr.ãt that il was never possible to make saving saIes, and in the hope ofl things mending sacrifice breeding stock, to extravagant kind such as men per ton (now *tz) and other t^,as induced to borrow money at 20-25 per cent p9r anno - a process calculated as you wirr Say to insure ruin my brother-in-l_aw, Mr. Luôas, has also been ruined. As it is, t remain destitúte quite, excepting tlre 4lO worth of cl-othes and furniture Ieft me by law' My chiefl creditors, the money lenders, who caused my downfall aI.e so far satisfied thât they háve offered to rent me ReynelLa

3B time Farm I have lost f a , OOo of capitaJ- , five. years of and ha d my health much subverted. This is the reward SO far of the piãn""t of this reaJ-1y fine country ' ( BB ) It is interesting to note that ReyneJ-1 bl-amed l-oca1 conditions - high labour costs, high food prices and high interest rates - rather than mole qeneral factors such as the as the main 7 f all in *9_glices, which F ilzpatrick regards cause o1 distress in the Australian colonies at this time' Like many ofl the settl-ers he probably sar¡¡ South Australia as a ,,fine country", mismanaged by those responsible for achieving a balance between land, câÞital and labour. l¡lhen his brother of f ered Henry sent him .{.I , 5OO f rom India to pay his debts and to find him a good position there, John evidently pleferred to ,,weather the storm" in south Australia. By IB45 he could wrile that he had "Ieceived remittances' which have enabled me to commence 'di nuovo' and free from aIl former disabilities.l' l¡lhen he made a will in 1848, Sections 524 and 538 were his property once again and, white he did not yet have the deeds to Section 511, he had repurchased it from his mortgagee' the

Auction Company. . ( B9 ) James Macleod was another rnlell-connected settler who suffered from the Depression. His propertY, Rona, had

plospered in t84t under the management of lrlilliam Douglas. A flock ofl L,950 sheep grazed on his seven sections and the surrounding unselected land. Horntever, in LB43 Mcleod was declared insoLvent and his creditors met in August to arrange a settlement of his debts that amounted to J919/4/IO. lnlhen his brothers came out from Scotl-and in I846, they found that James had died. His mother expressed a wish to have his remains reburied in the city cemetery and a cart bras sent to fetch the cofflin. 0n the tnray down Horseshoe Hill a bizarte accident

39 occurred tnlhen the cart ovelturned and the driver ìflas kilIed. The brothers decided to sell Rona and moved to settle near

Bordertown. ( 90 ) John Morphett prospeled from his activities on behalf of English investors during the period of specul-ation in land. Yet he could not iqnole the plight of one of his clients, who had migrated to the coJ-ony in March L839, esPecially when he had an influential father at home. Morphett taras thanked in IB4I for taking upon himself "the responsibility of supplying Mr. Cotterell rruith cash to rel-ieve his pressing necessities. " The writer went on to say that Sir John Cotterell had consented to pay the sums advanced, but Was "Iesolved not to entrust Mr. Cotterel-l with any more capital in consequence of his past misconduct." The enclosed memo flrom Sir John blamed his son' Thomas, for having wi1fu11y and wantonly dissipated ÉZ,0OO intended to establish him on a farm in South Australia.(91) This letter placed Thomas Cotterel-I in a position of continued dependence on Morphett, who wrote to the Surveyol-GeneraI in 1845, consenting to the :r:e-Iouting of the Main South Road through Sect.ions 69 and B0C and stating that ,'Mr. Cotterell has been in the habit of acting under my advice in respect of his propetty." This Seems on the SUrface to be a clear case of an English genll-eman sending a rrne'r-do-we11" son out to the colonies, YCt Cotterell-'s inability to conselVe his capital may not have been due to prodigality. John ReyneII had found that "the first expenSes WeIe enormous" and had spent {geO on rnrages and rations in his second yeaI.(92) One of the most pathetic victims of the depression tlvas Arthur Bott Nicholson, who arrived in the colony with his

40 brother Robert in I839. He bought two B0-acre land orders from men who had decided not to emigrate. 0'HalloIan, Nixon and Co. used these to choose Sections 6548 and 6678, on which the brothers established Zetland Farm, BY the end of I840 they had erected a good lath-and-plaster dwelling, selvants' houses, dairy and stockyard, as well as digging a well 54 feet deep and enclosing eleven acres with posts and rai1s. Howevet, Nicholson vvaS soon in debt and in March I843 he tlrtas forced to seIl the ploperty rlrrith all its improvements for {¡SO. By I854, when Edl^lard Castle sold it to the Spriggs, it t^,as worth Ét ,53o. (93) Nicholson moved to Adelaide and set up a business as an accountant. Few coul-d afford his services and in IB44 he t¡las forced to take a job as a cl-erk in the post office. The following yeal he vvas accepted as a foot-constable in the MetropoJ.itan Police Force. He asked his superiors for a great-coat to keep out the rain and winter-chi11 as he trudged the muddy streets of Adelaide but none yxas available. By December IB45 he had been forced to declare himself insolvent and a few months later he asked to be allowed to occupy a cottage in the parklands Ient-free. The work soon began to affect his health and he applied for an easier iob as Inspector of SJ-aughter-houses and Brands. He seems to have been unsuccessful for in 1850 he wrote again, requesting an appointment as a cIerk. Nicholson's story indicates how easily a pioneel settler could slide dollvn the social scale. His gleatest mistake r¡as to qive up his land instead of persuading his creditors, as John Reynell did, that they would be better off alLowinq him to work the Land for them and pay rent . (9 4)

4I Not all changes in social standing i^,ele as dramatic as Nicholson's. In LB4I John tnjarnock came out from Scotland to manage his father's estate. As a result James Lawrie tltaS displaced, although he and his brother Robert continued to work on the ploperty for Some time aS farm laboureIS. EventualJ-y James moved to a ploperty called Lonyunga in the Myponga hi1ls' which he pulchased in January I845. Robert was taken into partnership by Alexander MurIay of Mount Pleasant, Morphett Vate. He later moved to Lonyunga to ioin his brother and by IB47 had saved enough to buy an BO-acre section neal NoarJ-unga. In June l84B James 1¡as kiIled in a saw-pit accident, but Robert continued to flarm and graze sheep in the Myponga hills until

LB57 . (e5) By 0ctober fB4O James Craig had bought a second B0-acre section, 65c, and arranged with a fellow Scotch Baptist, Archibald Greenshields, to work it on a five year lease. Hovvevel, Craig rnras soon in financial difficulties and had to mortgage both Section 65C and "Craigbank" (Section 19C). Acting on behalf of the bank, George Morphett sold up Section 65 and Greenshields became a labouler. Al-exander Murray tlvaS also in trouble and in 1844 had to se11 Section I0C to Richard TapIey and Edward Baker for éf¡0. He went back to Glasgow to seek the help ofl a friend, Peter Cumming, who agreed to sell up and migrate to South Australia. Murray notnl worked for him in his Rundle Street draper's shop, until he had saved enough to buy ten acles at Coromandel VaLIey and open a biscuit factory with Cumming's he1p.(96) As ¡¡e have seen the depression tnlas no respecter of social standing and many of those who bought freehold land earIy,

42 hoping to become a colonial- gentry, tntere among the first to suffer. Men Iike John Reynell and James Macleod had borrowed freely in order to pulchase their large flocks and rrrlele caught when a fa11 in wool prices made it impossible for them to repay their loans. John ReyneIl and James Craig rn¡ele able to survive the trial of the depression because they had the grit to persist on the land. Others like Arthur Nicholson and ALexandel MuIray succumbed by giving up their land and revising theil expectations. Lilhile the depression caused hardship to the small wheat farmets, who struggled to find a market for their ploduce, they ¡rere able to survive by growing much of their otlrrn food. On the other hand, it ruined those glaziers who had hoped to prosper on borrowed capital by employing labour and selling wool at prices that would cover their costs and interest payments. In this rllay the depression may have speeded the transition from a pastoral to an agricultural economy. It is interesting to consider whether the gtaziers woul-d have been so easily displaced from the Southern Vales in the IB4Os if continued high prices for wool had enabLed them to prosper and expand their freehold sections.

43 Conclusion In a number of recent uuorks the idea that tnlakefield deveJ-oped a theory of colonization t,hat was.onltrt"ntly apptied to the settlement of South Australia has come under criticism. J. D. Young has a¡gued that there waS no coherent theory but merely some "IUles of thUmb", whil-e John Cashen states that the colony tlras based on "broad principles tied together with ad hoc Iegul-ations." llJhat both writers seem to be saying is that the policy adopted by the colonization Commissionels talas a mixture of guidelines derived from t¡Jakef ield's writings and pragmatic decisions made according to circumstances.(ge) Atthough tnJakefliel-d was intent on replicating the concentrated IUIaI settlement of Britain, the Commissionels wele by no means committed to this concept. They realized the difficul-ties they faced in selling land at a higher price than prevailed in othel colonies, and rnrele quite willing to offer the inducement of "the first choice of land throughout the colony', to the preliminary purchasers. This offer combined with the favourable impression of the Southern Vales given by Morphett, Stuart and Light to make the earl-y survey of the alea a certainty. llìlhile the Commissioners tnrere quite prepared to abandon the principle of ."slcentration, they rtvele curiously doctrina-ire when it came to setting down guidelines flor the surveyors. Land talas sold in sections, whose size talaS calculated in terms of the price and the saving potnter of the avelage l-abouIeI. A grid that might have been suitable on a level plain tntas transposed to a hilly country and the most convenient lines of communication ignored.

44 As a result of the land pol-icy followed by the CommissÍoneIS, the best land was chosen to benefit absentee Engl-ish investors, represented by John Morphett and the south Australian company. since mole tand had been sulVeyed than l¡,as actually needed for putchase, a sparsely settled pastoral society developed. Thus whil-e the youthf ul-ness of its inhabitants reflected an adhelence of the Commissionels to Wakefietd's ideas, the absence of amenities associated with cl-oser settlement worked against the achievement of an equal balance of sexes or stable flami1y qroupings' The depressed price of agricultural produce frustrated the establishment of what Angas had described as "a middle class among the cultivators of the soil ."(97 ) Most of the tenantry of the south Australian company wele too pool to employ SerVants or farm labouIeIS, and eVen the most conscientÍous found it difficult to fulfil their obligation to pay rent to their landIord. OnIy the florbealance of tnlilld-am GiJ-es, the colonial manager of the CompâñY, enabled the more deserving of the tenant farmers to survive the depression' Lrlhile the r¡ìrealthier freeholders employed a large number of shepherds and domestic servants in IB40, the collapse of wool and sheep prices robbed them of the ability to pay wages. Thus the division of labour between "trnlo IankS" of colonists became quite unreal in a situation when all classes faced ruin' Those who survived the depression and prospered in the 1850s l^,ere for the most part independent fatmers, who l/veI,e pI.epared to rolI up their sleeves and work in their flields. For that reason the kind of paternal-ist and class-conscious society that l¡lakef ield envisaged t/\,as never achieved in the southern Vales '

45 Notes l. Pike, D., op. cit., P. 78. 2. Angas, G. F. , to l¡Jakef ie1d, 29 septembet I836, Angas PapeIS, South Austral-ian Archives PRG 174/IO. 3. Cashen, J., Masters and Servants,' manuscript of Ph.D- thesis in progress, AdeIaide, 1983. 4. Morphett, J., Letter appJ-ying to be an agent, 26 June L835, Br own Pape rs 1834-36, 223, 31 /3I. 5. Morphe tt, J. , Times, 2 December IB3-7, oP. cit. Moon, K., op. cit., p. 174. 6. PÍke, D., op. cit., p. I74. 7 . Bu1L, J.t^,. Earlv experiences of CoIoniaI life in South Australia, E. S. tnJigg, AdeIaide, IB7B, PPS . 32-38. Manning, G nlc e op. cit., p. II2. B Light, l^J. , A Brief Journal rchibald McDougall, 1839, reprinted in Proceedings R.G. S.S.A., Vol 11, PPS. 7B-79. 9 South Aust ralian Gazette and ColoniaI Reqister, 2-4 February tBlB 3a. I0. Strangway rt ìirl.8., to Fisher, 13 March I8fB, Resident CommissÍo ne r's Correspondence, Vol-. l-. , p. I33, GRG 35/2II . 1l_. Fisher, J .H to Strangtnrays, 20 March lBlB, VoI. 2, p. 74, GRG 35/27 I. 12. Registet, 1 9 May lB3B 8bc. 13. Pike, D., o p.cit., p. L75. l_4 . Kinqston, G .S., to Fisher, 2 JuIy IB3B, 5 JuIy lBfB, Vol. 1, p ps . 297-9, 3Or-3, GRG 35/2rr. 15. ibid, 6 s ep tember lBlB, Vo1. 3, P. 53, GRG 35/2LI. 16. L'Jil-1iams, M The Makin of the South Austral-ian Landsca e Academic Pr e SS , Lon on and New York, I974, pps. 67, 98- 17. Hill_, R., t o F isher, 3I January lBlB, 2f Marc h rBf B, pps. L2O, l 3 4, Colonization Commissioners letters to thei r officers, G R G 4B/I. 18. 0rmsby, G .0 , to McLaren, 6 December 1838, P. 30, Surveyor- Ge n eral-'s Correspondence, GRG 35/20. to McLaren, J. , to 0rmsby, 9 December l-838, p. 35, GRG 35/20 20. McLaren, J. , Daily Progress Reports of leaders of survey parties, Nov ember lBlB to March L839, GRG 35/2L4. 2r. 01 dham , l^l ., The Land Polic o f South Australia IB30-42 Hasse1l, Ade Iaide, L917 , p. 22. Pike, D. oP . cit., p. L2L. 22. McLaren, ' J., Daily Progress Reports, oP. cit. 23. Hawker, J., Earlv Exoeriences in South Australia , E.S. llrJiqg, Ad elai de, 1899, pps.44,4-7. 24. ibid, p. 37. 25. 0rmsby, G.0. , to Slurt, 12 March IB39; Sturt, C., to McLaren, L3 June IB39; pps.64,93, GRG 35/20. 26. Sturt, C I nstructions to 0fficers of the Survey, 13 June IB39, pp J.^o / 7-99, GRG 35/20. 27. t^,liIliams , M. , op. cit. , p. 107. 28. McLaren, J., to Sturt, I June 1839, P. 20, GRG 35/2. 29. tnjilliams , M. , oÞ. cit. , p. 100. 30. Pitman, J., to Frome, ?-6 March IB40; Perry, T. P. , to Flome, J Januar Y IB 43; GRG 35/2. 3I . Hewett, C.T. , to Frome, 26 JuIy 1842, GRG 35/2/23O. Frome, E .c., to Hewett, 2I ApriI 1842, p. II3, GRG 35/20. Finniss, B.T to Frome, 17 October IB42 ' GRG 35/2/306. 46 32. Pridmore, 4., @, Adv ertiser, Adel-aid e, 1949 , p.J. She argues that McLaren Va le vvas named aft er John McLaren but the CycloPaedia of Sou th Australia cla ims on p. 835 that it was named after David McLaren Ro semary Burden in l¡iines an lnlineries of th outhern Vale , Rigby, Adelaide, L976, p. 16., also avo urs David Mcl-aren because tthe bras a much more important cog in the col-oniaI wheel than John " and had the McLaren t^lh arf at named after him. HoweveI, his contribution to McLaren Vale hJaS reaJ-1y onJ-y as a l-and selector for the South Australian Company. 33. Sturt, C., to McLaren, lO August IB4I, 3 September 1841' pps. 35O, 357; McLaren, J., to Fteeman, l4 January I842, p. 38I; Resident Commissionel's Correspondence, GRG 35/23O. McLaren, J., to Sturt, 20 August 184I, Assistant Commissioner's C orrespondence, GRG 35/5/348. 34. Price, Sir 4.G., The Foundation and Settlement of South Australia , Preece, Adelaide, L924, p. 13I. ac ibid, pps. II9 -LzO , r22. 36. 0Idham, l^1. , op. cit p. 47. Sidney, S. The Three Colonies of Australia I ngram, Cooke & Co. , London, 1852, ÞÞs. 192-1. 31 . Morphett, G. , to John, 15 April IBIB, John MorPhett PaPers, PRG IL92/T. 38. Morphett, G., to John, 23 May 1B38; Morphett, N. , to John, 20 December tBlB; PRG II92/2, 1. zo Morphett, G., to John, 5 June lBlB; Morphett, N , to John, L6 January LB39; PRG LI92/3, 7 . 40. Minutes of meeting on 14 Februar v 1839, p. 37, GRG 35/223- 4I. McLaren, D. to tlrlheel-er, 3 MaY 1 B 39, South Australian , z Company's Correspondence, Vo1. J, p. 29 , BRG /+2/II57 . 42. McLaren, D., and MorPhett, J., to HalI, 5 MaY IB39 , Resident Commissionerrs Correspondence, Vol. 3, pps. IB3-4, GRG 35 /2TT . 43. Minutes of meeting, f June L839, p. 52, GRG 35/223. 44. McLaren, D., to OiHalloran, Nixon and Co., ?-5 September IB39; McLaren, D., to lnlheeler, 20 November 1839, p.3O7, BRG 42/LI57. Angas seems to have interested Christopher Rawson in investing money in South Australian land for he wrote to him in Septembel and October IB36 seeking his support for the South Australian School Society. Rawson purchased his BO-acre land orders in June LBlB. 45. Minutes of meetinq, 29 October 1839, p. BB, GRG 35/223. 46. ibid,27 September 1839, P.80. 47. B0-acre Land 0rder Book, GRG 35/5O8. 48. Sturt, C., to O'HaIloran, Nixon and Co., I0 February 1840, p. I5O, Resident Commissionet's Correspondence, GRG 35 /230 . 49. Frome, E.C., to Kelty, I5 February I843, 25 Februaly T843, Surveyor-Genetal's Correspondence, GRG 35/20. KeIJ-y, 4.C., to lrome, 23 February LB43; Smillie M., to Frone, 24 February LB43; GRG 35/2. ( 50. Agriculture I840, British Parliamentary Paper 505 I 843) , pps. B0-9I. 5r. Cashen, J., op. cit., ChaPter I. 52. Pike, D. , op. cit. , P. 80. 53. 1841 Census - Districts B and C, S . A. Archives GenealogY Room.

47 54. Grellier, M. , "The Fami1y", A New History of WçStery Australia , edit. C.T. Stannage, University of l^J.4. Ptess, I9Bl-, p. 478. 55. Pike, D.,op. cit., p. IB3. 56. Rpplications for assi-sted passages, S. A. Archives Genealogy Room. 57. Passenger lists indexes and references S. A. Archives Genealogy Room. ' 58. Hawker, J , op.cit., p. 52. 59. GJ-over, J The Story of ScotLand London, Faber, 1960, pps. 2I3-227 . 60. Lawrie, T. , From Soil and Seed Pioneer ing Churches of Christ, 1983, pps. 20-21. 61 . Passenger lis ts, op. cit. , see Gl-enswil 1y and Tomatin, 25 Vol. I, p. 328; 25 Vol. 2, p. I50. 62. ReyneJ.I famil y Tree, South Australian c ol-lection, see al-so Burden, R. , o p . cit. , pps. 27 -28 . 63. IB4l Census, op. cit. Applications for assisted passages, oÞ. cit. 64. Halliday, F.E A Historv of Cornwall Duckworth, London, 1959, pps . 283-293. 65. Hoskins, lr'J. G. , Devon, David and Charles, , 1954, Þps. 9B-100. 66. Hodder, E. , Georoe Fife Anqas, Hodder and Stroughton, London, 1B9l-, pps . 239 , 265. 67. ibid, p. 239 . 68. Angas, G.F., to l¡lakefield, 29 September L836, Angas Papers' S.A. Archives, PRG I74/IO. 69. Diamond, 4., AsOects of the Historv of the South Australian Company, M.A. Thesis, , 1955, pps. 335-331 . 70. ibid, pps . 342-348. 7r. McLaren, D., to lnJheeler, 25 February 1840, South Australian Company Correspondence, Vo1. 3, p. 43O, BRG 42/II57. 12. British Parliamentary Paper 5o5 (L843), op. cit. 73. Linn, R., "First Settlets' Perceptions of the Physical and Social Environment of South AustraIia", The Push from the Bush, V ol. L2, May 1982, p. 44. 74. Anonymo US t South Australia in IB42 J. C. HaiJ-es, London, 1843, p. 1l-. 75. Pitt, G.H., "The Crisis of lB4l", South Australiana, Septembet I972, Vol. XI-2, p. 52. 16. Giles, hil., to Randel1, B 0ctober I842, 30 December 1842, BRG 42/II57, Book 2. 77. Gi1es, lrrJ., to Hewett, II June I844, ibid. 78. GiJ-es, t^J. , to Delaney, 18 February I845, ibid, p. 616. 79. GiJ-es, tlil. , to Gwynne, 9 January 1845, p. 388, BRG 42/II59 . 80. Giles, tnl., to Tutnet, 29 February 1848, p. IB3, BRG 42/IL59 Vo1. 2. BI. GiJ-es, tl\,. , to Hewett, 3 JuIy 1848, p. 238, ibid. 82. Gi1es, ì,rl., to C1ark, 16 June 1847, p. 126, ibid. 83. Giles, llìJ. , to Hewett, 2I January 1851, B March IB51' pps. 64 , 82; Giles, W., to Colton, 24 April 1851, p. 10I; Giles, t,rl., to Clark, 27 May IB5l-, p. 1I6; BRG 42/II59, Vol. 3. 84. Linn, R., op. cit., p. 48. 85. Diamond, A. , op. cit. , pps. 379-386. 86. Pascoe, J. J. ( edit. ) , t r f Adelaide init Hussey and Gillingham, Adel-aide, I901, pps. 83, 93.

4B 87. Register, 5 August LB43 2ã, 22 November L843 4. BB. neynell, J., to Sir Thomas Reyne11, 2L July LB43 N?n Kive1l CoIlection, National Librâry, canberra, NK' 52L?-. 89. liLzpatrick, B. The British Em ire in Australia An Economic Hi stor y lB34-L932, Me ourne Univ. Ptess, Mel-bourne, L94L, P. 7I. Burden, R., op. cit., P. 30. Reynell, J., to Sir Thomas Reynel-1, I February L845, op. cit., Nan KivelI Collection. l^Jill of John ReyneIl, Reynella Farm, 1l March 1B4B f rom copy in possession of Mrs. Margaret Hopton, McLaren Flat. 90. Pridmore,4., op. cit., PPS. 33-34. Register, 5 August IB43 2d,22 November IB43 4, 17 June 1846 3e. 9I. Leigh, liìJ., to Morphett, 27 October 1841, Motphett Papers' op. cit. 92. Morphett, J. , to Surveyor-General , I6 0ctober L845, GRG 35/2/248. ReyneJ-1, J., to Sir Thomas Reynell, 2L July L843, oP' cit' 93. BO-acre Land 0rder Book, GRG 35/5OB- Numerical list of 8O-acre Sections IBIB-4L, GRG 35/2L6. Return on Agriculture ( l84O ) , British Parliamentary Paper 505 (1841). Lands Department research. 94. South Australian Government Gazette, 4 December I845, p. 312. Þolice Department Outletter Book, GRG 5/9/2, 4 November L844, 20 November 1844, 7 June 1845, 22 ApriI 1846, 1 December 1847, I0 APril I850. qq Lawrie, T. , op. cit. , PPS. 22-24. 96. ibid, pps . 24-26. Lands Department research. 97. Young, J.D. , "South Austral-ian Historians and lnlake field' s Scheme", Historical Studies , Vol . 14, L969 . Cashen, J., op. cit. 98. Angas,'G.F:, to lnlakefield, 29 Septembet L836, op. cit.

49 2. MAKING A LIVING By the IB5Os the success of South Australian farmers had earned the coJ.ony its description as "the granary of Australia," a phlase that implies the failure of the other col-onies to feed theil populations. This failure has been explained by Blainey in terms of the availability of water transpolt as he commented that settlers "had no access to the interior lands on the east side of the continent, which were more suited for growing gllln and until the IB40s - when the fine coastal wheatlandS near Adelaide rnlele opened - the years in which Australians gret^, a1l the grain they ate hlele exceptional."(1) Cameron accounts for the failure of cropping in the early yeaIS of l¡Jestern Australia by suggesting that agriculture involves a more complex learning pIoceSS than does the managèment of livestock.(2) Other writers have pointed to the willingness of the South Australian settlers to adapt and devise farming methods to suit local- conditions ' This chapter will examine the rlray in which settlers in the Southern Vales managed to-solve a number of keY Problems and enabled agriculture to reach the protjt rity of the late tB50s. tr Firstly, farmers had to gain control ofl the best agricultural land and establish themselves on their holdings. Then they had to find suitable crops and develop cultivation techniques appropriate to the climate, soil and economic circumstances' Finally they had to secure a Iemunerative price for their produce - a probtem that baffled them until the goldrushes provided a ready market for south Australian qrain. 0wnership of land stimul-ated agricultural experimentation, but without markets for their ploduce the settlers' dream of independence in the nerat colony would have been blighted.

50 (A) The P astoral Period Since South Australia rnras settled during the expansion of squatting in eastern Australia, it raas only natural that many as a way of making a ofl the first colonists looked to 9"g living from the land. George Morphett wrote to his brother that rrln the Surry wiIl be a Gent. named ReynelI. He goes out to South Auslralia rruith the professed object of sheep-farming."(3) This preference for grq-1-ing rnlas reinforced by the initial failure of settlers to undeilîand the efflects of Meditellanean conditions on agriculture. They heeded the opinion of Captain Sturt thatrrYou must not expect to get clops of grain or fruit on this side of the Ianges. " Even the Commissionels in their second report stated that "South to be glltj.lg lather Australia would athrays be cal-culated " than a ti11.?*ge country ." (4 ) 0verlanders llrrele quick to take advantage of the demand for livestock in South Australia. In April fBlS Joseph Hawdon drove cattle from Goulburn, following the course of the Murray. He struck out west from the river into the Mount Lofty Ranges until he reached Mount Barker. Leaving his cattle there, he followed the River Onkaparinga "unti1 u,e came out at the Horseshoe." There he met three young immigrants, who had been out hunting. q_!rggrroos because of the high price of flresh meat. -f Hawdon rltas given a public dinner and had no trouble disposing f rom Van of his herd prof itably. JJp-ct< tnlele also shipped Diemen's Land by the South Australian Compan;to that by May I 1,500 cattle and 22O horses in I 1B3B there tntere I2,OOO sheep, I the colony.(5)

51 The south Australian land regulations gave those who purchased sections the opportunity to lease l-and for grazing. Each ploprietor of BO acres ¡¡as entitled to rent two square miles of pastulage at an annual rent of IO/- peI squale mi1e. t¡lhen these terms rnlere publ-ished in November IBIB there tlvas a rush of applications from settl-ers like Thomas Lucas, who wanted four squale miles south of the South Australian company's sheep station at Hurtte Vale. The number of tequests for land in the as yet Unsurveyed Southern Vales suggests that settlers tnrere already squatting there with their flocks and herds. ( 6 ) The preliminary purchasers l^,ere quick to hold a meeting, at which they asserted their priority in the choice of pastoraJ- Leases. They rlvele advised by the Resident Commissionel to choose their sections promptly and told that no l-eases could be granted south of District B. Then on l-5 December they vvere inflormed that no leases rlvere to be granted until all the preliminary districts had been surveyed. ( 7 ) l^Jilliams does not seem to have noticed this change in poticy for he assumes in his chapter on tand survey that the regulation had been put into plactice. He then goes on to explain that the right ofl preliminary purchasers to lease commonage created the need to define "hundreds" with easily perceived natural boundaries such as rivers and mountains . ( I ) When Captain Brewår of Morphett Vale applied to rent two square miles of pastulage in f84t, he ¡n¡as informed that his "desire cannot be complied with, âs it has been found impracticabl-e to bring the regulations to which you allude into opelation, for which no leases have ever been granted, though many applications have been made for them."(9) The sheep

52 farmers ofl the Southern VaIes therefore reverted to grazing their flocks on unsol-d Crown Land in the vicinity of their homesteads. The dominance of pastoral activity over cul-tivation at this time is demonstrated by the lB4O Agricultural Return, which lists the improvements made by settlers to pulchased sections. AS lnJil-liamS comments in his earliel work, the Iaek of enclosUIe and the number of stockyards SUggeSt squatter occupancy.(10) An official return ofl sheep in the colony made in I841 includes the f oIIot^ring southern settl'ers ' Tqtole, 2 - Nuv.h¿e oT Sht

A. lnJ. Long MorPhett Vale 944 James Craig OnkaParinga 37O Messrs. Ledwick OnkaParinga I,2IL Francis Grote t¡lillunga 900 A. Harriott WilLunga 810 James Macleod Tarringa L ,614 l¡Jilliam Calton ( sic) Onkaparinga 344 C. Hewett Oxenberry Farm 2OO W - Rs$is+ec, 28 \us+ t8\l 3c. These men would have needed larqe areas of Crown Land to depasture flocks of this size. ( I r ) t¡le can obtain an insight into the living conditions on these earJ.y squatting runs from the diary of George Pike, who rlvas sent with his father to take charge of Ìnlickhamrs flocks at the head of McLaren Vale. On clossing rlrle saw a brush fence but no hut could be Seen for tnrhy - Uecause there 1aas none but the sheep iust coming in, a man behind them so t,\,e were Ieflt in charge of I,5OO sheep with say four pounds of flout, no tea, no SUga¡. oI salt, oI a Iucifler to Iight a fire if by chance it should go out.

53 The ground tatas dry so tate 1aY do ì¡,n a nd slept but not for Iong Tlr-e- "-ding.9es rnlere abou tso we both got uP and went ( round the yard and made another fir e and then u,e turned in again but not to sleeP verY sou nd a s the ground rntas hard and the niqht was cold which made u ske ep the fire uP. In the afternoon I tlrlas to go an dge t some ti-tree and other bushes to try to make some shel ter to keep the wind from us, so I got as much as I could tog ethe r . . and tnie managed to make a very good wurley and it WAS Iucky ure did for it came on to rain that night and put out our fire so that we couLd not cook our breakfast. (I 2) The Pikes rnlele helped out by tlrlickham's neighbour ' Francis Grote, who advised them to l-eave their stingy employel if he flailed to send them rations.

trrJhen the land regulations wele amended in IB42 it became illegaI to depasture stock on unsold Crown Land unl-ess the ploprietor of a section purchased a Iicence. This cost IO/6 per annum whil-e an occupation licence, which allowed the holder to pul up a hut or stockyard, cost Ís.(t¡) The new regulations seem to have disadvantaged the smaller settlers, who had been able to graze dairy cattle or working oxen on the Crown Land adjoining their sections. In September 1844 sixteen settlers in Morphett Vale petitioned the Governor against the number of sheep that Doctor Samuel- Mytes vtlas running on Crown Land. The government officials found in favour of the doctor, who claimed that he had Ieceived pelmission from the hotders of twelve and a half sections (besides his or¡ln three) to make use of their glazing rights. Two months 1ater, Dr. A.C. Kelty took up the cudgel on behalf of the small holders by Iequesting that a common be set aside for their use. HoWeVer, the Commissionel of Crown Lands thought that this would be impossible, and observed that the root of the problem rnlas simpJ.y the high ploportion of land purchased in the district.(f4) There is a quaint echo of English IUral tradition in this dispute over "commonage",

54 particularly the statement in the original petition that "it is a |,ì,ell-known fact that cattle cannot feed where sheep I,Un ' " Neverthel_ess, it ref lected a very real- struggle f or supremacy who required a dif f erent between the graz.iers and the_loppers ' pattern of land use. the The Southern VaIes rlvere virtually an 9-ggl .T,nge in years with fences apart flrom a stockyard neal the early L:l homestead. The probLems this posed to the cultivator soon -?-'' -2-- became apparent to George Pike when he went to work for a Mr ' AtIen in Morphett Vale. He l^,as engaged to drive bultocks "at plough,, flor three months. ,,Then we lost the cattle and all hands went to look aflter them and the country - being all open - and we aIl strangers and knew nothing, wele three days before u,e found them and then ¡1e only got two hours work out of them before it 1¡as dark." Fortunately, the landlords sent a gang of men to fence in the section and these included two "old Devonshire farm IaboU¡.eIS." 0ne of them assisted Allen to put in the seed, âîd showed him how to make a water-trough so that he could always f ind his bull-ocks . ( I5 ) By 1848 the battle between glaziers and farmers in the +--- southern Vales had been decided as the report of a public meeting of f armers f rom the Hundred of trrJilIunga shows ' There |^las some "good humoured bicketing" between the sheep-farmers' who ale "extremeJ-y fond of roaming at large and ruling the roostrr, and the "plodding" corngrol¡Jers. Charles Hewett, who had once been a graziel, took the side of the farmers, while another Speaker Iemarked that "so much land WaS no1a in the hands of private individuals in actual tiJ.lage oI with a view to cultivation that sheep had become injurious to the general

55 interests of the community." A petition tnraS drawn up to secule the early removal of flocks from the waste lands in the

Hundred of t^Jillunga. ( 16 ) had foreseen that this would occur in the areas that rnlere attractive to rlvheat-farmers. In 184¿i he wrote that,,sheep will only plove plofitable as long as r¡le can get having to purchase I suflficienl country..to feed them upon without l-and." Despite early pastoral occupancy the Southern Vales ( had been sulVeyed into 8O acre sections which rarere available for sa1e. This meant that the man t¡lho used the land on the strength of an annual licence coUld have no Security of tenure' As the best aglicultural land was pulchased in the basins of HurtIe, Morphett and McLaren VaIes, the graziers rlrlere gIadually forced to retreat to the hilly spuIS of the Mount Lofty Ranges' where land was less attractive to the cultivatols ' There they still maintained a life-styIe that entitled them to be I described as a "gent.leman" rather than a "farmer" in the ( Directories. ( 17 )

56 (e) The Farmer's Life As agriculture expanded in the late lB40s, the appealance ¿/'i- -- of the Southern Vales began to alter dramatically. The open range, over which sheep and cat;; ì"0 t""dered under the watch of a few shepherds and stockmen, gaVe Way to a landscape of enclose fields, in which farmers and their labourers toiled with plough, seed-bag and sickle. Scenes that tnlere reminiscent of England met the traveller, who passed "hundreds of acres of thriving and healthy clops - scoles of ploughs pleparing for future cultivation - fencing ploceeding with vigour and activity - in many places, the selected spots of the incipient vi1lage, the blacksmith's anvil is heard ringing merrily 'f rom moln to dewy eVe | ." Farmho_uses began to appear at first crudely built and clamped but gradually made cosy and extended as families grew in size.(re) nfl the changes associated with closer settlement rlrere clearJ-y reflected in the statistics of land sales and population. After the first selections discussed in the previous chapter, Iand sales slowed down and almost petered out between lB41 and 1844. A slow revival fotlowed as some of the remaining sites al-ong creeks and near the main road tntere taken up. In 1847 there 1¡as a rush to occupy the western half of Morphett Vale, and by the end of the year half the surveyed sections in the region had been glanted. Anothet q_9_9I in land sales took ptace in sections between Noarlunga and T_aj, "t McLaren Vale tltere chosen, and the largest l-andowners extended their holdings back into the eastern hitls. By the end of the decade, 7O% of alt sections had been taken up, feaving only the less favoured coastal or hitly land for the purchasels of the early 1850s.(rg)(see fig. 4)

57 FrG. r+ -

ORO ER O F SELE gTI ON Otr LAND It\¡ THg SoUTHERN V ALES t8iq- tEl+3

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rEhJ \848

\84q

scALE t:q2,tbo

!$Les Þr..e - Lqnd Ç¡mn{s ßook lJis{rjcß g a^a C lÞ¡ar*f 5,4. Lo'..ds "aea1 AmongthosewhotookUplandinthewesternpartof Morphetl Vale h,as Peter Andetson, who had emigrated in tB40 and rented land at Burnside from the South Australian Company' He visited the s"r;;; vares in rB44 and wrote home to a cousin that he had ,,seenJqrphett Vale, HappJ Va-lley &c. nearly all ! Iaid out in cornfields *a_:ig rheir sglqln tlgl:gles in the ¡ ! g.l!-1-..91-"g7¿.ll(2o)Suchasightmusthavetemptedthe land-hungry Scot for in March LB47 he bought two adjoining sections (egfe and 6608). He sold the Iease of Burnside and (6598) spent tBO of tne ÉgO he got for it on another section ' Then he began to build a home for his wife, sister and seven children, naming it "Archerf ief d" af ter a place in :19t1and ' On 29 March IB48 his brother AlexandeI and neighbouls Sherrif f and Jol-rnston tent him their drays so that he could move to Morphett Vale. Peter l^,as a man of regular habits and fortunately one of them was tÒ record the day's events in a business journal, which he kept from 1845 until a few days before he died in rBB0'(2r) llli-t digty is one of the major SoUrces of information on agriculture in the Southern VaIes and its entries will be referred to many times in this thesis' I The changing nature of the population of the southern Vales is revealed in the l844.and i91Í Census returns. As we would expect, this l/ì,as a period of rapid growth, with a population of about I7o in the area between 0'Hall-oran Hill and the mouth ofl the 0nkaparinga in I84I' s¡lelling to ovel 700 five years later. Unfortunately the census collectors used different boundaries in IB51 so that the population then is difficult to determine - l,5oo would probably be neal the

mark . (22)

58 to an 4911-c-!]I::*" economv rhe transition from " jg;t-o.-.r"l is reflected clearly in the ploportions of the various age groups. ChiLdren unde¡, seven, who accounted for onJ-y I4% of the population in IB4I, had reached 3L% by I846. 0Ider children (l-tt+ years) l^,ere almost steady at I4%, while the proportion between I4 and 2I rn¡as halved, going from I5% to 7.5%. These figures show then a pleponderance of young families, while fewer teenage shepherds vvere adrift from their family gloups. The proportion of adults fe11 from 56% to remain fairly constant at abouL 47% from IB44 onrllards'(see Figs. 5 and 6) The ploposition that famiJ-y groups were more common is confirmed by the ratio of the sexes. 54 females peI 100 males in l-841 became B4 per f0O in the later counts. There had been double the number of teenage boys compared to girls, but by IB46 the numbers in the I4 to 2L age Iange l¡lele evenly balanced. l^lhile an excess of adult mal-es was still apparent, it had declined from I3O% to 50%. 0ccupational statistics aIe not as helpful because this information 1¡as not Iecorded in lB4L whiIe the g¡,oupings r¡'eIe differently arranged in I851.(see fig. f5) There rnras a steady increaSe in the number of farmers and farm Iabourels between IB44 and L846, accompanied by a dramatic decline in the number of shepherds and stockmen. The number of craftsmen who found employment supplying the falmerst needs Iose steadily, while domestic selVants grerni flrom 22 to 56, perhaps showing the need of better-off falmels'wives for help in a society with a large number of young children.(23) Farmers soon had to construct -!pnces to protect their " l/l \ crops from their neighbours' stock- This task became one of

59 A G E FIG. 5 I DEMOGRâPI.II(- p\RA14rD (rt++) (e Totq\ Sqg So.r.c¿- {ror-. Census S.A.G.Çy tl Ap-i& tShr+ pps.gt-2.. Þopotc^tton O'Hqtloron Hitl to r or*h o{ O..kopoci".3o. Rìvec

Itt I

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O-ccggq+\o^s Re-['rqïon"._ l+5 C[..,¿rc,!-of E,g\otd i86 l-and-e-ot GO Cl".orc,L. o'Ç Scot\qnd 4o Pco{essrb'-.cr\ 3 j2 j Lu*Le.rca^ Mo nr¡€c.c\ o r9¡-S \les\e¡o,n -18 sìore-r<¿a-Pefs 2_ bù.c DisSen{eçS IK $ercLøn*s 2 Ro-c^^ Cc^¡ru.otics IK C\qcks ?- l-1 çr r).o ßcrck\c^1QrS 3 Snai+hS tr Corçcnlrrs \3 F{r¡useS S+one- er bctc-k l++ l{qsons + \)ood sj SUçCr" o.læ"cs 3 Q*\^cc JS Mr-n9rS I To*q\ r32 S\Rfha¡ds 6 S.Ìçrk*sn 2. \(- 21 Goed¿ncrs , {or"-. lotcr¡t¡cQcS rjç r+ FiSI.¿r¡^c-n I 5l 4q Ott€.r lq,lc,¡rrecs rq Do ne-S1Åc. SRt\'Þ"/rtS s6 1 Ot\erS jqç -11 6?_

2. oF FT14AIJ,S Ui.,1SE.R OF Ì4ALES +8 iß NtrN4ßeR the first tests of their ability to improvise using the materials at hand rather than sinking their capital into mole expensive forms ofl fencing. Most common WeIe fences of posts and three rails, but it took about 4,500 pieces of timber to encÌose an BO acle section. Depending on the distance that timber had to be carted, it cost d60 to JeO to elect such a fence. lnjhere timber *"r.L]_".n.litrI but not straight enough for v-l__-- posts and raiIs, a kangaroo fence tlvas preferred. Pieces of wood ratele cUt into seven foot lengths and placed cl-ose and upright in a trench two feet deep. 0ther farmers srrvole by the "ditch and bank" oI "dog and 1og" methods of encl-osUIe.(2a) Early arrivals in the Southern Vales had saved on the cost of fencing timber by plu_19_:1tn9 the around their _t1ees sections. This practice rlvas brought undel control in I842, when it tnras declared illegal to fe11 trees on Crown Land unless a timber licence had been purchased. In IB47 two workmen lntere charged by Police-Corporal Ha11 with stealing twenty to thirty tons of wood from Section 317C. The magistrate commented that there appeared to have been a wholesale cutting and that the men appeared to be protected by their employer , J.l^l . Dehorne of the Horseshoe Mill, who would doubtless pay their fines.(ZS) Under this onsl-augh t of timber-cutting and clearing the "woqQe-9 hill-s" of the Southern Vales vvere soon denuded as early t!r.[!.e --.--photographs of the alea_,r-evea1. Yet it r¡as not the damage to appearance or even the promotion of soil erosion th at worried V the government so much as the was_t-e.o.f a ce res qu.lge. 0n the sparsely timbered western sections, Peter Anderson had less opportunity to obtain cheap timber. Instead he built a tempolaly fence of "btuSh cleared from the top section," and

60 in IB5O planted the "ptickly acacia" from Kangaroo Tsl-and recommended by the editor of the Register. A description of his property published in I863 commented that the acacia had "got quite unwieldy, growing in places 20 to 30 feet in height, still suflficiently open at the bottom to let small cattle through - good, in fact, for nothing but shelter and shade." Peter began to replace these fences from LB52 onwards with stone wa11s, four feet high, which he found to be "not only sheep but pig pIoof."(26) In this case the kind of enclosule promoted by the editor on the model of the EngJ-ish countryside proved to be quite unsuitable in a country with a l-ower and more uneven rainfaIl. clearing, fencing and ploughing usually took plecedence

. - ., - Ç-- .- ¡._ f--ì_" over the construction of houses. Most settlers used wood and from lath and mud to save time, building their 9_iJLpl" "9tt3ees plaster, cob oI pise. Cob is a semi-wet mix of stiff clay and chopped straw, which, if protected from above by a good thatched roof, makes a durable building material. Such a method of building would have been introduced frotSgvon, where cob cottages l/llere common. Al-exander Brodie built a ,,commodious pise" house on a sma1l rise near the Morphett Vale Creek, about a mile west of the main road. According to a writer, it would have been habitable to this day if the roof had been kept in repair.(27) These ho,use-s r¡ere usually fairly rough, with windows of h'^ [,1 canVaS, earth fl-oors and no ceilings. The poorer settlers might have only a few self-made forms oI stools, a table and a bedstead, but the better-off could add items such as an uncushioned wooden sofa and a looking-gIass. Not infrequently the only partition between the bedrooms and the living area Utlas

6T one or two outstretched sheets.(28) Peler Anderson's first house waS probably of lath and plaster for he records "clatching the walIs of house with c1ay". It must have been fairly large for he erected a partition and got lhe assistance of his neighbour' John Short, to build a chimney and oven. The following yeal he again records "building a house", and this time he bought "two windows from Germans at áfO each". This would have been his main dwelling, while the first house probably became a detached kitchen and servants' quatters.(29) The founders' vision of reproducing the intensely balanced society came cultivated landscape and "t.5l,q.l?.iO nearest to fulfilment in the 1840s. Al-1 the sections suited rirtele sold to settlers, who ploceeded to clear, to aglicul-ture\- .- fence and plough the land. Substantial homes replaced shepherdsr huts and they housed a population, which included more normal ploportions ofl Women and children. Yet there tatele flaws in this dream of recreating the homeland in the and labour Antipodes. l9¡Cs did not grovv well in the climate ù!as too expensive for the intensive cuttivation of crops that rlvere rotated with jl.9.9i in England. Moreover, this rnras a land where wi¡ d and sudden dg-rynpour could do great damage to soil LF that had been cleared and did not have grass cover in the summer months.

62 (c) Cul tivatino the Soil Despite the efforts of Angas to induce plactical faImeIS to emigrate, many of the landholders in the colony talere drawn from the ranks of urban t::_Oesmen. Hovrlever ' they tlvere probably.t:... flexible in their farming methods than men whose knowledge had been developed in a different agricultural environment. Dutton warned emigrants that rrmost of the theories on the practice of agricutture' as adapted to England, must be abandoned on commencing farming operations in the col-onies,-- i.nOeed, those who have least experience in EngIand, generally get on and who have consequently least to unl-eaIn ' much better than their cIeveIeI and mole theoretical neighbours."(30)

There 1n¡as no activity mole characteristic of the early pJ-ough". Every opportunity tnlas farmer than "foltT_iig -tjq taken to break up some of his soil and prepale it for seeding. In fact, Peter Anderson began to plough the high section before he had completed his house oI even begun to fence his 1and. Each autumn he Iecorded ploughing the soil prior to seeding, but his journal also reveals that in winter or spring he ploughed land that he intended to plant in the following year.(31) Nor t/vas this practice confined to the ot/ìlners ofl several sections, for Lancelott shows that even 80 acre farmers did not plant the whole ofl their land each year. Forty acres are ploughed and the seed got in by the lst of June at the Iatest, ãnd when, aflter the heavy rains, the ground begins to dry (Sept.-0ct.) the Iemaining 40 acres aIe õroken up, allowed to stand over until the May following when they aIe"nd sown Constant cropping.only increases produce bV L/3 whil-e the cost is doub Ied. G2) in the 1860s that Thus vlle can see that the myth -!,1-9-p-?-gated croPPing is not decl ini !s-. Yiç*}-dt were due to continuous

63 supported by descriptions of normal practice when farms tate¡,e smal-1er and the temptation consequently greater' p.lou-9hs to turn up the Farmers normalJ-y used !__l wooj_el soil to a depth of B" in a single furrow. They found that the English and Scottish pJ-oughs rnlere too slight and favoured those made in the colony. Each plough u,as drawn by a team of six to eig ht bull-ocks on ne¡x ground, oI a pair of bullocks where the soil had been worked before. The ability to guide the bullocks and direct the pJ-ough in a straight Line rlrlas a skiLl that had to O":?1.t.ïlt_U practised. It rnras shown off to advantage in the annual ploughing match, an activity introduced into the colony by the Scots.(ll) Af ter the ground had been welt plepared, uJas broadcast by hand and well harrowed in. The =._dIB40 Agricultural Survey reveal-s that at first farmers put in their cLgps at any time tïj Jlnuarv to October. Major 0'Halloran favoured March and April, but most of the farmers in Southern Vales planted from April- to July. By LB42 John ReyneIl uras advising his

--\+- fellow farmers to sotnt between one and two bushels per acre according to the nature of the soil and the time of sowing' ,,I augment the quantity of seed one quarter of a bushel per acre flor each month that I am compelled to deJ-ay sowing after Apriì-." This suggests the speed with which ReyneIl, who had been a merchant before emigration, tnlas able to learn about the

efflects of the seasons . ( l4 ) Doctor Myles also turned his hand to growing wheat as his in L841 produced Iuns vvele taken up by the cultivators ' and acles of new land. Results such as 56.5- þushels from È:25 this 1¡ere oflten quoted in the press during the I840s but they :should be viewed with caution. As Perkins has pointed out,

64 there is a dangel in extrapolating yields from small garden plots, where spade husbandry lrras usual.(15) Farmers tntele already experimenting with wheat varieties to

f ind one that resisted such as smut and bli-ght ' jjgq !11eas_es Peter Anderson got his seed from a fleIlow-Scot, Alexander Brodie, but he al-so tried the Ied-stlarnled and white Lammas varieties. Red-strawed was the most widely glotnrn at first, but it hung its head when ripe and could not be reaped by machine without great waste. As a resul-t other varleties trrlere developed specificallly to aIlow the use of machinerY. 0ne of Peter Anderson I s neighbours, lnlilIiam Goldsmith, bred a plolific seed, which rlvas widely cultivated throughout Australia for the rest of the century.(36) l^lhiIe farmers could plough their soil and sovv their seed unaided, they relied at first on itinerant hand reapers to

ç. it., gather in the harvest. These demanded up to I5/- a day during the brief harvest season' when a sudden thunderstorm could spoil a yearts labour. Thus, when rruheat prices f e11 in 1843, / farmers took a keen interest in the wheat stfi¡"pçI invented by J.l^,. ButI . John Ridley, the mi11er, entarged and improved the machine, which rrvas pushed forward by two horses and guided by means of a handle attached to the end of the poIe. A horizontat comb rlvas set just below the eaIS of wheat, directing them into the path of revolving beaters driven by belts from the wheels. Ridley did not patent the machine and soon versions of it rnlele made up and down the countryside.(37) Doctor McDonaId, of t^lillunga, WâS unabl-e to procule hands to reap his fifty acles of wheat in 1845, so he bought one of Ridley's reapers for lSO. He then ploceeded to Ieap and

65 thrash 2L6.25 acles of his neighbout's clops in the couISe of seVen rnleeks at his nernr profession. All except Charles Hewett l^,ere eager for him to come again the next season - and the Doctor said he would rather keep his machine idle the whole year than turn it again into Hewett's flie1ds.(lB) Major O'Ha11oran provided the papeIS with a fui-t report of his machine, which he call-ed "Paddy Ì^lhack". He considered that it wasted l-ess grain than did hand-Ieaping, binding, stooking, J-oading, carting and thrashing according to the old usage. The Editor of the Register praised the introduction of l,lOtey's machine, which he believed would make "labour as easily pîäóurable at harvest-time as at any othel period of the yeal'" He added that "the better chance it affords us of competing successfully with others will allow a larger amount of the crop to be sown ." G9) The historians of Australian agricul-ture are divided on just how great a saving the RidleJ-..strippeI should be credited with. Dunsdorfls claims that it reduced harvesting costs from 20/- to 2/- an acIe, while Davidson claims a Ieduction from I3/- to 5/6. Both these figures seem to be exaggerated when ¡¡e Iook at the contemporary evidence. In December 1845 it u,as stated that Ridley's machines t/\lere so much in use that the cost of reaping in the Southern Districts had been reduced to B/- an acIe. Another Ieport the foltowing year tells us that hand reapels neal Noarlunga rntere charging 12/ - an acre. t^lhile this saving is not as spectacular as that cl-aimed in the general texts, it was certainly a worthwhile one to farmers facing low

returns for their produce . ( ao ) Douglas Pike takes issue with those who claim that the invention of the rea 1n achine solved the problems of scarce

66 labour and high rnlages. He claims that the machine profited only a few contractors and farmers who cultivated an area large enough to justify its use. To support his argument he quotes the report of a visitor in 1850, Who "found only 25 mechanical reapels in lhe well-eslablished t^lillunga-Noarlunga district where there u,eIe mole lhan 5OO farmeIS. " Pike has elled in fact here. The actual report in the nerlrlspaper says that there tlriere 25 machines in the Hundred of i^li1lunga, whete the IB51 Census teLls us there tatere only L96 farmeIS. Croser has demonstrated that Pike also distorted the evidence of SamueI Davenpolt in order to present a "tarnished general impression fails to pick of the stripperrs effectiveness" . However ' he up Pike's alteration of the area referred to in the Register report. Pike also omits the estimate of the visitor that these 25 machines wele capable ofl reaping I25 acres per day between them. CIearly it was Uneconomic for the owneIS to reap only theil otrvn crops, since in 32 working days they could harvest aIl the wheat grown in the district-(¿f) There is ample evidence that the ol^,ners of strippers followed Dr. McDonaId's example and reaped the crops of their neighbours, charging a fee that ¡¡¡as less than the cost of hand-Ieaping. 0ne of these rlvas Peter Anderson, who bought a reaping machine for *zo in I849. He must have been disappointed with the "Machine" at first, for the drum broke as he moved it to the farm of his neighbour, James Galloway. This cost him I4/- to repair and then, oî the way back from the blacksmith, a brass bush was lost on the road. It was found, but not before Peter had already sent his farm-hand, Charles Gilbrandson, to town for another. However, once the initial

67 teething troubl-es wele ovel, the Machine did him good service and he used it in the following years to reap his orlrrn wheat as rlvell as that of at least seven neighbours.(42) 0bviously farmers were plepared to peISeveIe rrvith the strippel despite a high rate of mechanical breakdown because of the substantial savings in labour costs that its use achieved. Lancelott has estimated the expenses of cultivating B0 acres of wheat in South Australia at about lZlO oI 57/6 an acre. He then calculates that, if the farmer harvested 2I bushel-s peI acle, it woul-d have cost him 2/9 a bushel. The use of a reaping machine woul-d reduce this by about J:O to 2/2 a bushel. As Lancelott points out, this takes no account of the cost of renting land oI ofl the interest on capital invested, îor does it allow for the J.iving expenses of the farmer and his family. The cost peI bushel would al-so be doubled if the yield was only half ofl the 2I bushels peI acIe. Thus the return seculed by the farmer in the market place tntas critical to his survival, and the 4/- a bushel offered by the S.A. Company to its tenants must have been close to the breadline . (43) Those in the strongest position raele like the "Scotch gentl-eman of ancient lineage and no fortune" described by Samuel Sidney in 1852. I'He arrived in the colony vely ear1y, the ovrrner of a single eighty-acre section, with twelve childrenr oDe half of whom wele stout, well-gIoWn lads and lasses."(44) Such settl-ers not onty avoided having to pay rent but they did not have to hire labour to help out at busy times. By growing vegetables, milking a cornr and rearing poultry, they could al-so save on many of their living expenses. Although this WaS "peasantrr rather than the "capitalist"

6B farming praised by lnlakefield, it rnras more practical when the prices of f ered f or produce ì¡,ere so low. During the lB40s settlers from an urban background talere able to adapt the farming practices brought from England to suit the nerlri agricultural environment. They modified their ploughs to suit the soil and found the best time to sotnl their They experimented the seed wheat they had brought seed. with *l- to the colony and bred varieties better suited to the climate and method of reaping. Under pressure from l-oj..prices and high labour costs, they pioneered the use of mechanical harvesting--... in Australia. In all of this, it tlvas the farmers with the l-east experience in Britain who led the tntay. A man such as James Craig, who had been a silk merchant in Glasgow, ¿ became one of the most innovative flarmers and went on to patent I ( an improved version of the reaper. (45)

69 (D) Aoricu ItLrral Exoeriments

In Ambitionrs F re: The Aoricultural- Colonization of Pre-Convict l¡Jestern Australia J.M.R. Cameron describes how the first settlers learned about their ner¡ agricultural- environment. He suggests that their first decisions tlrtele based on pleconceptions f ormed in their homeland. t¡Jhen they observed a difference between the expected and the actual outcomes of their decisions, they adjusted these decisions until their expectations tnlele met. He also maintains that individuals rather than institutions are the key problem-solvers in pioneering communities. Certainly t,h/ere rnlele both individual farmers and societies at work in the Southern VaLes in the 1840s Looking for applopriate cIoPS, cultivation techniques and solutions to the problems of crop dLsease. ( 46 ) Although smaII plots of r¡rheat were planted near Adelaide in L839 to test the capabilities of the soil, aOriculture was -.::'. not extended to the Southern Vales until I840. The surveyols rnrere blamed for their tardiness in making land available for farming, but the delay may actually have been beneficial to men used to the mole evenly spread rainflall of Britain. As John Morphett observed, "the experience ofl climate, soil and SeaSonS which the farmers were gaining without risk rrvas cheaply purchased."(47) beginning to make an ,, :::, the Southern Vales were This is clearly shown in impact as a -g_!?J!.:proÇ_9cing area. the table of crop acreages published by Bennett.(aB) (see over)

70 Tqble, 3 - Aw.o.rn+ o+ lo^d, þ^d,eF uo¡ious cco District Whea Bar ey 0ats Maize Potatoes Garden Adelaide 2O9I 589 3OO 353 I53 I57 Northern District s 324 26 32 40 19 2L Parra River 27 4 72 42 50 57 4l Mount Barker 5I4 65 69 82 106 100 Strathal-byn 55 15 4 3 14 6

Encounter Ba y 97 28 13 37 22 5 lllJill-unga 43 6 2 B 4 2 Morphett Vale 469 55 20 93 32 39 Mclaren Vale L92 38 L7 46 24 7 Port Lincol-n 49 4 4 20 25 2l Total 4r0B B9B 5O3 732 456 4O5 Sor¡e

L ,t Barley grehr to perfection in the Southern VaIes, with the :¿ r-:i (t English variety fetching a higher price than the Cape because it made the best brewing malt. 9,*_: rnrere glor¡in only as stock fleed and l^lere reaJ-1y better suited to cooler, hitly aleas such on as Mount Barker. Ugi_1" tnras of ten planted as a f irst crop newly ploughed ground, and it did best where the soil tnras heavy and rather damp. Although it had been glornln successfully on the New South llrJaIes coastal plain, it repeatedly f ailed in

7T South AustraLia and was abandoned. Lqla!qe-s rnlere usually put in by the first settlers, probably in an attempt to achieve

I self-sufficiency in food, but they reaIly needed a s_9o1er, i I I to succeed. A variety of other vegetables I mois!_er climate I peaS, Câr1.otS and onions greW : SUch aS cabbages, caUtifloWeIS' p:i:f and rapidly in the settlers' gardens, while l:r:., -!1" trees aI1 thrived in their orchards and began to bear plentiful fruit. Thus the settlers rllele able to provide a large part of their otlrn diet, but they rnlele not close enough to the city to be able to successfully market vegetables and fruit there.(¡0) The cultivation of llt+ï in tlt Sgy-!-lç-fn Vales was begun planted his first cuttings in IBJ9. by ¿ghn Rey..ne11, who These WeIe transplanted to his garden when he moved onto Reynelta Farm in lB4O. His first vintage took place in IB44 when further cuttings tnlere planled. Next yeal he put in four and a hal-f acres of cuttings obtained from the Macarthurs of New South lrrlales and completed digging the "Cave Cellar" to

store his wine. ( 5I ) Another to attract attention for the excellence of his ,.', va]-e. He ¡ produce l/\,as Dr. A. C. [-gttv of Trinity, Morphett planted his f irst..Yt!". in tB45 and flour years IateI [1las awarded first prize for the quality of his wine at the annual he gave up show in Adelaide. Encoulaged by this success ' other agriculturat pursuits to concentrate on his vineyard' It became a local shorlrr-piece and attracted a visit from the Register's travelling correspondent in I850. The twelve acres ofl vines were planted on two hill slopes divided by a slight f all in the centre and encl-osed by stone walls. The l-and trrtas pJ-oughed acloss the slope to retain rainf al-1, while run-of f

72 from the hill above the vineyard was directed onto il.(52) Southern Vales farmers r,ì,ere innovators in other fields as well. John l¡larnock imported T9¿ino Iams on the TagJ-ioni in IB44 to improve the breeding of the flocks he Ian on the Noarì-unga hiI1s. Three years later, Charles Smith of Morphett Vale came undel notice when he ctipped a fleece weighing l0'5 pounds from one of the fattest ewes in the colony. Richard Be11 of McLaren Vale turned his hand from the successful cultivation of Virginian þ.!lcco to n-,t, which rlrele reckoned to be the equal of any in Australasia.(51) The willingness of settlers in the agricultural heartl-and of Morphett and McLaren Vales to experiment with atternatives to cereal cul-tivation suggests that they l^lere conscious of the advantages of

The early setllers were p¡,epared to share the experience they gained in glappling with the many probl-ems that beset them. In January 1842 the Morphett VaIe farmers met in the Emu Hotel to f orm an Agricultural SocietY, while Charl-esl{ewett and Captain Brewer rnrele on the foundation committee of the

Ag ricultural and Horticultural Society formed in Adelaide the foffo*ing month.(54; These two bodies plovided a forum flor fatmers to discuss how best to combat diseases Iike "SmUt", which ravaged early wheat clops. John Reynell advised them to steep the seed in a solution of bluestone, to sotnl it early and to thoroughly rotl the ground afterwards. He tnlas well quatified to give such advice for by L842 he had already planted his fourth crop at Hurtle Vale.(Sf)

l/llar ( or take-aJ-1) , An even more puzzJ-ing ji:_"_"re -b1i9nt which affected patches rather than the whole cIop. Bennett (tary) tnought it uras due to the hot winds and could be

73 preventedbyearlysowingandroJ'lingtheland'ByIi:B farmers in the southern Vales l^,eI,e more inclined to blame insects, which bred where an.Ln¡a.llnanure had been applied. Trials l^lere made of top-dressing the soil with lime, while other farmers spread a layer of chaff over the patches and burned it. t^Jhat is interesting about the debate on bJ'ight is the degree of experimentation and the development of a local I of animal manure I folk-lore that l/ì,as hostile to the application clopping the opposite to the but favoured _!yIing-off after - practices recommended by the I'armchair refolmels"(56) As the pressule of loweI prices t¡las fle1t, Vârious expedients flor saving labour in pleparing the soil rnlere tried' some farmers used scarifiers, while others turned up eveI,y alternate furrow and harrowed before sowing. These experiments l/fere publicized by the editor of the Register. In -Happy Valley a trial has been made of J-iming the land, which has had â very good effect. It is greatly to be wished that the farmers would take notes of dates and of the results oi any experiments they makel ând communicate them *--'. to either of Lf'" ngricultural Societies. They need not be afraid of doing thãmselves an injury by making such communicatiónr] it has been abundantly proved that the greater th;-gãÅeiaf". improvement there is in.agriculture, the mole it has 6enefited farmers individually.(Sl) If farmers did not keep the kind of records that the editor t/llas urging, it l^las probably due to fatigue rather than any desire to be secletive. They had shown that they 1¡ele mole than witling to share the store of agricultural experience that they vvere gradualJ-y acquiring. A committee of farmers organized the flirst ploughing match in Morphett Vale on 23 August L849. Despite a wet aftelnoon' a crowd enjoyed the sport on Dr. Myles's section neal the sea-shore. Then eighty of the men retired to the cheerful

74 fires of the Emu Hotel for a good dinner and listened as the Chairman, Alexander Anderson, "descanted on the benefit derived from AgriculturaÌ Societies in England." John Norman of l^lillunga boasted that, twelve years af ter the f irst land tntas measured in the pIoVince, they WeIe sending "home" produce to assist in supporting the starving millions ofl the mother country. One suspecls that the glow of the fire, and perhaps some of Dr. KeJ_1y's wine, was Iending a rosy hue to the plospect before them, fol as yet there rlrras littIe sign that the mother country wanted their wheat. (58) The key advances in agriculture r¡ele made by enterprising individuals, who were plepared to experiment with new clops and stock to find those best suited to the climate and soil of the Southern Vales. Others attempted to find lemedies for clop diseases or rlrlays of saving on the high cost of labour involved in soil pleparation. Yet an equally important role uvas played by institutions such as the Agricultural Societies. These stimulated experimentation and created a SenSe ofl common endeavour as farmers met to discuss the problems they all faced individually.

75 (E) Growino for the market Until falmels could obtain a Ieasonable price for their produce, there tnras little chance of the kind of capitalist farming envisaged by the founders developing. Dutton tlrtas at¡vare of this when he wrote in IB46 that "the timeS aIe now paSt, I hope not to return again, when cargoes of wheat were to be bought in Adelaide at 2s.6d. per bushel and fine flour at ÉB per ton. although ¡¡e may wish to have a continuance of cheap provisions, it must not be at the expense of a very deserving and industriouS portion of ouI community." He tataS unduly optimistic about the colony's export plospects and as late as IB52 Lancelott wrote that the want of a constant steady market had been much felt by the farmers.(Sç) t¡lhen ggorge Grey replaced Gawler as governor in May rB41 he immediately set about the task of solving the colony's economic problems, which he diagnosed as excessive government spending and reliance on-fl_ocd impgIts. His solution was to discharge men from government employment, and force the unemployed to seek work flrom country settlers by making relief in the city l-ess attractive. The withdrawal of government spending caused an acute shortage of cash So that, according to one country settler, "a universal system of barter prevailed - if you had wheat, oats, barley, butter, bread, cheese or bacon to dispose of, you tlrlere obliged to take in exchange tea, sugar, tobacco or clothes, but not money. " ( 60 ) The number ofl workers claiming relief declined as the proportion of the colony's population living in or neal Adelaide fell from 67% to 43%. Between I840 and IB43 the number of livestock in the colony doubled, while the acreage under crop increased from 2r5O3 Lo 28,690.(61)

76 I By the mid LB40s the discovery of coppe Jn ad brough I renewed prosperity to the city-based commercial classes. Yet ironicalJ-y the very success of government policy in extending cultivation helped to create an extended rural depression that lasted unti I 1851. The harvest in IB42-3 was a bountiful one as virgin soil produced an average of 20-25 bush els pe r acre. It r¡las estimated that the colony had I00 ,000 b ushels of wheat for export, but ironicalJ-y there tntere no ma rkets for the grain. Fail-ure to se11 wheat was blamed on the high rates ofl duty levied by New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land and New TeaIand, while port charges at Port Adelaide tnlere claimed to be excessive compared to the neighbouring colonies.(62) Despite the removal of the export duty on wheat, the market price fe11 from an average ofl B/- a bushel in IB42 to 4/- in 1843.(see

ï19. / ) Vigorous efforts tntere made to find a market, and the South Australian Company managed to dispose of a cargo at Swan River while sending another to Mauritius . ( 6l ) The publicity given to these sales undoubtedJ-y inftuenced farmers pleparing to sotnt' as the following Ieading article in the Register entitled "God speed the plough" shotnts The last few days have put new Iife into our country settlers. Showers aS Seasonable aS they aIe welcome have visited al-1 parts of the country, and our farmers are notnt busily employed in preparing for next seasonrs clop. At one time it rllas thought that the continuing low prices of all kinds of farm produce would have tended to throw much of the tand out of cuLtivation from which a crop ralas taken during the past season, but so far from this, not Less than five ór six hundred ploughs aIe notnr at work so conflident are those, who have made the trial, of the great capabilities of our soiI, that, with the prospect of similarly Iow prices before them they are willing to abide the throwing of the dice leading us to realize that they are not a timid, vacitlating race, but capable

77 rq- -t- I I tlt FIG GR.APH SHO\^tING A ÞELA I ÞE \}H€AT PRI CÊS A rsl- lE3E-sl

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rul- l r PRrcF t roþ / n P€R, / i l 1t- I BusueL ç sl- / Ì øp I UI 1 / ç t \ 'r l- / 6l- U t V

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I a rf3 1r Cr l¡ Ll¡ ¡l¡ ir¡ icU It{ flù I 50 r s2. ß 1E Soqrce Regor4s ìn +hê Re¡is*er- of appreciating the personal risks, which must evel attend the founding of a new colonY. (64) The dice llrtele cast accordinglY, and the weather behaved as though the farmers had been able to order it in advance. Three and a quarter inches fe11 in July and "at such intervals and in so gentle a manner as to have allowed of the previously turned up ground completely imbibing it"(65) Even lhe hot winds from the north held off during the spring months, as gentle showers further swelled the grain in the eaI. Harvest tnlas gathered in and it was estimated that another IO0,O00 bushels WeIe available for export' over and above the preVious year's surplus. The result waS predictable âs, despite vigolous efforts to se11 wheat to neighbouring col-oniesr Þ{ices collapsed in 1844 to an avelage of 2/6 a bushel. Hopes rlvele now pinned on the London market, and a petition for the admission of South Australian wheat on the same terms as Canadian was widety signed.(66) A letter from "A Fatmel, 0nkaparinga" to the newspaper algued that "the farmers aIe notni pretty weIl convinced that it is no use growing grain for the Adelaide market, but that they must as soon as possible get their wheat off the ground, thrash it by machine, and ship the produce to the London market."(67 ) By January lB45 reports from_!ondon dampened these hoPeS, as it became known that wheat rnlas fetching only 6/6 to 7/- a bushel and that this price rivas likeIy to be flurther depressed by large quantities of foreign grain.

There 1lvas nothing for it but to reduce the acleage sown and try to l-ower the costs of production. ln ]{j2 only I9'000 acres of wheat were put in, compared to 23,ooo in 1843.

7B Farmers claimed that they tnrere unable to pay the h/ages demanded by laboureIS, which, according to one colrespondent of the Register, tltele the equiValent of four bushels of wheat per week compared to one and a half bushel-s in England. He wrote that "t h bl/ must be lower oI wheat higher (f woul-d prefer the D "1¡ages J.atter), otherwise it will be usefess to cultivate the Iand. l¡lithout this, 1et the f armer work evel so hard, he cannot gain I a livelihood because, occasionally, he must employ extra hands, however exhorbitant the charge. " (68) tnlheat prices revived in LB46 when a smaller harvest and reports of the sale of wheat by the S.A. Company in London induced the local- merchants to offer 5/- a bushel. News of the repeal of the Corn Laws brought the price to a peak of 7/- in October, but with an abundant harvest it fe11 back to 3/6 a bushel. The following yeal sallv the price only once quoted in excess of 4/-, and the insolvency of John Lilild Deholne' proprietor of the Horseshoe MiIl.(69) In I84B prices Iemained steady at 3/- to 3/3 a bushel, while bountiful harvests in the next two seasons offset the limited impact of South Australian wheat on the EngJ-ish market as the Navigation Acts trvele repeal-ed. According to the Register, eXport to Britain had ceased to be attended with a fair chance of Iemuneration as merchants offered 2/6 a bushel. Many farmers disdainfulì.y rejected this price, saying that it would be better to use their surplus wheat in feeding swine.(70) A debate has developed over the repeal of the Corn Latnts, which Grenfell Price claims opened Up "a great oVerSeaS market" and "remoVed the l-ast Iemaining restriction on the staple industry" of South Australia. Pike algues that the repeal of the Navigation Acts tnras of greater significance than the repeal

79 of the Corn Laws, since it t/\,as the higher cost of freight and insurance (lte a bushel in IB46) that effectively debarred South Australian wheat from the London market. He claims that l.,t.l'I by 1B50 the arrival of faster and mole waterproof ships had reduced this cost to L/9 a bushel. Blainey also stresses the importance of the removal of the Navigatì-on Acls, but suggests that the superior American clippeIS did not come in significant numbers until the_g:].-gly:¡_boom. (zt) Blainev is probablv nearest to the truth but there is little evidence of substantial oveIse3s.;gfports of wheat from South Australia until the 1870s. ( /tL- By rB5O the 476 tenants of the south Australian company _/€ produced 20% of lhe colony's wheat, and a good many of them t¿* vvele situated in the Southern VaIes. The manager was able to secure a cargo for export to Britain by offering the tenants 3/6 a bushel and providing them with bags. A ship l^las sent down to llrJhite's Gu11y, Aldiî9â, and the tenants asked to "cheerfully exert themsel-ves to get 2,000 bushels ready for shipment. " They had to forego attendance at the Noarlunga races to fulfil this obligation, but their enthusiasm vvas aroused by the idea ofl forming a company to improveft:L- as a place flor shipping grain and staLe.Q2) U\_i^JiIlunga , \ The following 1¡inter r¡as Peter Anderson I s first dry yeal ,'1ll ( in Morphett Vale and the meagle harvest seems to have been the main Ieason for the advance of wheat prices to 5/- a bushel in LB5l. By that time the Horseshoe MiII had a ne¡¡ or¡ner' James l. ,'t' i Sicker CIark, who added flour large stone floors. He was nouJ able to grind 2,OOO bushels a week and this capacity tnlas to be tested even sooner than he could re alize - Q3)

80 As early as.tB4l the farmers of south Australia had produced more grain than the colony needed to feed itseLf. However, their hopes of commercial success tnlere blighted by the failure to find a nemunerative market for this sulplus. As a result they uúere l.ac.-e-d- .trui."th q-!.ippI ing lpw pI i c.es-Jh+o"ur'g'ho'u..t the years to 1852. Some local historians have accepted ---Y' uncriticatly the view that the repeal of the Corn Laws and also of the Navigation Acts stimulated ovelseas exports. Pike has shown that the former had vely little impact but his algument in favour of the latter is suspect. By his orarn admission it took another twenty years for breadstuffs flrom Adelaide to find their way regularly and in Iarge quantity to the mother country.(z+)

8l (F) The qolden harvest Although Lancelott stated in IB52 thal the farmers of south Australia stilI wanled a constant, steady market, he foresaw the direction from which their salvation woul-d come' from the "Not/ì,, hol,vevel, as soon as the colony has recovered shock of the gold panic, wheat for the supply of the Victorian and New south wales gold-diggers will doubtless become its greatest staple export."(75) The shock he was referring to woul-d have been the exit of most of the able-bodied men to the diggings and with them most of the ready cash in the colony' 0nce these p¡.oblems 1¡¡e¡.e oVeIcome, the benefits became apparent as the ojl"nd for. flood on the diggings supplied the mass market which south Australians had searched for in vain. ThecostoftheSea-paSsagetoSydneypleVentedmany labouIeIs from taking ship to the New South l¡la1es goldflields in June IB5l. Hol^level, the Register was more inclined to give the credit. to the colony's florm of Iand settlement.

She will norn1 Ieap the Ier¡ard of the system whic.h has allowed the poor ;á; easiJ-y to become a freeholder, ang which has planled a race of yeomanry unequalled in Britain or elsewhere in Britain's deôendencies... theil t¡ealth is in \,'+ lhe soil, and to that soil they will clin g' Q6) This supposed immunity from any infection of gold-flever rnlas put to the test by the ne1¡s that much richer gotdfields had been found in Victoria. By the end ofl 0ctober the rush was on in \z\'z-\-'- earnest and 2,364 passengers left for victorian ports in the

last q uarter of IB5I. The Register tried to discourage workers from going bY giving publicitY to letters such as that written by a miner at Golden Point in BalIarat to his brother' The writer claimed to be one of a party of seven from Adelaide, who had not made an ounce and had flound the work both laborious and unhealthV , Q7)

B2 After the harvest had been gathered in, a much larger

group of about I 5 OO0 artisans and farmers departed for the /" /- goldfields. (78) In an interesting letter a tnJillunga farmer explained why he went digging. The prices thal wheat has lat ely ranged at have been 3/- to 3/6 a bushel How is a far mer to subsist this next winter when he cannot pay his debts? Look at the sections that are already deserted in lr'.lillu nga , and are being deserted weekly. They wiII te11 You tha t they can dig at Mt. Alexander on bread and water jus t as welI as theY can Plough on the same diet at ln,li1lunga. (tg ) Thus low wheat prices tnrele a significant factor in pelsuading South Austral-ian farmers to try the goldflields. However' otrvnership of land tnras a strong bond to their home colony and they tnlere q uick to rylgrn to their farms when wheat prices rose. To keep the tenants of the South Australian Company on their farms lirlilliam Giles let the rent stand over. He argued that'rr¡¡e must do all tlve can to get them wedded to their farms and, when the goJ-d fever is oveI, they will come back and again settle dot¡ln." He oflfered them 4/- a bushet for their wheat and initiated a search for a payable goldfield in South Australia. Although SamueI_Cl-ark found a piece of qold weighing eighteen grains on one of the Company's sections neal Noarlunga, this did not plove to be the goldfield desired'(80) The success of GiIes' policy is shown by the flact that although there raras littIe increase in the acleage cultivated by South Australian Company tenants in the gold rush period,

significantty there raras no decline. (Bl ) Jaques has argued that many South Australians went to the diggings with neighbours or men of the same occupation. This is verified by an examination of the names of those diggers who signed memorials in March and ApriI IB52 asking that the gold

B3 escort Service to Adel-aide be continued. Several pairs from nearby sections in Morphett Vale and 0nkaparinga aIe included, along with a gloup of fatmers, quallymen and IabouIeIS from the 1¡illunga district. Charles Gilbrandson, notni married to Peter Andelson's eldest daughter, set out flor Mt. Alexander with neighbouls SandeISon and Robert Bain. He stayed from August IB52 to the foll-owin9 Mav, sending back *ZZe of gold by the escort.(82) Thomas O'Sullivan dug SU,ccessfully at Forest Creek and Bendigo, while Charl-es Smith al-so had moderalely good f ortune. 0thers, like James Galloway, merely visited the gotdfields and returned home in time for the harvest. Giles observed that "a very large ploportion of the tenantry are notn1 at the diggings, others going and many others coming home to put in their crops." This seasonal movement between South Australia and the Victorian diggings r¡as greatly assisted by the opening of an overland route, which vvas described in the Register as early

as January L852. ( Bi ) lalheat prices had reached the giddy heights of LI/- a pool harvest, but fell in the ,!. bushel in lB51 as a Iesult of the following year to the level that so exasperated the "t^Jill-unga FaImeI" already quoted. Another letteI-tnrriter, who styled himself rrA Voice from Mt. AIexandeI", tntaS inclined to regard the Low prices as due to a conspiracy of the Adelaide merchants to cheat the hard-working tenant farmers. He quoted wheat as fetching B/- to g/- a bushel in Victoria. (e+) The exhorbitant prices charged on the goldfields rarere confirmed by "several enterprising farmers of the south, who, having done well- as diggers, are Iesolved to do better by their old puISUit of flood-ploducing. " Drays rlvele despatched with floul and other

B4 farm produce. By the end of IB52 an estimated 25O such vehicÌes tnlele clossing on the t¡Jellington f erry each month. During one week in November more than f¡O,OOO of flour mil1ed in Ad:-Laide trvas sent by ship to Melboulne. The farmers had at last found a market for theiruf'."iãnd were able to leap the benefit of their struggle during the Iean yeals lo keep down their costs of production. ( A¡ ) The most immediate problem facing the farmers rnras how to harvest the crops ripening on the southern wheatfields. lalith most of the itinerant reapels at the diggings, the cooperation of neighbours and the use of machinery tntaS essential. lalomen t{eIe ralere seen working al-ongside their husbands and ¡_a!lve_s also employed in the fields. Jaques cites the instance of a tnroman in the t¡liIlunga district " in the absence of her husband, having Sotntn 30 acles of wheat with her otnln hands and harrowed it in". Peter Anderson made good use of the Machine and could afford to hire a labourer at 7/6 a day to help him. It tntas indeed a golden harvest when he sold his grain in June IB53 for B/- a bushel. (86) G.H. Pitt confirms this price and quotes wheat as fetching tllIO a bushel in I854 and L5/6 in i.855. These prices lose some of their gloss though, when rnte find out that a lower acreage had been sown in 1853 and that the crop in 1854 tltas almost a total failule, with five bushets an acle the utmost obtained in Morphett Vale.(gZ) More normal- prices plevailed in 1856 and 1857 as wheat fetched 5/- a bushel after harvest and up to IO/- in springtime when it rrtlas scalce. By this time Agricultural Statistics are availabte for the newly formed District Councils. These showed that 4,OiJ acres talere sown

B5 tivith wheat in Morphett Vale and 5,136 in Noarlunga. 0ther crops had been left far behind in the drive to produce a commercial crop flor export. ( B8 ) Both Pike and Buxtòn attribute the heavy demand for land in the lB50s to the return of the gold diggers eager to i:nrgst their hrindf al-f s . ( e9 ) Many ofl the returning diggers f ound the established farm-land of the Southern Vales too highly priced to seem good value as an investment. Charles Smith bought land at Stockport, while Michael Kenny used the proceeds of his gold-digging to settle at She-oak Log. Somewhat unwisely, Thomas O'Sul-Livan built his father a substantial home at Morphett VaIe, but he had to take his sisters to coult when the o1d man left the house to them in his wi11. Perhaps he would have done better to have also bought land on the wheat-frontier of the Lower North. ( 90 ) Jaques disagrees with Pike and Buxton, arguing that much of the land bought in I854 went to well-established farmers who had prospered from wheat sales.(9I) Certainly Peter Anderson used his profits from wheat to extend his landholdings beyond the original 24O acres of Archerfield. In May IB51 he had leased Section 3I2 for tZO per annum, with a right ofl pulchase for fZ¡0. The grain he gre1n1 there enabled him to buy it in L853, and he also bought the adjoining Section flO for.*¿OO. He used the goJ-d that Charles sent home from the diggings to buy land for him at Myponga. The foll-owing yeal Peter paid his friend, John Looney, {ZOO for three sections in McLaren Val-e, and then mortgaged them to buy the two adjoining sections for Charles. Yet the gotd-IUSh proved to be a mixed blessing for, while it brought Peter economic security, it disrupted his family. Charles never settled down to farm Iife after the

B6 heady excitement of the diggings and, aftel plesenting Peter with his first grandson, deserted Margaret and the infanL.(92) Both the land dealings of Peter Anderson and the purchase of their holdings by South Australian Company tenants like Hewett, Colton and Clark seem to support Jaques' case.(93) The prediction of the Register's editor that South Australian farmers would be immune to an infection of goJ-d fevel ploved to be wishfut thinking. Many of the youngel men from the Southern Vales went to try their luck. Yet in the long run the attachment they felt for their homes ensured that most of them returned to spend their money on acquiring land oI improving their farms. Those who plofited most from the gold-rushes talele the farmers who continued to glorll wheat despite poor returns as late as I852. lr,Jith the help of their wiveS, Sons who returned for the harvest, and machinery they I found themselves in a position to profit from the improved demand for theil produce. In this taray the go-J-9ru,shes laid the foundatign- for the rapid development of the 1850s.

8l Conclusion The transition to wheat-growing in the Southern Vales seemed to create the kind of lural society of which VrlAL""Ii--"-l9 had dreamed. Instead of sparsely settled sheep runs with a preponderance of single men - the chalacteristics of the "barbaric" colon f New South Wales - the Southern Vales were closely settled by farmers and their families. Even the Iandscape had come to assume an appealance more like E-!-9]"nd as tlvele built. A belief fiel-ds were f"2ffd and substantial P.s that an agricuttural yeomanry ¡¡as morally and physically healthier had become a poh,erful part of the founders' ideology.(94) Tt rnras trotted out to encourage farmers to persevele despite low prices and to resist the temptations of a gold-rush. Few of the settlers had a background of agricultural experience in Britain, but this proved to be no disadvantage in a Ìand where the soil, SeaSonS and economic conditions WeIe So different. They learned quickly which was the best time to I sotnl, bred ner¡1 varieties of wheat from the seed brought to the colony and modified their English implements. A variety of crops t¡as tried and experiments raele made to ovelcome the problems of clop disease and the high cost of labour. In the process a society of flarmers, who relied on the efforts of their family rather than pelmanent wage labourers' emerged to replace the I'ttato ranks" envisaged by the founders' llJriting about these successes, Pike commented that there rlrras tittle doubt "of the capacity of the soil to glorrv pJ'enty of good grain, but it must se11 overseas before it could fulfit

ltrlakef ield' s dream of an agricultural colony . " ( 95 ) l¡Jhen the colonists produced a surplus of grain in the I840s, it tnlas to

BB fngI9.Ð.d- that they Looked f or a mgrr!-et. The initial f ailure to exploit this market has been blamed on the EngJ-ish tariff and the high cost of freight and insulance. Yet those wliters who regard the repeal of the Corn Laws and Navigation Acts as turning points have failed to demonstrate any substantial increase in ovelseas exports aS a Iesult. Not until- the was there a 1 opening of a mass market in the eastern col0nies

I chance for Southern Vales farmers to sell their wheat at .,remunerative prices. The farmers of the region l^lere weLl-placed to take advantage of the opportunities plesented by the goJ-d-rushes. They had settled close to a coastline on which smal1 ietties could be erected to allow them to USe cheaper water transport for their ploduce. The battle with the gtaziers had been brief and decisive because the suIVey pattern and sale price of land encouraged its occupation by smal-lholders. The privations of the lB4Os had forced farmers to adopt labour saving devices such as the wheat strippel. This in turn enabled them to cope with a shortage of labour during the gold-rushes and to compete with wheat-growing aleas closer to the goldfields. Not the least of their advantages tnlas a climate, whose dry springs and summers allowed the wheat slripper to operate ef f ective Iy .(96) Until the parJ.iaments of the other colonies began to "unl-oCk" similar tand for their wheat-grornlers and provide them with railways to transport their produce to the coa1t, the farmers of the Southern Vales reaped =5- the reward of their dominance of the Austratian wheat market.

B9 Notes l. Gibbs, R.M., A Histo rv of South Australia Balara, Adelaide , 1969 , P. 65. Blainey, G., The Tvrannv of Distance, sun, Melbourne, L966, p. Il-9. 2. Filzpatrick, 8., op. cit. , pps. 145-I50. 1 Cameron, J. M. R. , Ambition's Fire - The A ultura c 1o ization of Pre- NV c e ster A 5 ral-ia , ut-l of l¡l . A. Press, Perth, I9BI, PPS. 151-9. t¡las 3. Morphett, G II92/2. He suspicious that Reynell might have some mercantile designs because of his experience in EgYPt but this fear of competition proved to be unfounded. 4. Peri

90 r4. petition from inhabitants of vorphett vaIe, 25 September I844, Colonial Secretaty's Office corlespondence LOl4/44' Commissioner ibid; 2O November 1844, C. S.0. l4OB / 44 . The ' Charies Bonney, mentioned that a number of Sections uãionged to a6ó"ntee proprietors, who.wouLd presum"!1y be õ;i¡e-wil-l-ing to make over their grazing rights to Dr. MyIes. 15. Pike, G., o p. cit., Advertiser, 9 JulY 19 83. 16. Register, 2 3 September lB48 4b. and t^l. Boone 17. Dutton, F. outh Au lia an Min , T. ' London, tB4' 6, reprinted bY Aus taprint, 19 78, p. 243. GeneaJ-ogY Room S.A. A rchives. See Directo ries in ' 18 Regì-ster, I B JuJ-y IB40 5a. The editor q uoted the impressions of a gentleman recentl y retur ned to the colonY, who visited a section 20 miles sou thont he Encounter BaY road. l_9. Land Grants Book - Districts B and c, s.A. Land Department. 20. Ande11son, P.,3 April 1844, a letter written from Burnside in the possession of his great grand-daughter, E.M. Bartram of Hyde Park. 2r. Andeison , P., Business Journal-' manuscript in.South Austrarian Arcñ@ anc 20, edited typescript in possession of the wr iter . 22. l-B4I Census, oP. cit. IB44 Census, S.A. Government Gazette Il April 1844' pps. 9I-2. 1846 Census, S. A. G. G. , 2I APril l846 I851 Census, S.A.G.G., 6 February f85I The tB5l Census gives figures foi tne 1¡estern half of the Hundred of Noartünga, whlch incl-udes areas like Brighton, Marion and Glenelg (south of the river Sturt)' 23. The tB5l- Census, rather f rustratingJ-y Jroups farm-Iabourers with farmers. ' 24. t^Jilliams, M. , Two Studies, op. cit. , p. 84 ' Dutton, F. , oP. cit. , PPS. 202-3 - LancefótL, F., alia as it is, Colburn, London, L852, pps. I37 -8. 25. Register, 3 APriI LB47 2e. 26. Rnðerson', p. , op. cit. , 12 June 1B4B , 20 June 1848, 2I June I85O, 23 June 1852. Regisler, 2S March 1846 3b, 25 February LB63 6a' 21 . Hoèkins, t^J.G., oP. cit., pps. 267-8. The Pr esbvterian Banner , December 1932. 28. LanceJ.ott, F op. cit. , pPS. 136- 9. 29. Andetson, P. , op. cit., 3 MaY IB4B , 7 September 1848' II October I849, B November IB49 30. Pike, D. , oP. cit. , PPS. L45, I49 . Dutton, F., op. cit., P. 2I9- 3L. Andersón, Þ., op. cit'., L4 May I84B, L6 May 1849, -6 March IB5l- , 25 August l-848, 4 September L849, 3 June 1850 ' 32. Lancelott, F. , oP. cit. , PPS. 1I1-1. a2 Dutton, F., oP. cit., PPS. 203-4. Register, 16 August IB43 2ei 9 August IB45 3a' 34. ll{iLIiams, M. , Two Studies, op. 9it. . P. 75 ' British Parliatentary Paper 505( IB4l)' p. I66' Register, 4 June IB42 3b. 35. ióid, 26 May 1847 2e. Perkins,4., oP. cit., P. 35.

9T 36. Anderson, P., op. cit. 9 June IB4B, 29 May lB49' lB May IB6O. ' Dunsdorfs, E. , The Australian Wheat- rowin Industr Melbourne Uni. Press, e ourne, 1956, p. 48. Dunsdorfs states that th e most widely used varieties in Australia rnlere Goldsmith , the Lammas, Tuscan and PurpJ-e Straw. tnlilliam Goldsm ith's death and large funeral- t¡lere recorded in the Registe r, B April tB65 39. 37. Bull, J. W. , op . cit., p. 160 Kelly, W.S., elo ment th Aus , Rigb'y, Adelaide 1 196'. 38. RegisLer, 22 F cause of the d found in a dis by Maj or 0 ' HaI scattered over fieLds t¡lere no crop, the Doct to avoid conve ying the pest to his other customers. 39. ibid, 12 Septe mber 1846 Zde. i 22 February I845 2e. 40. Dunsdorfs , 8., op. cit. , p. LO2. Davidson, B. R. , European Farminq in Australia, Elsevier, Amsterdam, l9B I, p. I7B. Register, 31 D ecember LB45 2d, 2 December 1846 3b. 4r. Pike, D. , op. cit. , pps. 329-3O. Register, 2J- N ovember lB50 3b. The Hundred of tlrlillunga extends from the 0nkaparinga river southwards and thus includes onJ-y half of the l^li11unga- Noarlunga dist rict. Using Pikes's average of 19 acres each, its 196 farmers could have grown no more than 4'000 acres of wheat 5t11 CI Croser, N. J. , r¡r Machine for a Societ in South Australia lB4l-I900, Honours Thes s, Uni. of Adelaide, I975, pps. 3I-3. Croser criticizes Pikes's use ofl the Register extract on the grou nds that the l^,i11unga- Noarlunga area tntas unrepresentative of South Australian wheat-farming in 1850. 42. Anderson, P., op. cit., I5 December IB49 , 3-4 JanuarY I850, 7 January - 26 March 1852. 43. Lancelott, F . , op. cit. , P. I47 . lllJ, Duncan, H. , 1 n of South Aus t lia ,T . & Boone, London, 185 0. Duncan es ma CS e capita t investment in an B0 acre section at É I,O24. This figure woul-d be well above avera ge, since it allows á¿roo for a 4-roomed cottage, tzoo for fu rniture, and incl-uded ex pensive fencing and garden encl osure. 44. Sidney, S. , op. cit, p. 2Ol. 45. Register, 27 October lB60 3d, 30 November 1860 3c, B December L B6 o 2h. 46. Cameton, J .M.R., op. cit., PPS. 143-15f. 47. Perkins, A op. cit., p. Ll . 48. Bennett, J .i. r' Historical and Descriptive Account of South Australia Smith, EJ.der & Co., L843, P.76. 49. Register, 26 November IB42 3c. 50. Bennett, J .F., op. cit., pps. 82-6. Lancelott, F., op. cit., ÞÞs. tl6-25. 5I. Burden, R. , op. cit. , pps. 28-9 . clatçLs of SouLl-r iu:tralia The Vineyards and Qf ' Advertiser , AdeIaide, L862, PPS . 65-66. 92 52. ibid, pps. 66-67. ( Corn YeIland, E. M. , edit. ) , CoIoni ts. Coooer and Hawthorn Ptess, Adelaide, I97O, pps. 27-8. 53. Register , 26 Júne IB44 2f , I November IB47 3a, 25 April lB49 2c. 54. ibid, B January IB42 Ib, 19 February 1842 3e. 55. Agriculture ( fA¿O ) op. cit. An anal-ysis of the iñformation relative to farms in the Southern Vales shows that in IB4O aboul 40% of the wheat crop rrrlas described as poor , 20% as average and another 40% as go9d. Smut tlrtas the most common próUtem' and John ReyneJ-1 said his clop tntas almost destloyed by the fungus. His advice tn¡as published in Bennett, op. cit., P. 82. 56. Bennett, J .F., op. cit., pPS. Bl-- 2. Register, 15 September 1B5B Jh, B October 1858 2f , L9 September 1863 39, 28 August 1865 3b, 18 December 1865 39. 7 Hirst, J . B A n the Co n T r870-19 z Thei o Melbourne Univ. Ptess Social and Po I tica Relations , ' Melbourne, I973, PPS. 5I-2. 57. Register , I7 July IB44 3b. 58. ióid, 29 August LB49 SIcde. 59. Dutton, F., op. cit., PPS. 2O7-8. Lancelott, F. , oP. cit. , P. ll5. 60. t^lillunqa - Place qf Green Trees, PI,ogIess Association Richardson and lnlheeler, L952, p. 5. ' 6r. Price, 4.G., oP. cit., PPS. 220-6. Price argues that Gawlei's administration should be given much of the credit for the increase in cultivation and that the signs of a movement onto the Iand were evident before Gawler Ieft. 62. Register, 11 February IB43 2f . 63. GiÍes, hl:, to Simpsoñ, r5 February IB43; Giles, W:, to Spark, e Ápri1, 17 May IB43; S.A. Co. General Letter Book BRG 42/LL59, pps. lB0, 2OL, 216. 64. Register, 26 April IB43 2d. ô).aÊ ibid , 12 August LB43 2de. 66. Giles, lnl., Io Colonia]- Secretary, 3 June I844, S'A' Co' General- Letter Bookr oP. cit., p- 321 - 67. Register, 7 August IB44 2e. It had been calculated that thõ London priõe of 7/6 a bushel would pay as long as the wheat could be put on board ship at 3/6 to 4/- a bushel. cit' 68. ibid, 12 August I843, quoted in Cashen, J. ' op. 69. KeIly, llil.S., op. cit., P. 12. Register , 25 December IB47 3b. 70. ibid, 5 January lB50 2e, 3a. 7I. Price, A. G. , op . cit. , P. 245 . Pike, D. , op. cit. , PPS. 22O, 328 - BIaioey, G., op. cit., PPS. 174-6. tl. GiIeS,'ú. , to i'¡artin &". , 26 January 1850, S. A. Co ' General Letter Book, BRG 42/IL59 VoL. 2, p. 54I. t). Anderson , P.. , op. cit. , 14 September 1850, 30 December IB5O. Adel-aide Times, B JanuarY IB49 3c. ffian, 2l January rB49 2e. Register, l4 March fB5l 4ab. 74. Schmidt., B. , n the , D. C. of Mount Barker, 1983, p. 47 . Pike, D., op. cit., p. 2I9. 15. LanceJ-ott, F. , op. cit. , pps. 115-116. 76. Register, 13 June lB5I 2b.

93 77. ibid, 21 November IB5l 2c. 78. Jaques, llil. R. C. , The Imoact of the Gold-rushes on South Austral-ia , Honours Ihesis, University of Adelaide, 1963, pps. 13 , 57 . Pike, D., op. cit., p. 45O. 79. Register , 23 March IB52 3c. 80. ibid, l9 January ),852 3e.; 26 March 1852 3a. Giles, lirJ., to Mi11er, 5 April 1852, London Letter Book' BRG 42/9. GiIes, ì/ìJ. , to Captain Renf ry, I9 December IB5I, 7 February 1852, pps. I88, I93, YoI. 3, BRG 42/II59. BI. Register , 16 November IB52 3b. 1850 - 10 ,52O acres cultivated; IB5I - I0,B2B; IB52 - 1l ,478. 82. Jaques, l^J. R. C. , op. cit. , p. 95. To His Excellency from Mt. Alexander, 29 March 1852, L7 April 185 2, c.s.o. A(r852) r294, 1229. Anderson, P. , op. cit., 1B August 1852, 5 May L853. 83. Burgess, H.T ( edit. ) , Cvclooaedia of South Australia Cyclopaedia Co. , Adel-aide , I9O9 , p. 826. Mann, G. , Thev who came from the Colonists 1980, Genealogy Society. Gi1es, l^1. , to Mi11er, I June L852, BRG 42/9 . Pike, D., op. cit., p. 445. 84. Register , 23 March IB52 3d. 85. ibid,24 ApriI IB52 2e.,29 June LB52 3c., 16 November IB52 3c. Pike, D. , op. cit. , pps. 445, 452. 86. Register, IB August IB52 2e, 3ã, 6 December L852 2e. Jaques, l^J.R.C., op. cit., pps. 75,87. Anderson, P,, op. cit., 1B January 1853,28 June 1853. 87. Pitt, G.H., Chapt er 6 of Centenar Histor of S Australia R.G.S.S.A., L9 , P' 74' Register, 29 January IB55 29. BB. South Australian Government Gazette, 1857, p. 433. 89. Pike, D., op. cit., p. 45I. Buxton, G. L. , South Australian Land Acts Libraries Board of South AustraJ-ia, Adelaide, L966, p. 2. Buxton quotes Goyder as saying, I'From IB53 when the gold-diqgers began to retutn, the demand for land rnras so great that every section tntas sold as fast as it was surveyed. " 90. Burgess, H. T. , op. cit. , p. 826. Mann, G. J. , op . cit. , p. B . Kenny , K. , he Descendants of Bri id Purt , Genealogy Society. 9r. Jaques, lirl. R. C. , op. cit. , p. 81 . 92. Anderson, P., op. cit., 12 May LB5Ir 3 Septembet L853, 12 December 1853, 2 March I854,,23 November 1854. 93. South Australian Company Land Selection Book, BRG 42/IL79. 94. t,lJaterson, D.B.r op. cit., pps. IO3-4. l¡laterson notes that middle-cl-ass townsmen borrowed the beliefs of 18th. Century EnglÍsh theorists in the virtue ofl a yeomanry and used them to justify the Selection Acts. 95. Pike, D. , op. cit. , p. 328.

94 96. Frome, E., to ColoniaI Secretary, 13 January L845 GRG 35/20. Frome stated that the wheat strippel "appears' to ans¡r¡er admirably to the Plains in this CoJ-ony but would not I imagine bá found available in any but a very dry, hot cl imate . " Davidson, 8.R., op. cit., PPS: L77-I8I . Davidson states tÀat the'stripþer'was oniy suited to regions of coastal South Australiä and t,Jestein Australiar oI inland Victoria and New South lnlales.

95 3. TOI^JNSHIPS AND TRANSPORT In his Paradise of Dissent, Douglas Pike describes the I rural roÌe of townshiPs in Ì/ü akef eld s model of concentrated settlement. They would provide scope for professional men' merchants and skilled workmen; there would be a market for the produce of adjacent flarms; roads and bridges would be built by co-operative effort with a minimum of government interference; labourers would settle in one place and come under the influence of the largest landol^lnel, a counterpart of the EngJ-ish squire.(l) In this l^Jay the dream of creating a t3!.ç-¡-a.t ve-rsion ofl the society of the homeland woul-d be fulfilled in the colonY. Pike's analysis ofl tnJakef ield's aspirations raise a number of questions which can be tested in this study ofl the Southern VaIes. t^Jhat lái!d of qejJLIe did settle in the townships - professional men, me¡.chants, artisans or laboUIe1.S - and what role did the local "gentry" play in the life of the urban communities? How rnras the development of townships affected by the failure to find viable markets in the IB40s and the stimulus of the goldrushes in the I850s? Finally - was it real_istic to expect that settlers would accept the responsibility to construct and maintain the transport facilities they used? A common theme in developing countries is that of several village communities attempting to become regionaL centres with a consequent waste of ."rouIces'(2) This chapter will examine the causes of rivalry in the Southern Vales and the consequences this rivatry had for the provision of urban services and transport routes.

96 ( A ) The First TownshiPs The totrynships ofl the Southern Vales were the result of private initiative, for the colonial government took Iittle interest in township formation during the first twenty years of settlement. Thus the field was Ieft to speculators, who had a town surveyed wherevel the best return for a subdivision could be expected. Many towns ¡¡ele laid out along the main roads leading from Adelaide through the nearby agricultural areas' TheiI survival tnras determined by the attractiveness of the services they coul-d offer to the surrounding rural settlers and passing travellers - the most important being a ma_rket for stock, a m[11 for grain and a pt blic house foI meetings and \\\JI\ refreshment.

In his study o f the Geooraphv of Towns , E. A. Smailes lists certain physical featules that favoured town-sites, such as ease of defence, availability of watet, facilities to load and unload ships, and advantageous conditions foI crossing rivers.(l) At least the last three seem to have been in the mind of David McLaren when he chose the Hglseshoe Sect-i-g¡ as "tikely to be the seat of a village or town." He wrote to his employels in London that the river in Section 62 vvas always fresh and that "by a little expense of excavation at the mouth of the River, barges may come up to the town.'t He also pointed out that the "proposed road to Encounter Bay passes thro' the Section."(4) The river couLd not be forded in its tidal section below the township, while above the ploposed site it passed through a steeP gorge. plans for the township matured in McLaren's mind until in April- lB4O the sale of alLotments rlvas announced. According to the advertisement, Noarlunga "muSt form the chief depot for

97 that district for the suppJ-y of the numelous settlers with provisions, and flor the sale of cattle, sheep and agricultural produce."(5) McLaren seems to have envisaged a typicaJ- English market-town for he reserved an alea of about two acIeS in the centre.(see fig. B) He provided the netnlspapers with notes on his plan to hold regular market days and gave charles Hewitt instructions to flence the market squale.(6) Before these plepalations WeIe completed, McLaren waS recalled to England and had to leave the ploject in the hands of his gain maximum publicity successol, ilrJilliam GiIes. Eager to ' GiIes plevailed upon GoveInoI Gawler to attend the opening of the market, plomising him "an interesting day I hope wilI be well arranged, well reported and well circulated in

EngLand. " (7 ) The great day came off on 24 March 184L and l^las as fully reported in the papers as Gites could have wished. Monthly markets were hetd in May and June, but only a timited number of buyers attended before the scheme fe11 victim to the Depression. Giles instructed Hewitt to let the market pens to travelling drovers and in June IB42 even suggested that they might be used as a district pound.(8) Agricultural depression might not have been the only reason for the fail-ure of the market. It r¡as probably unr,ealistic to attempt to Ieproduce in such a sparsely settted alea as the Southern Vales at the start of the I840s the kind of economic structure that had evolved in England as a result of demand. By the end of IB40 the township t^las able to provide the services of an tq1, the Horseshoe, IUn by PhiIip Hollins, and a well-fill-ed store. A pubtic meeting |/\las held at the Horseshoe ar\

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t? bç.ç. 8tr sNV-ld dltlsNt\No! E,ffi in 1843 to discuss the election of a mill. Messrs. Stevens, PhilIips and Dehorne, three Adelaide merchants, stated that they tnrere wilJ-ing to erec the sum of /600 rnras subscribed by the setlLers. 0n 6 March I844 the completion of the miIl ¡n¡as Ieported in the papeIS' which stated that the Mi11 company l/vas buil-ding a dozen cottages for their tnrorkpeople.(9) The fortunes of the mi11 during the flollowing years reflected the alternating hopes and disappointments of those who sought to profit from trade in wheat. J.t¡J. Dehorne mortgaged the milI in June IB47 and tlrlas declared insolvent in December of that year. The mi11 tntas bought by James sicker cl-ark in l-B4B and he enlarged its

capacity by adding nernr granaries. ( L0 ) In September IB5f a meeting of local settlers decided to re-open the monthly markets and appointed a market committee to lease the square from the South Australian Company flor Seven years. At the re-opening the farmers of the South mustered in strength to examine the great quantity of stock and "a fine show of fish which, with the dairy ploduce, tnrere exhibited in the capacious store of Mr. J.S. Clark's miI1."(II) fn May 1852, hoyr1ever, Clark followed his predecessor into the insol-vency courts and the mill tnras sold to his assignees for ¿2,8OO. The market also found the times difficult and by Jul-y attendance rntas Ieported as not being So numeroUs aS on former occasions. It seems that the market again feIl into disuse, for in 1855 Giles wrote to Hollins, enquiring whether any trustees tnlere ever nominated and whether they lrüere prepared to pay the arrears of rent.(12) For all its apparent advantages as a regional centre, NoarJ-unga rnlas being oveltaken in the LB50s by rival- townships

99 situated nearer to the centres of the main agricultural lands in Morphett and McLaren Vales. An attempt had been made as early as August rB4o by the writer, PhiJ-1ip La Mothe SneIl Chauncy, to sell allotments to tradeSmen and shopkeepels from his section 5938 in Morphett Vale. Another enterprising subdividel trrtas Alexander AndeISon, âî Anglo-Irishman, who had married Catherine Creighton, a daughter ofl the Bishop of London. He named the three sections (eOg, 610 and 6lIB), which he took up astride the Main south Road, cteighton Estate after her. 0n one side of the road he built the Emu Hotel, from which he opelated the pos_t office as well as making the inn available for public meetings. In 0ctober 1840 he offered Section 6lO opposite the inn for sale as the township of DubIin, claiming that the price tnlas 'ra mele nominal thing, the object being to plocure mechanics and tabouIeIS in that thriving dislrict. " (II) l¡lilliams algues that the tradesman waS no less a pioneer than the farmer and suggests that craftsmen "quickly grouped together in communities to provide selVices fot, and perhaps to stimulate the settlement of, the sullounding countryside.'(14) lr1hat then 1¡1ere the results of Anderson I s attempt to establish a service centre for the local farmers? He gaVe away a block of land to the Irish settlers for St. Mary's Church and leased two bloeks to Thomas Haddrick, a carpenter, and tnJ. E. Young' a storekeeper. Neither became permanent building sites ' The subdivision of Section 611 in IB42 is mole interesting in showing what could attract artisans. Nine acres wele sold to John lalate, a carpenter, ten acles to l¡Jilliam Crawf ord, a bricklayer, four acles to Henry Tidy, a blacksmith, and five

I00 Thomas Haddrick. It seems that artisans, wh a d th Ç,, acres to , '1 iþ¡; initiative to emigrate, had no desire to be shut up in PokY ,,i cottages on smal-1 al-lotments, but aspired to be landotntners, even if onJ-y of modest blocks.(r5) Across the district road from Andersonts subdivisions, sections 625 and 626 had been taken up by Al-exander lrlearing Long, ¡lho rn¡as assisted in the management of his flocks by John Ash CulJ-en, a tailor f rom Dublin. A number of smal-l settlers occUpied cottages there in IB43 and the area became known aS the United States.(see fig. B) It seems that Cullen tlvas responsible for the settlement and probably its name, fot he bought two large slices of the sections when Long subdivided them in the IB4Os. After LB49 a number of shopkeepers and craftsmen pulchased allotments fronting the Main South and States Road.(16) By that slage Alexander Anderson had moved to section 6408, a mil-e further south On the main road, whete it crossed Christie Creek. He built "Th1-Lodge" there and in 1850 he and his ,,amiable lady" entertained visitors to the annual pl0ughing match. The reporter believed that "Molphett Vale orlres many of its advantages to this gentleman. In addition to his style of farming and his mill, he has erected and nearJ-y completed a brewery."(I7) There is something of the aspiring "squi-Ie" about Anderson, who SaW himself as a community J-eader, and leased his inn, mill and brewery to other men to opelate. In M.!:1:j Vale another village grernr up around the Devonshire Arms, opened ín 1849 by WiIliam Colton. The first Iicensee rrvas appointed postmastet, white a smith and shopkeeper soon set up business nearby. A mile further south rnlas the inn known as Gumprs after its first ownel' but Iater Ieased to E'F'

IOT Jones as The SaloP ian (a native of Shropshire). (rB) Neither Morphett Vale nor McLaren Val-e yet had the range of facilities oflfered by Noarlunga and both suffered from piecemeal- development, which resulted in their buildings being stIUng out along sevelal miles of the main road. Despite this lack of planning, both villages rllele mole conveniently situated than Noarlunga to serve the farming population. 0nce most of the town allotments had been sold and the nearby farming lands leased, the South Australian Company showed little interest in the development of N:Ï:inga' It 1¡as Ieft to resident businessmen like Philip Hollins and James S. CIark to take the initiative. McLaren Vale also missed out on leadership, for tenants such as l^li1Ii"-; Colton held the nearby land while the J-arger landowners were some distance aì^,ay in the Ianges. Alexander AndeISon r¡aS mole of the kind of leader that tnlakeflield had in mind. HorlüeveI ' he soon found that tradesmen and laboUIeIS in South Australia tnlele mole independent in outlook than their counterparts in the villages of EngIand. Thus none of the townships of the Southern Vales conformed to the ideas of their foundets, who thought in terms of market lowns and villages in their homeland and failed to take account of the different circumstances in the colony.

LO2 (B) Ihe G eat South Road GoveInoI Gawter took the first steps in the construction of the gleat lines of road which were to open up the settlement ofl the agricultural districts. writing in 1843, Bennett commented that in this respect Gawler "did much for the colony, and wilhout inflicting any burdens as the labour employed by him has been all paid for by the Engtish govelnment."(I9) By that time the Land Fund, which l^las at first reserved entirel-y for emigration, had been divided to altow half of it to be used for public works. As a result settlers in the Southern Vales tnlere not expected to contribute directly to the cost of their roads but came to expect that this rnras a basic amenity, which the govelnment should provide to those who had purchased Iand' The first townships devetoped along the route of the ploposed road to Encounter Bay shown on the map published by John Arrowsmith. As far as the onkaparinga thi.s road followed a course partly defined by the sectional roads and partly by well-trodden native tracks.(see fig. 9) Beyond the river the road had been laid out by John McLaren in IB39 acting upon orders issued by Govelnor Gawler. The route Was given further official apploval when it rlrtas announced thatrra Mail bag will be sent on Tuesdays and FridâYS, by Onkaparinga and the netal line of road acIosS McLaIen'S VaIe, âñd by the great Sand-basin to Encounter Bay. " (20 ) 0n the same day that the sale of Noarlunga township t/rtas advertized, a report appeared giving details of a meeting at the Emu HoteI. The settlers had gathered on 6 April 1840 to consider the construction of a bridge over the 0nkaparinga river. The editor commented that "His Excellency the Governor is very desilous of seeing it accomplished and has kindly

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-?eNã.1 VåS Ðc\o$U ALOH QNV.I U v sàðtatd oot uaNq promised assistance from the funds at his disposal-."(2I) Frome'S Sappers and Miners vvere employed on the project and by November it tltras Ieported that the whole of the piles had been driven. LrJhen Gawler visited Noarlunga to open the market in March I841, he inspected the blidge and "expressed the utmost satisf action as to the manner in which it trì,as executed ." Q2) The future of NoarJ-unga nornt seemed assured for it occupied the kind of geographic position that had proven to be a recipe for success in England. Like Exeter in Devon (or even London), it r¡as situaled at the l-owest bridging point above a rivel mouth. Smailes has pointed out that when this occurs' the convergence of land and sea routes is fixed.Q3) It r¡as not long, however, beflore the southern settlers felt compelled to draw attention to the state of the road between Adelaide and the Onkaparinga. In L842 they signed a petition stating that they "labour(ed) under great difficulties owing to the frequent changes of that Road in consequence of parties not knowing the proper Iine ." (24) their complaint trvas referred to the Surveyor-General, who commented that there lrrlas certainly sufficient grounds for their dissatisfaction but that the cause was not a deviation from the original road. rrNo Main South Road appears to have been contempJ-ated when the sections tntere first sulVeyed and my only plan has been to adopt the best tine left to the Pubtic by the Sectional tracks."(25) The inadequacies ofl the original survey arrangements became obvious as the old track through private property raras closed. Heavy winter rains soon caused a crisis at the Horseshoe as the torrent gushing from the mouth of the gorge undermined

104 one side of the bridge. In september IB44 Frome reported to the governol that "the whole of the upper framework of the Bridge l^Jas yesterday swept aì¡ray by the late extraordinary floods.(26) The following tlvinter Governor Grey placed *'tO0 on the Estimates f or the construction of a net^, bridge. l¡lork uJas detayed until the spring, when the tender of chadwick and Sanders was accepted for 5[l,OIL/L3/2. A report described the proposed bridge as an "elegant structule", 2oo fleet in J-ength and 22 feet wide, supPorted by two piers of "hammer-faced rubble stoneu,olk'r standing on the rocky bed of the river ' The foundations 1¡ele l-aid in December and the contractors expected to complete the task in six months.(27) Despite several cash advances it u,as twelve months before the contractors even began to raise the piers ' They tnlere given untit the end of Apri I 1847 to complete the bridge and 1et t/l,ere paid off when they failed to do so. A new tendel t/\las to Benjamin Gray, who finished his task in December. It had cost the government over tlOO more than the price originally agreed to, and the townspeople and travellers had had to make do for two frustrating winters due to the tardiness of the original contractors. (28 ) As money and effort wele poured into the Ieconstruction of the bridge, other sections of the road suffered from want of attention. J.t^l. Dehorne had drawn the attention of the Government to "the dangerous and boggy state ofl the cleek at Reynel_l's farm", and ¡r1as informed that the place would be attended to "as Soon aS I shaII have any means of executing the repairs."(29) In June 1846 he circulated a petition for the repair ofl the road, especiaJ-1y near TapIey's "t/vhere it iS in such a state, as to have made the conveying ofl produce to town

r05 f or a l_ong while past almost impossibl-e. " The petition, signed by nine magistrates and seventy ploprietors of Iand' tnlas presented to the Legislative Council by Major 0'Halloran' Despite these efforts to rouse the government, the road to the South remained in a tlvletched state. Even in fine SummeI weather there were constant reports of drays being bogged' One l/ìlas so firmly fixed that "being heavily laden, it required sixteen bullocks to drag it out. " (f0 ) Token efforts tlì,eIe made in L847 and 1848 as tenders t¡lele let to lnlalter Thomson and John Bowman to suppty and spread broken stone on the South Road. In June 1B4B another petition h,as presented by the inhabitants of the Morphett Vale and l^,i11unga districts. Af teI "thankf ully acknowledging the improvements aJ-ready eflfected," they asked that money be outlayed on drainagerrneal the residences ofl Dr. MyIes and Mr' Hooper, whete from the extensive natural- flooding of rainwater the road tnras in danger of becoming quite impassable."(rI) By now the members of the Legislative council l¡lele beginning to realize that road construction and maintenance tnlas an expensive business, which could not be financed out of the government's limited revenue from customs duties and land sales. In August 1849 the members debated a proposal ofl Governor Young to create a Central Road Board to cale for the four main roads, and a Series of District Road Boards in each hundred to care for atl the other Ioads. These boards t/1lere to be financed from rates levied on the occupiers ofl alI purchased 1and. Concern that Iandless carters would thus evade payment of a Dray Tax for the roads they used led to the introduction ' which compelled the ourner of a vehicl-e using the roads to

106 pulchase a licence and display his name on the vehicle in large legible lett ers. (12) A storm l/lJas thereby unleashed as the editor of the Register condemned the "nomineeil Legislative Council, which had imposed an "0dious Dray Tax" on "the small cultivator in the uplands, who cannot do without a dray and team, Yet does not use the public roads above a dozen times a yeaI."(33) Agitation against the Act reached the 1ocal level when 150 settlers in t/iillunga hundred signed a memorial asking for the exemption of fatmets' drays. The men of Noarlunga hundred refused to elect a district board and, at a public meeting in front of the Emu Hote1, subscribed to a flund to defend any man whose property was seized for not paying the tax. 0n I6 May Atexander Anderson was elected Chailman of the South Australian Anti-Dray and Land Tax League while Thomas Darby, also from Morphett Vale, became its secretary - G+) When the nominated chairman of the Noarlunga District Board informed the ColoniaI Secretary that it would be ,,USeless, impolitiC and Unsafetr to coer.ce defaulters in Noarlunga, he t/llas told that it would be "much to be Iegretted" if the district should thereby place itself out of the po|^,er of the Central Board to issue a grant of money. The League then directed its wrath against the l/Úiltunga Road commissionels ' who had summoned Messrs. 0liveI and Bennett foI not paying the district tax. James HurtIe FisheI rlras engaged to deflend the men in the Supreme Court and won his case. lnJhen the report of the Central Road Board was received, the Legislative Council introduced a bilI to repeal the Road Act.(15) The settlers in the Southern Vates had thus taken a lead in resistance to the idea that roads shoutd be funded by a tax

I07 on l-andholders and roadusers. Henceforth they would have to lobby the colonial Iegislature to ensure that the Central Road Board was adequately funded, âñd then lobby the Board to ensule that a sufficient propoltion of its flunds tnlele expended on the Main South Road. Their agitation had been able to assume a democratic stance because the law they objected to ¡¡as passed by a nominated Legislative council and allowed the governor to nominate the members of the road boards. t^Jhile they used the catchcry of I'No taxation without replesentation", it WaS taxation on any terms that most of the SUpporters of the League in Morphett Vale objected Lo.G6)

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r08 (C) The River and its Port It r¡¡as only naturaÌ that the attention of settl-ers in the Southern Vales should have been directed towards using the Onkaparinga RiveI aS a means of conveying their produce to market. Before English roadS tnrele improved' most heavy loads went by water and the primary function of the earl-iest tracks rnras to give access to the waterrnlays. Bridges trvere placed at the highest navigable point on a river not just because of the engineering difficulty of construction l-ower down but because of the importance of not impeding water carriage. Estuary headS rlvere mole favoured as ports than WeIe estuary mouths since the small ships of earl-ier days rlllere better able to navigate the rivers . ( l7 ) we have already noted the hopes of David McLaren that barges could be Ioaded with agricuttural- produce at Noarlunga and take their cargo to ships moored in the natural harbour outside the rivel mouth. During the meeting held at Noarlunga in August 1843 to raise subscriptions for a mil-I, the cutter "l¡lil-liam Henty" arriVed "al-ongside the natural formed wharf, showing the means the settlers have of conveying their produce by water-caIriage." When the milt 1¡as opened, the reporter commented on seeÍng the barge, "onkaparinga which is capable of exporting alI the flour glound at the mi1l.'l(fB) These hopes of extensive shipments by sea rnlere frustrated by a number of factors, which included the difficulty of finding outside markets for wheat and the problems caused by the sand-bar at the mouth of the river. Shipping must also have been deterred by the Wreck of the "TigIeSSrr' which was driven onto the rocks below the mouth of the 0nkaparinga by a south-westerly gale in fB4B. The Captain and Francis Frew

109 vvere drolrlned tryÍ-ng to swim ashore but those Iemaining aboard r¡1ere rescued by l-oca1 settlers, including James Clark and George Hepenstal, at considerable risk to their ol/l,n 1ives. According to a neliìJspaper reporl, those on watch had mistaken a light ashore for the Semaphore lightship. This circumstance creates a remarkable parallel with the story of the rrNashl^,auk", which was wlecked a quarter of a mile further south in 1855 and had also mistaken a light on shore for the lightship.Gg) In The Histor v of Noarlunoa District , CoIwell quotes local folk-tales that Andrew Harriott kept a tight burning in an UppeI room of his two-storey house "Dalkeith" and used it to signal ships carrying contraband goods. George Hepenstal, who had selected l-and at the mouth of the Onkaparinga in fB40 and operated a smal1 whaling station, rntas Suspected of involvement in smuggling spirits and tobacco. These goods ¡¡ele reputed to be landed in boats from American whalers and passed on to Road the Horseshoe Inn travellers on the Great South at ' Noarlunga, oI the Golden Pheasant Inn, Hackham. Since there is officiat correspondence relating to this problem, some credibility must be gÍven to the use of the river for illicit imports long before it r¡as used to export agricultural produce.(40) GoveInoI Young revived interest in the use of the river for shipment when he exptored and sounded its couISe from Noarlunga to the sea. In LB49 he referred the port to the Harbor commissioners. captain Lipson and suIVeyoI Hill u,eIe impressed with its potential, but the majority of the committee felt that the works needed to improve access to the sea would

rl0 be too expensive and the advantages conflined to a vely Iimited district.(4I) Undeterred by this report the local settlers plepared a memorial, which was signed by 204 flarmers and tradesmen from the hundreds of Noarlunga and l^li1lunga. I t suggested that the river be connected to the Sea "either by a vvooden tramway oVeI a naIIotnl sandbank, oI by a cUttinq through it." The member for Noarlunga presented this petition to the Legislative Council in November 1851 and moved thaL É.Z,5OO be placed on the Estimates. He algued that much of the sum would be saved by "the heavy weights which would be taken off the common Ioads." lnlhen Govelnor Young advised the Legislative Council that he lnlas willing to defray the cost from the Crown Moiety of the Land Fund, the motion was agreed lo.(a2) samuel Clark sold six acres of section 3L3 to the Government for the cutting, but the start of work was delayed by the high cost of labour during the goldrushes. The visit of the schooner "tnJi-tness" in ApriL 1853 got things moving again. She anchored in four fathoms of water inside the reef while loading flour. In September ÉZOO was voted for a set of moolings, âfld these t/l,ere instalted by the Trinity Board three months laLer.(43) A public meeting at the Horseshoe Inn urged the government to recommence work at the port. Surveyor Hays Ieported that a tramralay would entail double handling of goods and suggested a canal. unfortunately his advice l^Jas disregarded and the Legislative Council voted á5'000 for a jetty and a tramtnray in November 1853.(44) t¡Jork ¡¡as delayed by the need to negotiate the transfer of a nernt corridor for the tramway from James Clark. As a result lhe contract with tnlil-liam Rogers was not flinaIly concluded

111 until July I854. Rogers tnias soon in trouble and rnlas forced to repolt in November that the "Tunne1" had twice collapsed. The CoLonial Architect investigated and found that "in executing the cutting and embankment for the tramrnray, the sand of which it is principally composed, is so fine and Iight ... that the wind is drifting the sand ahray flrom the embankment and blocking up the cutting, and it will always be the soulce of trouble and expense. rr The only remedy was to coat the sides with a J.ayer of thick clay and to pug the crevices between the tunnel timbers . ( 45 ) It came as no real surprise when the works had to be suspended in May tB55 because the sum on the Estimates had been exhausted. The settlers had to gather again at the Horseshoe Inn in February 1856 and ask the Legislative Council to vote a sufflicient amount to finish the iob. A nernr contract "with certain additions to the originat design" rnlas tet to lrlilliam Rogers in September. The works ¡¡ele finaJ-1y completed on B December I856, two harvest seasons after they coul-d have been used to ship wheat to profitable eastern markets.(46) In a study of the South Australian coastal shipping industry, K. GilIen uses RimmeI's model of port development to explain the decline of certain places. At first a dispelsed pattern of seaports along the coast emeIgeS, with each serving a limited hinterland. As the lines of land communication are improved, competition ensures that activity will be concentated at ports with inherent advantages. By the third stage all the ports are interconnected and the best porL has become the focus of trade, while in the fourth stage centralization is complete. During the L850s the southern coastline could only be described

TL2 as in the first stage.(47) Port 0nkaparinga tlras ptaced under the charge of the Harbors Department, whose executive oflficel ' Captain Douglas, conSidered it "a most important harbour for smal-l vessels'" Beacons trvere installed on the reefs and sandhills to guide vessels through the entrance channels . ( 48 ) ( see fig. I0 ) Oversight of these installations rnlas entrusted to the Deputy Harbor Master at Port l^lillunga. I f the number of vessel-s at both ports prevented him from attending them, he rnlas authorized to engage a "GIut Officer" to supervise operations at Port

Onkaparinga. ( a9 ) Despite its safe harbour and welI-equipped .ìetty, shipment of wheat from the port lr¡as hampered by probl-ems of access' Philip Holl-ins r¡as authorized by the District Council to construct a towpath on the north bank of the river, clear the channel of obstructions and define it with wattl-e markers' In March 1857 he launched a 30 ton barge, the "AppoIine", to caIIy wheat and flour down the river. The tramway llttaS neVeI a success. Ì¡lilliam Gray, a wheat mer,chant who had set up his store at the port, twice had to clear sand from the entrance to the tunnel because ships l^,ere waiting to Ioad.(50) The government tried to get the District Councillors to take charge of the jetty, but they hedged by deferring the matter untit improvements had been made to the tunnel-' Desperate to get rid of his expensive burden, the commissioner of Public tnlorks gave orders for the work to be performed'(51) lnlithin eighteen months the tunnel had collapsed and the Iocal settl-ers met at the Horseshoe Inn to decide what to do' Peter Anderson remarked that in the seven years he had shipped wheat from the port, he had never been able to get through the

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II4 (D) Rival Townships Many recent studies of townshiPs in agricultural regions have been inspired by the central pla ce theory of Christaller. He maintained that on a ptain of uniform fertitity and evenly distributed population a hexagonal network of market areas would become established. He also demonstrated that a hierarchy of central places would develop according to the range of SeIVices each offered and the distance people tlvete plepared to travel to gain access to those Services. These ideas have provided the stimulus for a multitude of studies of contemporary urban hierarchies. ( 5l ) A number of historians have also attempted to establish a hierarchy of townships foI particul-ar regions. English schol-ars have shown that above the network of market-towns llrlere shire-towns and then provincial cities. Jeans grouped the towns he f ound in New South l¡JaIes in L846 into hamlets, larger centres and regional centles, using population and data on the number of tradesmen. (¡¿) li'lilliams attempted a similar classification for South Australian townships in the mid-lB50s' using population and housing counts along with a list of seven institutions he regarded as urban seIVices. He found that ranked below Adelaide tlvere four country townships - Butra, , Gawler and Mount Barker - with 400 people and 5-7 <-1/- a.-L/- ..'Ln- seIVices. Morphett Vale, Noarlunga and McLaren Vale all fell into his next group of towns - those with I00 people and 5-7 Services - aJ-ong with towns such aS Clarendon, hIillUnga and Aldinga. !\,hiIe his analysis provides a usef ul ovetview, !ìJilliams does not expJ-ain tlrrhy the Southern Vales rlrere able to support several towns of this order but unable to produce any to rank with Gawler or Mount Barker.(55)

I r5 The origins of the three townships mentioned by lrlil-liams have already been studied in this chapter and some of the weaknesses in Noarlunga's claim to regional- pre-eminence pointed out. Let us novlt turn to the competitive situation that developed in the 1850s as the profits of the goldrush boom l^,ere invested. l/{e will then be in a position to decide whether it is possible to determine any hierarchy in regionaÌ urban development and explain its causes. A key factor in the development of townships in the Southern Vales l^las the construction of a mill, which provided emptoyment and attracted farmers to use other township seIVices. As early as September 1850 a committee of McLaren Vale flarmers had been set up to investigale the steps needed to provide a cooperative grist mill. some shares u,ere immediately subscribed but the scheme hung fire for want of funds. These rlvele mole freel-y available aflter the goldrush and in September IB52 Charles Hewitt chaired a meeting at the Devonshire Arms, where Éf,OOO rnras subscribed. A portion of Section Ij5 1¡as purchased from the South Australian Company and by ApriI 1854 the mi11 Ìdas in f uI1 operation. ( 56 ) The initiative taken at McLaren Vale seems to have influenced the men of Morphett Vale. Two weeks after the Devonshire Arms meeting, the largest gathering of farmers seen in the district assembled at the Emu Hotel. Peter Anderson must have been among them for he Iecorded in his diary that he took five $f shares in the company that tatas set up to erect a Steam Grist MiIl. The Mill rnlas opened on 29 September 1854' on what WaS described as a "gaIa day" when "the machinery worked admirably, and the assembled shareholders and others,

Ir6 comprising futly 150 of the surrounding settlers, l^,ele exceedingly grati fied. '' ( 57 ) These two milIs became the focus of new townships as Iand in their vicinity h,as subdivided and sold. ( see fig. 1I ) In the case of McLaren Vale the man ofl enterprise rlrlas Richard Bell, who named the main street after his wife and the town after himself. He sold half of the Iots in Bellevue on the first day, I June 1854, to labourels and a clelgyman. John ReyneII had sold land from Section 524 to the Southern Grist Mi11 Company and, as the mill neared completion, he decided to lay out an elaborate township of I62 allotments. Reynella tntas ideally situated where the Great South Road crossed the FieId RiveI and the land sold quickly in June l-854, although a large number ofl the allotments rlvele bought by local faImeIS. A hotel, the Crown, rlvas built on the opposite side of the road to the milt . ( 5B ) About five miles south along the main road another township was sulVeyed next to the Golden Pheasant Inn- Edward Castle subdivided Section 25 into allotments ranging in size from half-an-acIe to six acIes, and sold them in June 1856 as the Village of Hackham. The opportunity to buy some land attracted a number of laboulers and craftsmen who settled there. In I86I it tnras Ieported that the "l-ittle township of Hackham is receiving an augmentation of stone buiJ-dings, which wiII increase the business appealance of the place."(59) This flurry of subdivision ¡ras a part of the gold-boom of the mid 1850s as returning diggeIS, IabouIeIS and farmels invested in land. Some viable townships rllere created aJ-ong the main road leading to Adelaide but, as in all boom times, the Lure of profits meant that the movement was carried to

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ßÊLLE ! U E excess. No less than three townships rlltere laid out near the proposed port at the river mouth.(see fig. 10) In November 1853 Frederick Castle sold the'rMercantil-e Township of Castleton", situated on the north side of the estuary and commanding "the approaches to the site of the intended JETTY. " (60) Three ureeks later tnlill-iam Trimmer of f ered 7L allotments from Section 3IL as the township of Port Noarlunga with less success than Castle. After the sale he placed an advertisement in the "Regisler" to say that he had'rresolved not to dispose of any more of the land by private contract" but to reserve the allotments for sale on a future day.(6f) In June 1856 ÌnJitliam Gray subdivided land overlooking the mouth of the river and sold it as the township of Port 0nkaparinga. His town plan looks impressive with its Victoria Terrace and Albert PIace, but it rnlas on the wrong side of the estuary. tìJhile the river mouth remained a f avourite picnic spot, l-abourers had no intention of dwelling there, preferring to establish their homes on richer soil next to fresh water and the facilities of the main road.(62)

Noarlunga and Morphett Vale competed with the nevv townships along the road by increasing the amenities they offered to farmers and travellers. Both had added a second hotel- - the Jo1ly Miller and the l¡lheatsheaf respectively. They could also point to schools and churches, which were being accommodated in substantial buildings. The South Australian Company took advantage of the land boom to auction oflf some of its remaining allotments in Noarlunga, while across the river a township called Kingston developed. In IB56 Dr. Kelly even managed to revive the idea ofl an annual fair at NoarJ-unga but

ltB it r,vas only moderately successful.(63) Meanwhile Al-exander Anderson rrrlas vigorously plomoting the afflairs of Morphett Vale. A local court had been heLd in the Emu Hotel from lB5l but the magistrates considered that the venue rnlas hardly in keeping with the dignity of the court. AndeISon offered the governmenl a corner block in the village of Catherine, sulVeyed in June 1854 on Section 64O8. Al-though the building of the coulthouse tnlas completed in June 1855 a tardy carpenter prevented George Worthington, S.M., from presiding there until- 1B 56 . (64) The building rlras nearly not constructed at alI for in 1854 the inhabitants of Noarlunga had petitioned the govelnment to remove the local courts of both Morphett VaIe and l^lillunga to their township. such a proposal provoked a reply flrom Morphett VaIe, in which the pretensions of Noarlunga trvele ridiculed. The writer thought that they would have done better to have applied for a policeman and stationed him "orì the sandhills at the mouth of the 0nkaparinga, where he might occasionally have his nasal olgan treated to a perfume that is not usual at a temperance table, o1, ifl placed at the Horseshoe, he should be plovided with life-buoys, boats and grappling irons for the protection of life and ploperty in winter when the rivel overflows."(65) Concealed beneath the tone of light-hearted mocking was a selious rivalry for the acquisition of a court-house u,as vital to the claims of either township to regional pre-eminence. In his study of township f ormation, t^Jil-Iiams maintains that it rllas essential to attract government investment in facil-ities such as courthouses. Howevel' he adds that the "intangible factor of locaI initiative in attracting trade and

ll_9 industry WaS decisive in many circumstances. " The need for a set ofl hierarches based on population and Services is placed before his readers with the suggestion that ratebooks might be used to determine occupational structure.(66) Both ratebooks and directories have been used to compile the following tabJ-e' which compares the main townships in the Southern Vales in the mid-l-850s. ( see f ig. L2) Tobtø t+ Poo.¡tqlion anol þr.ricgs of To*n:hips

Morphett Vale NoarJ-unga McLaren Vale t/rlillunga Aldinga residents 50 36 30 42 T2 craftsmen 12 6 2 7 Iabourer s 2I IB 20 22 t mi]I s 2 I I I 3 breweries I I I I stores 3 3 t 3 1 hotel s 3 2 2 2 2 doctors I 2 school-s 2 I 2 2 I churches3II3l courtsl--L Sq.¡rceS - Asscss'-ìc,nl Bæks o{ D¡:+tic+ Cosneìls , S'A' lgl'^aroc, Ho{c\s l^do<¡ Qc-{.r¡r. o{ Se-Lools (sce, 4oo+no}C) Morphett Vale clearly offered the greatest number of selVices to the region but it should be remembered that its facilities r¡1ele scattered. As Reynella and Hackham developed they took some of its residents and custom so that Morphett Vale became of the Same order of development as Noarl-unga and lnlilIunga. McLaren VaIe and Aldinga offered mole limited facilities, although fertile soil attracted labouIeIS to the former pIace.(67) tnJilliams' hierarchy is accurate in the

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-zl'Ðlj SCr nS T\ l\¡\OL -fuf..fU ¡t't-f- southern Vales, which sustained several towns of importance, but none tikely to dominate the whole region. The terrain would made it more likely that a number of smaller centres develop to serve the farmers in a more limited area. that Noarlunga's position ì,rúas only superf icially analagous to of Gawler or Mount Barker. The Main south Road led only to the Fleurieu Peninsula, while its northern and eastern counterparts served much more extensive hinterlands which t'r¡eIe nowhete near fulIY develoPed.

t2L (E) Road Co nstruction and Maintenance In Britain the provision and maintenance of roads had been a local affair, with each parish electing a sulVeyor' who could extract four days' labour from the parishionels- This system had little to recommend it for the surveyols l/\lele often incompetent in road-making and the parish usuaJ-ly found that the maintenance of the roads l^,as beyond its resouI,ces' In LB35 a General Highways Act substituted salaried officials and labour hired at the market rate but it did littIe to create larger units.(68) By opting for a central Road Board the South Australian settlers ensured a better chance of their roads being efficientlY managed' A paid surveyor l^,as placed in charge of the Main south Road in 1850, but R.T. Hill resigned aflter a few months and t¡,as l-ater char.ged with fraud. John Barrow tnlas mole satisfactory, winning the confidence of the southern settlers by taking up residence in Noarlunga. He l^las retained by the central Road Board when aIl the other surveyors rlrtere retrenched during the gol-drush in 1852.(69) Frederick Manton of Mitcham took ovel the post in LB53 and spent the next eight years supervising a massive expansion of the road system' His salary tnlas increased from *ZSO to J¿OO to compensate him, but in L859 he told the Board that he l/\Jas riding tOO miles a week to inspect eight different contracts.(70) Inevitably there l^,ele disputes with private contractors until f ina11y, in March 1861, he Ì^'as dismissed by the Board, who alleged he had made an elror in calculation. The District Council of Noarlunga considered that a judicial enquiry would have exonerated Manton and (7I praised his "judgement and professional ski1l. " ) From IB55 onwards a number of stationmen wele appointed to

r22 attend to minol Iepairs and supervise traffic al-ong the maj-n road. They l^Jere expected to applehend peopJ.e damaging telegraph posts and wires, riding on the poles of drays, oI villains like l¡lilliam Pierce, who "maliciously in jured a shoveJ-, the property of the Government, by the wheel of his dray passing over it." Despite the responsible nature of their job and a promise that they wele to have 2/- mole than ordinaly labouIeIS, the Board refused a request made by John Brazil-l f or an increase in t¡lageS. Stationmen tntere even denied the informer's ret¡lard of half the fine imposed in Ìocal courts when the Board directed that it should be paid into its otntn co ffers . ( 72 ) construction work and major repairs t^lere performed by private contractors. In the earl-y 1850s these ratere often local- f armers like Lrlal-ter Thomson of 0'Halloran Hil-1 or t¡JiIliam Sherriff of Morphett Vale, who undertook to form and metal seclions of the main road as a way of supplementing their income. Their work rnlas usually mole satisfactory than that perflormed by outsiders like R.ìlrl. Custance, who carted away stone from cuttings at Tapley's Hill to use on another contract at McLaren VaIe. By 1854 another kind of contractor tlvas emelging as local taboulels tendered for roadwork, Sometimes alone but often in pairs. Just as they aspired to be l-andowners in order to raise their status, Some of the labourels aimed to be self-employed rather than relying on tnlages and ultimately to join the employing cIass. Thomas ColIinson and Joseph Hornal, who lived in the village of Betlevue, began with small contracts near their homes. Six yeals Iater they rnlere undertaking major construction proiects

r23 near Normanville with theil orn¡n gangs of labouIeIs.Q3) one of the flirst improvements between Adelaide and l/{illunga l¡las the erection of mile posts by John strongitharm in 185I. The traveller would also have noticed that where construction had begun the road was 60 feet wide with a 20 feet metal surflace. There WaS some attempt to economize south of Noartunga, where the Road Board thought it would be sufficient to metal to a width of 12 feet. Hol/\Jevel, John Barrow persuaded them that tB feet tnras needed to allow two vehicl-es to pass without either being obliged to quit the hard surface.(74) The Road Act gaVe the Board power to remove any fences oI buitdings that obstructed the road. In 1855 they acted on a complaint by Alexander Anderson that the verandah posts of Edward Bradley's general store wele encroaching on the road at Morphett Vale and ordered theil removal. This plompted a petition from most of the inhabitants arguing that the verandah tllas of "essential benefit and utility in affording shelter and shade to the public when waiting for the arrival and dispatch of the mail-. " As a result the Surveyor was ordered to define a twelve fleet wide footpath throughout the township.(Z¡) Road metal was usually quarried by a contractor, who undertook to supply a certain number of cubic yards of suitable stone. It was then carted to the stretch of road where it was required and Ieft in piles by the roadside. This posed a particular hazard for those who travelled after dusk and seems to have been regarded by the iury as a major factor in the death of James Gumprs, who vvas kilIed in I856 when his cart overturned near Reyne1la.(76) The construction methods made famous by McAdam in Britain from IBI6 onwards seem to have been adopted by the suIVeyoIS. Their plan r¡as to spread a nine

124 inch J-ayer of metal broken to a four inch gauge' and then a top coat of six inches of harder metal broken to a two and a half inch gauge. Limestone t^,as particularty suitable as a first course for it l/\Jas compacted in a short time into a very firm consistence under the heavy iron wheels of the drays using the road. Members of the Legislative council thought that the firsl roads constructed were too flat and asked that they be ,,raised and better roUnded" in future. The SUrVeyorS may welJ- have overcorrected for the jury investigating the death of James Blair in LB59 reported that the road neal the Emu Hill 1¡as so high in the cenlre that vehicles moving aside to pass had overturned.QT) Construction proceeded more rapidly from 1854 onwards as workmen returned from the goldfields and urage-levels felI' By January rB56 the central Road Board could report that 2I'5 of the 30 miles between Adelaide and t^Jillunga had been metalled ' progress l^las very slow though on either side of Noarlunga and in IB6O the District Council was still cal-ling the Boatd's attention to the unmetalled state of the four miles south of the Golden Pheasant Inn.(see fig. 13) There was also criticism of the low mileage of metalled road constructed in the southern district compared to the north ofl Adelaide. Manton explained that large sums had to be expended on hill cutting, bridges, fencing and ctearing roads, whereas in the flatter northern districts a greater proportion of flunds could

be spent on metalling. ( 78 ) Bridges l¡Jere so important to travellers on the south Road that the Board was obliged to spend money on them even during the gold-rush period. Floods in I85I had undermined the stone

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S"pqg& - e¡r^+rqf ßoqrd. oT Mqi.^ Roo.d,s Coreesponolenrr. GRG Sqll crnd CßG3ql9 pier of the Horseshoe bridge and nearly drowned a woman at McLaren Vale. She had been "rnraiting some time in vain flor a dray, and attempted to wade through, but, happening to fa11, it vvas with some difficulty that she got hold of the flence and effected her return, dr.enched in water, having lost her basket and eight pounds of butter.r' By the end ofl June IB52 a bridge costing d!fZS had been built to replace the inadequate culvert' Another bridge tllaS conStructed acIoSS the cr.eek next to Hooper's Wheatsheaf Hotel in Morphett Vale and opened to traf fic at the end of JuIY.(79) Edward Giles drew the attention of the Board to the plecarious state of the Horseshoe bridge, claiming "that the bullocks frightened by the vibration aIe difflicult to manage."(BO) By March lB55 Manton thought that a nernr sile shoul-d be chosen further upstream, and a new road built to connect the bridge with the road to llrJillunga. This proposal drew a stlong Ieaction from the townspeople and farmers on the Aldinga PJ.ains, who would have to travel two miles further to cross the river. A memorial with 124 signatures was plesented to the Board and it !ìras pointed out that the ploposed site tlvas where the first bridge had been washed away. Manton's designs r¡ere shelved and a contractor engaged to repaÍr the floundations

of the stone piers . ( gl ) A gleat deal of expense 11r¡as caused by the need to alter the l-ine of the South Road to avoid some of the steep grades on its original route. Five section holders had to be compensated when John Barrow drew up plans for a deviation to create a gradual slope on the southern side of the Horseshoe bridge. In June IB54 a memorial from 'rTraders and Travellers on the South road" dler¡v the attention of the Board to the

L26 "dangerous state of the Hill- descending into Noarlunga.rl Frederick Manton surveyed a new line and by 0ctober 1856 a contract had been let to Richard Budgen for cutting, embanking, excavating side drains and building culverts. ( 82 ) l¡Jhere roads 1¡ere cut into the side of a hill- like this, it tnras essential to erect substantial fences for the protection of travellers. The Board normalJ-y accepted the offer of section holders to fence deviations through their l-and.(81) South Austral-ians had a two tier system of road administration from the IB5Os. Main lines r¡lere entrusted to a Central Road Board, while al-1 others Were under the control of district councils. For southern settlers the advantage ofl central funding ofl main lines !ìras counteracted by the control of the central body over allocation of funds and appointment of men responsible for roadmaking. Thus Barrow and Manton, who had a thorough knowledge of the district, often found themsel-ves overruled by men on the Central Road Board who knew Iittle of its requirements. The expenses of road construction in the south rlrele a direct result of a hi11y terrain, higher rainfatl and numeIoUS watercoUISeS. In these cilcumstances surveyols could hardly be expected to match the mileage of metalled road laid in the easier terrain north of Adelaide.

127 (F) Rivalrv over Roads Good access roadS were So vital to the development of rural areas and townships that a keen rivaJ-ry emerged ovel the choice of routes. According to the IB49 Road Act only one main line of road rnras permitted in each of four directions from AdeIaide. In such a situation the members of the Central Road Board felt that they could not avoid injustice to large sections of the col-ony's population. Settlers rarele quick to realize that the only roads to consistently attract government spending trvele those defined as main lines and during the tB50s there l¡lere several- controversies over the main roads schedule. Three of the most significant debates over the southern roads will be examined in the following pages. Farmers met at the Aldinga Hotel in 0ctober IB54 and authorized John Norman to present a memorial to have the road from Noarlunga declared a main Iine. He gathered signatures from as far afield as MyponOa, Yankalilla and Cape Jervis, and would have felt pJ-eased when the Board instructed Alflred Delisser to survey a Main Line Western Branch to Yankalilla. (84) Then came the blow. The Board were also considering an extension of the Main Line from lnlillunga to YankaIilla. ( see fig. f4) Manton's plans to alter the site of the Horseshoe bridge to shorten the route to l^liltunga tntere seen as part of a plot to deprive the AJ-dinga farmers of their road. Horivevet, the opÍnion of the Board was by-passed in May I856 when the Legislative Council declared as a main line a road "branching from the Main South Road at oI neal Noarlunga and running thence South across the AJ-dinga Plains to the Mount

Terrible Ranges. " (85 ) Noarlunga notnr enjoyed a flavoured position at the junction

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I t I / -lac\a-l v3S ãn@U I Saìlran o:r 3'1 t\ ðano qNv'l lJ3Y\éloH lV:l ¿¡Looc'o)N3 fQ ot sNotsN"t,G to H)NYuiJ NðBt.sYI O NOILY lc\?d qasodoud S,l.VUÐ Q l.¡rr¿oS srNtTtoH H)NYðÐ I.¡ð3LS?O{\ vrllluyNv\ o! NotsNalx3 cjàts3ÐÐc¡s o F¡or¡ull OUoð H!ôOS NlVt{ .1vc.ltÐlboO ofl two main lines, providing Services for travel-1ers from two up-country regions. Its townspeople coul-d afford lo look on with equanimity at the squabbles which followed. However, Philip Hollins chose to interfere by Iecommending a difflerent route from that sulVeyed by DelisseI in September 1856. He made the decision on the Western Branch much mole complex and the Road Board was bombarded with petitions in favour of either route. By January IB5B the Commissionel of PubIic Works tlrtas enquiring about the cause of the detay.(86) At the crucial meeting of the Central- Road Board in JuIy, John Norman said that there had been "sUrveyS enough Delisser's line waS shorter and better Mr. Hollins' alteration appeals to have been made to take the road further from Atdiî9â, because the Aldinga people in a body opposed his viernls. " Five votes trvere cast for DelisseI's line and only one for HoIlinsl.(87) Contracts for the cutting at Sellick's Hill tnrere completed by January 1859 and the road opened in March by Mr. Thompson of the Central Road Board. He proposed John Norman's heal-th to the accompaniment of cheers and cries ofrrHe beat oId Hollins." The netnrspaper headed its account of the celemony "0pening of the Victory Road" and the hotel built at the foot of the hi-11 tntas called "Norman's VictoIy". It was a pily though that two old allies in the fight to open the port at the mouth of the Onkaparinga had fallen out when the vital interests of their townships had aLready been achieved by the decision to build the branch main line in 1856.(88) Certainly the Atdinga farmers showed little sympathy for Noarlunga when that township's privileged position trvas threatened by a proposaJ- to construct a bridge across the river

L29 nearel the mouth. A petition from I2I landholders south of the 0nkaparinga rnlas presented to the House of Assembly by Henry Mil-dred in May 1857. The NoarJ-unga townsmen r¡¡ele quick to identify lnlilliam Gray as the architect of a plan to promote the sale o1 land in his township. Although they claimed that the bridge would obstruct the navigation of the rivet, the District council t^las already surveying a road along the northern bank to all-ow wheat to be carted to the port from Noarlunga. The government trrras only mi1dly interested in the bridge and the most Mil-dred could extract was an offer ofl éfOO provided the settl-ers would guarantee to subscribe the rest.(89) A pubJ-ic meeting tnras called at the Golden Pheasant Inn in February lB58 and the proposal hotl-y debated. James Craig thought that they rlrrere being treated meanly when the government trvele spending large sums of money in the north foI IaiJ-ways Ieading to AdeIaide. Phitip Hollins said that it rlrras clear to him that "the great object in seeking the bridge rlvas to change the line of the Main South Road." Gray virtually admitted this when he wrote to the Central Road Board "to bring under your notice the effect the erection of a bridge at Port 0nkaparinga wilt have on the South-western or Coast line of road.'t He thought that it h,as "dread lest the road should branch off from Morphett VaIe at Section 609" that explained vvhy Hollins so violently opposed the bridge.(90) As the time for debate on the Estimates drew neal, both Gray and the District Council of Noarlunga sent petitions to the House of AssembIy. The vote rnras taken on 17 December 1858 and f¡OO rlras set down for the bridge on condition that the settlers paid lgOO into the TreasuIy. Gray ¡¡as of course cock-a-hoop about his triumph and wrote to the Road Board

110 observing that Delissetrs surVey rlrlas in direct line with the bridge. He Iecommended that a connecting SUIVey be made from Morphett Vale to the bridge, arguing that this route would be shorter and offer easier gradients than the line via Noarlunga. He could not see "any valid reason Why a Iine of road intended to form the approach to the various Southern outports should be laid out so as to avoid the first and best Harbour of the l-ot." The Board coldly replied that it rlvas the prerogative of the

Legislature to determine main lines. ( 9l ) By December tB59 the bridge t^las finished. It spanned a gap 240 feet J-ong but its roadway yr1as only ten feet wide, so that a netnrspapel collespondent thought that "fernl people would have sufficient nerve to meet a bullock team on this bridge." The District Council dropped its legal action against the bridge, which r¡as placed under its care. In January the subscribers met at Noarlunga and etected a committee, headed by Peter Andetson, to collect the money. This cannot have been an easy task for Some settlers expIeSSed resentment that they had already contributed through taxation to expensive works in the north of the colony. There tnlas no ioy for Gray either for he rnras unab.l-e to divert the main line of road and his township ullas a failur e. (92) The residents of Clarendon came much nearer to diverting the main line by securing the potnlerful support of Surveyor-GeneraI Freeling, who tlvas also Chairman of the Central Road Board. They had tong been complaining about the the impassable state of the road at Happy VaIley and asking when the Board would decide on the question of an East branch of the South Road. One can imagine theil ioy when the schedule of

13r main roads proposed by the government in JuIy IB57 included a Main South Road to Encounter Bay via Meadows and Clarendon.(see fig. t4) A protest meeting l^,as held at the Emu Hotel, Morphett Va1e, and a letter read from the govelînment explaining that there had been a printer's erIor. Philip Hollins rlvas not So SUIe for he linked the "eIIor" to a Iecommendation by Freeling that the existing western branch be abandoned on the grounds that the coastal districts wele novv well-served by jetties.(g¡) In May 1859 the central Road Board resolved that the Meadows road should be the main line, while the road to Second Valley via Morphett Val-e and Aldinga became the lnlestern Branch. As f or the l^lillunga road, Freeling maintained that, since it had been completed, there rnras reaIly no necessity to retain it on the schedule.(g+) Settlers in McLaren VaIe viewed "with alarm the intention of the ministry to abandon old main lines of road. " A resolution to this effect vvas carried unanimously at a public meeting and a petition signed by I97 of the inhabitants of Noarlunga and L'JilIunga hundreds. Freeling's pragmatÍc view of the definition of main Iines according to construction priorities mattered litte to settlers who felt that the status of their district was at stake. The members of the House of Assembly voted in August IB59 to defer the Main

Roads Bill for six months. (95 ) l¡Jhen the govelnment reintroduced its Road BilI in June I860, a public meeting rnras held at the Emu Hotel, Morphett VaIe, to protest. A petition signed by Il0 settlers pointed out that "ptobably no hundred miles ofl road in the colony accommodates So many farms aS the thirty miles of road from Adelaide to ll{iIlunga.rr The House of Assembly bowed to this

L32 pressule and Iesloled the title of Main South Road to the South-Western Line. ( 96 ) Although the inhabitants of Cl-arendon faited to eslablish a position on the main line to Encounter Bay, a road connecting their township to it via Chandler's Hitl tlvas gazetted in September and constructed during IB6I. Part of the Great South Road of the plevious twenty years tntas notnl known merely as the Ì^,illunga branch, âtrd the position of

Noarlunga tnras not all that secure for the line of the main road rlrlas defined in the Act as "through or by NoarlUnga" - two litt1e words which rirrele to haunt the townspeople for yeals to come . (97 ) As the Southern areas became thickly settled in the IB50s, the government recognized that one main line could not do justice to al1 the settlers and it began to declare branch lines. However, it soon found that the routes proposed became the sub ject of controvelsy between rival tor¡lnships. The Noarlunga townsmen should have supported the declaration of a western branch for it merely extended the road network to Yankalilla. On the other hand their interests rnrele clearly threatened by an attempt to divert the main line through Port Onkaparinga. In the tast dispute they could act in unison with the other Vales settlers as they resisted an attempt to alter the main line to benefit a l-esser number of hills dwellers. The common factor in all theil actions r¡las the presetvation of status, for a position on a main line Was a distinct advantage in township rivalry.

r33 Conclusion As a region of dense agricultural settlement the Southern VaIes trvele the scene of many attempts to establish private townships. The earl-iest tried to Ieploduce the network of market towns and rural villages which was famil-iar to settlers from Britain. Thus Noartunga rllras situated at the natural transport focus of the Southern Val-es and equipped with a market square and a mi11 to attract the trade of the surrounding farmers. Villages wele promoted by local landowners to attract artiSanS, Shopkeepels and a pool of casual labouIeIS. HoweveI, the concept of a rural viJ-lage dominated by a neighbouring "squiIe" did not work in the Southern VaIes for the founders reckoned without the desire of even the poorest migrants to better their status by owning at least a few acres. As the goldrushes injected capital into the Southern VaJ-es, a host of nerlrt townshipS wele founded to take advantage of some fleature of the developing transport system or to satisfy the desire of artisans and labourers to acquire a smal-1 holding. The speculative subdivisions at the port failed because few labourers wanted to Iive there. Instead they were attracted to the subdivision of sections at Morphett Vale, Hackham and McLaren Vale, whete larger blocks Were offered at reasonable prices. Here the farmers invested the profits of the gold-boom as they built miIls and churches, attracted the deveJ-opment of schools and hotels, and lobbied the government for the provision of postat and court facilities. The distance of Noarlunga from AdeIaide, its position on a major river clossing, and the development of a road junction there seemed to give the township a situation analagous to that

L34 of Gawl-er. These advantages proved to be an illusion for it -'--,::-¿::::-- lacked a hinterland which could expand after lhe IB50s. A hilIy terrain favoured the dispersal of services to several smaller townships rather than their concentration in one larger town, which acted as a regional centre. During the I840s, when the area rlrlas thinly settled, the inhabitants of the Southern Vales came to depend on the colonial government to construct bridges and improve the surface of the main roads. In the same wây, they expected that the construction of shipping facilities would be centrally funded. For this reason, the settlers resisted any attempts to shift the responsibility onto the users or l-ocal landholders. Thus lhe main transport facilities came to be controlled by government agencies, such as the Central Road Board or Harbors Department, which allocated funds according to the status they gave the road or port. All the settlers in the Southern VaIes agreed that the region should be better served with transport facitities. However, this tnlas where consensus broke down and arguments began over the particular road or harbour that the government should improve. The kind of conflict that developed in the Mid-North in the I870s over railway routes rlrtas seen here in the arguments over main lines of road. Citizens of neighbouring townships could be particularly bloody-minded as they fought to ensure that their position was at least defended and if possible enhanced. ( 9B )

135 Notes l Pike, D., op. cit., p. 78. 2 Johnson, E.4., The 0r anization of S ace in Develo fn Countries, Hat vard Univers v Ptess, I 70, p. 82. 3 SmaiJ-es, E.4., The Geooraohv of Towns , Hutchinson, London, 1953, pps . 43-5. 4 McLaren, D., to WheeIer, 3 May, I June, 7 June L839, ÞPS' 29, 58, 64, South Australian Company's Letterbooks, Vol. 3, BRG 42/II57. 5 RegisLer, 25 April lB40 4à, 6 June 1840 5d. The South Australian Company Land Register (enC 42/IIBL) shows that 4I purchasers bought allotments priced at 4/- peI foot. 6. Clark, P. , and SJ-ack, P. , En lish Towns in Transition p. IB. 1500-r700 ,0xford Universi Y ress, Lon oî t L976, Register, B August lB40 5c. UctIaren, D. , tó Hewett, 5 October lB4O, BRG 42/II5-7 , Book 2, p. 334. l biles, l^J. , to HaII, 24 February IB4I, 6 March l84l , S. A. Co ' Letter Books, BRG 42/LI57. B Regi sler , 27 March l_84I 4ab, I May IB41 3d, 5 June 1841 3c. GiIes, llrl:, to Sturt, B June L842, S.A. Co. General- Letter Book, BRG 42/ LI59 , P . 9B . 9 Bennett, J.F., South Australian Atmanack for 1841, p. L27 ' Register, 2B November 1840 4ã, 2 September 1B4l 3b, 6 March 1844 3a. r0. ibid, 25 December IB47 3b. 1I. ibid, LI September 1851 2c, 4 December 185I 2cde- L2. ibid, 18 May IB52 3a, I November LB52 3a,28 May IB52 3c, 9 JuIy IB52 Jc. GiJ-es, lirJ., to Ho11ins, 3 February 1855, p. 569, Vo1. 3., S.A. Co. General Letter Books BRG 42/IL59. 13. Register, I August IB40 2d, f 0ctober 1840 Ib. Landscape 14. tnlilliams, l¿. , f fre Making of the South Australian ' op. cit. , p. 334; Two Studies, op. cit. , p. 82 - 15. Research in the Lands Titles 0ffice shows that Section 6lI rnlas divided into block S of from four to twenty-three acres in IB42 by the creation o f a netnl access road. 16. Peake-Jones, K. ( edit. ) Recollections of D.G.B. I RGSSA, I9Bt, p. 57. Jones quotes he Reg c er for May tB5l. "Nearly opposite the Emu at Morphett Vale a road leads for a short distance toward s the hi11s, where right and leit are many smal-l settlers with their cottages and a few acres of grain crops. Part of t his is called the United States VaIe, another part DubJ-in, further instances of the absurdity of colonial nomenclature. " 17. Register, I4 September lB50 3b. A sketch in the Possession of Mr. R. Duval of Birksgat e shows The Lodge with the brewerY and windmill-. t8. Pridmore, 4., op. cit.,, pP s. 13, Il . 19. Bennett, J.F., op. cit., 1843, P.92 20. Register, l3 ApriL IB39 Jà, l-5 June I839 rd. Sturt, C. , to McLaren, 1B MaY 1839 , p. 7 I , Surveyor-Genetal's 0utgoing Correspondence GRG 35/20. 2r. Register, 25 April f840 3d, 5b.

L36 g U 6 U n ô B 4 0 3 I J U I t B 4 0 , 5 A U t 22. C a 1 d e r , J t o F T o m e 2 J I t v ê Þ e S R 5 I 5 6 S U T e o I G n e r a I L t t I I 4 0 , N o I 3 2 , I 3 4 I I , Y ô R e i e d G R G 3 5 2 q ô ê a a 2 7 M a r. h I B 4 I 4 a b R ô g i t e I 2 B N o m b I I 4 0 4 r p 4 23. S m a i I CS , E H t o p c 1 t , , q Þ R e g i te I L D e r. m b e r l_ B 4 1 3 a ô ( 1 1â P I n o I Þ p o n d o n c A I B 4 2 ) 5 4 24. C o I o n I S e I t a r v S 0 f f i c r o a A U g US t I 4 2 A ( A U g U S B 4 2 25. i b i d , I B 4 2 ) 6 5 7 2 6 t I ? 7 26. R e g i 5 te I , t J U I v I B 4 4 d n l. ô a 2 3 S e p e m b e r I B 4 4 F r o m Þ , E t o c o l_ n i a l S e r t r v , t Ll R G 3 5 2 0 o p r-t , tr r. B 5 G R G 3 2 0 o m e Ë o n o S e I 9 A p I i l I 4 27. F I , t I â M Õ 5 3 S e p e m b I l B 4 5 C o l_ Se t o F T o m e 3 ò a v t 4 , I t t¡ R G 3 5/ 2 0 D e c e m b õ T I B 4 2 e R e g l_ c te I 2 4 S e p t e m b tr r l B 4 5 2 a , I ô I F T n m e 5 N o e m b I 1 C) 4 6 N o 2 4 ; 28. C h d l/l, l_ U k & S n d e T t o , G R G 3 5 2 7 3 A U g U S I B 4 7 N o 5 4 l C o 1 S e a\ t o F I o m e I 9 M a r U h I B 4 I t 7 I 5 3 G R G 5 2 B 3 p p 5 2 7 3 B c o 1 o n i a 1 A r h i t e c t S c o n t I a c t B o o k G R G 3 , o b e I B 4 5 N o 2 5 I G R G 3 5 2 29. D U h o I n ê J l^l t o F I o m e , 3 0 0 c t I , , ô q 5 N o e m b I B 4 G R G 3 5 2 0 F T o m e , E t o D e h o r n e , I I , o 1 Ê U 6 ô 2 J U n tr B 4 6 3 a 2 D e m b e T I 4 to. R e g 1 J t e I I 0 J U n Y I B 4 6 4 I 3 e q p e 3 5 7 G R G 3 I I 3r. c o l o n i a 1 A r c h i t e t S U o n t I a c t B o o k P o o R ê g i. J t e I 2 B J U n U I 4 B 3 32. R o a d A c t N o I 4 o fl I B 4 9 Þ D S S ô n o p c p p 5 4 0 B , 4 0 9 P a k e , D P d T a d i o f i t i t n ê o m n 1 n M t T o o I t a n 7 Ê i a m a n A P n a l t ô p p 5 7 0 M U R P T h Þ S I S d I a 1 d e I 9 7 9 , I Adelaide , ô n S T e a T 5 F b I U a T I B 5 0 , Harris, G l^J , t o c I o n i ^ I c t v , v q T R o a d B o a I d L e tt e T B o o k 2 6 M a I U h l B 0 p p S 4 3 l B C e n t a l GRG 39 /9 . Register , 23 March lB50 2c - March IB5O 3b. 19 APril IB50 3a. , L7 May 1850 3cd. 34. ibid , 3o , 2d. 35. ibid, 22 MaY 1850 2c, 28 June IB50 3à, 13 JuIy 1850 , IB July IB50 3a. 36. FreeIing, 4.H., to ColoniaI Secretary, 23 JanuarY r85r, Central Road Board Colrespondence GRG 39/9. Register . 26 JuIY lB50 3d?. 71 Biid, 4., Roads and Vehicles, Longmans, London, L969 ,

38. 39. 40. , District , L972, PPS . 62-3. 4t. 42. November IB5I 2a, 4 December 9 December L85l 3ab - 43. ptember L853 3a. ecember 1853, P- IOB' TrinitY 5. 44. Register, l8 June IB5J lab. H;y;;-ù:8., to Co1. Sec. , 26 Septembet L853, 10 November tgbl, Uos. lfI, I64 Colonial Architect's Correspondence GRG 38/7 . r3l 45 . Hays, W. B. , to Co1. Sec. , 3I March l-854 lI July I854 Nos. 87,l-BI. ' ' Rogers, l^1. , to Hays, B November 1854, No. 339 . Hays, W. B. , to Col. Sec., IB November I854, No. 341 . Hays, W. B. , to Rogers, l5 December 1854, No' 39I GRG 38/7. 46. Register, 2 3 February 1856 4bc. Hays, W. B. , to Cot. Sec., 2I July I856,27 February I856, I December l-856. Nos . 299 , 96, 527 GRG 78/7 . 47. GilÌen, K., U A stralian Coastal Shi t_n In ustr Honours The sis, Univers yo el-aide, L972, p . 66. Lewis, G., A Histor of the Por S f ueensl , University of Queensla n Press, Brisbane, I9J3, PPS . 53, 58, 64. 48. Douglas, 8., to Co1. Sec., 12 April 1856, 22 May 1856' Harbors Department Letter Book GRG 5L/22. 49. ibid., I7 June I856, 27 September J-856, 7 September 1857. 50. Register, 6 February IB57 3h, 7 March 1857 2e. December LB57 2 Februaly 1B5B Oouqlas, B. , to Treasurel, 1B , ' GRG 5I/22. 5I. HoJ-1ins, P., to Treasurer' B March 1B5B; Burgess' M., to Commissionel of Publ-ic lnlorks, L4 November IB5B , 24 June LB59 , District Council of Noarlunga Letter Books (City ofl Noarlunga 0ffices) Register, 16 October 1B5B 4ã, 25 November I85B 39, 4 July rB59 3b. 52. ibid, I February 1861 3d, 19 0c tober 1B6L 3d. q? Fairbairn, K. J. , and MaY, A. D. Geooraohv of Central Places Rigby, Adelaide, I97L, PPS. 25-9.' Smãiies, p.J., ;'Some aspects of the South Australian Urban System", , VoI. Xl No. I. Smailes used a five or by F.H.W. Green in Britain and found tha d order central places between Adelaide and towns such as Mount Gambier. 54. Cl-ark and SIack, op. cit. , pps. B-Il. New t¡lales to Jeans , D. N. , An His torical Geoqraphv of South 1901, Reed Education, Sydney' 1912, PPS. r27 -32 . qq l^liiliams, M. , Two Studies, op. cit. , PPS. 89 -92 . l^Ji 1l i ams uses post office, milt, school, church, h otel, Court and Institute as his urban services, claiming there are no means of assessing others. 56. Register, 28 September IB50 3c., I4 September 1852 3a. , Il November IB52 3a., 22 April 1854 3d. The milI u,as sold to lnJilliam Mortl-ock f or É1 ,7OO in 1855 and then to Samual- t,{hite, of Aldingâ, f or *2 500 in LB5-7 - 57. ibid, 9 October IB52 3d., ' 9 October IB54 211. Anderson, P. , op. cit. , L3 0ctober IB52 - 58. Pridmore, 4., op. cit., p. 12. The town plans ofl Bellevue and Reynetla are in the Lands Titles 0ffice GR0 20r / rB54 , 395/1854. ' 59. Colwell, M., op. cit., P. 37. See town plan of Hackham, GR0 284/ 1856. Register, 19 0ctober 1861 3d. 60. Register , 29 0ctober IB53 4c. Anderson, P. , op. cit. , 14 November 1853. 6L. Register, I0 December 1853 Sle. See town plan of Port Noarlunga, GR0 7r/r854. 62. See town plan of Porl 0nkaparinga in Lands Titles 0ffice. l¡rJilliam Gray was a f ormer banker, who became a wheat merchant and erected a store on the south side ofl the 0nkaParinga mouth.

r38 63. Register , 1r Ma rch l-B5l 3de., l1 May IB54 Sld., 23 February LB56 2d. ,20Ma rch LB56 3b. 64. ibid, tB 0ctobe r 1B5I 3b. Hays, [r,J. , to Co 1. Sec., 19 JulY 1854,23 June IB55; hlorthing ton G., to Hays, 30 November IB55; Nos. lB9, 265, 596 Colonial Archit 65 Register , 30 Ju probably referr August I 851 ( se oÞ. llrjilliams , M., T op. cit. PPS' 377 -9 . õt. LB54 Ass essment' of District Council of Morphett Vale' 1855 Assessme nt ofl t he District Council of L'Jillunga ( held in the Noarlung a and lnl illunga Council offices ) ; South Australian Almanac (1855) in s.Ã. Archives; Hotels rndex (SAA Ir95); schools in S.A. Government Gazette, 13 February 1855, p- I32. 68. Bird, 4., op. cit., PPS. 13-37. W. l-7 August 1850 25 September l-850 69. Harrís, G. , to Hil-1, , ' pps. l9B, 23 ilarris, G.W. , to Barrow, I4 January IB52, 5 February L852, pps. rcl , I97; Central Board of Main Roads Letter Book GRG 39 /9 . Register, 3l- JanuarY 1851 3e. 70. Woðds, ¡.0. to Manton, 28 October 1857, p. 73, GRG 39/9; from Manton, f March 1859, No. l4B, GRG 39/L. 7I. Thompson, C.1., to Manton, 20 March 186I, p. 346-, GRG 39/9 Burgess,'M., to Manton, 27 January L862, D.C. of Noarlunga Letter Book. 72. lrrJorthington, G., to Thompson, 12 May 1857, lI Augug! 1857, Nos. 234, 495; Brazill-' J., to Thompson, 20 May 1857. No. 247,.Central Board of Main Roads Letters Received GRG 39/r 73. Register, B January 1851 3d. Hairis, G.llrJ. , P. 276. Thompson, C. February IB55; to Qi:inn an d I44, GRG 39 /9 ' 74. Harris, G.Vü. 30 October IB51 12 November t5. Thompson, C. , 16 October IB5 5, pps. 38, 77 MemoriaÍ flro , No. 297 of 185 5, GRG 39 /I. 76. Harris, G. llrJ. 268 GRG 39 /9 ' Register, 23 77. lais, W. B. , , John Knott, London, 1856 Harris, G. llil. 12 GRG 39 /9 . Worthington, , No. 224 GRG 39 /L. 78. Register, 29 Thõmpson, C. arch 1860 ' P. t0 6, GRG 39 /9 Manton, J.F., to Thompson, 17 March I859, No. IBB GRq 39/I 79 Register, Il August I85I 3d., 27 January 1852 3a., 27 JuJ.y L852 3d. 80. ibid, lI March LB52 3ã., f June LB52 3d. Bl_. ibid, I0 March l-855 3c. Memorial oi settl-ers, July 1855, No. I92 GRG 39/L Thompson, C.J., to Horner, 28 February J-856, p. L45 GRG 39/9 r39 82. RegisLer, 26 August lB51 3a. Hughes, S., to ThomPSon, 20 June tB54 , No. 241 GRG 39/r Thompson, C.J., to Budgen, tB 0ctober J.856, p. 314 GRG 39/9 83. Long, J., to Thompson, 7 0ctober IB56 , 12 February rB5-7 , Nos. 3BB, BB GRG 39/I. An accident on the Main So uth Road near Reynella illustrated the danger when a cart fe 1l into a chasm killing the horse. Register,23 Jul-y IB52 3c. 84. Register, l7 0ctober lB54 3b. Thompson, C.J., to Norman, 30 0ctober 1854, p. 9 GRG 39/9 85. RegisLet, 27 JanuarY 1855 3à, 22 MaY LB56 29. Memorial of settlers and travellers, July I855, No. I92 GRG 39/L Thompson, C. J. , to Lowrie &c. , l5 JuJ-y 1856, p. 263 GRG 79/9 86. Ho1lins, P., to Thompson, 3L July LBsl, No. 469 GRG 39/r. Manton costed Delisser's route at {1324 and Hollins at É2BJB/L2/-. Thompson, I2 January l85B Commissionel of Public lnJorks to ' No. 26 GRG 39/I A1 Register, 4 June 1B5B 3b. BB. Thompson, C.J., to Manton, 13 JanuarY 1859, p. 332 GRG 39 /9 Register, I7 March IB59 3ef. 89. Register, 6 May L857 3h, 7 MaY 1857 3 h, 16 May 1857 3h, f June IB57 2f , 26 November IB57 3a, 10 December L857 3 b. 90. ibid, 13 February I85B 39. Gray, W., to freóÌing, 2Ó February 1858, GRG 39/I The Board repiíeO tnat as the ioad tnlas not a main line they coul-d take no action. 9r. Register, 3 December 1B5B 2f, 9 December IB5B 2ef, I7 December 1858 3c. Gray, W., to Freeling, 25 April lB59' No 257 GRG 39/L Thompson, C.J., to Gray, 4 June 1859' p. 41r GRG 39/9 92. Regi sLer, 26 May LB59 3h, 27 August L859 3c, I6 September I859 3f , 26 November lB59 39, I7 Decembe I lB59 3f , 20 JanuarY IB60 211. 93. D. C. of Cl-arendon to Thompson, L6 August 1856, No. 294 GRG 39/I Register, 10 JuIy IB57 3d, I4 July IB57 3h, L3 August IB57 3a. 94. ibid , 28 May IB59 7ab. 95. ibid, 9 July I859 3d, 20 JuIY 1859 3c, 5 August IB59 3cd. The crucial vote r¡las 17 to 13 with the m embers for Noarlunga helping to force the postponement. 96. ibid, 15 June l860 3f, 20 June 1860 3b, l5 September I860 3c. 22 September 1860 97. Thompson, C.J., to D.C. of Clarendon, ' p. 180 GRG 39/9 Hatgtave, C.T., to Central Road Board, I 7 June IB6l, No. 365 GRG 39/L 374. 98. llrlil1iams, M. , M aking of the S. A. Landscape, op. c it., p. DonIey, R.J.R., From l¡Jhe t rt to T , Honours Thesis, Univers ity o delaide, ),965, PPS . 42-57 .

r40 4. POLITICAL REPRESENTATION By the lB5Os the settlers in the Southern Vales tltere represented at two l-evels of government. They elected replesentatives to the legislature in Adelaide and also to locaI governments formed after IB53 under the District Councils Act. Each election to the colonial legislature threw up netlt issues to be debated, but a constant concern lrtas whethel an agricultural- electorate like Noarlunga would be better served by a local farmer or by someone more at home in lhe commercial urban setting of Adel-aide. Jaensch has argued that most col-onial politicians refused to be bound by plomises to their constituents, subscribing to the tnlhig notion that they tnlele expected to represent the whole nation rather than any section of it. ( I ) fnis chapter will explore whether the Jaensch thesis can be applied to the men el-ected by the voters of Noarlunqa, by analysing their perfolmance in parliament during the first year after each election. At the level of local government there uJas concern in the early years that the interests of different parts of the region should be Ieplesented fairly. As a Iesult there tnlas a long settling down period when the boundaries of the district councils r^.teIe altered to try to minimize conflict between settlers. Hirst and Robbins have both argued that local governments h,eIe weak in South Australia and that the reasons for this relate to theit size, their flunding and the centralization of the colony. (2 ) This chapter will Iook at the functions performed by Iocal government bodies to see how important they t^reIe in ploviding services to the settlers.

141 (A) The 0ld Leoislative Council From IB43 the Governor nominated a Legislative Council of seven members to advise him. John Morphett and Major O'Ha1loran tntere included among the four non-official members and they could be relied upon to present petitions drawing the altention of other members to the needs of the southern settlers. On one occasion in l-848 0'Halloran seems to have been embarrassed by the frequency of these requests. Having just presented petitions against depasturing Licences and the charge of iS for a timber licence, he "rose again, holding in his hand another document, and humorousJ-y said his southern friends rlrere 'determined to go the whole hog,' for they had charged him rruith another petition to the Council, praying that something might be done for the reparation and improvement of their main line of road. " (f) By IB50 the colonists ¡¡ere beginning to chafe under the rule of a nominee Council, which imposed such unpopular meaSUIes as the Dray and Land Taxes. They Iooked folWard to the application of the Australian Colonies Government Act, which provided that sixteen of the twenty-four members of a netlì, Legislative Council would be elected. All adult maIes, who otnlneO érOO of freehold land or occupied a leasehotd wortn ffO per annum, rlvele included in the franchise. Although those who had refused to pay the Land-tax rnrere deemed inetigible to vote and this would have debarred most of the farmers in Morphett Va1e, no objections tniere lodged on these grounds when the list of voters rtrras published. ( 4 ) Major O'Halloran tlrras cal-Ied upon to present a petition requesting that the hundreds of Noarlunga and lr,lilIunga be

r42 constituted aS a separate el-ectorate, since they had 5'000 soul-s and "may emphaticaJ-1y be termed THE agricultural portion of the colony." The request tllas granted and Noarlunga became the fourth largest electoral district. Something of the charactel of the el-ectorate in the IB50s can be gleaned from the lB55 Census retuln. ( see figs. l5 and 16 ) A majority of the men in the District of Morphett Vale rlvere fatmets, follohted in ordel of Size by smaller groups of agricultural Iaboulers' manufacturets, publicans and shopkeepers craftsmen, ' professionals and mariners. The largest religiouS gloup t,ltele the 554 Anglicans but there 1lrrele almost 4OO, who belonged to the various Dissenting Churches, âDd 2AO Catholics. It is possible to argue that a higher proportion of Dissenters would have qualified to vote under the l-ow ploperty franchise for most of the tabouIeIS ririere Catholic oI nominal- Anglican.(5) As an experienced member of the Legislative Council, Major OrHalloran r¡laS favoured to win the 1851 election. Hor¡lever he aflfirmed his support for the state grant to religious bodies and an influential group of Dissentels invited the Adelaide tanner, WiIliam Peacock, to oppose him. Peacock tatas one of the successflul investors in the Burra mine and by 185I had extensive interests in commerce and reaL estate. He gained furthel ground at election meetings by stating his support for manhood suffrage and repeal of the Distillation Act.(6) Excitement t¡as high by Nomination Day, I JuJ-y, as Peacock arrived at the Horseshoe Inn. Shortly after, "a numerous cavalcade horsemen, three abreast with red and blue favours of ' rntele seen wending over the hill.'l They tntele the SUpporters of Major O'Halloran, who had brought his children to witness the historic scene. Alexander Anderson nominated him, stressing r43 A G FrG. \5- E OçR APt{t C P\ R MI ( ttsr) 2o Sol¡cqc- Fro.-. Ce-ns,es, S.A.G.C-. 6 trebcç,c¡c<¡ ltsl Hondced, o{ Noacte^go. ( We\terJpc,cÒ lc^{ro-. 712

Occ.r.-> + o l'/toccic¡[ +jL MqcriQd. l{+l Londed J Sr-"rcX\e- ro31 ql 61 St.' 8rg Fqctnecs {e. 2()S To+c^\ \ç6q Totc.[ r2ss Mecgh,¡¡r¡¡5 5 Pr-o{essio^a\ 38 C\e,cks + +s t{c.,"9çc.c{ergrS t ¡ {&e*ers Ç t"titters 5 Pul¡licqnS I t I Shogkeegers 25 He-CI^c.xrcS lO Cot¡¡ret- g¡isçlc.3e-rs 8 r-oke_cs 3 Srnì+\S ll P\qs+c.¡CrS B 6iE h+o Co.þnters l+O Soaalcrs Ç Mc.so^\ I Toilors I ßui\dcrs I MrnQ-rs lQ S\oc¡"^c^kecs l+ Saw3ers I SU.cçh+cots 2 Stoc}<*¿n I H o'¿sc\ -7 )-l C.orcìR-rS ${onc- oc bricX 122 ro Groco\gngrS t6g r8+ \^]oocl i6 Hc\rthq,fS t() O+hc(- 2\z Do¡re-S+1c,S rz)- t+ Tolc.\ çqo O+l^er\ 212K a\q ai3

1 L3l aa\

q6 2. N(JF^BER OF F,4ALE,S q8 NUMßE R. OF ÉEPìAL-LS FI G. \(o A G MOGR APHIC P-{RAMIO ( trss) e to 6 So*'ctc.- Fro¡-. Cens'os S.A.P.P lq I tgs5-6 Dìsfric,t Cou..c.ìl qF Ptorphe*t Vql¿ To ûtro n t

c() Ir Fc¡crnq.rS 131 Mc.ceigd 22Þ Ooc-*ors l-1o¡nied a29 2 SrirX\(- l+61 Minislecs 3 SrìnXt<- l+8-7 s5 l+l -Ioto.\ -ir(2 -1olq.t ('q3 SurvQ-¡oc5 . I O+hec Þro{. 2. R¿\iqtor,'s bcgr^>e.rs 1 Churc-h of Err-r\qnd s5+ M i I\Q,CS 1 Cl^r,occ-h o{ 5.å+\cr.'".c[ l+t ßcir-kr^c,.k¿rs 3 Ro".,o,r., Ca+ho\ic, 201 Pr:t¡\ i cq,r\s 5 \)eS\e.tc^n -rt Shogkeegecs 6 Co,..1.Ë.3otionctt 6o MecJ^c^ni Ls 2 PreshT+ecùcÀ^ r ßn¡ck la¡ers (- Fce-è, 2--1 O*her Presby*erìc.n 12 S¡nr lhs 6 Corgenlecs + ?.66 2s3 O*herr- Dissenlec5 il5 MosonS 3 LutXe-non3 aLf Shoe"-.qkørS 9 Not Spec,4.d tls Colrrhet rno.kecs I l-{ouseS Scdd,\ers I ßcick qnd s*or.q- tto Tcrilors I \)oocl i8, AgriC. Lol¡oocers l+t O+her- I to Gra.cdenurs t -73, r06 Totcr( 25X Ì,lc¡r rngrs I Dorq¿s+icS I Ot!.ers ilt+6 ri8 th8

1 13Ì t02,

2- NLJMßÉR OF MALÉ,S h3 3l NUMSER OF FEMAL that the Major had resided among them for yeaIS and that his interests as a faImeI rivele identical to theirs. Peacock t¡laS proposed by Doctor Montgomery' who objected to the Major because of his support for the state grant and nomineeism. The edifying character of the spectacle for the Ma.ìor's children tnlas somewhat ruined when Charles Hewitt mounted the platform and proceeded to read from a report that condemned the

"UnWholesome and eVen pestilential character of Some of Peacock's housing. " (7) No holds tnrele barred after this and on the eve of the poll it rlias Ieported that false ptacards had been posted about the district, dectaring that Peacock had retired from the contest. The supporters of the Ma.ior rlvere jubilant when he ted the count at Noarlunqa, but their hopes ¡¡ere dashed as the addition of votes cast at Tapley's Hill and Adelaide gave Peacock a majorÍty ofl 42.(B) The closeness of the contest indicates that the voters t¡lere divided about the qualities they wanted in a Ieplesentative. Some Sought a man whose views coincided with theirs on religious and constitutional issues, while for others experience and intrinsic sympathy with their economic interests ralere the deciding factors. As soon as the nerar Legislative Council met, Peacock joined with the opposition to defeat the renewal ofl the church grant. He remained flirm on the issue of church and state long aflter it ceased to be a popular caUSe. So wetl-known WeIe his views that on his tlrlay into town he rnras saluted by boys f rom St. Peter's collegiate school with the cry of "Thtee gloans for Peacock!"(9) There is no evidence of Peacock eVeI making a long prepared-speech on a "rìational issue" and he confined his

r44 remarks to "off-the-cuff, responses to the issues raised by others. His sense of fairness tntas offended by inadequate recognition of the services of rrìen like Sturt and Tolmer. ( I0 ) He al-so exhibited the typical repugnance of the "self-made" urban liberal to servants who broke their contracts, pastoralists who kept up the price of meat for their otlrtn benefit, and those who left an estate to the eldest son to the exclusion of the rest of the family.(rf) From the time he entered the Legislative Council Peacock voted consistently with the radicaLs. In 1853 he supported Duttonrs motion that the upper house in a nerlrl Parliament should be elected, declaring that he would rather "lay his head on the bLock" than vote for a farcical imitation ofl the House ofl Lords.(I2) He claimed to have been converted to the necessity for the secret baltot by the actions of a priest, who denounced every member of the Morphett VaIe communion who dared to vote for him. Catholic settlers tnrere so indignant that they took out an advertisement in the "Registet" to declare that h-is assertions were false. ( 1l) Although Peacock's comments hardly enhanced his reputation among sophisticated townsmen, they probably did him no harm among the voluntaryist farmers, who had elected him. Peacock rnras a faithful servant to his constituents, supporting an amendment to reduce the duty on spirits distilled in the colony and arguing that the eradication of thistles from the land of absentees should be financed by compulsory sale. ( I4 ) His greatest triumph though ì/ìJas to secure the vote of a grant for the 0nkaparinga tunnel, tramway and jetty. The ease with which this "plum" fe11 into his 1ap amazed some of his colleagues and Elder conqratulated him upon the privilege

r45 he enjoyed "of thus basking in the sunshine of the royal favour." peacock's consistency as a locaL representative is shown by his refusal- to support a grant of Jl00 flor a road neal his home because he had been refused a small vote to secule police protection for Noarlunga. ( r5 ) After the constitutionaL draflt had been rejected by the British government in response to Kingston's monster petition, the lB55 election centred around the issue of constitution making. Peacock's views ratere endorsed by a Noarlunga meeling, which voted unanimously for two elected houses and resolved to support onty candidales opposed to state Aid. The only criticism of their sitting member came from Alexander Andetson' who thought that a man who could speak and algue upon a question rlvas better than one who could onJ-y give a silent vote.(16) Charles Hewitt put himself forward as a candidate in the farming interest, Ieminding voters that, rlvhen the tariff tlvas undel consideration, the duty had been struck flrom coppel-oIe bags but corn bags had to pay duty. Marshall McDermott, an Adelaide bankel and leading Anglican, wâs induced to stand by those who had formerly supported O'Hal-1oran. Both these men tntele however suspect in theil opposition to State Aid ' while Hewitt rrrras constantly mocked for his lack of education and failure to eradicate drake flrom his fietds. (f7) On Nomination Day, tB September, Peacock arrived with a J.arge procession ofl horsemen adorned with banners of blue and white and the motto "Liberal". Hewitt again managed to disrupt proceedings when he clashed with Peacock's proposel, Doctor Montgomery. A show of hands gave an overwhelming

r46 majority to Peacock, a Iespectable number for MacDermott, and only five for Hewitt, who begged Ìeave to retire. The election gave Peacock a comfortable majority of I31 votes and his supporters celebrated his return with a dinner at the Crown

Inn, ReyneIIa. ( l8 ) Encouraged by his re-election, Peacock played a more vigorous part in parliamentary debates. He criticized the use of government officials to bring voters to the polling booths and supported Dutton's successful amendment to reduce the time between elections from five to three yeaIS. He chided Davenpolt for wishing to avoid pubJ-ic meetings at which candidates ralele "catechized" by their eonstituents.(f9) But his most impressive performance rntas reserved for the debate on the franchise of the lower house. He attacked the Colonial Treasurer, R.R. Torrens, "who appeared to think he was addressing those who had neither ploperty, PIincipIe oI a stake in the country [¡Jere they to sit there and hear the people viliflied and abused as he had done?tr An amendment for adult male suffrage rlvas carried and the secret batlot adopted-(20) Although he ¡vas neither a local resident noI a plactising f armer, lnliltiam Peacock had been a model local representative. His views on the "national questions" of state aid and constitutional reform conformed with those of the majority of his electors, while he had been enelgetic and persistent in pJ-acing the needs of his constituency before the Legislative Council. It did not rllrolry him in the least that some of his colleagues Iegarded his vote as debased by being "pIedged."(21) Although the Noarlunga electors enjoyed the vote under a property franchise in South Australia, they consistently supported radical constitutional- policies as well as those 141 opposed to the formation of an established church in the colony. This suggests that the voters retained vivid memories of their exclusion from political life in Britain.

t4B (B) The 0riq ins of Local Government A common form of Ieplesentation throughout the Australian colonies in the mid-l9th century was the district road board. No doubt this reflects the importance which the first settlers attached to roads, but it tnras aLso oflficial policy that the colonists' experience in self-government should begin at the local Level. Under GoveInoI Young the Adelaide Corporation t¡as revived and the controversial 1849 Road Act created a District Board of Roads for each settled hundred. The settlers wele invited to choose five men' whose appointment as Commissioner.s would be confirmed by the GoveInoI. It was envisaged that in future yeals they would be elected by those who had paid their rates, with muttiple votes being allowed to the largest landholders.(22) CharLes Hewett, Philip Hollins, George Lovelock, Richard Logan and Thomas Atkinson rnrere appointed as the lr'Jillunga Road Commissionels and met for the first time on 7 January 1850' Things did not go as smoothly in Noarlunga, where a meeting of settlers refused to nominate Commissionels. Major 0'Halloran pointed out that the GoveInoI had the porlver to fill these positions il they failed to do so. Then the settlers moved to limit the rate to three half-pence an acre, but the commissioners doubled the rate. In protest against what they considered to be an arbitrary pohJeI of taxation, the men of Morphett Vate resolved not to pay the Iand-lax.(23) Their resistance drew upon radical and economic liberal traditions, which were given explession among the small holders by Alexander Anderson and Thomas Darby of the Anti-Dray and Land Tax League. The 1¡illunga Commissioners conscientiously went through

r49 the Road Act as Iequired by the Central Road Board and were annoyed when theil suggestions to modify the Dray Tax tnlele ignored. In consequence Hewitt pelsuaded them to l-ower the rate from threepence to twopence an acIe. Their assessment of rateable ploperty rrrras published in the Governmenl Gazette in April lB5O. The Commissioners found themselves caught between their official duty of calrying out the Act and the hostility of their neighbouls to any proposal to tax landholdings. ln.lhen they SUmmoned two def aulterS in JUne, a vote of censUre rJÍaS passed on them by the Anti-Dray and Land Tax League. One member Iemalked that Hewitt had fallen from grace despite the considerable good he had been known to do in the pulpit. He added prophetically that "miserable and wretched would be the estimation he would in future be held in by his fellor¡l-colonists . " (24 ) Realizing that the Road Boards had become untnrorkable, the newLy-elected Legislative Council introduced a District Councils Bill in September t_B:-I . Settlers met at Morphett VaIe and Noarlunga to discuås the proposal and transmitted theil suggestions to the Legislative Council through Peacock ' They believed that rates should be determined by the ratepayer and that each ratepayer should have only one vote. Accolding to the Act pa¡t1q_ in 1852 the Governol would appoint the first five CouncilloIS. Thereafter, three of the Iongest-serving members wele to be re-elected each year. District Councils uvele to have control oVer all public roadS except main roads, were to controL pounds, slaughtering and stubble-burning, and wele empowered to issue licences for keeping a public-house, depasturing stock or cutting timber on crown Land . Q5)

r- 50 A Iarge meeting of the l^lil1unga settlers gathered at the Bush Inn in January IB53 to consider the formation of a district Council. Although John Norman pointed out that the nernl Act required the consent of a majority of ratepayels to a rate, the settlers voted to defer any action for twelve months. By June they had changed their minds and resolved to form the District Council of l^liLlunga, taking in all the lands of the hundred from the Onkaparinga River to the Mount Terrible Range. Between I5O and 2OO people met in July and elected five councillors from no less than 28 nominatis¡5.(26) The Noarlunga settlers had met at the Emu Hotel on 1I March to consider theil coUISe ofl action. Major 0'HalIoran thought that the hundred taras too large and comprised places that had no community of interest. He suggested that a division tine be drawn from Hallett's Creek to ReyneLlrs hi1ls' but the meeting voted to defler the matter. However the Clarendon settlers decided in August to form a district Council with a trvestern boundary along the Main South Road. 0ne wanted to go further and include the Morphett Vale township but trvas warned of the diflficulty of coltecting taxes there - "a greater set of tigers he had never met with in his 1ife."(27) The tigers l¡lere aroused by any attempt to annex part of their domain and cal-Ied a plotest meeting at the Emu. They decided to florm a District Council of Morphett VaIe, stretching from the "MajoI'S line" to the 0nkaparinga RiveI and from the sea to a line from Section 53IB to Section 820C.(see fig. t7) On 7 September a public meeting el-ected John llr.larnock, John ReyneJ-1, T. B. Ke11y, tnlilliam Sherrif f and Edward Bradley as Councitlors. The Clarendon boundaries t¡¡ere hastily revised and the new district proclaimed on IO November 1853. QB)

151 DTSTRIgT COQNgIL DI ST RICT OF ßRIçH couNct!_ ÞìSTRICT OF COUNgIL CLF\RENÞON

otr

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Sor¡rse- - SoutX É\¡slco\ion Gclrnrnmen{ Go¿e*tÈ 22Scç*er"rbec tt5j I tO ñoþeh,ùâfc l}Sg. Now that the boundaries had been settled the issue of taxation came to the f ore. The t^lillunga settl-ers tnrele the first to "take their medicine" when on 28 November IB53 they approved a rate of one shilling in the pound. This gave the Council an income of .t-:gg, which ratas to be supplemented with an equivalent government subsidy. Predictably the Morphett Vale "tigers" r¡lere harder to tame. t¡Jhen the councillors proposed a shilling rate to a meeting on L5 March I854, Alexander Anderson moved that it be amended to a flarthing. A polt taken Iesulted in I7L votes for the flarthing and only 50 for the shi1ling. Although it rnras a f arce, ratepayels tntele asked to pay l¡rlilliam Sanderson at his store so that they would not be disfranchized for the Legislative Council. 0nty lllttlZ raras collected-(29) The editor ofl the Register commented that "Di-strict Councillors have a righl to be protected against being fooled by the people who have elected them." A bill was introduced into the Legislative Council to amend the District Councils Act. Despite the protests of Peacock, who maintained that the "crooked policy" of farthing rates had only been adopted in a few districts and it tnras therefore unjust to take arlrray the porlrler of setf-taxation from the rest, a clause rntas carried to all-ow district councils to levy a rate of up to a shilling in the pound without ratepayer approval.(10) In I855 Alexander Anderson, notnt Chairman of the District Council, used this porlver to declare a shilJ-ing rate. By November James Craig had written to the "Registet'r complaining that he had been refused permission to attend a meeting of council- and that Anderson had ordered the Clerk not to provide the pIeSs with reports of theil proceedings. 'rA Ratepayet"

r52 ralrote asking the editor "the best method of getting rid of that nuisance rThe District Council'. 0ur respectable gents of Morphett Vale have been quietly spending the ploceeds of a shilling rate, not publicly offering theil tlrolks for tendel as

other districts have done. " (31 ) t¡lhen an election l^las held in March lB56 there l/ljas a sensation. The Clerk announced the result as ShorL 79, Clark 77, DI. Kelly 72, A. Anderson 53t The Chailman secured the balloL-papeIS and walked off in silence. The following day he nailed up the result. "I hereby declare the following persons to be duly elected to seIVe on this Council- for the yeal l-856:- Alexander Anderson, The Lodge, John Short and James Clark. A. Anderson, Chairman." A meeting rnras hastily

conVened and a Iesolution passed declaring the Chairman ' S return iJ-1egaJ-. James Clark rlrlas elected Chairman at the next meeting of Council but Anderson continued as a member. Finally in August he l/vas disqualified and replaced by Dr. Ke11y.(32) Anderson's conduct suggests that at least one of the paternalist founders of settlement found it hard to grasp that his actions tnrele accountable in a democratically-based system of l-ocal government. In IB53 the residents of Noarlunga had asked the Governor to exclude their township from the District Council ofl Morphett VaIe. They argued that "the centre of attraction to countly settlers being towards the metropolis, the Town of Noarlunga only benefited by settlers on its south." This campaign tntas renewed in April I856 when 13I settlers signed a petition to constitute a District Council of Noarlunga from the alea between Hackham and McLaren Vale.(33) A meeting 1¡as haslily summoned at tnJilIunga to oppose the

r53 secession of a third of their district. Smith Ke11 argued that they woul-d be giving up a natural boundary "which cattle rareJ.y paSS" fot a sectional 1ine. To this a Ietter retorted that cattl-e crossed every day above the bridge and that it tnlas necessary to place the river under a single authority to improve navigation. Kell- ralas on firmer ground when he attacked "the present rage for dividing District Councils into smaller portionS", which could not possibly bear the cost of administration. However the government gave tniay and authorized the separation of the District Council of Noarlunga. ( see fig. I8 ) Not surprisingly its first Chaitman, Philip HoIIins, had some trouble extracting from the ln.lillunga Council an account of the rales collected in the severed portion of its district.(34) The stormy origins of local- government in the Southern Vales suggests the difficulty of finding viable aleas with a community of interest. Hundreds were obviously too big and boundaries based on rivers talere seen to be irrelevant by settlers thinking more in terms ofl trade than pastoral activity. In the end the settlers opted to divide the region into a series of compact local government areas with fewer clashes ofl interest but a mole limited Ievenue. The greater resistance to direct taxation in the Morphett VaIe alea must have been partly due to the opportunist leadership of Alexander Anderson, who marshalled the democratic feelings ofl the dissenting small falmels in that area. HorlrleVeI, he proved to be more Iike the autocratic squire they had hoped to l-eave behind in Britain and they felt betrayed by him.

154 O.C. oç' SRì C*fiON D. C. oF

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Þ. c-. ()F: \^) ìLL\)N('A S.¡.r"ce- - So.¡+Lr Austtq\,in Got¡cçr.r^^Q'n+ Gqtq*|e--fll Ápcì \ ttsb (c) Resoonsible Government The arlangements for the el-ection of members to the new parliament in LB57 rnrere intended to avoid some of the indignities and malpractices of the two previous elections. Rowdy nomination meetings disappeared in favour of written letters. Voting certificates had to be shown to the returning officer to prevent mul-tiple voting oI impelsonation. The voters rltele Iequired to cIoSS out the names of candidates not favoured and their votes wele cast by secret ba11ot.(35) In Noarlunga many Were confused by the nehJ alrangements. Several persons came to the polls without their certificates and could not vote. t^lhile there tnras not the high level of informal voting that Jaensch refers to elsewhele' there were Some blunders. The baltot boxes disclosed rrone voting papel with no name crossed, one with all the names crossed and one celtificate had been put in the box instead of the voting paper. " Boxes had to be brought from Happy Val1ey and Strathalbyn, which was included in the eLectorate in place of

Brighton. ( ¡6 ) The first candidate asked to replesent the nelnl district h,as Henry Mildred, an Anglican voluntaryist, who had come to the colony as engineer to the South Australian Company. A meeting of electors at Reynella opposed his nomination and instead they advanced the claims of Edward BradIey, a Morphett Val-e slorekeeper. lrrlhen they heard that Alexander Anderson had also been invited to stand they unanimousty Iesolved that "he trllas the most unfit peISon they coul-d possibly have to replesent them .,'(i7 ) ¡leither Bradley nor Anderson rrvas acceptable to the Clarendon settlers, who managed to persuade Thomas Young' a Congregationalist farmer from O'Halloran Hill-, to enter the r55 contest. Andersonrs supporters brought forward their candidate at the GoIden Pheasant Inn, where'he decl-ared his opposition to State Aid and undertook to advocate the repeal of the Distillation Act. Bradley withdrew from the campaign. ( fB ) According to the newspapers the polling day at Noarlunga rlras a fairly Iack-lustre occasionr eîIivened only by the appearance of Anderson to cast his vote. Scrutiny of the contents of the ballot-boxes began about 5 p.m. and a little beflore 9 o'clock the Returning 0fficer declared the state of the po11 as Thomas Young 232, Henry Mildred lBt and Alexander Andelson I43. He then declared Mildred and Young elected. After three cheers for everyone they could think of , the people quietly disperse d. G9) Mildred taras the more outspoken of the two representatives in the House of AssembIy, urging his colleagues to stand firm in their clash with the Legislative Council and playing a leading rol-e in the fa11 of the first ministry. An example of his eloquence rlrlas his motion that fJ-ogging "is Ievolting to human nature, debasing in its effects, and rflects disgrace on society." Young talas more subdued and business-like in expressJ.ng his point-of-view. He argued that the government should continue to subs idize immigration from the Land Fund because "the class of men they wanted rlrtere sturdy agricultural labourers and miners who could not pay their passage noI lepay it."(40) Mildred thought that immigrants should sign an agreement to stay in the colony for two years - a view IikeIy to be supported by his farming constituents, âs 1¡as his demand for economy within the pubJ.ic service. Young presented a

156 petition from the vinegrornlers for removal- of the restrictions on distillation, but it rlvas Mildred who kept constant plessure on the government to ensure that the biIl rnras passed in January 1858. The two members found themselves opposed when Mildred pressed the government to fund the construction of the bridge at the mouth of the Onkaparinga and Young presented the views of the Noarlunga townsmen against the bridge. However, they r¡lere united on the need ofl the southern settlers for better roads to their ietties and to Adetaide. (¿rl) Although Young did not wish to be nominated for election in IB6O, he wanted the opportunity to "give an account of his stewardship." Since there vvas also much comment on certain of Mildred's votes, it 1¡as decided to hold a meeting at the Horseshoe Inn on 23 JanuaIy. Mildred answered complaints about his suppolt for the bridge by claiming that he acted upon receipt of a numelously-signed petition. Neveltheless a motion in favour of his Ie-nomination tnlas defeated by three votes. The meeting then passed Iesolutions inviting David Sutherland, a Brighton farmer and experienced member of the Central Road Board, and Alexander Anderson to stand. Charles Hewitt also entered the contest, pointing out to an audience at McLaren Vale that he rlvas one of the oldest settlers in the district and the Chairman of the first District Counci.f.(+2) l^JhiIe unemployment dominated the election in AdeLaide, NoarJ.unga vvas to a great extent insulated from this issue because most caSUaI laboUreIS wele enIolled in the capital. AndeISon ploclaimed his opposition to the present l-and system, which allowed agents to "muLct pool persons," and advocated a tax on the property of absentees. 0n the other hand, Sutherland deflended the Iand system, arguing that the faults r57 raloul-d disappeal ifl the surveys wele kept well ahead of demand. Both Anderson and Sutherland disagreed with Hewitt, who thought that country members of parliament should be paid.(+l) Out of 422 votes cast in f860, only 32 |^,ere judged to be informal, which suggests that the voters had successfully adapted to the netnt "cIoss in the squale" method of marking their ba11ot-papeIS. The result ralas Sutherl-and 256, Anderson 24O, and Hewitt 163. Although William 01iver handed in a protest that Anderson's nominator was not on the roII, the Returning 0fficer, John Reynel1, declared that Messrs.

SutherLand and Anderson t¡lere elected. ( a ) David Sutherland brought a wealth of experience to his work in the House of AssembIy, although at times he seemed to be representing the Central Road Board as much as the electorate of Noarlunga. His experience benefited his constituents when the government introduced its controversial Main Roads Bill. He argued that the South should have been considered first because there main lines of road actually opened up the country, while in the north they served principatty as feeders to the railrarays.(45) Sutherland also expressed the views of an agricul-tural district on the subject of assisted immigration, which he maintained more than repaid the cost. He tnlas a vigolous advocate of retrenchment, but it would be unflair to see him .as unsympathetic to the working man. He fett that the government shouLd reduce customs duties and expressed some surprise at the resistance of members to direct taxation . (46) Anderson rlrlas much less impressive as a representative, attending the House in the first session on only 46 out of a

t5B possible 83 occasions. He spoke with authority on a bill to amend the Impounding Act and objected successfully to a proposed IO/- dog registration fee. However' one can only rlvonder at his motives for lequesting a detailed return of the cost of works at the Onkaparinga mouth and the amounts received as Customs dues there. Nor WaS there any IeaSon for him to question the addition of extra rooms to the Court-house at Morphett Val-e. He created eVen greater embarlassment among his constituents when he attempted to strike out the salary of an inspector of schools on the grounds that rrln the south he knew many schools where there tlver.e not mole than 12 regular scholars, but when the Inspector's visits tnlele expected there Was always double that number, and the examination tataS conducted like a Punch and Judy show."(47) Ìnlhile Anderson sat in the House he was also involved in a coult-case, which originated from his time as Chailman of the District Council. He had ordered the removal of a fence that u,as encroaching on a district road and sent men to puIl it down before the orntneI, James Craig, could attend to the matter. Craig sued the Council for damages and was awarded JfeO plus costs. The new council repudiated the debt since no evidence of any minute authorizing the removaf of the fence could be found. Anderson took the council to court and was censured by the jury for I'his malice against Craig." In 1860 he moved for a netnl trial and the Council instructed its solicitors not to settle out of court. ( 4B ) In t86I Anderson tntas accused of stealing two lime-trees, but rlrias acquitted after giving what some Iocals later claimed tnras a false atibi. Incredibly, he ¡¡as charged again in January IB62 with steating a palm-tree from the garden of

r59 Thomas TayJ.or. After the Local Court dismissed the charge' Taylor appealed to the supreme court. During the trial Anderson stated that "nine-tenths of the district he Iived in l¡Jele rogues and vagabonds. " He was found guilty and his fellow Justices refused to sit with him on the local bench.(49) A memorial ofl local residents tllaS plesented to His Excellency' praying for Anderson's removaL from the magistracy' In September IB62 he sent in his resignation and tnlas granted leave from the House of Assembly due to itl-health. Two months later, Anderson and his antagonist Craig died within days of each other. ( 50 ) Few electorates can have been Iepresented by a man with such a record of petty theft and who described his constituents in such terms. HoweVeI, one advantage of the two member electorates r¡1as that they provided a mix of talents. The members elected to Iep¡.eSent Noarlunga uJe¡.e opposite in a number of respects. tnlhile Mildred raras the more outspoken representative, Young said less but listened harder to his electors. Though neither rnlas ideal, together they managed to serve the electorate we1l. Anderson t^,as of couISe a disaster and his election 1¡as the more surprising because he had already demonstrated that he h,as a headstlong autocrat in local government. FortunatelY, Sutherl-and more than made up flor his defects and rnlas both dutiful and plepared to speak his mind'

r60 (D) Dist nc1 ti In his book AdeIa ide and the Country J.B. Hirst argues that previous writers have been mistaken in attributing the weakness of local government to spalseness of population' He maintains thal the formation of district councils shows lhat people did come together to control local affairs - holding elections, collecting rates, hiring men' and constructing roads, bridges and council chambeIS. 1f they did not go on to f und education, poJ-ice protection and poor relief , it h,as because central government involvement in these fields Was well--established and there rnras not the suspicion of central control that J-ingered in EngIand. The democratically-elected government in Adelaide ¡¡aS, in Hirst's view, the Iocal government of the whote country. ( 5I ) John Robbins has taken up this theme in his thesis Local- Government and Communit 1n South Australia. He maintains that district councils had so few functions to perform because roads and bridges were the first conceln of a newly-settled area, because local ratepayels would not volunteer to provide finance while the central government was wi1ling, because there WeIe too many small- councils to handle more flunctions, because able citizens could find an outlet in the colonial Parliament, and because Adelaide's early dominance plecluded the establishment of rival centres of potrveI. Much evidence lo support these conclusions has already been p¡,esented in this local studY, but it is no¡¡ proposed to look mole closely at the functions performed by the district councils in the Southern

VaIes. ( 52 ) As soon as district coUncils r¡e¡.e formed, the care of aIl but main roads devolved onto them. Their first task lllas to

r6t try and make some sense out of the network of sectional roads by establishing roads with practicable gradients that served Some useflul function. This usualJ.y involved an exchange of roads with section-oWneIs, Some of whom WeIe obstructive or sought to profit by outrageous demands for compensation. The council's task ratas not made any easier by the problem of gaining title to the sectional roads in order to sell those that tnlele made redundant. Despite these difficulties the District Council of Noarlunga opened roads leading from McLaren Vale to l¡lickham's Hi11, f rom Clarendon along the range to Noarlunga, and from Noarlunga aJ-ong the north bank of the river to the port.(Sl) Once the district council had established which roads it rntas essential to improve, it let contracts to labouIeIs like George Charl-es or flarmers like John Antoine. I t al-so had to take care that its good work was not undone by farmers who used sledges to transpolt water to theil sections, oI by travellers who dragged trees behind their drays when descending steep slopes at pJ.aces like t¡lickham's Hilt. Bridges also proved a burden to maintain, especially when flooding creeks swept away those made only of 1ogs. (:¿) By the end of lB6I, the District Council of Noarlunga had only made and metalted 2.25 miles of road, formed 6 miles and constructed 19 bridges. A great number ofl ratepayels attended the council meeting the following yeal to ulge the claims of their Iespective roads Twelve months later it rlias Ieported that "several- extensive works have been executed and the improvements made by the Council have met with the general approbation of the ratepayers. " (55)

r62 There rltas much l-ess satisfaction in Morphett Va1e, where the eastern settlers flel-t that the councilJ.ors, f our of whom lived in the south-west, were neglecting their Ioads. The IB63 el-ection sarlrl seven candidates nominated for three vacancies, and an overwhelming victory for the mole thickly settted eastern side. A rate of a shilling and a halfpenny trtlaS voted and Council began a vigorous works proglamme. Now it t¡las the turn of the western settlers to feel disadvantaged. They circulated a petition for dividing the district into five wards, and drew a quick response in the form of a counter-memolial. Since public opinion rlras obviousl-y divided on the issue, the governol declined taking any action.(Sg) At the conclusion of the nomination meeting in IB64 the "trlvo opposing champions on the vexed wards question unfortunately came to too close quatters, which circumstance Iesulted in the vely unpalliamentary conduct of fistic operations being resorted to. " l¡lhen the more numerous eastern voters changed the balance ofl representation to four men from their side of the district, the wards issue was revived in ealnest. At a pubJ-ic meeting a Iesolution to divide the district t¡as defleated by 30 votes to 24. The pro-tnlards settlers threatened to secede and join the Noarlunga district. However, they thought better of it and addressed a memorial to the govelnor advocating a fairer division than they had suggested in I863. (see fig. 19) The easterners again produced a counter-memorial but the govelnor settled the issue by proctaiming the wards asked for on 5 0ctober 1865. Although a division ofl NoarJ-unga rnlas considered in the following yeal' the settlers showed their satisfaction with their council by voting against the proposaÌ .(57)

r63 trrc. tq DISTR\CT COUNCIL OF MORPHETT VÍILI o,C.. oF gRrçqroN

No. s No. L NoR'lvl - \ñgST NOR'TR- €AST NO. \¡.¡ AR,Þ \¡ARD N'TRAL \¡\tAßD No. 3 NO. t+ Soutur - gAsf sorJ'IH - \Jgsl \)ARÞ \¡{ ARD

tEbj PRopoSAL

D. q. ot ßR,ìGHToN

NO. I \^I AR D

No. 2. \IARO NO.l+ \NARD

No. 3. w AqD NO. 5. \^)ARD

D. q- OF N ORC,L\,NGA tSbs Þt\ts\or{ sc,cL€ l:qîilb9 So,..¡rgcs Sou*tr Aus{tq\ion (¡¡uqrn¡qc-Át frLskS o - n,res 11 Nq\¡e-h^be¡ \$Gjì S ocJo\o¿¡ tt65 District councils rlrele given a licensing function by the IB52 Act. They reviebred the publicans' licences annuaJ-1y and could decline to issue one if they felt that the accommodation of f ered Was inadequate. l¡Jhen this por¡er yìJas taken f rom district councils in lB6L there tnlere loud complaints from publicans and licensed storekeepers about the inconvenience of going to Adelaide. (¡A) The district councils also issued sÌaughtering Iicences to butchers like John Dungey or farmers who wanted to ki11 stock for saIe. Landholders gained the right to graze stock on Crown land by pulchasing a depasturing licence at the cost of sixpence peI head. Those granted a timber licence could cut timber from Crown land flor a period of three months. From IB60 the District Clerk of Noarlunga, Martin Burgess, also acted as Registrar under the Dog Act.(59) The councils yxere expected to enforce certain laws passed in the interests of the whole community. They fixed the hours during which stubbte could be burned to reduce the danger to neighbouring crops. Landowners could be instructed to destroy Scotch thistles on their ploperty and to remove fences that rnrere obstructing public roads.(60) By far the gleatest problem rrvas that of wandering cattle, for they broke down fences and trampled clops as well as posing a hazard to traffic. A ranger tnras employed by the councils to impound these animals but it rlvas not a popular iob. Edward Draper was blamed for inattention to his duties, while the Morphett Vale ranger attracted just as much criticism in IB77 for his oVer zealoUSneSS when he impounded Some of the fatmets' horses.(6I) In the last chapter we sal^, that both the jetty and the

164 bridge at Port Noarlunga rnrele handed over to lhe cale of the District Council. The councillors were given the responsibility of spending the J400 voted by the House of Assembly in IB64 for extending the jetty. This alrangement seem to have worked well for they let the contract for Jl94 and the work ¡¡as completed within three months. In 1867 they supervised the removal of rails and sleeperS from the tramway cutting and constructed a metalled road to the ietty. Two years later the council Ienernled the platform ofl the jetty with 2,BOO feet of sarnrn red-gum and laid heavier rails purchased from the railtrvays. By f87O the bridge ovel the river had deteriorated to such an extent that it tnlas unsafe, and Council asked the House of Assembly lo vote lr,¡OO for its reconstructi on. (62) The townspeople ofl Noarlunga drew their water from a waterhote above the township. They found that it tnras often contaminated in SUmmeI when the river ceased to flow, while at other times of the year high tides made the river-wateI saIty. In 1859 a memorial rrvas circulated, asking the Council to construct a dam, but it trvas not until IB63 that it agreed to vote dZOO provided that åfOO trvas subscribed by the townspeople. A site near the Horseshoe Inn rrvas selected and a prize of ÉfO offered for the best design. The winning plan tnlas abandoned when it was costed aL lllS and the council lesorted to a cheaper pile dam, which two labourels offered to build for *99/IO/6. This tn¡as to plove fal-se economy for in I872 the colrespondent of the Advertiser observed that "the dam is utterly useless and the *2OO it cost has been thrown ahray."(63) Besides making roads and bridges, building jetties and dams, enforcing laws and issuing a Variety ofl Iicences, the

r65 District Council fuIfiIled a number of other functions. It Iobbied the government to establish a telegraph station at Noarlunga, called meetings on matters of public concern such as the danger of nLucifer" matches, collected money for the victims of disasters, and arranged a demonstration of loyalty to the Duke of Edinburgh in 1867.(el) fn these vl,ays the councillors plovided leadership for the local- community, expressing its concerns and co-ordinating its efforts. They also had a role to ptay in the supervision of local schools and the administration of poor relief as we shall see in the next chapter. pike argues that for pioneer farmers "the best government kept decently out of sight and provided for them a few amenities but no civil- responsibility SeIf-he1p did not extend beyond the farm boundary."(65) The irresponsible attitude of some Morphett Vale ratepayels seemed to justify this judgement as they squabbled ovel the proportion of rates spent in their palt of the district. Hornrevel' the Noarlunga settlers trusted their counciltors to act in the interests of the district as a whole. The councillors showed that they could act as an effective agent of the central government in the issue ofl licences, enforcement of agricultural legislation and construction of works. District councils helped to foster a sense of community among the independent settl-ers of the Southern Vales and, within the limitations of theil Ievenue' played a much stronger role than Hirst or Robbins give them credit for.

L66 (E) A Man in the MinistrY In his study ofl PoIiticaI Representation in Colonial South Australia, Dean Jaensch concludes that both the House of Assembly and the Legislative Council were dominated by men from the urban commercial and industrial classes. He shows that only 8.3% of the members ofl the House of Assembly u,ere farmers, although they comprised 23.3% of the population and had an electoral system weighted in their flavour. The government ministers WeIe also drawn mainly from the urban middle class' llrlas this preference of IUIaI voters for Adelaide men due, aS Hirst suggests, to a feeling that a fatmer wouLd be a man without influence and unlikely to be included in a ministry? ( 66 ) Noarlunga voters had a wide choice of candidates in the IB62 election. A public meeting in the Horseshoe Inn approved of phiJ-ip Hollins and unanimously voted for the nomination of

John Co j-ton, a young llrlesleyan who had come to the colony with his father in L839. Instead of settling on the famiJ-y flarm at McLaren Vale he had gone into business aS a harness and hardware melchant in AdeIaide. l¡lhen the audience heard that Charles Hewitt was also seeking election and wondered about his politicaL opinions, ofle l^lag suggested, rrHe don't know himself."(67) Sutherland defended his conduct in the House lo a meeting at McLaren Vale, maintaining that he had neither shirked voting noI speaking when required. Colton gave ample vvalning of his attitude to representation by stating that candidates t'should be independent men with opinions ofl their ot¡ln.' This rlvas in sharp contrast to another candidate, John Carr, who promised that in alI subjects of loca1 interest he would be their mouthpiece. ( eA )

r67 The polling took place on L-/ November and, according to the Ieporter, "â great deal of interest waS manifested, but there rnlele no very offensive displays of partisanship." When the counting of votes concluded, it showed how well-matched the candidates t¡,ere. Hewitl I71 and colton 160 defeated Hollins 156, Sutherlan d I45, Catr l-04 and Hallett 29 - A farmel and an Adelaide melchant had been returned, So the merits of these two kinds ofl Ieplesentatives could be expected to be given a fair trial . (eg) When the House met in 1863 Hewitt trxas quick to accuse the goVernment of taking "not one step towards compensating the agricultural interest." He thought the tariff they introduced in June rlrlas objectionable to the farmers, but he and Colton rnrele outvoted. At the end of the month they helped to florce the ministry's resignation and then supported the new government. Hewitt continued to merit his Ieputation as the "terrol of the Central Road Board", arguing that it tlvas not able to supervise the wise expenditure of money voted for maintenance. His greatest humiliation came when he introduced a private bill to amend the District Councils Act. John Dunn told the House that "it trrras absurd" and that a meeting of representatives of the district councils had resolved that the biLl tJì,as not lequired. It was defeated without a division.(70) At times colton t/ìlas forced to disagree with his older colleague in the House. He tnlas circumspect at first and simpty offered suggestions on bilts that ¡¡ele being debated' As his conflidence gler¡ he took up the causes of people he felt had been wronged and told the House that he felt an "income tax

168 r¡lith moderate fixed duties on tea and other articles of general expenditule" would be the best means of raising revenue. Nor did he neglect l-ocal interests, fail-ing to have J.l,OOO placed on the Estimates for a road flrom tn|illunga to its port but successfully moving for á.5,OOO to construct the road from

Aldinga lo Sellick's Hi11. (7r ) In 1865 Colton r¡as unanimously endorsed as a candidate by the Noarlunga electors. The othel vacancy rnlas contested by the John Cart, a tnjesleyan, who told the meeting at the Horseshoe that he had been a plactical- farmer all his life, and l¡Jilliam H. Trimmer, a Congregationalist vinegrower f rom Marion. 0n this occasion the real excitement follotnled the poIling. t¡lhen the votes r¡lele counted the result Was Colton 348, Carr 1Oj and Trimmer 264. Howevet, the validity of the votes cast at Happy VaIley ¡¡as questioned because the Deputy Returning Officer had allowed his Poll Clerk to initial the ballot papers. After a hurried conference with the Attorney-General the votes were rul-ed informal, altering the totals to Colton 2BO, Trimmer 224 and Carr 175. Trimmer told the clollr,ld that he believed "technical erIoIs in such cases should be of no avai1", but asked for time to consider his position.(72) llrJhen Trimmer continued to hesitate "between his duty and his inclination", a public meeting at Clarendon lesolved unanimously that he tlvas not duly elected. A fortnight after the election the editor of the Register described the situation as still unresolved, Happy ValJ.ey is still agitated. The Rightful Prince is stili excluâed from that. pleasant region. A usulper sits on the throne, and the el-ectors are disconsolate. How misfortune can have fallen upon a place with such a charming name tate hardly know. Finally the House of Assembly reflerred the matter to a Court of

r69 Disputed Returns, which ruled that John Carr had been duly elected in place of Trimmer . (73) colton ldas by nol^, quite at home in the House, with a confidence in handJ-ing public affairs helped by his work on the Adelaide Corporation. He took a personal interest in questions such as immigration, believing that the number of migrants should be increased and improvements made in their sel-ection. In 1865 he rlrtaS able to secule a vote of money to construct a nerlr jetty at Port ìlrlillunga and kept up the plessure f or a better road to it f rom lr'lillunga. He also presented a petition for a telegraph station at Noarlunga and saw that it r,vas connected to t^lil1unga . Q +) carr proved to be an ideal replesentative for the Noarlunga farmers. He took a keen interest in land legislation, aiming to prevent agriculture being surrounded with "a cordon of pastoral countty", âîd introduced his ovvn bill to encoulage the fencing of Iand. His criticisms of the Road Bill helped to force the government to withdraw it, while he argued strongly that the words "oI by" shoul-d be struck out of the Main Roads Schedule so that the township of Noarlunga could not be saclificed oI the present bridge thrown atnray 'Q5) In IB68 both members 1¡ere endorsed as candidates by a pubtic meeting at McLaren Val-e. CoIton pointed out to a l^lillunga audience the need for a law that would enable farmers to obtain land in South Australia on Ieasonable terms. He thought that a system of credit sales, which required 20% deposit and four years to pay the balance, might work. carr argued that the care of roads, schools and the destitute should be handed ovel to local councils, which should be given

170 generous grants-in-aid from the revenue. Both told a Noarlunga meeting of their opposition to any direct tax on land or property. Since no other candidates appeared, the Returning Officer declared them elected unopposed.(16) In the nerlrl parJ-iament both Carr and Colton tnlere critical of the govelnment's ploposal-s to amend the Land Act. l¡Jhen the ministry fell in Seplember, CoIton demanded that each netll coalition announce a liberal Iand policy. Carr lemained SUspicious of StrangWayS aS "onIy a recent land refolmerrrand remained in oppogition, but Colton was included in the netat ministry as Commissioner of Pubtic llrJork s. Q7) As a minister, Colton found himsel-f in the position of resisting demands for cuts in the allocations for railtrrays and public buildings. In January IB69 he had the satisfaction of seeing lhe lnlaste Lands Bill carried through the parliament with credit sal-es included. Later in the yeal he was associated with an unpopular decision to close several ofl the local courts, ineluding the one at Morphett Vale.(78) An even greater storm broke in his electorate when he went back on his word and moved that the main roads be maintained from a rate levied on all lands alienated from the Crown. He cal-culated that two pence an acre would give a sum of é12,726/IO/-. Carr opposed him, remarking that 20 out of the 36 M.P.s tnrele merchants and city men I'rntho would not have to pay *l apiece if the thÍng rlìJas caIried. " If the Commissioner of PubIic l¡lorks thought that he might thus tax absentee proprietors, "he forgot that the tenants and not the landlords would have to pay. " It tnlaS Carr, âñd not CoIton, who WaS Seen to be J.ooking af ter the interests of his constituents . Q9) tnlhen the two members faced the electors in March 1870'

17T Colton rlvas tired from a trying week dealing with the unemployed. He attempted to explain the notoriouS "ttnlo pence an acre", but rnlaS heckted by one of his audience, who claimed that his aim tntas "to lax the farmer and excuse yourself." Carr defended himself against CoIton's charge in the House that he rlrlas guitty ofl rrfactious opposition" and thoroughly unfit to be their representative.(80) Late in the campaign he appeared with the James Stewart, a Presbyterian ofl Hackham, who talas brought forward as "a local- man". At Noarlunga, Colton faced a very hostile audience, who voted against a resolution thanking him for his selVices with cries of "lnle want a local manr', "No Adelaide merchant" arìd "Stetlvart f orevertt. Polling took place on 28 March and gave a Iesounding victory to Carr 510 and Stewart 5O4 against Colton's 2I5 votes. (81) No doubt seemed to exist in the minds of the farmers about the kind of representation they wanted - a locaL man and a farmer l-ike themselves. A man who lived elsewhere oI earned his living in some other rlray would always be suspect in his loyalties. In theoly Hewitt should have been ideally suited to their needs, but his eccentric pursuit of personal "hobby-horsestr robbed him of any credibility in the House. Colton had been highly respected until- he accepted a position in the ministry. After that local interests rllele neglected as he strove to be flair to the whole colony. His fa11 came when he forgot the falmels'sensitivity on the issue of direct taxation on Iand. On the other hand, Carr remained popular because he was faithful to the interests of his constituents and because he was flree to criticize unpopular decisions made by the government.

I72 Concl-usion 0ne of the reasons Noarlunga had not been Ieplesented in the ministry before IB69 rnras its high turnover of members in earl-y elections to the House of Assembly. In this respect it tnras different from the rest ofl the colony, for Jaensch has shown that a high proportion of sitting members rnras returned in most electorates. Nor rivele the farmers undel-IepIeSented in Noarlunga as Jaensch has bemonstrated lltas the case elsewhere. 54.9% of the el-ectorate in IB65 could be classified as "agricultural-" aCcording to his analysis, but the electorate returned at least one and sometimes two farmers. If, as Jaensch suggests, the colonial- politicians prized "independence" from local pressures, they tnlere singularly unsuccessful in persuadinq the Southern Vales fatmers of this valu e. (82) Peacock trvas forgiven his Adelaide commercial background because he rlrtas devoted to the interests of his constituency. Mildred served them well, but was SUspected of "doing a dea1" with lnlill-iam Gray to secule the 0nkaparinga bridge and tlrtas ousted. Colton !ìlas accepted while he tistened to the wishes of his constituents, and thrown out when he asserted his "independence" in the "national interest. " All the others larere farmers and it is ironicat that the most highty legalded, Carr and Sutherland, lived outside the boundaries of the district, while the most conspicuous failures, Hewitt and Anderson, had been pioneers of the Southern Vales. Pike's argument that l-ocaI government failed in South Australia because the colonial legislatures vvere rel-uctant to deLegate authority and because pioneer settlers tarere apathetic

I73 has already been criticized by Robbins, who points out that 2I district councils talele formed in a population of less than 1OO,OO0. Some politicians such as Carr u,eIe only too willing to delegate Iesponsibility to local govetnment, and the large number of nominations for the first councils suggests anything but apathy. The most telJ-ing point made by Pike (and here he confuses Road Boards and District Councils) was the failure of the settlers in some areas to vote reasonable rates. (Bl) Yet this rnlas only the case in places tike Yatala, Gumeracha and Morphett Va1e, all centres of the agitation against the Dray and Land Taxes. Nor Was Alexander Anderson, who proposed the farthing rate, the most Iesponsible and convinced supporter of local seI f-government . It is difficult to explain why the settlers of Morphett VaIe Were such an "analchictrgloup compaled to the llr.lillunga setti-ers. Their determined opposition to direct taxation and SUSpicion of people "acIoSS the road" seems to give some weight to Pike's judgement that "SeIf-help did not extend beyond the farm boundary". Their attitudes may be related to the fact that land holdings rnrele smaller in Morphett Vale and many of the settlers Seem to have come from urban aleas of Britain where religious dissent was strong. They supported the abolition of state aid, radical constitutional reform and a liberal land poJ.icy - all of which set them apalt from the colonial establishment. No doubt they retained memories of the misuse of parish rates by irresponsible local authorities in Britain.

L74 Notes

I Jaensch, D.H., Political Re resen Ìn th Australia rB57-l OI , Ph.D. T ES s, Univers ty of Adelaide, 1973; Vo1. .1 ., pps. Il, L24--7; YoI. 2, pps. 383-5. 2. Hirst, J.B op. cit. , pps. 144-I50. Robbins, J Loc IG ernment and m nit 1n Australia Ph. D. Thesis, Un VCTS y of AdeIa er I 75, pps. 82-92, 3. Regis"er, )l June tB46 3ã, 25 JulY 1846 2d, 28 June tB48 3a, IB November LB4B 3c. 4. Pike, D. , op. cit. , PPS. 4I2-2O. Cain, F.M., f the Sou I ian Electo Svstem, M. A. The sis, Adelaide University, L972, PPS . 2I- 5. Register, 19 Feb rU Stephenson, J. R. , Australia 185L-2 , ide L952, pps. 4-l-l-. ' 1855 Census, S . A . P. P. No . 19 of LB55-6. 6 Register, I March 1B5l- 2c,3de,25 March IB5L 3ã, 4 April 1851 labcde. Pike, D. , op. cit. , pps. 332-3. Loyau, G., ntative th Austr Howell, Adelaide, lBBf, P. 193. 7 Register 2 JuJ-y IB5I 4bc. Peacock explained that Hewett bore him a grudge because he had demanded repayment of a Ioan made on the security of Hewett's sheep. B ibid, 5 July 1851 3ã, 7 JulY 1851 2b. 9 ibid, 30 August 1B5f 1e, I JanuarY L852 3c. Peacock gained a reputation as a "ki11-ioy" from his attemPts to restrict the opening hours of public houses and to strike from the Estimates the fl00 voted for the Queenrs Cup horse race. ibid, 15 May LB56 2f , 28 May 1856 2f . The only positive initiative he took rlras to carry through the bouncil in IB53 a Bill to incorporate the South Australian Mutual Insurance Association. ibid, 30 November IB53 3à, B December IB53 3a. t0. ibid, 6 December IB5l 2a, I May I856 3a- 1r. ibid, 28 July IB53 3à, 24 January LB56 2h, 7 May 1856 2f, 6 February 1856 2h. 12. ibid,4 Sóptember l85l 2d,6 August IB53 3c,10 August IB53 3d, B October LB53 3a. 13. ibíd, 26 August IB53 3d, 13 Seplember LB53 2c, 15 September 1853 2a. 14. ibid, 6 september 1B5I 3ã, 15 October IB5l 3ã,24 0ctober 1B5L 3ac, 10 December IB51 3b. 15. ibid, 19 December IB51 3a. As ¡¡e have seen in the last chapter, Peacock ¡¡as called upon in IB53 and 1856 to pless the govórnment to complete the works at the port. Nor did he nõgIecl the claims of the l¡lillunga settlers flor grants of moñey to construct their jetty. ibid, B September lB5f 3à, 26 January 1856 2h, 16 February 1856 39. 16. Pike, D., op. cit., PPS. 47I-7. Register, 29 August f B55 3d. I1 . ibid, 5 September IB55 ldef , L3 September tB55 lab. TB. ibid, l-9 September 1855 3cd, 22 September rB55 2d, 4 0ctober 1855 3fg. r75 19. ibid, 14 November 1855 3b, 28 November 1855 3à, 5 December lB55 3a. 20. ibid, B D ecember l-855 3c, 2L February IB56 3c. Plural vo ting rllras also abolished, but the cl-ause tlrlas subtJ.y omitted b y Hanson in IB58 as a counter to the ba11ot. Cain, F.M op. cit. , pps. 64-73 , L33-5. 2r. Jaensch, D. , op. cit. , pps. 383-93. Jaensch argues that most colo nial politicians defined their rol-e as " independ ent". As Assembly members came under grealer l-oca1 pre ssure they claimed freedom from pledges' maintaini ng that members should be free to deal with public questions generally. 22. Bate, W. , op. cit. , pps. 216-9 . Pike, D., op. cit. , pps . 4O7 -9 . Acts of t he Council, No. 14 of 1849. 23. Minute Bo ok in the District Council of Lrlillunga 0flfices. See entri es for IB50-1. Register, 6 May 1850 3bc. 24. Minute Bo ok, op. cit. Register, 5 April 1850 3cd, 28 June 1850 3a. 25. ibid, 26 September IB51 2c, 9 0ctober IB51 2a, lB 0ctober 1851 3b, 24 0ctober L85I 3c. Acts of t he Council, No. L6 of 1852. 26. Register, 29 January IB53 S2cd , 29 June IB53 2a, 2 JuIy LB53 3c, 16 July 1853 3de. 21 . j.bid, 19 March 1B5J 3a, 1I August IB53 3e, 27 August 1853 3d. 28. ibid, f s eptember 1853 3e, L2 September 1B5f 3f. South Aus tralian Government Gazette, 22 Septembet IB53 p. 625, I 0 November LB53 p. 139. 29. Register, 3 December IB53 3c, 23 March 1854 3f. LB54 Asse ssment in Ratebook held in City of Noarlunga 0ffices. 30. Register, 12 0ctober IB54 2d, 2-/ 0ctober IB54 3ã, 22 Novemb er 1854 2d, 6 December IB54 29. Acts of t he Council, No. 16 of l-854. 3r. s.A.G.G., I7 May 1865 p. 401. Register, 29 November IB55 3à, 6 December lB55 4ã, L6 Februa ry 1856 4b, I March 1856 39. 32. ibid, 7 M arch 1856 3f, I4 March 1856 3ghr 20 June 1856 3h, 6 August l 856 3d. 33. Memori aI to His Excellency, 4 0ctober 1853, Colonial Secret ary 's Correspondence GRG 24/6 (1851) 2536. S.A.G. G., 17 April- l-856 p. 3O9. 34. Register, 6 May IB56 3ñ, 24 May 1856 4à, L6 July I856 3a, 29 August 1856 3a,5 September 1856 3b,1 November 1856 3d. 35. Cain, F.M., op. cit., pps. 3I, 1ll. Jaensch, 0.H., op. cit., pps. 56,57. 36. Register, 11 March 1857 3a. Noarlunga's population of 5,738 made it the third largest electorate in terms of the ratio of people to members. Cain; F.M., op. cit., p. 98. 37. Register, 26 December 1856 3d, 27 December I856 3ab. Pike, D., op. cit., pps. 136, 2OB, 43I. 38. Register, l5 January IB57 3b, 13 January IB57 3b, 3L January IB57 3b. zo ibid, 11 March LB57 3a.

r76 40. South Australian Parliamentary Debates , I0 June 1857, 24 June IB57 (deadlock), 26 August 185 / (ml-nl_s|"ly ), l-I November IB57 (flogging), 28 May IB57 (immigration). ( 4l-. ibid, t9 May LB57 , 30 October IB57 immi-gration) , 24 November L857, 20 January 1B5B (distillation), f June l-857, lO June IB57 (bridge), 28 May L857, 12 January lB5B ( roads ) . 42. Register, J-2 January IB60 2h, 25 January IB60 3eg, 7 March r_ 860 3d . Dol1ing, A. , r f Marion on t Peacock, Adelaide, l9BI, pps. 3L-5. 43. Cain, F.M., op. cit., pps. 44-5. Register, 9 March 1860 3ã, 3b. 44. Cain, F. M. , op. cit. , pps. 34-5 , 39-4O . Register,20 March 1860 3f,24 March 1860 3c. 45. S.A.R.O., 1 May 1860, 26 June 1B60 (truck system), l-5 August LB60, 2I August LB60 (funds), I4 September 1860 ( Road Act ) . 46. ibid, 15 May I860 (immigration), L7 JuIy IB60 (retrenchment), 3I May 1860, I4 June IB60 (direct taxation), 3L May lB60 ( free distillation) . 47. ibid, l5 October tB60 (attendance), 29 September IB60 ( impounding ) , 6 September 1860 ( dog registration ) , 28 September 1B6O (returns), 26 July 1860 (school inspection ) . 48. Regisler, 22 January IB57 3d, L4 December LB57 29h, 3â, 9 May l860 3h, f September 1860 311. On Christmas Day IB56 a fire partly destroyed Craig's f ence. t¡lhen Anderson and John Kelly appeared on the scene, Craig blamed them for starting the fire. Anderson sued Craig for slander. After the Attorney-GeneIal called several witnesses to testify to the credibility of the plaintiff, the jury returned a verdict for the defendant. ibid , 29 December I856 2h, J- ApriJ- IB57 23, 25 June IB57 211. 49. ibid, 5 October 1861 3br 25 January 1862 29h,20 March 1862 3à, 19 April 1862 39. 50. ibid,28 ApriI 1862 3f,28 June 1862 3f, 4 JuIy 1862 3defg' 12 September 1862 3h, 19 September 1862 2f,6 December 1862 7a The Register account says that "So Sensible does he Seem to have been of his speedy dissolution that he had pre-arranged everything requisite for the disposal of his remains from his coffin to his grave." The coffin stood in the hall of "The Lodge" and the grave had been dug between two trees in his garden. CoIwell, M., op. cit., p. 3r. 5r. Hirst, J. B. , op. cit. , pps. I2I, 123-4, I25, I3O. 52. Robbins, J. , op. cit. , pps. 82-5 . 53. District Council of Noarlunga Letter Books, 2A 0ctober 1862. The Chairman of the Noarlunga Council negotiated with Mr. Humphries about a road through his section. Humphries offered the Council- Jf per acle for the old road and asked .*34 peI acre flor Iand of the same quality Iequired for the nernr road. Register, 30 September 1B5B 3gh.

177 In August L859 the Noarlunga Council agreed to exchange a road witn James Craig. Despite an assurance by R.R. Torrens that it rnlas possible to get title simply and cheaply under the Real Property Act, Craig tnras still waiting for his land in August I862. District Council of NoarJ.uñga Letter Books, 2I November lB59 to 12 August I862. Register, 12 August IB59 Jh, f May I860 3ef. neIi.ster', \7 Jañuary IB57 39, 6 February lB57 3h, 6 August IB57 3c. 54. ibid, 23 June IB59 3d, 22 February 1864 39,7 October 1857 3c. District council of Noarlunga Letter Books, 6 May 1861, f September 1866. The bridge on t¡Jheatsheaf road tnras a headache to the District Council of Morphett VaLe, who tlrere relieved when Thomas Taylor asked to repair it at his own expense. Register, J_9 June 1857 3à, 17 September lB57 3f , 27 0ctober 1857 3h. 55. District Council- of Noarlunga Letter Books, 30 December TB6I. Register , 14 August 1862 2h, I August 1863 311. 56. ibid, 27 October 1863 3f, ll JuIy LB63 3d, L7 July LB63 39, 29 AugusL 1863 3h. S.A .G.G. I2 November L863, 26 November 1863. S.A . P. P. 78 of L864. 57. Reg ister, 7 JuIy 1864 3b, 24 October LB64 3f,28 0ctober 1864 3d, 31 October LB64 3b. s. A. G. G. , 12 January 1865 , 9 February 1865 , 5 0ctober lB65 . Register, 23 October 1865 3d, 20 October LB66 3h. 58. ibid, 15 March I854 3f , 16 March IB5B 3h, 9 November IB6t 3d, 14 March 1862 lh. Acts of Parliament, No. l0 of f861. 59. District Council of Noarlunga Letter Books , 16 September 1867, 25 May 1868 (slaughterlng licences), 3 February 1868, 7 July I87g- (timber licences), 4 December 1860' B February 1869 ( oog Act ) . Register, Ze 0ctober IB60 39, 15 December fB60 3h ( depasturing licences ) . 60. ibid, I4 November 1857 39, 5 December L857 3c, 18 September tB5B 4c, 23 September 1859 3e. 6L. ibid, 5 August IB57 3h, 19 May IB58 2h, IB June IB77 69. Distiict Cõuncil of Noarlunga Letter Books , 20 August 1866, I 0ctober I866. õ1 ibid, I3 Decembet 1864, 27 February 1865, 23 February 1865, 30 October 1867 , 22 February L869 , 23 December 1871 4 March L872. ' 63. Register, 25 January IB59 3h, I6 December I86I 3d, 26 November 1859 39, 7 November 1863 3d. District Council of Noarlunga Letter Books, 25 Februaly 1864, 27 ApriI 1867, 5 August L867, -7 September L867, 30 September 1867, I1 November L86-7, 9 December 1867. Advertiser, 23 March IB12 3f . 64. District Council of Noarlunga Letter Books, 25 November L864, 2 September L867, 3O September 1867, 15 March I875, 1 0ctobet I877. 65. Pike, D. , op. cit. , p. 46I. 66. Jaensch, D. H. r op. cit. , pps. 2O2, 22L-2. Hirst, J.8., op. cit., P. 7I. 67. Register, 15 October 1862 3fg, 3 November 1862 3ab.

I7B 68. ibid, 30 0ctober 1862 3abc, I November LB62 3cd, f November IB62 3aó , 4 November 1862 3h, 7 November 1862 3b. 69. ibid, L4 November 1862 29, I8 November 1862 3d. 70. S.A.P .D. 4 March 1863, 3 June 1863, 12 June 1863, 30 June , October LB63 , 22 July 1863, 23 July 1863, 24 July 1863, 2 1863. 71. ibid, 10 March 1863, 29 ApriI 1863, 15 September 1863, L6 0c tob er 1863, LI June L863, 3I JuIy L863, 28 August 1863 . 72. Regis ter , 19 December 1864 3d, IB January 1865 3bcd. Dolli n9' 4., op. cit., p. 6I. Regis ter , 2) February I865 3dr 7 March L865 3b, 10 March I 865 3 a, 11 March 1865 3b. 73. ibid, I3 March I865 2f, 22 March I865 3ê, 24 March LB65 2f, 12 Ap r i1 LB65 3ef. 74. S.A.P D. , 2 June 1865, l-1 April 1865, 16 June L865, 10 0c tob er I865, 30 May 1865, I November 1865. 75. ibid, IB May IB¿5, 2I June L865, 15 June 1865, lB July r865. tõ. Regis ter , 25 February l-B6B 3ef , 28 March 1B6B 3bcd, 30 Ma rch 1B6B 3fg, I6 April IB6B 3ó. 77. S.A.P .D. , L7 SepIember 1868, 25 September LB6B, 7 0ctober lB68, T3 0ctober 1868, 22 October fB6B, 23 0ctober IB68' f November 1868. 78. ibid, 22 December I868, 6 January I869, l0 December 1868, 29 January L869, lO November 1869, L2 January 1870. 70 ibid, 24 August L869, 26 August 1869. 80. Register, lI March IB70 6d, 17 March IB70 7f . 81. ibld, 22 March lBTO 6ab, 24 March 1870 7b, 29 March IB70 5d. l¡lhen Colton attempted to win a seat by contesting the stanley election in ApriI, some of the clarendon people took out an advertisement to rrvaln that constituency against him and he suffered his second defeat. ibid' l9 April IB70 6a. 82. Jaensch, D. H. , op. cit. , pps. L95, I53, 39O - 83. Pike, D., op. cit., PPS. 460-I. Robbins, J., op. cit., PPS. 79-BO.

179 tr VOLUNTARY E TN PRA The founders of south Australia sal^l little scope for government beyond establishing a framework in which self-heIp and f ree enterprise coul-d thrive. t¡Jhen the ColoniaI Secretary, Lord StanJ-ey, insisted that religion and education shoul-d be adequately provided for from the land fund, Gouger claimed that the voluntary plinciple woul-d suffice in boLh these areas. The Board of Commissioners was able to rationalize its conceln to restrict spending in economically "unproductive" areas by maintaining that the colony's isolation and careful sel-ection of emigrants meant that the need to deal wilh significant probLems of crime oI poverty would not arise. Thus the Foundation Act ignored the subject of police protection once it had laid down the exclusion of convicts, while emigration agents rnrere instructed to select only young energetic labouIeIS and avoid any person likeIy to become dependent on the government. ( I ) tl'that happened to the principte that the State should stand aside as much as possible and allow settlers to meet their otnln needs? This chapter wilt took at two groups of settlers those who believed in voluntary support for religion from the start and those who tnlele florced into self-heIp after IB51 - to See how sUccessful or otherwise they rntele in providing church buildings and supporting their cIeIgy. Hirst maintains that by the lBTOs country settlers accepted interventÍon in public heatth and education, expected roads, bridgeS, raillatays and harbouls in return flor land saIes, and got teachers, Police and poor relief without seeming to pay for them. Had the voluntary principle been given a fair trial in these aleas? This chapter will took at the opportunilies foI seJ-fl-help and

rB0 l-oca1 controL that rivele presented in the aIeaS of education, police protection and poor relief, and try to determine the extent to which the southern settl-ers met these challenges.(Z)

(A) The Church Partv

There rnlas supposed to be no such thing as an established church in South Australia f or Woolryche lnlhitmore, one of the leading promoters of the colony, had pledged in IB34 that the vol-untary principle would suffice to give evely colonist "a propel molal and religious instruction.'r Evidently the House of Lords sarnl this as mere rhetoric for they insisted on provision for chaplains to the "Established Churches of England and Scotl-and." As a result Charles Howard was sent out in the "Buffalo" as Colonial Chaplain, while Robert Haining arrived in IB41 to minister to the Scots, Even this diminution of the volunlary principle might have been ignored ifl Governor Gawler had not proposed to allow colonists to buy for 5/- an acle land that would be reserved for church pulposes. A vigolous public debate rnras started and the supporters of the voluntary principle flormed a Society for the Preservation of Religious

Freedom. ( I ) In the Southern VaIes the initiative in church building newly arrived Catholic bishop rrì,as taken by Francis Murphy, the ' who went to Morphett Vale on I December IB44 to celebrate the Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary. He ploposed that a chapel be erected and the Irish Angl-ican' Alexander Anderson, offered him a site opposite the Emu Hotel. The foundation stone trvas laid in July IB45 and money started to flow in for the building. Much of the stone, lime and sand as

IBI tnlell as the l-abour involved in carting it rlvas given free of charge. As a result the chapel cost IittIe more than *aO, of which almost J60 was subscribed. It vvas dedicated to St. Mary on 4 January IB46 and the ceremony attracted a crowd of visitors from Adelaide, including a Ieporter from the Register, which favouled the vol-untaryist position and compared the enterprise of the Morphett Vale Catholics with the lethalgy of the Anglicans.(a) 1t took Govelnor Robe's announcement in July I846 of his support flor state aid to revive Anglican interest in building. Major O'Halloran plesented a peti.tion from some Morphett Vale AngJ-icans, asking for the construction of a church and the permanent appointment of a paid chaplain to the district. The foundation stone of Christehurch was laid at 0'Halloran HilI in November L847 and, with the help of a govetnment grant of {ffO, it rlrras opened for services in March I849.(5) At NoarJ-unga the Anglicans subscribed tIBO for a church by June tB50 and applied for a grant. Construction of the church dedicated to St. PhiJ-ip and St. James uvas slow and marred by disputes with the trustees, so that it rltas not opened until 1853.(6) As early as LB43 Alexander Brodie and Dr. A.C. Kelly had bought a site for a Presbyterian church on the main road in Morphett Vale. Brodie wrote to the Adelaide conglegation in December L846, asking flor a share of the glant that they had received for the Church of Scotland. Although his letter indicates that most of the building materials ì¡,ere already on hand and money tlvas granted by the govetnment, St. Andretnt t s Church trvas not opened until November 1853.(7) Meaney and Ayre have suggested that the Churches of England and Scotland rlrlele much more conservative than the

r82 dissenters in financial affairs and mole concelned about the quality of their buildings. Unwillingness to incur debt after the depression might have been a factor, but the delays at Noarlunga and Morphett Vale cannot be explained by glandiose pretensions. St. PhiJ-ip and St. James was Left unplastered inside while St. AndIerai's, commonly referred to as the 01d

Scotch Church, rnlas roofed with thatch. ( B ) Robe's IB46 0rdinance unfairly flavoured the Anglicans because it distributed aid according to the strength of the denominations revealed in the census rather than the actual number of church-going adherents. After much public criticism ofl the ordinance, a nerlrt law was passed in L847 to offer aid in proportion to the amounts subscribed voluntarily by congregations. An allowance of J:O peI annum would be granted to any minister, who coul-d certify that he had at least fifty bona-fide seat-holders with sittings paid up for a year.(9) llrlhen Father Joseph Snell- was sent to Morphett Vale as parish priest in March 1848, Murphy applied for a grant in aid of his stipend. ( 10 ) The "humiliating conditions" which Robe imposed ted him to boycott the glant but, with the arrival of GoveInoI Young in I849, he Ie-app1ied. Snell now had to chase up the seat-Ienters, who wele probably unaccustomed to paying 2/6 a quarter to attend mass. In 1850 Murphy ctaimed that 9O sittings had been taken in the chapel, but there is Ieason to believe that he advanced money to the parishionels so that he could claim a biggel grant. In 1B5t Snell reported that he had received tlOe/2/6 and that if such aid rlvere to cease "the poverty of the congregation is such that (they woutd be) unable to support a minister."(1I)

I8l Christchurch received llztIT/6 in IB49 as aid towards the stipend of the minister whom they shared with St. Maryrs on the Sturt. Rev. John Fulford reported in IB51 that, without the state grant, Ít lrlould not have been possible f or a married cl-ergyman to reside in either parish as the petlv-rents did not equal S6S per annum. trA Settler of the South" disputed his knowledge of the Southern Vales and asserted that at a chapeJ- l-ess than a mile from Christchurch "the Gospel is preached to a larger congregation than that which assembles in his otlrln pIace." These letters rnrere of course the opening shots in the l-851 election campaign, which cul-minated in the def eat of the "Church Party" by the voluntaryists. The elected Legislative Council rejecled an attempt lo renerlrr the Church 0rdinance by 13 votes to I0.(12) lrrJithdrawal of state aid did not have the dire consequences predicted by the cLergymen quoted above. It is difficult to assess the financial situation at the Catholic chapel in Morphett VaIe for Snell was not paid regularl-y and on occasions he seems to have borrowed on the security of his stipend. Hovvevet, Murphy's records indicate that Snell could expect to receive a little over J8O a year.(t¡) That the church weathered the combined calamities of the loss of the grant and the desertion of its fltock to the goldfields tlvas largely due to the astute flinancial- management of its bishop. Murphy acted as a banker for Catholic settlers such as William Regan of Morphett VaIe, who deposited money with him, and Ignatius O'Sullivan, to whom he loaneO tf,0OO in January 1853. He bought 40 acres from O'Sullivan in IB47 for J+O and sold it back to him for f¿OO in 1856. He obtained a grant of 20 acres of glebe land from the government and leased it to 0'Sul-Livan

184 for JfO per annum. Fina1ly, in November IB55 he boughl 27.5 acres of the "United States" village near, the chapel for lszl.(14) All of these investments would have yieJ-ded a steady income to supplement the offerings of the parishioners' Bickerton's assessment of the situation after IB5l seems to be fairly accurate when he says: "Not relying, as did the Church of England on State assistance, with its voluntary system the gradually to Church, although its members rnrele poor ' managed obtain the necessary expenditure. " ( I5 ) The AngJ-icans tnrele faced with a gleater challenge for only in the city churches did perlv-rents and collections pay the minister,s stipend. Hol^,ever, they had the support of a Standing Committee of the Church Society, which collected a pastoral Aid Fund and made grants under conditions intended to encoulage voluntary giving. When the Rev. T.K. Neville of l^liIlunga and Noarlunga wrote in IB62 to say his church-warden could not collect the petnr-Ients because of crop failure' they sympathized but declined to help until he sent in an income return. The 0'Hall-oran HilI congregation rlras rebuked on a number of occasions for failing to raise a stipend fund.. In I864 the plevailing system of making up clerical incomes to t25O 1aas abandoned and a sliding scale of aid introduced.(f6) Both the Noarlunga and O'Halloran Hilt congregations were assisted by Synod and the S.P.G. to endow their churches. In this rnray Noarlunga seculed an income of f¿O per annum in IB5B while by IBTI Christchurch could expect {¡0. Major 0'Halloran gave the firsl Í75 to endow his church and rented 24 out of the 59 seats taken in 1869. The Anglican church rel-ied heavily on the generosity of its leading parishioners such as 0'Halloran

IB5 and Richard Bosworth of Noarlunga. By combining churches into a circuit served by one ordained minister and making greater uSe of Iay-readets, it was able to provide a stipend greater than {ZOO even aflter 1864. It never achieved enough regular 1¡¡orshippers to support its cJ-ergy through seat-rents oI offerings but a wise endowment policy managed to provide a regular income. Both the churches continued to receive aid until IB72 when they rnlele removed from the list of eligible parishes. ( l7 ) l¡rJhile the issue of state aid remained a live one there tnlas some evidence of sectalian feeling in the Southern Vales. 0ne of the staunchest opponents of the glant was Edward Baker, Congregationalist minister at Morphett Vale, who tnlas quoted in 1848 as saying to a meeting of "voluntaries" that: The Papists rnrere at the head ofl the State Principle The Catholic priest went to a man in Morphett Vale, and told him that they tnrele going to build a chapel, and that he must give f3 in money oI three days' Labour with his bullocks. ff,e man objected and the priest threatened to publish it in church. When he trvas challenged to name the pri-est and Iayman, Baker baeked down because he had "no right to expose anyone to ecclesiastical censure. " ( IB ) This incident bears a marked simitarity to that Ieported by Peacock in I853 as the reason for his views on the ba11ot. Neither claim r¡las substantiated and they should be off-set by the account of a dinnel given to Father Snell- in the Emu Hotel in October 1853. The object of the evening vvas to expless the community's regald for him in the wake of the charge, which he had clearly proved "had no foundation in fact. " ( 19 ) There is plenty of evidence that the kind of rel-ationship which O'Farre1l describes in New South l¡Jales country districts

IB6 rlrtas also to be found here, with church bazaars supported by all denominations. Peter AndeISon's willingness to reap Patrick Higgins' clop with his nernr Machine shows that agricultural- cooperation extended acloss religious boundaries. In tB76 the Register collespondent, who rntas a Baptist' gave an account of the funeral- of Father Hughes, whose "sympathies rlvele with the poor and needy."(2O) State aid to churches r¡las not abandoned in New South l¡iales until after I862, whiJ-e in Victoria a bill to abolish it tnlas passed by the AssembJ-y in IB57 but rejected by the CounciI. Quaife's study of the 1856 election in Victoria makes it plain that the denominations were divided on similar lines to South Austratia with the Catholics, Anglicans, Church of Scotland and l¡lesleyans in f avour of aid, while the Independents and Baptists opposed it. Sectarian feeling continued to be a major factor in elections held in the eastern col-onies up until at least L869. Ho¡¡ever, there is no evidence of denominational rivalry in the Southern Vales after the 1855 election. South Australians vvere fortunate to have resolved the issue of state aid cleanly in 1851 so that it did not continue to poison relations between Catholics and Protestants. (21) In his thesis on the Church of England in South Australia, N.K. Meaney sees the decision made by the Legislative Council in LB51 as the turning point in the ecclesiastical history of the colony. He justiflies this claim by showing how Bishop Short's need to enlist the financial support of the laity led him step by step to give them a greater role in church governmenL.(22) It is certainly true that the cooperation of wealthy Iaymen h,as vital in the Southern Va1es, but the Church's impact on the middling farmers and townspeople tllas

IB7 very slight. Even the location of its places of worship suggests that they h,eIe intended to be handy to the glaziers of the hilly country rather than the denser population of the va.l-es. ( see f ig. 20) The Church ef f ectively lef t the Iatter to the care of the clergy associated with the Catholic and Dissenting Chapels.

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scALg l: q2rr60 o !ìtr-€S S - \)q¡ìo\rs loql h'rsloeiss, c\lqd, ir {oo{no{(S McLocc.n Uq\¿ ConXrejo{ional (B) The Voluntarvists The flight against state aid in South Australia vvas l-ed by the Rev. T.Q. Stow and the Congregationalists, who had long memories of the humiliations that lhey had suffered at the hands of the established church in EngIand. In his thesis on the inf Iuence of Congregational- ism in South Australia, l¡J .l^J. Phillips has demonstrated that the Independents wielded political influence out ofl all ploportion to their numerical strength. It may seem strange that a denomination that tntas strongest in the EngLish industrial cities could achieve a large following among the farmels of the Southern Vales untiL rlrle remember that rnany of the latter came from an urban rather than a rural background.(27) The Independents of McLaren Vale had met to give thanks for the harvest as earl-y as 1842. Charles Hewett laid the foundation stone of a building called "The House of the Lotd" on 20 April 1844. Although it ¡ras intended to be a union chapel open to alt denominations, t-he deed of trust desiqnated it as CongeqationaÌ. In I847 the Rev. Isaac Prior tntas called to establish a IeguJ-ar ministry there and, when he resigned in 1850, the Rev. Charles Hall ralas taken on trial. At the end of four and a half years he complained that, although the congregation had doubled, his income had not increased in proportion. Some help was received from Adelaide to raise JfOO peI annum but in I85B Ha11 resigned. Stow suggested that the congregation approach the Rev. James Howie, who was looking for a 'rmore important sphere." He was invited for a year's trial, with a guarantee of Ér¡o per annum, and stayed until

1Be4 . (24) In 1848 the Independents met at Morphett Vale to accept

rB9 the offer of a acre of land for a free buriar ground. They asked Edward Baker to become their pastor and the following year he laid the foundation stone of a union chapel on Bains Road. It was completed for less than lzoo and opened for harvest thanksgiving on l0 February rB5o. Baker r¡las compelred through irl-ness to resign his charge of this and the "wattle and daub" chaper at Happy valley in 1854. Abel phitp, James Daniel and Charles Manthorpe served the two congregations until IB6l-, when the one at Morphett vare decided to separate. They engaged one of stow's trainees, David Badger, on a year,s trial and, like their counterparts in McLaren Vare, soon found that they had made a fortunate choice. continuity of readership

t¡las to be a feature of the strongest Dissenting churches and may be linked to their independence of any central authority, which had the povrter to move pastors.(ZS)

scottish settlers in south Australia tnlere fascinated by net,vs of the 1847 "Disruption", in which a third of the ministers of the estabrished church in scotland seceded. However, they resolved to steer cLear of these troubles and it tnlas not until 1850 that John Gardner founded a Free Presbyterian church in Adelaide. After st. Andrews t¡las opened at Morphett Vale in r853, peter Anderson was sent to ask the

Church of Scotland leader, Rev. Haining, to give them an occasional sermon. Haining excused himself, so Anderson turned to James Berîv, an erder ofl the Free church, who agreed to come. Although Arexander Brodie protested against Benny's preaching, it must have pleased the other Scots for the Morphett Val-e congregation decided to adhere to the principles of the Free church. Haining had onJ-y himself to brame when a

r90 deputation was sent to Adelaide in August 1854 to ask the Free Presbytery to ordain James Benny as their minister. In this rnray the three main dissenting congregations in the Southern VaIes rnrere flounded, although none of them rlrrere in the buildings that vvele to serve as theil ptaces of worship for the rest of the cent ury . (26) First to act tnrere the Free Presbyterians when Haining refused to give up the title deeds of St. Andretat's, claiming that Brodie had headed his subscription list "for the Church of Scotland". So the congregation decided to erect a netal church on land that lhey bought next to the Courthouse. l¡lithin weeks James Bain had promises of fAOO and a contract rlrias let for a church to seat 400 peopte. The building rllas i11-fated from the first, for the roof made the walls bulge out and they had to be supported by iron rods. Not long after the opening on 9 April 1856 a storm damaged the roof. About ItSOO tnras spent overall and the debt taras not cleared until 1859. Despite these setbacks the Free Presbyterians displayed the same restless enelgy that characterized the movemenl in ScotIand. Benny inspired them to plant new churches at Aldinga in 1856 and Yankalilla in lB5B .(27) l¡Jhen the Congregationatists gathered at McLaren Vale to wel-come James Howie, they flound that many rrvere unable to gain admission to the small chapel. In July fB60 WiIliam Peacock laid the foundation stone of a church planned to seat 260. Even lhis trvas inadequate for the crowds who attended the opening services on 17 February 186f of a building described as a "decided ornament to the district." .{.eOO out of the total cost of .fl500 had aì-ready been subscribed and G. F. Angas gave an interest-free Ioan for the balance, which was paid off by r9t 1865 . (28) Under the care ofl David Badger, the Congregationalists at Morphett VaIe prospered. Among his innovations tnlas a Young Man's Mutual Improvement Sociely, which began in the Union ChapeI in L863. The Sunday-school grew until in LB64 it had Il8 scholars under the care of Thomas Darby and his teachers. In that year Badger became convinced that the immersion of believers tnlas the only form of baptism taught in the New Testament. He informed his conqregalion, offering to resign, but they all agreed that he should continue as their pastor. As a result the Congregational Home Mission Society withdrew its grant and in t865 the congregation became a Baptist chur cl¡. (29) Badger noral proposed that they build "a more commodious and conveniently situated place of tnlorship.'r They bought a commanding site on the brow of a hill next to the main road. Plans for a building to seat 360 rlrrere approved and the foundation stone laid on 20 June L867. The Morphett Vale Baptist Church cost ér¡OO and rnlas completed in time to be opened on Good Friday of 1868. Thus the Southern Vales acquired its three Gothic-styled churches all built on the voluntary principle. The middle-class congregations vvere not afraid to borrow, but as latecomers the Baptists talere to find it hardest to pay off their debt when peopJ-e began to leave the area. ( lo ) Churches that were indeþendent financially hrere also fiercely independent in the management ofl their congregational affairs. According to the traditions of the Scottish kirk, the minister met with the elders once a week in Kirk session to

192 discuss the welfare and disciptine of the membeIS. The supleme penalty for misconduct was excommunication but this tnlas used with caution and, after public repentance, the member might be reinstated. Such a case occurred in Morphett Vale when the fifteen-yeaI oId daughter of one of the elders tllas seduced by her married brother-in-law, who fled from the colony. A fierce struggle developed between the local Kirk Session and the Free Presbytery in AdeIaide, which expressed its regret that the girl raas restored to communion and fellowship without theil sanction. Finally James Benny and his el-ders talele deposed by the Free Presbytery in IB5B for continued rebellion, whereUpon the congregation seceded from the Free Presbytery. Their stand l¡Jas supported by the chulches they had fostered at Aldinga and Yankalilla. Although Benny supported a Ieunion of Presbyterian churches in the 1860s, when it came his church did not join and, with its satellite churches along the southern coast, formed the Free

Presbytery of Morphett Vale. ( l1 ) The Congregational churches also followed the principle that only persons "Iepenting, living accolding to the GospeI and subject to the discipline of the Church are fit to be received aS members.'r They ShohJed scant respect f or social position at Happy ValIey, Iaying charges of drunkenness against two members lateI endorsed as parJ-iamentary candidales. Doctor MontgomerY, who had donated land for the church, lvas forced to resign complaining of the "unbrotherly and unchristian spirit" shown towards him. A report ofl "improper conduct" between the rninistet'S daughter and a married member caused conftict between the deacons and minister, leading to the resignation of flive f amilies - G2)

193 Sometimes the accuracy of reports of misconduct was contested. A member of the Morphett Vale Baptist Church claimed that he had been made i11 by smoking not drinking' while another who trrtas Seen intoxicated and heard swearing admitted the first charge but denied the second. The middl-e-cl-ass character of the church is evident when the insolvencies of John and Thomas Lambert rlvere considered cause for David Badger to be asked to visit them. tnlaterson has noted that such men offended against the self-improvement ethic ofl Dissenters from the great industrial cities of EngIand, who regarded poverty as unnecessary and believed that bankrupcy tntas due to defects in character. There tntas no Seclecy of the confessional in the Dissenting churches, rlrlhete the failings of each member WeIe the business of all. Here the disadvantages of local control were Seen in theil cludest form. Social control in the independent congregations meant control not by a hierarchy but by a memberrs neighbours. ( ll ) The exercise of thrift and horror of debt rlvere not virtues intended to be applied to a memberrs support for his church, where genelosity and enterprise tnlele considered desirable. Peet suggests that the average stipend paid to a Conglegational minister in England was *.t00 and this seems to have been the figure that Charles Hatl- had in mind when he went to Happy Valley in 1864 "to see if the cause of God could be revived." The congregation agreed to raise 19O by subscription, while Home Missions plomised álO peI annum. By 1867 the glant had to be increased to *.+O to cover the deficit in offerings; and so it went on until the Home Missions refused a request ford¡O in 1871. Two years later Hall complained that he had only

194 received tltlLO/- for nine months. The treasurer' Henry Douglas, took it peISonaJ-1y, saying that he felt unfit for his offlice and that he did not Like Mr. Ha11's pleaching anybray. Having f ailed to secule Hal-l-'s temoval, Douglas 1ef t the church. FinaIly Ha11 bowed to the plessule against him and announced his resignation. (14) These probtems couLd be put down to a small membership oI the peISonaI inadequacies of office-hoJ-ders, but by the IB70s even the big churches rlvele in trouble as people began to leave the district. In I872 the annual- meeting of the McLaren VaIe Congregational Church discussed a deficit of J40 in Howie's salary. This vvas partly compensated for by the construction of a large manse but it continued until the end of the decade. Badger's successor at Morphett Vale Baptist Church, Rev. lnJ.0. Ashton, rllas asked to over,see the Aldinga and Clarendon churches, which could no longeI support a minister. tnlhen his salary fe11 short ofl its normal ÅlS peI annum, these churches rnlere asked to contribute towards it.(35) Ministers in the Presbyterian churches expected larger stipends and Benny vxas plobably paid over l2OO peI yeaI. He tnras certainly rntorthy of his hire as he Iaboured to found new churches and train ministers to filI theil puJ-pits. llrlhen James Bain died in I858, Peter Anderson rlrtas elecled Treasurer. By 1860 he tnras owed over é16 for the minister did not go short when the g-iving f e11 of f . Anderson continued to supplement the offering by as much as É.4¡ a yeal without it troubling the conscience of the congregation unduly. ( see Appendix B ) llrlhen he resigned in lB69 and was replaced by James Stewart, the move ril,as a f inancial disaster. Anderson had to take up the burden again and deficits steadily mounted until in lBTB he rnlas owed

195 over álO. The flotlowing year he sufflered his first stroke and the Deacons' Court recorded their "gtateful sense of the service which Mr. AndeISon for many years haS rendered to the congregation ." (36) The dissenting churches established a large flollowing among the farmers and townspeople of the Southern Vales. They plovided spiritual guidance and a social meeting-place flor their members but expected in return financial support and a high standard of moral behaviour. The members u,ere adventurous in their building ploiects, demonstrating that government grants rlrlere not essential in rural eommunities. 0n lhe other hand they could be rather niggardly in the support they offered to theil pastors and the treasuIeIS, whom they had elected. They played a plominent role in political 1ife, where their virtues - flierce independence from outside control - and vices - quarrelsomeness and reluctance to provide finance - tntere both apparent.

196 (C) Pioneer Teachers The founders of South Australia believed that schools could be maintained on the voluntary principle. Their pJ-ans ranged from John Brownfs utopian picture of the colony aS one big schooJ-, where famities ¡¡orked and learned together, to George Fife Angas's School- Society, which aimed to educate the children of the poor using the Bible as its text-book. However, the Society's school went bankrupt after a five-year struggle and, apart from this attempt at charity, the first colonists sarnl education as the pIeseIVe of those who could afford it. Pike has described the voluntaryism of the settlers as "a curious blend of avarice, ambition and expediency'r as they argued that "schoofs retarded agricultural settlement by taking children auìjay f rom f arms, where their labour WaS worth more to the colony than any book-learning. " By IB44 only six of the 26 schools r¡rere in the country and the editor of the South Australian commented that the Voluntary Principle rlvas the "woISt of all adapted to a thinly-scattered population." (37) Governor Robe thought so too and in 1846 his govelnment set aside á.ZrZZI for rrChristian Religion and Education." The trustees rllele allowed to use it at their discletion and, according to the returns made by the four churches that accepted the grant, only about a third of it h,as spent on education. To meet the criticism that giving the money to church trustees rnlas only assisting denominational schools' and this meant city schooLs, the government passed nerlrl legislation in I847 to make a separate grant for education. Teachers could receive a subsidy of between J2O and é¿O per annum based on the attendance at their school.(lB)

L97 Morphett Vale seems to have had a school from about I845. This is indicated by the memorial sent on 24 June 1848 asking for assistance under the 0rdinance and stating that a school-room had been erected and a teacher supported for the l-ast three years. The 2v inhabitants who appended their signatures had found that "a competent teacher cannot be induced to remain on the income at present received. " 0n 30 June the teacher, l¡littiam lnJaters, sent in an attendance return showing that 2I of his 22 students had attended for the required 20 days in the month. Applications flor assistance u,ere also sent from James Bassett of l¡iil1unga, Henry Cox of Aldinga and John Scott of Noarlunga.(39) The report of Inspector lnJyatt in I85I showed that many unqualified teachers had been fostered and that some schoolhouses Wele littIe better than "barnS oI stabfeS." It rnras difficult for country teachers to get assistance for they had to maintain an avelage of 20 regular attenders ovel the whole year to qualify for their pound a student. Moreover' the ordinance had done nothing to meet the urgent need for schoolhouses in country districts. A Select Committee tr'tas set up by the Legislative Council, which had just thrown out state aid to religion. It rejected the English denominational system as unsuite,d to a sparsely settled colony. The secular

Irish national system rirlas seen as involving too great a responsibility for government in what they legarded as an economicaì-1y unproductive aIea. Instead the Legislative Council opted to improve the existíng system by licensing teachers, inspecting schools and subsidizing building, while J-eaving the initiative of estabJ.ishing schools in private

I9B hands.(40) The 1B5I Act gave a Central Board of Education potrr¡er to issue teachers with a licence, which entitled them to a stipend. To gain a licence the teacher had to show that the school was already functioning and submit a memorial from the parents ofl at leasL 20 pupils testifying to his good character and competence to teach. This rlrlas Iequired to show that there rías a demand for the school-. The Board re jected the f irst memorial submitted by tnlilliam Franks of McLaren VaIe because all the parents' names tntere in his hand. Licences tntere issued to a palticular teacher in a palticular school. t!-Y. _Louisa l¡iaite ¡¡as Iicensed to teach at Worthing Mine, near the mouth of the Fietd River, in L853. When she wrote to the Board two years later asking to have her licence transferred to Morphett Vale, she trvas told that the Board did not transfer Iicences. This rule yxas designed to prevent teachers deserting poorer and thinly settled areas for a more Iucrative location.(4I) It tnras expected that the parents would contribute to the teachel's income by paying flees, so all stipends talere set at the minimum level of 140 pel annum in L852. At the end of the year the stipends of the best teachers rarele raised Lo áSO peI annum. James Bassett rrrras paid a higher salary because his wif e acted as his assistant. l¡lhen he applied f or a separate licence for her in 1853, he h,as told that, if he tntas plepared to accept the minimum o¡ É¿O again, the Board would be prepared to license her at the same rate. He agleed but this created the need to rationalize licences in the t^JiIlunga area and Ellen Scrivener found that her Iicence t¡rlas not renewed at the end of the year . (t+z) The Board had high expectations of the teachers' devotion

199 to duty and moral example. It wrote to Bassett in 1852 explaining that no licensed teacher could hold any other situation. As a result he tnlas compelled to resign as Clerk of the LocaI Court. t¡iilliam Waters tlrlas granted a licence to teach at Morphett Vale in IB52 and his stipend vvas increased at the end of the yeaI. However, when the inspector called in 1854 he found the school closed and his enquirÍes revealed that Mrs. l¡laters had died. tnlaters resigned at the end of the year but in I855 he ¡r¡as granted a licence to teach at Nuriootpa. Soon the school committee reported that he had "faIlen into habits of gross intemperance'r and his Iicence tlrlas at once withdrawn.(al) Schoot premises rnrere seldom satisfactory in the early years since they wele usualJ-y built with some other purpose in mind. Thus James Holder conducted his school at Happy Valley in the Congregational Chapel, while Fanny Strongitharm taught at t:9!_!_qt in a private house that trvas "l-imited in accommodation. " l¡rjorst of aIl was the Noarlunga school of Mary Ann Harris, which WaS reported to have "been IemoVed from one cottage to another" and "has always been miserably deficient in room and materials and of necessity disorganized. " To encourage the provision of bettel schooLhouses the 185I Act made available subsidies of up to ázOo to cover half the building costs of locaI committees.(a ) Doctor Kelly wrote to the Board in 1B5l to ask its assistance in the conStruction of a schoolhouse at Morphett Vale. His request seems to have caught the Board unplepared for it had no model Deed of Trust to send the local committee. Stirred into action it asked the Col-oniaI Secretary to place

200 the sum of éfr00O on the Estimates to assist school building. t^Jhile the wheels of government ground away, the loca1 committee borroweO SfaO and began to build on an acre of land sol-d to them by James Galloway. 0n I November L854 the children marched from their temporary classloom to the nerrll building' which t¡las named Victoria School.(45) A note of frustration no¡¡ began to cleep into the letters of the committee, who asked whether I'aid could be shortly afforded as they had incurred lesponsibilities.'r Howevet, legaI difficulties over the Model Deed of Trust and the Boardrs incorporation prevented it f rom voting the money. l¡Jhen it tlvas finally ready in July 1855, fate dealt the local committee another unkind bl-ow. The mortgagee, Charles Chandler, had left for England without arranging a pornrel of attorney in the colony. There was nothing for it but to wait until he returned in 1857, when the É2OO r¡¡as paid, two and a half years af ter it rnlas Iequired. l¡,lhi1e much ofl the delay could be attributed to sheer bad l-uck, it aLso shows how slow a central bureaucracy could be to respond to the needs of local communities . (46)

tnJhen Inspector tnlyatt was asked by a Select Committee in IB56 if the appropriation of public funds had called forth any local efforts, he repJ-ied that the first instance that struck him uras that of Morphett Vale. The Victoria School committee had piloted the tlray for others and, as the Board fumbled with their loca1 initiative, it began to define its plocedures. These tnlere communicated in a Ietter written to all District Chailmen in 1855 and by the end of the next year the Board had approved nineteen applications for district schoolhouses. These would have included f200 for a school at Aldinga and ffO5

20r for one at McLaren Vale, both granted to T.S. KeLl, the Chairman of the District Council of ll'Jillunga. ttlO trrias voted to the District Council- of Morphett Vale for a school-room opened at Reynella on I May 1858 -(+l) l¡JilIiam hJyatt believed that local committees had an important role to play in providing continuous sulveillance of the schools and promoting the value of education to the parents. In 1854 T.S. Kell informed him that the attendance at John Grant's Aldinga Plains school was usually sma1l and that his monthly return included the names of children who had not attended at a1I. The Board thanked KelI for the information and said they would be pleased to receive reports about any licensed school. l¡lilIiam Quicke, who rlvas granted a licence at Aldinga in 1852, struggled on in competition to Grant's school for SeVen years. However, both these small schools quickly folded when the vested school conducted by Alfred Coles opened in I858. (48) The English model of locaI committees responsible for the nomination of teachers did not work as wetl in country disricts as lnlyatt would have liked. Mary Ann Harris continued to operate her school at Noarlunga for eight yeals despite inspectors' repolts that her discipline rllas "grossly defective" and that "advice or. IemonSttance" WeIe of no avail. Yet at the public examination in lB58 parents and friends complimented Miss Harris on the state of her school and expressed themselves well satisf ied with the progress the children had made. t¡'lere they solry for her or sholt-sighted about the quality of her teaching? Perhaps the truth is that they realízed the difficuJ-ty ofl attracting a good teacher and preferred a

202 defective school to none.(49) There is evidence to suggest that the trustees of the Victoria School, several of whom were staunch Free Presbyterians, allowed their religious preferences to influence their decisions. Charles Kerr may well have owed his nomination as teacher to his position as elder in the Free Church. Then in I858 George Foggo, who had been a Christmas guest of Peter Anderson, was appointed. The inspector described the school in 1859 as "in a low and rather ineffective condition,r' but scarcely a month later Rev. James Benny wrote to inform the Board of the very satisfying examination he had conducted there. tnlyatt observed that "if this rllas the case the standard by which the conclusion had been arrived at must have been a very low one.'r However, the discrepancy of opinion h,as more 1ikely due to Foggo's position as an elder of the Free Church.(50) The system created by the IB5t Act vrlas a compromise between state support and voluntary effort. Even such a convinced voluntaryist as Edward Baker satnt the need for the state to intervene in rural areas when he wrote "this is not a religious but a social- question. Hence the case of ouT ministers is essentially and in principle distinct from that of the teachers of our children." The number of schools doubled in the Southern Vales in the early 1850s, so that Pike's claim that the I85I Act "brought no schools to the poor and isolated" is clearly inapplicable.(5f) Indeed the Board t¡las soon confronted with the probJ-em of deciding which ofl the competing small school-s to License. Four netlv schoolhouses had been opened by 1860 as voluntary subscriptions r¡,ere stimulated. Although the Board would have Iiked to vest alI district

203 school-s in itself, the government insisted that this would contradict the principle of local initiative.

204 (D) Communitv Schools Historians of education in South Australia have tended to Iook back on the hybrid system of the 1850s and 1860s from the perspective of the state system set up in I875. Thus D.J. Ashenden claims that it talas the "victim of pious devotion to the voluntary principle. " In his thesis, entral Board Education I852-75 M.J. Vick chaIJ-enges the "lalhiggish" view that the 1851 Act trvas a mere precursor of a state system. He argues that the machinery set up by the leaders of colonial society rlrlas consistent with their model of how the state should act. "The general commitment to private rather than state initiative in social life dictated that schools should be controlled locally rather than centrally and the sepalation ofl church and state demanded that the system be supervised by 1aymen."(52) As the obvious representatives of l-oca1 and lay opinion the District Councils began to play an important role in school management. The Board wrote to the chairmen of councils about such matters as the need to encourage parents to send their chil-dren to school regularly. Noarlunga rrvas one council that took its responsibilities seriously. It suggested that the trustees of the BelLevue SchooI transfer the care of the school to it. Thereafter the Chairman made it his business to be present at the annuaÌ examination and report on it to the Board. 'tnlilliam Martin tnras appointed to the school in 1863 and two years later the council obtained a grant of égS to convert the schooLroom into a teacher's residence and build a larger room for the students . ( Sl ) The parlous state ofl the school conducted by Miss Harris convinced the Councit to apply for a glant to build a district

205 schoolhouse. Approval rlrias obtained from the South Australian Company to uSe the Government Reserve and a tender of 37O tnlas accepted. The councillors asked the Board whether they could act as trustees in their corporate capacity ancl, when they obtained J-egal advice that this rllas in order under the District Councils Act, permission rnlas given. lnlork began in March f860 and by July the Council had expended ils dzoo. The Board agreed to pay an instalment of Éroo but witheld the balance untiL the Chairman certified that the building rnras finished. 0n 26 November the large schoolroom and three-toomed teacher's residence ralas opened.(54) Thus Noarlunga Council was able to play just as vigorous a role in the provision of education amenities as it had done in the construction of roads and other pubJ-ic works. The Morphett Vale Council 1¡as unable to play an effective rol-e in school management in the IB60s because it did not enjoy the confidence of the whole district. In fact a strange conflict developed over the future of the Victoria School which mirrored the struggle between the east and west sides of the district over the wards issue.(see p. I63) l¡lhi1e the school might have been conveniently situated on the western side for the trustees, its location meant that many parents chose to send their children to private schools.(see fig. 2L) The eastern settlers urged the erection of a nerlv school in the rrmost populous part" ofl the district. They eVen got as far aS raising étZO and choosing a site next to the John Knox Church. Howevet, the Board would only grant them a subsidy if Victoria SchooL rnras sold. Faced with the prospect of Iosing their school the 1¡testern settlers hired a netnl teachet, John Ferry,

206 S"rad¡ ßoo1-¡*.p,1rqo'U.S \¡r slooï¡s fyùs\¡ìllt Jo s\r¡rlrð - Sa>ooog

-loo}lts ¡¡ìlñ ñ¡UVl¡la

ìooHì¡ 'ìôollls llÞ nÐðvl,H. l¡ñ$åì'rÐi

'ìoonts þe(ró¡Y

çntv{ o og¡¡lb:t 3'ì9ls

-ìootas ¡¡h\ls¡oJ hrúr¡

-tootr¡s tOùrl' r\¡hôtora

Toìtts u ltotãtfi toìr¡s ÈrÉrq sa6Êrì.

ìoolrìrs loofo¡, L¡ÎìtUÀ ¡.¿d9¡1 ¡l¡¡t{ r)NrhruoFì ìbr¡or

slooHls Jo NorlY?ol rr,'ÐtJ and decided to build a larger schoolroom. They rrvere refused any aid becaus e É,2OO had aJ-ready been spent on the school, but they had raised !72 out of the t'llO it cost by the time the neuv schoolroom ralas opened on 6 November 1865.(55) l^lhen tocal disputes over building sites or teachers occurred, the Board refused to become involved except aS mediator. Thus the onus for deciding the issue fleI1 to the local trustees. In t86O NoarJ-unga Council had chosen John Forsyth as the teacher of its new school from nine applicants and he impressed evelyone with his speech on "l¡Jhat is education?" at the opening of the schoothouse. By 1865 though he had fallen foul of some of the parents, who claimed that he rlras in the habit of saying some vely improper things when commenting upon the daily scripture reading. Council gave him notice to leave and wrote to inform the Board, who also received a letter from Forsyth. Although the Board did not conSider the charges WeIe "of a VeIy weighty character", they felt that in the circumstances a change might be best. Forsyth moved to Hackham, where he taught until 1868.(¡e) No charge of irreligion coul-d be directed against the Misses DanieI, who conducted a school in Morphett Vale from L859. As daughters of the Rev. James DanieI, they trvere highly respected in the community and made a maior contribution to the music of both Baptist and Presbyterian churches. They could always rely on a good report after the Iegular examination of their school by the Revs. Benny and Badger.(:Z) A tlrloman's touch was also valued in McLaren VaIe, where Sarah tliilliams trrlas licensed in 1862. Two years Iater the community lequested assistance to erect a schoolhouse for her 62 pupils. Even though the site trvas within a mile of Bellevue School, a letter

207 from the l¡Jillunga Council persuaded the Board to bend its rules. In August I865 a new school-room rlrras opened and half the cost of fZls r¡las met by the Board.(58) The revival of Victoria School owed just as much to John Ferry as to the nevv schoolroom. Under his charge attendance grernl to seventy in IB68 - a measure of its renewed prestige in the local community. The annual examinations show that general satisfaction tnlas felt with the standard reached by his students. Penmanship and drawing rnrere particularly commented oñr which is not sulprising for Ferry was a talented artist. Beside running the school and attending to the needs of his otl'ln six children, Ferry still found time to enIoI in the militia and organize a local cricket club. He trvas not the only teacher to gain a 1oyal following from parents by becoming involved in the social and political life of the community. James Bassett (t/'JiJ-lunga 1852)r l¡Jilliam Gooding (McLaren FIat I855), Richard Appleton (Happy Va11ey I85B) and Samuel Lockwood (Reynell-a t86l) naO all taught in the Southern Vales foI more than ten years in I874 and occupied positions of leadership in their communities . ( 59 ) Not all the schools in the Southern Vales fitted into the system of education sponsored by the Board and those which elected to follow their otnln curriculum were ofl necessity more dependent on vol-untary support. Catholic leaders regarded education as a task of the parents and the Church that could not safely be deJ.egated to secular schools. Thus Bishop Murphy encoulaged Father Snell to set up a school in Morphett VaIe in 1849. It moved into a nerd room in 1856 and a bazaar rrrras heLd to J-iquidate the debt. From I860 Catholics

208 throughout South Australia began to withdraw children from state schools and set up their orntn system. Schools h,ere financed by concerts, such as the one held in the Emu Hotel in 1868 and supported by over 2OO local settlers, many of whom could not have been Catholics. By 1870 however, the school had to be rescued by two of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who were housed in a dwelling built by local Catholics. (eO) In I869 James Benny reported to the south coast Free Presbytery that f,I50 had been subscribed for a school at Morphett Vale. It was to provide "for aIl cl-asses of the community, but especialJ-y for the chÍldren of the Free Presbyterian Church, a sound and scriptural education." By May 1870 the school-room had been completed next to the John Knox Church and the ministerrs brother, George Benny, selected flrom three applicants. The school began with L7 students and attendance buil-t up to 64 in I874, when George Benny tnlas granted a probationary lÍcence by the Education Board. A house tntas added in l87t for the teacher's family and numerous concerts given to pay off the buildings. At one of them Benny gave an enlightening lecture on "The Schoolmaster of 0lden Times", which revealed his preference for the status and mode of teaching of the Scottish "dominie. " (6I ) The Misses Aldersey opened the Tsong Gyiaou school for young Iadies at McLaren Vale in L869. Although it t¡ras not a denominational school, it u¡as recommended by clergymen and the girls attended both Sunday services at the Congregational Church. Each afternoon they went for a walk around the viltage but they tnrere forbidden to turn their heads to stare at passers-by. It is not surprising that they rivere regarded by the other children as being rtstand-offish." The school was 209 never Iicensed because it took boarders and charged mole than I/- a week. It seems that denominational and finishing schools tlvele retatively Iare in the Southern VaIes, where few parents could afford the fees they charged. In newspaper reports there l^Jas just a trace of resentment against the John Knox School, which took pupils from the Misses DanieJ-, but none against the struggling Catholic school.(62) As setttement expanded the number of licensed schools gretlJ steadily and governments, reluctant to devote mole funds to sociat rather than developmentat spending, began to Iook for tlrtays of saving money. In 186I Thomas Reynolds introduced a areas but it Bill to confine the Board's activity to IUraI ' flailed to get past a Select Committee. Stipends rlrele redueed teachers l¡las only dB0 until the average income of country ' hardly more than a labourerrs l^lage. During the 1869 recession the Board went through the list of licensed teachers to'rweed oUt" those who drew on oveltapping aIeaS. They Seem to have shown a remarkable bias against female teachers in the Southern Vales for the schoots of the Misses Daniel, Sarah l¡JiIIiams and Mary Bassett wele retrenched. Despite favourable reports in 1870 and 1B7I the Daniels nevel Iegained their Iicence and their school fol-ded.(63) After the departure of John Ferry in L872 Victoria School began to decline. Mary GIanville took ovel When attendance had fallen to 25, but she managed to pelsuade the Morphett Vale Council to spend nearly é5O on repairs. She ¡¡on back the support ofl the parents and her school was the only one in which fees exceeded the government stipend in I873-4.(see Appendix C) The figures show that the Bassetts earneO étBI/t/6 for teaching

2ro IO5 students, while Sarah t^JiIliams received only éeel+tS for her 49. It is hard to account for Mrs. ll'Jiltiams being the only teacher to receive the minimum stipend from the Board unless it was a deliberate tactic to eliminate one of the McLaren Vale schools. t¡Jhen the inspection report of Emil Jung trrras published in the Register in LB74 it plovoked vigolous protests from James Bassett and Joseph Ryder of Noarlunga, two teachers highly regarded by the oId inspectors. Much of Jung's criticism was proved to be faIse, but it tnlas a sign that the oId system where inspectors merely gave out advice h,aS coming to an end. (e+) 0ne of the witnesses calted by the I868 Select Committee t^,las Dr. A.C. Kel1y of Morphett va1e. He spoke of the work done by the committee that planned a central school and concluded that it would be well- if country people had a certain amount of control over their schools. He suggested that each District Council area have an elected Board with povìJer to levy a rate and the backing of a government grant. However, the IB75 Education Act provided for a centratized department with power to initiate schools and control over the placement of teachers. Children could be compelled to attend for 7O days each half-year, which Left ample time for help on the farm when needed. Education was not free, flot those parents who could afflord it wele charged 6d. a week. This means Lest ulas appJ.ied by a IocaI Board of Advice - the only concession to the concept of local control . ( 65 ) The failure of localism is taken for granted by writers such aS Pike, Who comments that there waS no mole "nonSenSe about funds levied from IocaI rates. " 0n the other hand Hirst states that, while only a minority of District Councils took an

2TI interest, they showed that local control u,as possible. lnle have seen that Noarlunga Council played an important role as trustee of BeIlevue and Noarlunga SchooIs, concerning itself with the state of the buildings and what went on in them. There u¡eIe also signs that the Morphett VaIe Council, which had been afraid of being Seen to favour one side of its district, h¡as beginning to take an interest in the Victoria SchooI under Mary GIanville. The evidence suggest that local control r¡,as a far more viable proposition than Pike admits when he scoffs at the possibility of any alternative to the system that u¡as adopted . (ee )

212 ( E ) Relief of Povertv The founders of South Australia hoped to avoid the probl-ems of poverty apparent in Britain by careflul sel-ection of young vigorous emigrants. As Chris. Nance has Pointed out in his thesis, The South Aus tralian Social Exoeriment , the i') colonists used the word "destitute" in prefelence to'rpaUpeI" because they satrv poverty as a tempolary rather than an endemic feature of theil society. Able-bodied men uvere expected to ealn unemployment retief and any who refused to accept private work vvele struck off the Iist of those eligible for aid. Families left without a breadwinner by death or desertion hlere the Iesponsibitity of their relatives, if they had any in the colony. Above all self-he1p ylJas to be encouraged and any spirit of dependence on the govelnment "nipped in the bud."(67) By LB49 Governor Young yxas convinced that the voluntary system vrras inadequate and he appointed a Destitute Board. Persons applying for "outdoor Ielief" r¡ele visited by the executive officer if they lived near AdeIaide, but the Board relied on the reports of doctors, clergymen and interested gentlemen to cover the outlying aIeas. Its register for l85I-7 shows that 29 people were recommended from the Southern VaIes and a further 25 cases can be identified flrom the Boardrs minutes. These tell us a great deal about the causes of individual poverty in the geneIaIly prosperous society of the

1850s. ( 68 ) There vvere tB instances where the earning capacity of the peISon had been affected by iJ-lness, accident or age. These ranged from temporaly disabilities, such as the farm-servant Charles Brown'S SoIe hand, to the more permanent handicapS of John Hagen, a shepherd described as being Iame and nearly 2r3 bIind. A memorial from several l-eading settlers of Morphett Vale testified that 83 year-o1d Hugh AndeISon rlllas "wi11ing to work" but "plevented by the inf irmities of age. " [¡Jhen the Board discovered that his Son WaS Alexander Anderson, "one of the wealthiesl men in the district, " they decided to admit him to the Destitute AsyIum and to charge Anderson L4/- a week for his father' s upkeep . ( 69 ) A second group tntere the fourteen wives left without support when their spouses died, were put in prison oI deserted them. Eliza CIements, pregnant and with four children to look after when her husband died, wâs given rations for ten months. Mrs. Page, whose husband h,as in gaol, was sent with her children to the Destitute AsyIum. Mary Ware tlvas left with five children in L853 when her husband went gold-digging. However, she does not seem to have attracted the Board's attention until her house burned down in 1855. It appears from the records that the eight widows were treated more generously than tntomen whose husbands were felt to be at fauIt. ( 70 ) A Iarge number of Irish girls r,nJere sent as servants to the Southern Vales after an Immigration Depot rlvas established at l¡Jillunga in 1854. Four vvere sent back to the Asylum as unSUitabJ.e, four became pregnant, one WaS "hysterical'r because she had 'rno friendS", while another Ieft because her "mistreSS wanted to make a Methodist of her.r' The average age of these girls trvas 22 so it is easy to imagine the reasons for their inabiJ.ity to fit into Protestant homes. 1855 and 1856 tnlele the peak years of distress in the Southern VaIes as a result of the gold-rushes and an ovelsuppJ-y of domestic Servants. These

214 t¡ere of course aberrations and thereafter the cases reverted to the effects of illness and accident.(7I) By IB56 the district councils were recognized as the channel through which "outdoor rel-iefl" tnlas granted. The Chailmen of Noarl-unga Council took this duty seriousl-y and in 1859 Richard Budgen referred ten cases of destitution to the attention of the Board. Much of the foIlotrv-up work fell to the District CIerk, Martin Burgess, for in long-term cases' such as widows, letters had to be written over many years pointing out their circumstances. Elizabeth Hobbs stil1 had two young children at home in LB64 and her scanty ealnings from washing, supplemented by L/6 a week from her el-dest child at service, tlvele "quite insufficient at the present high price of provisions. " She trvas supported by rations and private charity flor nine years, while Ann Thompson ratas recommended to the Board over eight years, and Jeanette Tothill for mole than seven years.(lz) Richard Bright was a permanent invalid, described as "utterly incapable of work and requires constant attention of his wife, which prevents her from obtaining employment." At the end of 1862 he rlras removed to the Lunatic Asylum but Maria and the four children needed rations for eight years after that. Another man unable to support his family tnlas Patrick DeJ-aney, a gardener stricken by paralysis of the wrists in 1859. His famiJ-y struggled on without rations for six yealS with the help of men like the road oveISeeI, John Webb, who u¡as accused of "fiddling the oveltime" so he could employ DeJ-aney. The Council also helped by paying Delaney to cut thistles near the township. Budgenrs pride t,rlas obviously stung when a member of the House of Assembly said he "knew of a case at

2r5 Noarlunga where a person trrlaS in great distIeSS and could not obtain IeIief." He wrote to the paper to declare that'revery case brought before the District Council Ieceives careful consideration."(7i) The district councils had two other important functions in the relief system. FirstJ-y, they had to nominate a doctor to attend the destitute in their district. It t^,as always diflficult to attract a suitable peISon when the sum alJ-owed, äß/II/6 for Morphett Vale, was Iegarded by countly sulgeons as "absurdly smal-I." Morphett Vale Council ovelcame this by co-operating with Clarendon to appoint a common medical attendant. Noarlunga allocated their *tO to Richard SmaIes, who probably needed the income as debt and drink seem to have contlibuted to his suicide in 1871. The councils also had to call tenders from local shopkeepels for the supply. of rations to the destitute. It was perhaps as welI for Martin Burgess's reputation as District CIerk that Burgess and Bostock withdrew from tendering in 1867,1eaving the field open for the other Noarlunga stores to compete.Q4) From I855 the Destitute Board adopted a policy of boarding out some of the children from the Asylum. Only a trickle of eleven children came to the Southern VaIes before I87I. Most ¡1ere placed with farmers although the ministers, Charles Hall and Edward Baker, also took children. The larmers seem to have been less SUccessful for two of their lads ran atnlay and two of the girls had to be ¡eturned to the Asylum. By July I87t the right of a Ieplesentative of the State to inspect its tnlards' J- iving conditions ùr,as clearly stated. At the end of the year the Chairman reported that he had visited the Southern

2L6 Val-es and found Susan Jennings "rnrell and happy" with the Rev. Baker. She hoped to go to her mother, who had married a man at Two lalells , but this dream rntas not f uI f illed and she Was readmitted to the Asylum in L872. Zilla Lewis rnras "tleated as her otlvn child" by Mary Sampson of Reynella and was attending the Bible Christian ChapeI.(75) Interest in fostering was stimulated when the Chailman visited the South in June 1872, offering a subsidy of 5/- a week. As a result eighteen children were placed within ten weeks. They all came from unstable backgrounds, eleven having at least one dead parent and another five rivele illegitimate. Yet there tnras a much higher SUcceSs rate. A year Later none had been returned to the Asylum, although three had been transferred to the care of another family.(le) Several factors combined to increase the chances of successful fostering in the 1870s. For a start the children h¡ere much younger than those pleviously sent to the Southern Vales. SecondIy, most of the foster parents Were Iemunerated and 5/- a week helped a family to survive in the hard times of the 1870s. 0n1y three of the fathers trvele farmers and they included a station-man, StoIeman, pound-keepel and labourer. Significantly, three schoolteachers took children. Kate Neilson of TapIey's HiIl had to give up two of hers when she lost the government stipend, but t¡iilliam Gooding of McLaren Vale fostered two successfully and Charlotte Smith of t^lillunga another one. They r¡ere all in small schools and must have relied on the orphans to boost their numbeIS. A Ieturn of children placed out by August L87f shows that cale had been taken not to place Catholic chitdren r¡ith Protestant foster parents. Finally, there r¡¡as a good deal of visiting by an

217 Adelaide-based association of Iadies, formed by a Miss Clarke in July IB72 to enquire into the welfare of children placed in country districts. Mrs. Charles MyIes, whose husband tnlas the Iocal member of parliament, was aPproved as an offlicial lady visitor in the Noarlunga district.(77) Respectable colonists believed that the misfortunes of illness or accident could best be met by a combination of forethought, thrift and self-help. Thus they valued the kind of voluntary protection that the friendly societies oflfered to their members. A branch of the Manchester Unity, or 0ddfelIows, tnras formed in Noarlunga in I849, but it seems to have faltered during the gold-rushes when only five of its 24 members remained frgood on the books." As the WandeIerS returned it rnlas revived and celebrated its 1855 annivelsary with a dinnel in the Horseshoe Inn. The ReynelJ-a 0ddfellows began meeting in Robert Hay's Crown Inn in 1856. They seem to have been a mole vigorous group for an 1863 Parliamentary return shows that they had 90 members to Noarlunga's 22.(78) It cost 30/- to join the 0ddfellows and members contributed 9d. a week. To make a claim a member had to obtain a certificate from the lodge surgeon and send it to the relieving officers, who then paid the patient 20/- a tnleek. In 1857 the NoarJ-unga branch paid out {f O/g /3 to its sick and 15 to a widow, while Reynella reported with obvious pride that there had been no sick payments. Members were rostered to visit the sick and aIl were expected to attend the funeral of a member who died. Thus the funeral of Brother Schultz in L876 tnlas attended by a large number of Oddfeltows and the Reynella branch took care of his wifle and six children. The society

2r8 u¡as also publicized on its anniversary by a procession in full regalia, often with a brass band, and followed by sports such as cricket, croquet, quoits and skittles. In 0ctober I873 the Noarlunga Iodge followed such a day with a concert in Mr. Ryderrs schoolroom and a short lecture by Martin Burgess on 'rFriendly Societies ." Q9) In his thesis, Friendlv Societies in South Australia I840-92, Peter l¡Jebb has shown that the 0ddfellows tirlere supported by the better-off colonists while the lower contribution rates of the less stable Foresters, Rechabites and Druids attracted poorer settlers. It is interesting therefore to find that a Forestersr Lodge was started in Morphett Vale in 1865 and glernr rapidly with the help of men like Samuel Myles. A Druidsr Lodge rlvas founded at McLaren Vale in 1866 and attracted attention by admitting James Phi11ips, an aboriginal farm-worker. This suggests that the Iess exclusive societies rlrlere supported by the middling farmers of Morphett and McLaren VaIes, whiJ.e the better-off settlers neal 0'Halloran Hill and Noarlunga patronized the OddfeIIows. (80) The Southern Vales did not have a major problem with unemployment for casual labourers tended to live in Adelaide and move to the district for the harvest. Thus most of the cases of destitution resulted from the random misfortunes of illness and accident. The state undertook to meet the needs of the rlrlorst-off, but it relied heavily on the district councils to refer needy cases and to organize a IocaI supply of rations and medical aid. As l¡Jebb has pointed out, there remained a gap between the absolutely destitute and those who could afford to join a friendJ.y society. There tlrras plenty of scope for charity, such as the SgO subscribed for the

2r9 blacksmith, James Hayes, when his arm u¡as amputated. Fostering shoutd be seen in a slightly different light for the eharity cut both tdays - to the child who needed a home and the foster parents who often needed the child's subsidY' Iabour or presence in the classroom. The voluntaryist ideal trvas the friendly society, but this catered only for the prudent settler, who could afford to pay for security.(gf)

220 (F) Preservinq the Peace The Colonization Commissioners u¡ere too pre-occupied with land sales and emigration to give much thought to the defence of the settlers' l-ives and ploperty. Ifl it should plove to be necessary, they feLt that the colonists could form a militia to protect themselves. 0nly reports that ex-convicts had reached South Australia persuaded them to authorize Governor Gawler to form a police-force. As it gle1¡ to I25 men in f840 and became the third largest item of government expenditure, the commissioners complained that the voluntary principJ-e had not been tried. Grey halved the strength of the police, but he believed the colonists had no time for vol-unteer service and brought troops from Hobart to guard the colony.(82) As early as 1841 a party of police rnras stationed at t^Jillunga. Their chief f unction seems to have been to keep a watch along the coast to prevent smuggling, although on one occasion they managed to find some whalebone stolen from George Hepenstal. By L846 the Pol-ice Commissioner contemplated the removal of the post to the "rising town of Noarlunga,'r where it would be able to command two roads. This proposal drew an anxious memorial from the llrlillunga settlers and it tirlas dropped. Atthough Commissioner Dashwood objected to "the formation of a police-station at every smaJ-l viIIage," he agreed in June r85l to station a man at Morphett Vale to attend the locaI court and serve summons authorized by the magistrate.(83) The goldrushes caused a serious shortage of manpower and poJ.ice trltere withdrawn from the "quieter" countty districts. A protest meeting at U,Jillunga condemned this as an "iniudicious and dangerous measure. " l¡lhen the magistrates at Morphett Vale also compl-ained, Acting Commissioner Stuart commented that

22L "they want a baitif f and not a constabl-e.'r By L853 the intercession of Major 0rHal-loran managed to restore the constabLe. 0n a tour of inspection Commissioner Tolmer found that the man lived in a room at the Emu Hotel and he suggested that the ploposed netrv court-house be enlarged to serve as a police-station. The wooden huts at t^JiIlunga h,ere also replaced so that, when the ne¡¡ buildings ¡¡ele completed in I855, the hopes of Noarlunga tnlere pelmanently frustrated.(84) However, the District Council of Noarlunga could appoint special constables and there is evidence that a list of men tiable to be called upon was maintained by the District Clerk. 0n one occasion, Mr. Webb ldas sent f or to deal with a "not valiant votary of Bacchus, who vigorously assaulted the doors and windows of the JolIy Miller Inn, doing a deal of damage and threatening al-l who came in his Way with a J.arge dagger-knif e. " t¡Jebb knocked down the offender and secured him until the police escorted him to h'JiItunga. ( e¡ ) There must have been a limit to the number of volunteers prepared to take this kind of risk. In L867 the Morphett VaIe Council moved to bring parts of Sections 625 and 640, laid out as a township, as well as Reynella under the Police Act. This would have enabled the employment of a foot-constable with the cost being shared by the Council and the Government. However, nothing came of this move to initiate local responsibility for police protection. In I876 the citizens of Morphett VaIe r¡rere concerned that the government r¡as about to Iemove their "preserver of the peace" to Clarendon.(86) In his thesis, The South Australian Police Force IB3B-57 John Mayo argUes that crime neVer became aS gIaVe a menace in

222 South Australia as in the convict colonies because the colony had an even distribution of the sexes, lacked a tradition of rebeltion and had a dominant work ethic that success u,as the product of hard work. This view certainly seems to apply to the Southern Vales, which rarere described by a Police Commissioner as "one of the quietest (districts) in the coIony." The McLaren Vale correspondent to the Register virtually admitted that this tnlas the case by complaining in I869 that the'rneighbourhood is so vely quiet that it has been remarked h,e have Seen the Governol aS many times of Iate aS We have a policeman.rr Mayo goes on to claim that rural crime mostly involved stock-stealing and petty IarcenY, while detection rl1as so difficult that thieves had to be caught virtually red-handed. ( 87 ) Some idea of the types of crime committed in the Southern ValeS can be gained from netnlspapel reports and the troopers' letters to AdeIaide. Of 46 cases identified from these sources, 3I involved the theft of ploperty. In about half of these, artÍcl-es such as ploughs, tools and saddles rllere stolen. On eight occasions stock was stolen, uSuaJ-Iy horSes, while nine cases involved the theflt of money. More distulbing to Mayo's findings are the fifteen instances of attacks on people. At least six of these rlrrere associated with drinking in the hotels and they included at least two gang attacks at the Golden Pheasant, which seem to indicate tension between the Irish and other drinkers. There rrrlele two cases of murder, in both of guiJ.ty person tnlas easily apprehended. FinaJ-Iy which the ' there r¡las a case of incest and another of child-rape, for which the oflender t,vas transported to Van Diemen's Land for life.(gg) The police !!ere far more efficient in detection than Mayo

223 suggests was the general case. Constable tnJest rlrlas called to attend a suicide near Noarlunga and found that a bank-note from the dead man's cash box trvas missing. His suspi-cions fe11 on one of the men who had discovered the death. He sealched him and "found the note concealed beneath his Guernsey shirtr near his armpit.'r t¡Jilliam Butttose u,aS eVen mole astute when called in by the landlord of the Emu HoteI because money r¡,as missing from the tiII. A trap was Iaid and the trooper secured one of the tradesmen with the marked money in his possession. The diflficulties of identity that Mayo blames, along with factors of time and distance, were not as great as he imagines. In a community where most people worked in the open and knew everyone, few strangers went unnoticed.(89) The reputation of the poliee-force u,as built on the foundations laid by its first Commissioner, Major 0'HalIoran. He divided it into Foot Police to patrol the metropolitan area and Mounted Troopers stationed in country aIeas. 0nIy single men tlìJere allowed in the moUnted police, who became "the elite of the force, a para-military body, trained in cavalry fashion." During the gotd-rushes, pay for constables tllas raised to ÉI37/17/6 a yeaI, while all objections to taking married men into the mounted division h,ere waived. Although this may have timited the mobility of the troopers, it had a beneflicial effect in a place like Morphett VaIe, fot a famiJ-y man could fit into the community better than a single man living in a room of the Emu Hotel.(90) t¡,liIliam Cate seems to have enioyed a quiet life in the new police-station buitt at Morphett Vale if his letters to Adelaide aIe any indication. They aIe mostly about cleaning

224 the premises, arranging forage with neighbouring farmers and forwarding to the Customs notices of intention to distit. He acted as bailiff to the Local Court and received the lees in addition to his rltage. At noon on 23 July 1860 Father Joseph Snell informed the constable that a lad he had adopted from the Destitute Asylum had run atnray and Cate said that he would go after him on the following day. In the morning Snell tlvas surprised to find Cate working at home in his garden. A larmer, Stephen BaiIey, spotted the Lad and Ieported it to Cate, who sent him to SnelI with a message that he trvas too busy. As a resutt, the priest complained to the magistrate and Cate u,as transferred.(9f ) His Ieplacement was Witliam Buttrose, a Scot, who quickJ-y became plominent in the Free Presbyterian Church at Morphett Vale. Not alt his duties rlrlele popular as tlrle can gauge from a request for lresh jury lists to replace those torn down from places ofl public worship. However, this tnlas not held against him for he served the community as a bible-cIass teachel and President of the Young Men's Society. The IocaI settlers learned with regret that he tnras to be transferred to Angaston in July L866 and trrtere upset when a fortnight later neuüs arrived that he had been taken suddenly ill and had died- A subscription uras taken up flor his widow and children. The eldest son married the daughter ofl James Benny and tnlas trained to become a Free Presbyterian minister. This case illustrates the value that the settLers placed on the presence of a constable, who tnlaS allowed to commit himself to and win the confidence of the community.(92) South Australians had a long-standing preiudice against regular sotdiers inherited from their use against civilians in

225 Britain and reinforced by the behaviour of men sent to the colony af ter IB4I. Thus, when the crimean [¡lar raised atnrareness of the need to defend the colony, the Legisl-ative Council passed a Volunteer Act in I854. The first company in the Southern Vales r¡las formed on the initiative of Alexander Anderson, so that "the men of Morphett Vale should have the opportunity of showing to the public that they tnrere not behind their brother settlers in any other districts." Despite this bold talk nothing came of the move as the fear of war receded.(93) In August 1859 the Noarlunga Rifles ¡1as formed by 3L men' who elected Richard Budgen as theil captain. They met with companies from ll'Jillunga and McLaren VaIe for dri1l in 0ctober l-860 and rnrele presented with a handsome silk banner by Miss Bostock. After a hearty meal at the Jo1ly Miller "a number of good SongS tnrele sung" and an evening of conViviaJ.ity enjoyed. A list of the members of the Noarlunga Company reveals that most of them tnlere farmers or middle-c1ass townsmen, who did not need the miserly 3/6 a day that the government paid volunteers. Enthusiasm ebbed when the contractor did not turn up to measure them for theil uniforms and was only revived by a combined review ofl compani.es in Adelaide in June 186I. There was a 'rsuspension of hostilities" for the harvest and in the netn, year the long-artvaited uniforms came. The volunteers fared badly when tesled as markSmen, a performance that rnlaS blamed on the bad practice-ground "but still more to the non-attendance of many on the regular firing-days." This probtem continued to dog the company for as volunteers the men could not be compelled to attend. (94)

226 Onty twenty of the company elected to sign up for a further three years' service in IB64 and within twelve months this had dwindled to I6 oI 17. The government passed a revised Volunteer Act, disbanding the oId units and creating a nernr Volunteer Force and a Reserve Force with higher rates of pay. In May I866 therb rnlas a sad finale when Dril-l Instructor Kingdon came to collect the rifles of the old company. An attempt to form a ReServe Volunteer Company rnlaS unsUccessful and the settlers Ieverted to an annual shooting competition organized by the Southern Rifle Association. In his thesis,

Citizens and Soldiers: The Defence of S outh Australia

L836- r 90 I H.J. Zwillenberg maintains that the introduction ofl a compulsory militia system rnras delayed because the legislators would have to admit the failure Of the voluntary principle, âfl article of faith in South Australia. ( 95 ) The concept of voluntaryism was never rea1ly applied to the maintenance of a police-force. This is probably because the early govelnors sarrv it as a major lesponsibility of theirs, white the Iater middle-class politicians regarded it as far too essential to be left to chance. 0nIy when the service rlvas not Iocated to their satisfaction did the Southern settlers attempt to use voluntary special constables. The Level of crime in the area appears to have been low although there was a disturbing element of personal vioJ-ence, which should not be thought of as purely an urban feature. Pol-icemen t¡ere accepted as part of the community in ploportion to the contribution they made to its well-being. When it came to the defence of the colony, settlers Iesponded as volunteers while they perceived the threat to their homes to be real. Howevel' theil pleoccupation with making a living plevented them from

227 reaching a level of military proficiency that would render a properly-trained militia unnecessary.

228 Conclusion In LB44 the editor of the South Australian wrote that it ìdas "the utopian view of those who founded this colony that they would also make a trial of the virtues of the voluntary principle. " This chapter has tried to decide how utopian the concepl of voluntary as opposed to state support tllas in four areas of activity in the Southern Vales. 0n the surface they appear to form a neat continuum, ranging from success in the fiel-d of religion to failure in the alea of law and order. However, any aSSeSSment of theil SUccess should take into account that in country districts two major factors were involved - the cost of supporting the service and the maintenance ofl Some degree of tocal control. The advantage of oblaining government money always had to be weighed against the disadvantage of surlendering control over the delively of the service. (96) The alea of retigion hras considered by the dissenting settlers as too personal to allow the state to assume command. The Southern VaIes dissenters could point wÍth pride to the Presbyterian, Congregational and Baptist Churches, which tnlele erected by voluntary subscription. The Catholics and Anglicans also could feel satisfaction as they demonstrated that state support was not essential to theil survival. Yet the voluntary support rivas dependent on the efforts ofl too few, Major 0'Halloran and Peter Anderson being examples of men who gave mole than they could fairly be expected to. In the Conglegational and Baptist churches it was the ministers who bore the cost of the vol-untary system. Education vuas an alea that aLlowed a fair trial of the voLuntary system. ALl the main communities in the Southern

229 Vales built schools under a system that required them to subscribe half the cost before any government money became available. A system of 1ocal trusteeship of these buildings gave the settl-ers a considerable say over the kind of leacher who r¡las allowed to educate their children. Salaries were also a shared cost, although the same problem of reguJ-ar payment tlltas as apparent in school- fees as in church offerings. The disadvantage of government funding was made painflu1ly obvious when the licences of some schools l¡lere withdrawn in I869. Hirst has concluded that onJ.y in education rntere there encouraging signs that local control was possible. He maintains that the practices which existed before responsible government rlrrere continued in poor relief and police protection. Yet he admits that the district councils played an important role in the administration of poor relief and quotes the report of the Chairman of the Destitute Board in IBB2, tnlhen he said that relief should be decentralized to locaI authorities. t^lhile it is true that the government provided the f unding, there rnras a considerable cost of administering the programme that fell to the district councils as their chairmen and clerks sar¡ that aid tnlas available and went to those who needed it most.(97) The case of Patrick Delaney suggests that they gave assistance to particularJ-y needy cases outside the official system of relief . The expense of building police stations and paying police officers tltas met by the government. However, the Noarlunga townspeople sarlrl the problem of central control when their needs rnlere ignored. Hirst mentions the Police Act that enabled towns to fund half the salary ofl foot constables from a local

230 rate, but concludes that country people came to accept central funding and control in this aIea. The depopulation of the Southern Vales rather than any lack of initiative probably explains the fail-ure of the voluntary principle in education, poor relief and police protection. (98)

23r Notes t Pike, D. , op. cit. , pps. 63-4, BI, IB0-I ' 283. 2 Hirst, J. B op. cit., p. 15I. 3 Meaney, N. K., "The Church of EngJ-and in the Paradise of Dissentrr, Journal of Relioious Historv , December 1964, p. 140. Pike, D., op. cit., pps. tl5, 25O, 255-6, 270-2. Border, R. c h rrreh and State in Australia 17BB-I872 s.P.c.K., London, 1962, p. 2L6. 4. Byrne, F. , Hi.st-orv of the Catholic Church in South Austlal-La, E.t/ü. Cole, AdeIaide, I896, PPS.3I-33. Condon, B. ( edit. ) , The Journal of Francis M r h , Magill c.A.E., L9B3 , pps. B2-I pass m. Register, 7 January lB4 6 2cd, 9 December 1846 2d. The Catholics tu rned out in December IB46 to "give a reaping" to their nei ghbour, Mr. Anderson, as a testimonY of their gratitude to him for pr esenting land for their chaPeJ-. 5 ibid, 1 Augu st 1846 2d, 7 March 1849 3a. Mi11er, A., Dì nnoo¡c Þni ocl-c nd Pe nnl o , ChristChurch, 0'Halloran Hi11, I980, PPS.23-5. 6 Register,2T June 1850 3d,25 June IB52 33r 29 January LB53 3c, 15 April IB53 3c. 7 Lands Titles? 0ffice (265/3) Presbvterian Banner Vol. 37 , No. 10, December 1932. Brodie, 4., to Kirk Session of St. Andrerlrtrs, AdeJ-aide, 26 December 1846, S.A.AA. SRG I23/448. Anderson, P., op. cit. , 9 May LB4B, 7 June 1B4B , 24 June l_85I , 20 N ove mber 1853. B Meaney, N. K., rch of E uth Australi L836-69 , Honours Thesis, Un versity of Adelai e, 1954, pps. 72-3. Ayre, D. J. , A sower wenl forth to sot¡l Honours Thesis, University of Adela l_ d e, 1969, pps . 2-4. n 9 . Pike, D. , op. cit. , Y ps. 363, 3lI. Meaney, N. K. , op. c i t pps. 22-24. I0.0tFarre11, P., Th c a tholic Church and Communit 1n Australia Nelson, M e lbourne, L977 , p. Rev. Joseph Snel1 was the Super i o r of a group of three Pas sionist Fathers who arrived ]- n South Australia in 1847 after having failed to set up a mission to aborigines in New South lnlales. The oth er two could not learn English and left. Snel-I was forced to board r¡lith parishioners until they put up two rooms for him at the back ofl the chaPel. Byrne,1., op. c it., P' 47. Bickerton, I.J., The Ca tholic Church in South Australia rB36-58. Honours Thesis, I 969 , pps . LL7 -24 . Il. Pike, D. , op. cit. , p. lBI. ( L3J I89. Condon, B edit. ) , op. cit. , PPS . L36, , l86 ' SneIJ-, J , to Taylor, 26 October L849, CâthoLic Archives. "As I sh a 11, according to the bishop's last instructions, enable t h e trustees of this chapel of Morphett Vale to certi fy that I have received the rent of the Churchrs pews' you wil-l oblige me to send the rent for the seatings taken fo I the accommodation of your flamiÌy." Bickerto n , I.J., op. cit., p. 78 Register t 25 February I851 4c.

232 L2. ibid, 7 June 1850 lb.(Return of Pecuniary Grants in Aid of Stipends under the Church Ordinance No. 10. of LB47), 25 February 1B5l- 4ab, 19 March lB5l 3d. South Australian Gazette and Mininq Journal l5 March 185I Za Pike, D. , op. ci t., p. 431. 13. Condon, B. ( ed it .), op. cit., 22 January IB50 to 27 February IB54, p ps. IB5-3L5 passim. T4, ibid, 29 Septe mb er LB47 , 20 January ),853, PPS. 116, 282; 3 December fB4 7, L4 April 1856, pps. L23, 3BO; L6 November IB5O, 27 Novem be r 1850, pps. 2O9, 2IO; B November I855, q 5 December lB5 J, pps. 366, 369. 15. Bickerton, I. J op. cit., p.51. 16. Meaney, N. K. , op . cit. , pps. 43-44, 48-50, 53, 15-8O. the S Committee, 2 September lB61 Minutes of tanding ' 4 0ctober 1B6l , 5 May 1862, 4 August 1862, I February L864, 6 June 1864. S Â . A. ( unaccessioned AngJ-ican papers ) 17. Meaney, N. K. , op . cit. , pps. B0-82. Minutes, op. c it I August lB5B, 5 JanuarY I863. 01d Table re. Endowments. Church Minute Book ( Cfirislchurch, 0'Halloran HilI ) Mi11er, E.K., Reminiscences of 47 Years Clerical Life in South Austral-ia , Roberts, AdeJ.aide, I895, Appendix B. 18. Register B April lB4B 3ab, 6 May 1B4B fbc. South Australian, 2 Vay 1B4B 3a. Edward Baker tntas a missionary, who had been expelled from Madagascar after conflict with the Jesuits and sugar monopolies. He settled in Morphett Val-e on Sections 9 and I0, leasing land to smal-l-holders. 19. See previous chapter Register, B November IB53 3e. 20. 0'Farrel1, P . , op. cit. , p. 163. Register, I6 January 1856 3g,2 November lB68 3f. Anderson, P., op. cit., lB January 1850' B January L852. Register, 2B November I876 52a. A contrasting account of the fluneral flrom a Catholic viewpoint is recorded in the S.A. Tablet, I December I876. 2I. 0'Farre11, P. , op. cit. , pps. I22, I23. Quaife, G.R., "Rel-igion in Colonial Politics: State Aid and Sectarianism in Victoria 1856", Journal of Reliqious Historv, December 1978. , pps. 179-IBl . 0'Brien, J. M. , "Sectarianism in New South Wales Elections of LB43 and I856", ibid, June L976, PPS. 74-84. 0rFarrel1 , P. , op. cit. , pps. I57 , 165 . 22. Meaney, N. K. , op. cit. , pps. I, 35, 64-65, 90. 23. Peel, A These Hundred Years - A Histor of the Con re ati o n a t Un on o En an an ales lBlI -193I, Cong. n ofl on o n r ' PPS. Phil-lips, lnl. li\J The influenc f Con re ationa 1Sm 1n uth t 7-r l_5 Honours Thes s, Un VCIS ty of AdeIaide,1957, pps. l, I0-l-6. Pike, D., op. cit., p. 23.

233 24. Register, 28 February IB44 2d, 3a. Hughes, H E Our First Hundred Years: The Baptist Church in South Australia S.A. Baptist Union, Adelaide, PPS.27, 65. Register, 13 February LB47 2de, 17 August IB50 3e. McLaren Vale Congregational Church Minute Book IB45-99, B May 1851, B January 1852,5 ApriI IB52,31 October L855, 4 December 1858, 5 January 1859,24 February L859,22 March rB59, SRG 95/r62/r. 25. Regisler, 26 January 1848 2a, L4 0ctober IB4B 2Q, B September IB49 2a, lB February l-850 2e. Morphett Val-e Baptist Church Minute Book, Bâptist Archives, Burleigh ColIege, Norwood. Congregational Church, Happy Val1ey and Morphett VaIe Church Book lB55-88, SRG 95/134/I Mole, R., Cornerstones, Lutheran, Adelaide, 1980, p. 2L- 26. Reid, J.M., Kirk and Nation, Skeffington, London, 1960, pps. 124-I39 . Regislet, 23 September IB43 3ã, 27 April IB44 3c, 4 September l-850 3a. Anderson, P., op. cit., 2I November IB53r 24 November 1853, 25 December 1853. Minute Book of the Free Presbyterian Church of South Australia, g May I854,10 May IB54' B August 1854' 4 September I854, 20 September 1854, SRG I23/I. 27. Register, 9 May l855 3f,2 June tB55 3cd, 4 June 1855 3fg, 17 April 1856 3c, B December I856 2h, l0 June l85B 3b- Anderson, P., op. cit., 9 May tB48, 22 September 1854, 6 November I854, 9 November I854. Minutes of Congregation meetings and Deaconsr Court of Morphett Vale Presbyterian Church, 6 December L854, l5 January 1855, 26 March 1855, I5 January L856, 25 January 1856, 3I March 1856, 3 November 1856, 5 February LB57 , 27 June 1859 SRG L23/ 141. 28. Register, L5 July IB59 3h, 20 February lB6l- 3c. McLaren Vale Congregational Church minutes, op. cit., 1O January J-860, -7 February 1860, 9 ApriI 1860, 25 July 1860, I7 February LB6I , 12 April 1865. 29. Register, I4 March 1863 3a, 17 0ctober L864 3d. Hughes, H.8., op. cit., p. 63. Morphett Vale Baptist Church minutes, op. cit., 9lebruary 1864, 23 March 1865, 6 April I865. 30. ibid, 23 January 1866, 30 October L868, 3 September I874, 30 September 1875. Angas gave dI00 to aid the addition of Sunday-school classrooms at the back, but it took numerous bazaars to eliminate the debt in 1877. Register, 9 February 1867 3c,2I June 1867 3ar 6 July 1867 3h, 25 January IB68 3c, I8 April t868 39, L2 0ctober I868 3o, 10 February 1871 Slb. Hughes, H. E. , op . cit. , p. 64. 3I . Reid, J. M. , op . cit. , pps . 36, 42. Minute Book of Free Presbyterian Church of S.A. , op. cit. , 6 September 1856, 5 January IB57 , 3 March IB57 , 13 May 1857, 7 JuIy 1857, 7 September 1857, 13 November 1857 , L7 November 1857, 5 January 1858, 2 March I858' I1 May IB5B.

234 aa McLaren Vale Congregational Church Minutes, op. cit. , 9 October I851. The Church meeting agreed to l5 principles, of which this tnlas the f4lh. Happy Valley Congregational Church minutes, op. cit., 22 March t860, 3 l'lay 1860, 29 June 1860 , 30 August l-860, 7 December 1860,28 July L869, I September 1869,9 lebruary 1870. 33. Morphett Vale Baptist Church minutes, op. cit., 20 February 1868, 19 May 1870, l6 September 1870. On Badger's report the Lamberts rntere retained as members though they had offended against an ethic that exalted thrift and had a horror of personal debl. l¡Jaterson, D. B. , op. cit. , pps. 67 -8. Phillips, W. W. , op . cit. , pps. I0-1 I . 34. Peel, A. , op. cit. , p. 26. Happy VaIJ-ey Congregational Church minutes, op. cit. , October 1864, t February L865,27 June 1866r 3L July 1867, f May 1871, B December 1873, L4 December I873, 28 January I874, I February I874, 4 February I874, L6 March I874, 7 June I874. 35. McLaren Vale Congregational Church minutes, op. cit., 3 April 1872, 3I March 1873r 3I March I874, 22 March lB75' 12 March I876, 2 August 1877, 4 April 1878. Morphett Vale Baptist Church minutes, op. cit., 1 August I872, L July I875. Cash statements for 23 April 1870 to 5 December I815 ho wt hat he received á73/7 /B in 1871, á.62/3/4 in 1873, *7 B/7 /IO in IB74 and t58/12/O in IB75 36. op. c 1t p. 114 Reid, J.M., , : Morphett Vale Pr e sb ; t e rian m ]-nu tes, op. cit. , 16 August IB5B, lI Septemb e I I (t 5 B, 2 J anu ary 1860, 2f January lB68, 7 0ctober 1869, I 3 F e b rualy L87 I, 30 June LB7I, 27 MaY 1872, 2 July lB7 7 , 2 B July t 879 ô e 37. Pike, D., "Found i n g a Utopia , f.aelbourne S t U d 1 t n Education 1957-B e di t e d by E .L . French, pps. 53-4. ilE Pik ê D. , d U c a t i on i nanA gI icultural State" , ibid, pps 69- 7 1. Ash ån den , D. J S o u t h Austra I l_ a n E d U c a t 1 o n , Honours T h e I S ô Uni VC rsi tyo f Ad la 1 de , L963 PP S. 68-9, 3 B-9 . q ' Sou th Au tra I ian , 4 0c tober r844 2 c. 38. Act N o I 2o f l8 4 6, Ac t No. II o f IB47 . å Ash en ån , D. J o p- c1 t., PP s. 4 6 , 52-4, 7 2 39. Mem OI i aI of t he I êe l_ de nls of Mor p he tt Vale 24 June I B 4 I C.S .0 L o rre S pon d en r\ GRG 24 /6/A ( IB 48) /9BL LI73. l¡rjat CT 5 , l¡J , t oC o lo n iaI Secr etar v 30 June 1B4B, GRG 2 4 /6 A (r B 4B) 10 2 t. Bas SC tt, J , to C ol S e c 2 5Fe b I U a r v I I 4 I GRG 2 4 /6 A ( I B 48) 25 o Cox H .M t o Co I S å.. , 2 0 Ap ri I I I 4 B GRG 2 4 /6 /A I B 48) 55 4 ( ciL ES , l^l t o Co I S å"., cRG 24/6/A rB49) t tzst . 40. Ash en d en , D. J o ò cit., pps.54-5 , 73-4. Sou th Au S t IA t ian G OV ernment Gazette , 7 August I I 5 1 pps .5 56 7 Vic k, M. J T h e o a I d o fl E d U c a t 1 o n I B 5 2 l 5 M E d T h e S L e Uni VCI si t yo f A d e I a l- d ê I 9 B I p p S I 2 2 3

235 4I . ibid, pps . 2LO-2I2. Minutes of the Central Board of Education, GRG 50/I, 29 January IB53 m610, B February IB54 mIllI, l- March IB54 nII42, 28 March lB55 ml67L, 28 November IB55 n2O2O. Mrs. Franks was the original licensee and t¡lilliam applied flor the ticence when she died. His school was found to be " f ar f rom satisf actory" and he .resigned in l-855. ibid, l0 November IB52 n5O2, 15 January 1853 m587, 13 June lB55 nI794, 29 August tB55 mIB95 , 26 September lB55 nI927 , 16 September l-856 n32O3, 24 August tB5B m4085. Louisa tnJaite rlrlas eventually granted a Iicence at Reynella, but her school dectined in numbers and ef f iciency. t¡Jhen she died in IB5B the school closed. 42. Vick, M. J. , op. cit. , pps. 216, 22I , 225 . Minutes of CBE, GRG 50/I, 16 ApriI IB53 n692,25 June IB53 n796, 2 JuJ-y 1853 m804. After Mary llvas licensed she taught 34 girls whil-e James taught 54 boys. ibid, 13 November IB52 n5I3. Ellen Scrivener had 27 students in IB53 but she does not appear on the list ofl teachers after that. 43. ibid, 17 June IB52 nI52,2I August IB52 n374,7 January l-854 m1O6O, B February IB54 mI098. Although Bassett stated that he had resigned the post in I852, the Board found he still held it two years 1ater. ibid, B May IB52 m44r 26 June IB52 n22O,26 September IB54 nI425, 6 December IB54 nI536, 24 January l-855 nI574, 7 November 1855 m1990. llìJatets' drunkenness may not have been due solely to his wife's death, for he rllas assaulted by a fellow-drinker in the Emu Hotel. Register, I4 August 1850 3b. 44. ibid , 24 December IB53 3f. In IB54 Holder wrote to the Board to say that the Chapel tnlas about to be repaired and that the trustees would not afterwards allow it to be used as a day-school. GRG 50/I, I7 May IB54 nL253. Report ofl the Board of Education, S. A. P. P. 34 of 1860, pps. L4, 17 . 45. GRG 5O/I, 26 April fB54 nL2I6, 10 May 1854 nI243, 22 November 1854 ml5l-8. Gallorntay sol-d the trustees one acre in the north-west corner of Section 635 for 20. Register, ll November 1854 3f. The teachet, Charles Kerr, SUggested that it be named after the school he had taught in for eight years in Scotland. 46. GRG 50/I, 13 December lB54 nI544, 3L January IB55 mJ-589' II JuIy lB55 nIB27, 5 September 1855 nI9L2, 17 February IB57 n3339. G RG IB/I13 Bundle 14. Letlers and documents in Victoria S cho o1 Fil-e. 47. S .4. P.P. I53 of 1855-6, p. 228 m5I46-7. Vick, M. J. , op. cit. , pps. 237 , 24I. GRG 50/I, L4 November 1855 m2008, 5 June 1856 m3098' I December I857 n3766. Register, 7 May fB5B 3e. 4B GRG 50/1, 1O May LB54 nI246, l-0 JuIy IB52 m258' II April tB55 nI69B, 4 JuIy 1855 mlBl2, B December 1857 n3765, 4 August l-B5B n393I .

236 49 . Vick, M.J. , op. cit. , P. 23O-L. GRG 50/I, I4 May IB53 n73O, 4 May 1B5B n3932, L9 May LB5B n394O, 2 November LB5B n5O99. Regi ster , 24 June l-B5B 2h. 50. GRG 50/I, 19 JuJ-y 1854 nI333, 26 September IB54 nI425, 30 June 1857 n35)-3,4 May fB5B n3982, 13 July lB5B n4OI3, 3I October IB59 n6229, 14 November 1859 n6252. Register, 5 November 1859 2h. Anderson, P. , op. cit. , 12 January IB5-/ , 25 December IB57 . 5l-. Register, 17 August IB52 3bc. Pike, D., "Education in an Agricultural State", op. cit., p. 74. 52. Ashenden, D.J., op. cit., p. 76. Vick, M.J., op. cit., pps. I-3, I81. 53. ibid, p. 262. Burgess, M., to Kell, 27 September L859, l1 June 1860; Burgess, M., to lnlickes, I December 1862, 13 July 1863; Letlerbook of District Council of NoarJ-unga, op. cit. CBE Minutes, GRG 50/I, 6 November 1865 n8795, 4 December 1865 n8827 , 5 March 1866 mB91B, 5 November 1866 n9I45 - 54. ibid, 17 0ctober I859 n6222, L4 November lB59 n625I, 5 March 1B6O n6327, 3 December 1860 n65L6. See also GRG I8/I13 Bundle 23, Letters and Documents re Noarlunga School. Burgess, M., to S.A. Co., L6 January 1860; Burgess' M. to trrJisdom, 13 February 1860; Burgess, M., to Solicitor, ' 12 March lB60; Burgess, M., to Wickes, 26 March 1860; Noarlunga letterbook, op. cit. Registei, 13 0ctober 1859 3h, lB January 1860 2h, 3I March IB60 3h, 30 November 1860 3a. EÊ CBE Minutes, GRG 50/I,7 March 1864 n8263, 22 August 1864 n8429 , L7 0ctober 1864 n8445, 6 March IB65 m8555, 6 November 1865 n8793. See also GRG IB/II3 Bundle L4, Letters and Documents re Morphett VaIe School. Register, 1 August 1863 3h,2I March IB64 3f, 16 May L864 3d, 15 Augusl 1864 3d, 19 January 1865 3b,2 August 1865 2f, L3 November 1865 3c. 56. ibid, I2 November 1860 3f , 30 November fB60 3à, I February 1865 39. CBE Minutes, GRG 50/I, 6 March IB65 m8560, l0 April 1865 n8594, 22 May 1865 n8629, 19 June 1865 n8656, 3L JuIy 1865 nB6B2, 6 November 1865 nB-77O. 57. ibid, I4 November IB59 n6245, 27 January L862 n6792. Register, I4 September tB61 3h, L2 0ctober I861 3c, 23 December I86l 3f, I-7 0ctober 1863 3f, 30 December 1865 3a. The Misses Daniel-'s first school r¡las a tlveatherboard structure with a shingle roof on Bains Road. It had a spy-hote so they coul-d keep an eye on the students from the kitchen. The second buiJ.ding rllas larger and built of stone at the IeaI of their father's store and post-office on the corner of South Road. 58. CBE Minutes, GRG 50/I, 22 Septembet L862 n6958, 11 July 1864 n8379 , 17 0ctober 1864 n8453, 31 0ctober 1864 m8470; See also GRG IB/I13 Bundle 48, Documents and Letters related to McLaren Vale School. The school rlvas built on Section I56 near the Congregational Chapel.

237 59. Register, 19 January 1865 3b, 2 August L865 2f, 30 December 1865 3ã, 24 August fB6B 3b. CBE Minutes, GRG 50/L,30 January IB65 mB5l4, 6 March IB65 n8552, 28 May 1866 m9005, I6 November IB68 n47O. Mrs. G. Perry of Christies Beach has a painting of John Ferry's and the Rules of the Morphett Vale Cricket Club in the Pioneer Village Museum are signed by Ferry. ibid, I5 August I855 mlBBl, 29 June IB5B m4006' f June IB61 n6623. 60. Condon, B. ( edit .), op. cit., 17 0ctober rB4B, t4 December 1849, ppS. l4B , 158. Register, 16 Jan uary IB56 39, 2 November IB6B 3f, 27 April 1870 5d, B July lB70 3e , B May 1871 3b. Bickerlon, I.J. op. cit., pps. 9I-94. 0rFarrelJ-, P., o' p.cit., pps. I7I-3. 6I Presbytery ofl Morphett Vale Minutes, 2 November 1869, 2 May IB7I, 6 May 1873, SRG I23/IO7. Register, lB 0ctober LB69 3b,30 April 1870 3d, B May I871 3b, 24 May 1872 6a, 1B ApriI 1873 6d. CBE Minutes, GRG 50/ I, 13 April 1874 n2B6I, 29 June L874 n3O6I, 6 JuIy IBl4 m 312 l, 7 June L875 n42BI, 2 August 1875 n4469 . 62. Nesdale, I., The Third Brid e Tson G r_aou McLaren Vale Investigator Pless, AdeIa e, l9B , pÞs. 43, 53-57 , 73, B0-8t, 9O-9r. Register, 1 October LB69 3h, I8 December 1869 3d. 63. Pike, D., "Education in an Agricultural State", op. cit., p. 7r- Vick, M. J. , op . cit. , pps. 16l -I7I , 257 -258 . CBE Minutes GRG 50/I, 23 December 1869 n946, 3 January tB70 n954, 7 February 1870 m988. Register, I January 1870 7a, 19 December 1870 6b, 27 December I871 3d. 64. ibid, 9 May 1872 S2e,1l July 1874 6c,7 July IB74 6cd, 9 July IB74 5e, I4 July LB74 5f. S.A. Parliamentary Paper I873-4, Report of Education Board. CBE Minutes GRG 50/I, 24 0ctober IB74 n35O3, B February IB75 n382I, 12 April LB75 m4083, 26 April IB75 n4I2B (Glanville); 10 August IB74 n323O, 324J, 17 August IB74 nJ273, 12 July 1875 n4387, L6 August IB75 n4675 (Ryder). 65. S.A.P D 56 of IB6B. Evidence given on I6 September 1868 nn923 ¿, 9BO-2, 995-8, rO45-6. Vick, M.J op. cit. , pps. 323-4. Pike, D., "Education in an Agricultural State", op. cit., pps. 7 5-6 66. ibid, p. 75. Hirst, J. B. , op. cit. , pps. L3B-I43. al. 67. Nanc 9t e. t The South Australian Social Exoeriment 1836-7I M. A. Thesis, Flinders University, I977, PPS . I40-3, 156-8. Act No. II of I843. 68. S.A. G.G., 24 February 1849, p. 9I Pike, D., op. cit., pps 3IB-2O. Register of Cases of Destitution IB5l-7, GRG 28/4. Minutes of the Destitute Board IB49-56, GRG 28/I. 69. Register of Cases of Destitution, op. cit. Minutes GRG 28/I, 25 August I856, p. 777. Register, 26 August 1856 39, 2 September 1856 3c, 5 September IB56 3d,6 September LB56 3hr 23 September LB56 3e , 30 September l-856 2h. 238 70. Register of cases, GRG 28/4. Minutes, GRG 28/I, LO September 1855, B 0ctober 1855, 12 November I855, I4 January L856, PPS. 400, 436, 48L, 554. ibid, l-I June I855, 24 0ctober 1855, 2I April I856, pps. 347 , 46I, 65I. 71. Register of cases GRG 28/4. 72. Letter-book of the District Council of Noarlunga, op. cit., 25 Aprit I859, 24 February 1860, 10 December IB60' 1I JuIy 1864, 28 October 1867 , 22 June 1868 , 26 October IB59 to I December 1862r 22 June 1B6B to I4 JuIy )'873, 16 September 1867 to 4 January I875. 73. ibid, I8 September 1860, l0 February I862, I December I862, 3I December IB7O, 25 April 1859, 12 September lB59' 5 November 1860, I7 September 1866,3I May I869, B December 1873 . Register, 9 July 1863 3a, IB July LB63 3d. The Road Board exonerated Ì¡Jebb from any dishonesty but suspended him for a fortnight for his indiscretion in employing a cripple. The locals gave lnlebb a complimentary dinner a week later. ibid, I8 June 1863 2f. 14. Register, I July 1858 29, L3 JuIy l85B 3?,26 August 1858 3f , 23 August l-860 39,5 May 1866 3a, 2L April 1869 3e. Advertiser, 24 June I87I 3f . District Councit of Noarlunga Letterbook, oP. cit., 30 June 1859, 25 JuJ-y 1859, 16 November L863, 27 April 1867 , 30 January I87L, 7 August 1871, B July L867 , 9 December 1867, 30 November lB6B, I5 January I877. 75. Ledger of children boarded out 1855-61 , GRG 28/6. Register of children apprenticed &c. 1862-72, GRG 28/7. Minutes of Destitute Board, GRG 28/I/3, 19 January I87L' 20 July l87l, 20 December 187I, PPS. 2L4, 24O, 26I. 76. ibid, 6 June 1872, 13 June L872r 27 June 1872, 4 July 1872, 15 August L872, L9 August 1812, PPS.252,253,255r 256, 262, 264. S.A.P.P. 64 of I873, Children placed out by the Destitute Board, 20 Augusl 1873. 77. Register of Children apprenticed, GRG 28/7. S. A. P. P. 64 of 1813. Minutes of the Destitute Board, GRG 28/I/3, 1B July 1872, 5 September I872, 12 September 1872, 28 November 1872, pps. 258, 265, 266, 277 . 78. Registerr 25 May 1852 3d,2 November 1852 3a, 12 February 1853 3e, 15 April IB5l 3f, 26 October 1855 3b. S.A.P.P. No. 32 of 1863, p.3. 79 . l¡Jebb, P. J. , The Friendlv Societies in South Australia IB40-92, Honours Thesis, University of Adelaide, 1969, pps. 22-26. Register , 22 October IB57 2f, 4 March lB5B 2f, 4 November IB73 7a, 24 July IB76 Slb, 29 October 1879 S2a. 80. l¡lebb, P. J. , op. cit. , pps. 5, 25, 50-1 , 56, 65 . Register, 19 November 1864 3h, 12 February 1866 3h, 23 February 1861 3a, L9 June 1867 3c,29 February 1868 2h, I April 1869 39. BI. l¡lebb, P.J., op. cit., p. 20. Register, 29 JuIy lB6I 3a, L2 August lB6I 3f.

239 82. Mayo, J The South AustraLian Police-Force IB3B-57 , Honours Th esis, Unlvers ity ofl Adelaide, 1963 r pps. I-L7 . ZwilIenberg, H. J. , citi zens and Soldier s: The Defence of South Australia lBl niversity of Adelaide , 197O, pps 3-33. 83. 0ut-letter books of PoIice Commissioner GRG 5/ 9; 0'Ha11oran, T.S., to CoIville 8 May lB4l; to M undy, 2 January IB43, 4 February 1843;' to Hepenstal, 4 August fB4I; to Co1. Sec., 30 January IB43; Finnis, B .T to Col. Sec., 7 January 1846, B May LB46; Dashwood, G. F. , to Col. Sec., 20 February IB5I, t7 June I85I, 28 August IB5I Register,28 May 1845 3ã,15 March IB48 3de, 19 January LB50 3c. 84. 0ut-Ietter Book GRG 5/9; Tolmer, A., to C o j-. Sec. , Li January LB52; Stuart, C.llrl., to Dean, I 3 lebruary LB52; to Col. Sec., 16 February 1852, 2I Februa ry 1852, 28 February 1852; ToImer, A. , to l¡Jorthington , 28 August L852; to 0'Halloran, I February L853; to Co1. S ec. r 30 March 1853. RegisLer, 23 February LB52 3b, 14 Novembe r 1853 3â, 9 November 1855 3f. 85. ibid, 4 July l-859 3b, 16 September 1869 3 d. 86. ibid, Lf April 1867 3d, 20 April L867 3b, 23 March 1868 3f, 22 November IB76 Slc. Act No. t0 of L863. 87. Mayo , J. , op. cit. , pps. 4O-9 93-4. Stuart, C.S., to Col. Sec. , 28' February L852, 0ut-letter book cRG 5/9. Regisler, 25 June 1869 39. 88. ibid, 15 September LB47 3ã, 12 March 1850 3c, tI February I851 3b, 24 January IB49 3c, 13 March 184 7 3de. Index to Correspondence IB57-69 GRG 5/3; Buttrose, W. , to Commissionet, 4 February IB65; Shaw, J to Commissioner, I3 JuIy 1859; Farrell, P.T. , to Commissioner, 3I December 1868. Register, 4 January IB56 3Q, I September IB57 29, 7 February 1849 3d, L6 August 1862 3d, 5 April tB51 2e , B April 185I 38, 7 June l85l 3e. 89. ibid, 24 January 1855 3à, 5 December LB63 3c, 12 JuIy 1869 3c. Mayo, J., op. cit., pps. 93-4. 90. ibid, pps. 88, 92. 0'Halloran, T.S., to Finnis, 12 ApriI 1843; Stuart, C.W., to Co1. Sec., 1 June IB52; 0utletter Book GRG 5/9- 9r. Index to letters received GRG 5/3; from Cate, 26 January 1857, 7 February IB5B, 27 August IB5B. Attorney-General-'s 0ffice Correspondence, GRG L/I/ IB60 /445; Snel1, J., to Peake,29 July I860; Peake, E.J., to Att. -Gen. , 3I July I86O; Cate, lnl. , to Chief Inspector, 4 August 1860; lnlarburton, P.E., to Peake, 7 August I860. 92. Index GRG 5/3; from Under SecretârY, 24 August 1860; from Buttrose, 5 October 1862, 28 0ctober LB62; from Kidney' I4 JuJ-y 1866, 16 July 1866. Register, I4 February l86L 3ã,27 February 1864 3h,9 July 1866 3b, 20 August 1866 3d. 93. Zwillenberg, H.J., op. cit., PPS. 57-6I. Act No. 2 of 1854. Register, 9 September IB54 3c. 240 94. ibid, 3I August 1859 2h, 30 October 1860 3ã, 24 April 186t 3a, Il May 1861 3e, 15 June 1861 3h,2I June 1861 39, B February 1862 3cr 2I February LB62 3hr 28 July 1862 3ê, 24 September 1863 3g. 95. ibid, 27 February 1864 39, I February 1865 29, 4 April r866 3f, 7 July 1866 3h, 3 September 1866 3c. TwiIIenberg, H. J. , oP. cit. , PPS . 16I-6, L9O-4. 96. South AustraJ-ian, 4 0ctober IB44 2c. 97. Hirst, J.8., op. cit., pps. I27-9, I3B, L47. 98. ibid, p. L29 .

24r 6. THE E B OF PROSPERITY 1¡riting in I892, E.H. Hallack stated that the I'decadence of many districts and townships to the so-,uth of Adelaide may be ) attributed to two reasons - First the overtaxing the land in the matter of wheat-growing and next to the exodus in the seventies of population to the Northern Areas."(l) The story of the land-IUSh has been totd many times but alrlrrays with an emphasis on the "netnr" fands. D.l1rJ. Meinig mentions onJ-y a decline in wheat acleage in fB68 and the exodus of South Australian farmers to Victoria as factors creating a demand for Iand on more liberal terms of purchase. (2) G.L. Buxton argues in South Australian Land Acts 1869-IBB5 that the exodus of farmers to Victoria was a myth flostered by the land-refotmets, who ignored a survey of country aleas that refuted its acculacy. He giveS us a better analysis of the Ieasons for the demand for cledit selection. Farms wele too small to allow croD '--rotatio ..ã n or faltowing so that the land became ttl^, dashed the hopes of heat-sick. " Then in 186l a Lr!-! P_1,-?9ue fl armers for a bumper harvest. Therefore what the farmers wanted tntaS the chance to buy larger aIeaS of new land in exchange for their old worked-out farms.(¡) This chapter will study the assumptions about holding size and agricultural practices in the older farming districts that aIe usually advanced to exptain the land-rush. It will- also questions. Why did farmers attempt to ansrlrler a number of .. \- .^- Lea_v_e -Èhe sout_hern Vales in the IBTos and what kind of people went to .tlrg.¡ew areas? whal aspects of theil occupation and life-sty1e did they take with them? Finally, how did the exodus of a sizeable portion of the population affect the economyr political importance and community tife of the region?

242 (A) AoricuLturaL Practices in the IB60s l¡lheat-grot^,ers in the older agricultural aleas l¡Jele constantly criticized for their fail-ure to implement "good" farming practices. They tnrere accused of "9.9Lilgnothing but wheat year after year untit,j3_soi-!,.-'is tYl_-_1t" (Lancelott lB5O), sowing "the Same description ofl seed without fiìanuIe" (Forster I866), and ploughing up the soil three or four Ínches deep and throwing in the seed (Harcus IB73).(¿) These kinds of statements aIe strangely at odds with the existence of Agricultural Societies and ploughing matches, which suggest instead a community anxious to improve its cultivation methods. In fact there vuele mole substantial limits to the profits of most farms than the carelessness of farmers. A wheat-f armer's r-$.ne depended on a number of variables - the a.cIg__age he sowed, the yield he harvested and the price he obtained for his grain. He had little control ovel the last two, so the best he could do rrrras to adjust the acreage sotrvn each SeaSon. HoweVeI, the need to gain a cash income meant that a substitute for wheat was needed if he vvas to reduce his acreage. In IB62 a'number ofl farmers in the Southern Vales decided to counter low prices by growing Iess wheat and running shee . The wheat acreage declined from 4r595 to f'800, but by IB65 most flarmers had reverted to wheat.(see fig. 22) As a result these rnrere the highest and Iowest acreages ovel the period 1856 to I86B . ( 5 ) The ability to expand ac¡,eage to compensate for l-ower prices l^Jas limited by the size of the farmer's hoJ-ding. A widespread belief has been created that most farms in the older

243 o a) ota a z7 6 b8¡ g ì 8. lr+lr¡ ût t/, È '" to ¿, s91,rr O rl olot¡ Þc.f Sv,* Lrl - Íoo lZ 7z-¡ 5lo'1 uo. E oo ó hsr I rcu 88r't Ërt slb't Soz't üsr i t i,/,la 95¡'1, Eo? {, bts'l .ar gstrs alg'¿ ro 5 90b'l 5 ¿Lfì'l 5 Lto'+r ¡s

còs\, æg11. d 5b5'l ., It?'rr \,o t9r'l (r óô b¡ t'tr tl, tàb'1, G .9 S3o'+t ttt æ areas wele singJ-e BO-acre sections. 0ne of the plopagators of this myth tnras Frederick Sinnett, who wrote in 1862 that "a man with his eighty acles oI Sor cultivated by himself and his family, makes more in proportion to his investment than his weal-thier neighboul. The number of such farms is very large and ofl this number a very targe propoltion aIe freeholders.tl t^iil1iams Bowes and Ke1ly atl refer to "80:acre farmersrrand the idea has been carried into local histories of both old and neW areas as writers explain the land-ruSh in terms of the inability of farmers to make a living from such small hoLdings.(6) The accuracy of this generalization may be tested from the rate-books of the District Council of Morphett Vale. These show a decline between LB54 and lB67-8 of holdings in the 51-IOO acles Iange from 50 to 28.(see fig. 23) In the same period holdings of 500 or mole acles appear for the first time. Thus Thomas Taylor plogressed from 24O to II46 acles while Richard Humphris, the butcher, increased his rented holding from 80 to 24O acres and bought lO0 acres.(see Appendix D) Humphris paid tt,OSO to Thomas Parr Perry for two sections and lived in a Georgian mansion on Section 7C called "Four l¡Jinds". 0ther landholders such as James Galloway and Thomas Sims made more modest gains by buying out their neighbouls. Bowes and Dunsdorfs have both pointed out the trend away from farms of 5O-200 acres after I867. What we can observe in Morphett VaIe is a steady movement towards larger hotdings from I854 onwards. This tntas possible because there was a continual exodus of small farmers from the southern aleas, which might be expected in a colony with a continuaJ-ly expanding agricultural frontier. (7 ) We have already noted that farmers began to discuss

244 lo Fte.23 6.10 Pio dìa¡rs¡ñ3 rt. kro

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s s e g gg sråtggå coleXoric.s oS nr33 hoìding irro tgs\ l86r+< rsGl-8 (ia ocres) o\cl *Ì Uqlc Di ìct Counc,ìl oleq- alternatives to wheat as the price fe11. Yet contemporary writers claimed that trfevv cereals except w heat are cultivated to any great extent in the colony." Acco rding to l¡lilliams, the ideat of the self-supporting yeoman wa s gone by the 1860s and his place had been taken by a speciali s,t tnth-qg!-gtoryq". Bowes also claims that there t¡las no evidence of rotation of crops in South Australia, where "mono-cu1lure" became the accepted pattern.(8) In order to test the acculacy of these observations in the Southern VaIes, rlrte need to see whether serious attempts WeIe made to find othel SoUIces of income. From the Agricultural Returns for Morphett Vale (fASe-68), rlrle can See that an avelage of 1200 acIeS rlìJas used f orltay ' I50 f or barl.ey, I5O f or v_ings, 50 f or gardens, 20 each f or oats and '-3-'¿: " peas, and LO f or potatoes. ( see f ig. 24) l^lhile these f igures bear out the contempolaly reports of the dominance of wheat, (_ they show that diversification was present before the col SC quite marked of whejt:9_r9*y_l_lg il -t"fe 1870s. There is a fluctuation in the acleages planted with barley and oats, suggesting that they r¡ere experimental lesponses to price movements. One interesting aspect is the steady growth of vine cultivation until the mid-1860s. (9 ) -,,'--- -->,- -L---,--- played deveJ-oping interest in Dr. ¿,/__-Kelly a major role in grape-growing with the publication of his pamphlet, The Vine in Australia. His friend, George Manning, pioneered the industry in McLaren Vale and later sol-d cuttings to Kelly when he moved there to estabLish Tintara vine yards. Among those who took uP grape-glowing trvas Peter AndeISon, who established a vineyard in I86I with cuttin gs from McLaren Vale. BY 1866 he tatas selling wine at 2/6 a galton from his vintage of 2OO gallons.

245 Fl G, 2l+ Minoc C.oP AereoqeS Dis*ric,t iout cï t å+ Moc h¿** Uo\ø.

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Vale far e^IS . re-solved to Plough their vines up.(10) It was the failure to find a remunerative market which prevented the development of this alternative crop. The conclusion of K.R. Bowes that settlers in the older districts changed from wheat to wool and fat lamb raising does not entirely tally with the facts. He uses as evidence extracts from feter Anderson's diary in 1862 and 1863 that show him breeding sheep and selling lambs and wooI. It is tru e that the number of sheep in the Morphett Vale di stricL ros e from 500 to 3,9AO between IB57 and 1864, but the n it fell just I

! t as dramatically to just over 6OO in 1871.(see fig. 25) 0ne I

I I suspects that onj-y landowners with the J-arge holdings and I resources of Anderson tlvere able to make the lransition to sheep-farming and even then they experienced set-backs shown by the decline in sheep numbers in the late rB60s.(1I) None of the alternatives to wheat were a success for the struggling tenant farmer. Nor vvere South AustraÌian farmers unique, for Jeans mentions that around Bathurst there rlriere also mono-clopping tenants on 80-100 acre flarms. The man who had to pay rent could not afford to gamble on a change to stock-raising or grape cuttivation. l¡Jell might the local correspondent complain that the Register often chided the flarmers "on not rearing this and not fattening that, but the fact is many have tri.ed both of these advices, and in attempting to sell have found themselves stared at and after vain efforts to succeed had actually to give the fruits of lheir nerlv industry atntay or carry them home again."(12) Contempolary also charged the wheat-farmers with writers :=-.._

246 trtc. 25 \ S+oc.k Nunnb¿rs Êæ I Dis*¡iet Councì I o4 PoullnS \ I ++ \ale- I \ i\ I Soo¡ce- - S,A.P.P. No.j. lr \ l\ tl t t\ I \ \-.. t\ I ,l I It 'l t/\ I I \i I I \æo I \ ,\ I I I \ t I I I \ I I \ I ,l \ I I \, I Pout+n5 I I \ \i Shecp I \ I I, I t I V I leoo \ I \ l I I I I I

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'!' Hort¿¡ G '¡ Gq+¡ gg Ëts E s'E s Ð I Sr tslså E Êlü EËEt såEs6 t /!¿r''ì,,,/t,,/ ,,1, ü,/"'l / continuous cropping, which lowered the nitrog eî, phosphorus and ' '::"':i:: ' content the soil and contributed t o a decline i¡ _-:_tnanic 1f. yieJ-ds. Forster claims that many farms tnlere croppe I for IB to years Harcus says that 20 25 years _?e in succession, while 9r tnlas not uncommon. This myth rnras not subjected to criticism until Dunsdorfs analysed the replies of farmers to the Royal Commission on in (lB6B). He found that 282 l)9_gases 991ettt out of 560 paddocks had not been clopped for mole than three yeals in SUccession. Dunsdorfs' ana.Lysis has in turn been criticized by Bowes for including falmers, who had taken up new land and may have gone on to crop the virgin soil to exhaustion.(tl) Since both writers are trying to establish the farming practices that rllere taken to the netnr lands from older agricultural areas, it would be mole valid to include only the replies of farmers who had cropped for a long time. 0f the 26 farmers in the Morphett Vale,/Noarlunga area r¡ho replied to the Commission's questionnaite, a clear majority of 17 cropped I their land for no more than two successive years. This I suggests that there llrrere more enlightened farmers than

contemporary writers and Bowes assumed. ( 14 ) By the LB6Os an increasing number of farmers rntele becoming iroJu convinced of the val-ue ofl fallowi g, which allowed enrichment from the air, greater weed control and moislure conservation. The Morphett Vale cultivators ¡rele in advance of the rest of the colony in I868, leaving L9.7% of their cultivated land fallow compared with I6%. Most farmers questioned disliked the use of_?11T"1 manule advocated by theil clitics because they felt that it contributed to the onset of wheat diseases

247 SUCh as rust and blight.(I5) ==::=: *=:=:::' During !he._-iQ.6.0s, Ouch g!te1!ion t¡las focussed on the decline in yields since the early years of cultivation. Forster stated that average crops had fallen from 25 to l1 bushels per acre on the plains. Recent writers such as Dunsdorfs and Davidson have supported Forstet, but Bowes reminds his readers that the yield reflects seasonal- conditions as well as agricultu2 practices. This suggests that to get an accurate picture it is necessary lo adopt Dunsdorfs' technique of taking five-Et:rU averages. For both the Morphett Vale and Noarlunga districts an average yield of 11 bushels per acre rlrras maintained throughout the period lB5B-67. ( see f ig. 26) l¡Jhile f armers could undoubtedly compare this result with the high yieJ-ds obtained from ]g,in land in the previous ten years, there is no indication of any disastrous decline. ( f6 ) What flarmers thought of the prospects of their district is apparent from the regular reports sent to the Register. In 1858 there rnras a mood of optimism as Al-fred lnl-ilson spoke at a -)- -- .:* - --- ploughing match dinner of "the application of science"' which would soon Ig:dyqe f arming "to a matter almost of certainty. " Despite poor seasons for two years following this, confidence tntaS restored by the 186_0 harvest. HoweVeI, farmers Were Soon "shaking their he"Orãl the very low p_ri.9g of wheat" and hoping that I'what they lose in price they wilI make up in quantity." promising crops in The onset of--b.1+gj.! and_bIagk i::t reduced 1B6I and IB62 so that no better than average yields t,rtere attained. Heavy rains in IB63 prevented farmers from seeding \__. until late but fine spring weather produced healthy cIops, and what is more important high prices ralere paid to the farmers flor

248 Frc..26 GR, SO IIÉLD OF ( \S¡¡_-Bo) q\so 4tr¡e- ¡8 slro*i",rî Xe-acl,¿ ova.rqtes r1 t6 r5 l+ r3 tz lt x tG, q ¡ 1 6 3 + j Dis+cïc+ Cor¡nc.i I o* Mor"ghctt Vqle 7- I

t? t6 rs Itt

13 t¿ lr x to hor\e,tg I Pe'î oßÎQ- I ? 6 s at t Dis*cïc.t Co,¡neì I of Nooc\unXcr L I g gË g EEgE g Ê g {E d g s Ë Êâ'Ê_ÈEË Ë Srì,¡rce- - So.¡+L' A,.¡4co\ro,tr Partor^entarX Pojecs No.3 their grain the following year. ( rz ) In L864 good crops in the coastal area surpassed the yieJ-d '-r=- of the wetter hilly farms, which suggests that the optimum rainfall had been exceeded inland. Neither alea plospeled in lB65 as patchy rain and blight cut the yield to 9.5 bushels peI ----z:-- acre. lnJhen the rains tnrere late the f ollowing year the Register correspondent wrote gloomily about "droug_ht, your cloudy reports of the wheat market and rlrrorn-out l-ands." Howevet, the rains came and in July il rlvas reported that they "had caused great hopefulness to the farmers.'r The crops turned out "beyond expectation; 30 and even 40 bushels an acre are said to be reached by some. " lnlhen good rains f e11 tn ]95-7 farmers looked to a Iepeat perfolmance despite the low prices they tnlere paid for their grain.(fB) This account of the period 1858-61 helps to point out the probl-ems that reaJ-1y concerned the Southern Vales f armers. lnJealhqr was a major factor for the main crop failures were due -----e"to inadequate rainfall, while too much rain at the wrong time could also harm the yieJ-d by fostering crop diseases. Significantly, the only reference to "trvorn-out" l-ands rlrlas made after the l-B 5 OU ht and there is no mention of an overall decline in yieJ.ds. The greatest rivorry rlìJas with the low prices obtained in the years 1861-3, and it was then that moves to growing vines and raising sheep tnlere made by those who had the l-and and capital to change.(see fig. 27) The next fall in wheat prices (1866-7) coincided with difficulties in marketing wine and lambs. For those smallholders who relied on wheat to pay their way, the most difficult of all misflortunes to accept tnras a steady fal-l in their standard of living Iesulting from

249 -1931 bugr 8L¡¡ LL81 etlr JLtì ì,t st tLsr 1L¡t ltgt otSt 89!ll L93l ?9tt s98l tgEt rgtl ostt bs¡t tstt LSS|

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-h, .rrtsrStg Þ sSllud LvStìt\ vÐNo1ðvoN Iðod ÐnrçñoHS Hd V ð LZ'Ðt¡ -þt tnraning prices. Their inability to expand their acreage as a tnray of compensating for low prices must have made them look for a chance to acquire more land

250 (B) The Exodus Farmers who ¡r¡ere disenchanted with theil plopects in the Southern Val es could buy land in the nerlv hundreds proclaimed in the Lower No rth in the IB6Os. Horlrlever, as Bowes has pointed out in Land Settlement in South Australia, there were many obstacles in the tnlay ofl the farmer. Land was only advertised in the Government Gazette and the section numbers t¡lele meaningless without a map, which could only be obtained in Adelaide. In the auction Ioom the farmer flaced competition f rom pastoral-ists, spealqtors and their agents, who would run up the price to.discourage him and then buy the rest of the land cheaply. His greatest difficulty though rlrlas finding the cash required by the government, for he could not bolrotrv as easily as his wealthy competitors. ( l9 ) A change rlvas obviously needed and the cataJ-yst tntas provided by the events of .]t9;!t. The seed tntas alI in the ground by the end ofl June in the Southern Vales and there was rain "suflficient to keep the ground continually moist" right through the winter months. Heavy falJ-s continued into spring and as Iate as the end of 0ctober a hot day ralas followed by a cloud-burst. Shortly after this, Peter Anderson recorded in his diary "red rust in the wheat ," and the Register correspond."t"l;"nted, "rt is certainly piti able to see the splendid fiel-ds of wheat, which Iooked so pro mising only a month âgo, notlìl onJ-y f it f or hay, and scarcely that. Even the best-ti11ed, newest and well-manured land has nr9!¡9ed"9ltl-v blig hted and empty heads, covered with rust from root to top." The advice of the experts seemed to be matched by the "ho11ow hum" ofl the machines reaping in the fields.(20) It was hoped that the crops would at least average 6 to 7

25L bushels, but the final- statistics showed the yieJ-d was only half of t !:it figy_f.". Fa mers met in the Devonshire Hotel-. McLaren Vale, and demanded hel-p f rom the go_g-e-rnment, which was asked to empJ-oy laboulers on public works in the South and to subsidize purchases of seed for the following season. The wheat-buyeIS, CJ-ark and Gatlotnray, brought a calgo of seed-wheat from the rust-free South-east.(2L) ARo al commt;; tnras established to investigate the caUSeS of diseases in wheat and heard evidence from many farmers, including th,o from the Southern Vales. John Martin of McLaren Vale f elt that tlras caused by heavy _I_g.9! " Igg"rs !he _ rains in October. He noted that PurpIe Straw was more resistant to the disease than Goldsmith's and that pickling the seed with s_ul$jg had a beneficial effect. tnlalter Thomson of OrHalloran Hill supported Martin's observation that clops nearer the sea rnlele less affected. Although the Commission agreed that the di-sease rlvas fungoid, they could offer no remedy because it seemed to attack without IegaId to the mode of cultivat ion. (22)

A smaller acleage WaS sown in _1868 after the rain came late. The Mount Gambier wheat was reported to look healthier than that grorlrln from local seed. As the farmers watched nervously foI any sign of rust, the spring rains held off and good crops trvere obtained near the sea. However'_f:1t in the hills Ieduced the average to 10 bushel-s an acIe. Although the signs rlvere there that the Southern Vates often Ieceived too much rain, many farmerS SaW the rust-ptague as a menace that struck at random It crealed a general restlessness as the fa11 in wheat acreage spulled the government to take demands

252 for l and reform seriousl-y.(23)

There tatas general agreement in the H ouse of Assembly in

I B6B that a change tnta s necessary, though "there trrlere gs.many schemes on the land question as there tnlele membeIS. " Both the Noarlunga replesentatives distrusted Strangrlrlays ' who had expressed his views against free selection and deferred payments at an election meeting in Apri1. John Carr had served as a member of the Commission on Diseases in Cereals and expIeSSed his sympathy with the flarmers, who rlrlele "btoke down with red rust." thought that parj-iament "had for some time been Iegislating for a class - the capitalists and land jobbels.rr His inclusion in the new Strangrrllays ministry gave him a say in the scheme announced on 1B November.(24) The most important feature of the Ì¡Jaste Lands Amendment Bill tnlas that it plovided for the sale of land on credit - 20% down and payment of the balance oVeI four yeaIS. A number of Agricultural Areas ( in which land could only be purchased on credit) wele to be proclaimed and surveyed into 32O acle sections, with a maximum of 640 acres allowed to any one purchaser. Selectors had to submit a rlrllitten application for the land, which was first offered at a maximum price and then proglessively Ieduced to á1 an acIe. Finally, conditions ofl purchase - occupation and improvements to the val-ue of 12/6 an acre - rltele imposed to ensule that the land went to bona-fide farmers. The Bill trvas passed by the House of Assembly on 6 January I869, but the Legislative Council insisted on a six-month delay in the interest of those squatters whose IUns tivele to be resumed. On 30 January the Governor'S assent Was given.(25) stranghJays Act, as it became known, wâs only the first

253 instalment of land legislation involving the plinciple ofl credit sel-ection. The terms of sale r¡lere further liberalized in LB72 to al-1oru six years f or the completion of payment, while various schemes rnlere tried to prevent the multiple applications that abused the system. "Substituted residence" tnlas all-owed in IB72 and- the purchaser had to aglee to bring I/5 of his land under cuttivation each yeaI. New Agricultural Areas tnlele proclaimed but farmers argued that the best land rlllas outside the boundaries of the chosen districts. This led to the decision in I872 to offer all the land south of "Goyder's Line" on credit terms. Even this restriction r¡las abandoned in I874 created a demand from farmers to be as a IUn of Oo{. ¡easons abte to select fanO beyond the line. llrJhile these changes rlrele -r' 1.., important, it tnras the basic features of the I869 Act - largeI sections and deferred payments - that attracted selectors from -'_ the Southern VaIe s. (26) Members of parliament intended to use the selection acts to promote the cultivation of wheat, increase the agrarian population and put the small man on the land. The Success of the first two aims seemed assuled by the end of the decade. In 1879-80 fourteen miltion bushels of wheat r¡¡ere reaped, while between I87f and I88l the number of farmers in the colonY increased from 8,775 to 12,660. To assess the success of the scheme in achieving the third aim rnre need to investigate the background of the selectors. Most historians aglee that the netnl settlers in the I87Os were farmers oI theil sons. Hirst nã.lou'n that only;-;:t the r,2oo applications ror credit selections rlrlele from Adelaide men, while Bowes notes that almost half of the Cattowie selectors r¡lele born in South Australia and three-qualters of his sample listed their 254 previous occupation as farmet.(27) By working through the Credit Selection Books in the Lands Department it has been possibte to identify I43 selectors from the Southern Vales.(see Appendix E) 7O of these Iived within the boundaries of the District Councils of Morphett VaIe and Noarlunga. Approximately 40% r¡ele l-andho j-ders, 50% wele lhe glorrvn children of ratepayels, while in the case of IO% no peISon of that SUIname could be traced. In fact, the number of sons who took up land under the Act was plobably gleater. Men like AlexanO.:_-llderson of Mossgeil took up selections, sent theil sons to farm the land and stayed in the Southern VaIes. There aIe also exampJ-es of whole families, such aS the Darbys and Carmichaels, who left for the new districts. Sometimes brothers, such as Stephen and i¡lilliam Kanaley of McLaren Vate, migrated together, while friends and neighbouls' like John Jared and Edward Teakle of Noarlunga, often took up land near each other and provided mutual support.(28) Bowes has analysed the population of Belalie in the Mid-north and found that in L876 it had a larger proportion of men in their early twenties than the rest of the colony and that Z/3 of them tnrere single. He concludes that the selectors feIl into three main gloups - middle-aged parents with grottvn-up Sons, single yoUng men and single older men. The absence of families with young children is rather sulprising, but might be explained by Hirst's observation that farmers from the older areas often chose their sections and began to farm before sending for their famil-ies. Both the Teakle boys, Edward and Thomas, were married in their early twenties to Local girls before taking up their selections in the North. Married oI

255 single, it tnlas the second generation of farmers that pioneered the nerlv agricultural- area s. (29) It is al-so possible to use the ratebooks to determine the landholdings of those who took up selections on credit. 0nIy one tradesman, the blacksmith James McGregor, and two Iaboulers, Charles Hepenstal-l and James McEachan ofl Port NoarJ-unga, took up Iand. There rllere eight selectors with smal1 blocks of less than 5O acles, ranging flrom Walter Holland's miserable five acres to the half-sections of Thomas Correll and Alfred Talbot of Hurtle Vale. Thirteen men held 5l-IOO acreS, usually a singJ-e BO-acre section, and men such as Andrew Carmichael, Obed. Bishop and Joseph Pike rlrlele obviously the kind of respectable hard-working farmer thal the J-egisl-ation rnras intended to heIp. Hornlever, rnle have already Seen that they tluele a "vanishing race" in the Southern Vales and this merely speeded up the process.(¡0) The Iargest gloup were the twenty sel-ectors who held 101-250 acres (two or three sections). Some of them like Thomas Darby and Charles King considered that 160 acres was not enough to make a leasonable living, white John Cox and the Smith brothers could see no future for them on their fathers' farms of 22O and 2OO acres Iespectively. Alt the political rhetoric about heJ-pinq the small farmer falls flat when tlrle discover that nineteen sel-ections rnrere made by tandholders with 25I-5OO acIes. Peter Anderson and David Teakle could claim that they had several glot¡,n up sons to provide f ot, but David Beyer, wi-th 344 acIeS neal Noarlunga, selected Iand at Baroota, while GeoIge Sherriff increased his holdings of 400 acles in Morphett VaLe by selecting land on Yorke Peninsula.(3f) This failure to put the smalI man on the land is confirmed

256 by an anal-ysis of the occupations given by those who selected land. 0nty nine of the I43 selectors from the Southern Vales stated that they rnrere labourers. t^Jhile several of the "farmerS" Seem from the ratebooks to have a doubtful claim to that slatus, no more than five laboulers could be added from that source. Four bl-acksmiths, two carpenters, two masons and one bootmaker give a total of nine tradesmen among the selectors. 0n the other hand, I15 gave lheir occupation as farmel, while the widow and five spinsters would have selected on behalf of farming sons, brothers or fathers. Thus Bowes conclusion that abouL 7/4 of the selectors r¡lere farmers is probably an underestimation for those coming from the older farming areas.(=z) l//-CI lnle aIe nolrv in a position to explain rlrhy farmers decided to leave the Southern VaIes in the 1870s. The effect of the rust-plague coming on top of poor wheat prices was devastating to farmers who had expected a good harvest. Since the causes :l-' of crop diseg-pe trvere poorly underst ood, the on ly tnlay a farmer z"' could protu"t himself from low yiel ds was to i ncrease the acreage he planted. Moteover, man y of the fa rmers who had taken up land in the Southern Vales now had gr orlvn sons to think of. They could of course enlarge the family farm by buying out neighbours, but the market pric e for land Ì^,as high. These men found that the credit legisl-ation provided an easier way to buy farms for their sons than purchasing additional land within the district. Thus most of the land sel-ected in the net¡ areas went to established farmers rather than struggling smallholders, craftsmen or labourers.(ll)

257 (c) therners in n Referring to Strangrlrrays Act, Michael llr.lilliams wrote that the "experienced South Austral-ian farmers of the ol-d settled areas ... stepped ovel the constricting belt of sheep-waIks and moved into the North n Areas; looked south to the Promised land of the Mount Gambier district; and cast a hesitant glance at the little known and isolated tip of E re Peninsul-a." This col-ourful description of the various agricultural- areas favoured by the selectors is either generally inaccurate or the settl-ers from the Southern Val-es dispJ-ayed quite a different set of priorities in choosing land. 0n1y el-even took up sel-ections in the South-east and then it r¡las the Naracoorte area rather than the sh,amps near Mount Gambier that attracted them.(see fig. 28) Sixty-ttnlo went to Yorke Peninsul-a between IB69 and I879, while sixty-four he"d",9_.lorth.(34) The Naracoorte Agricultural Area rnlas the most popular with the original selectors and, by the end of IB69' 160 of its 600 sections had been soId. Among the buyers tlvele lirlalter Thomson and three of his sons, George, llr.lilliam and John, who between them chose an area of Ir6Il acres. Not far arlrtay tatere the holdings of George and Henry Sprigg of Morphett VaIe, who selected 1,1I6 acres. George seems to have exceeded the limit of 640 acres allowed under credit, and 2O3 acres trrlere surrendered and sold to an Edward King. The Register correspondent recorded the departure of the Spriggs from Morphett Vale in November 1869, commenting that "our population is also yielding its quota to the exodus southwards." Their sons - John, Charles and Edwin - who must have been too young to qualify as selectors, tnrere left to manage the land at Morphett Vale .(lS)

258 FrG.2g cRESr-T S€LE CTroN s FROÈ4 THC- SoQ.TH€RN vÊLeS

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t Buxton has shown that the Naracoorte Agricultural area tlias notorious for the use of "dummying" by the pastoralists. It is interesting therefore to see how genuine the selectors from the Southern Vales ralere and to trace their fortunes through the various reports called for by the House of AssembIy.(le) At the end of IB70 the land selected by the Thomsons was occupied by the three sons, who had dug we11s, built houses and begun to fence the ploperty. They had 910 acles under clop in I872 and the inspector reported that most of it rllas looking we11. The Spriggs had occupied their sections and built a six-roomed house valued al t285. They planted 47O acles of wheat, described as having receivedrrNo injury as yet" when many ofl their neighbours had lost part of their crop throrgh*j]:o_9_ing. By the end of LB75 both families had completed the purchase of their land and stilI retained it, while all the others in the Hundred of Hynam, who had acquired titJ-e, sold out to Mary Guthrie and Thomas Magarey.(17) Thomas llrlard of 0'Halloran Hilt had also selected land in the Naracoorte Agricultural Area. He cultivated 2OO of his 266 acres in 1870 and managed to save his crop in L872 by draining his land. Many of the farmers who came to inspect , ---*''t--.- ---- the area in lB70 found the land flooded and the best areas f-- - already taken. Rather than wait for nernt areas to be opened, they decided to continue their journey across the border to the Wimmera where flree sel-ection h,as in operation. 0ne of the patient ones rrrras Thomas Brown of t/üi11unga, who took up land in the Binnum area in I872 and at once put in four acres as an experimental crop. Like the Thomsons and Spri99s, t¡Jard and Brown came from a long-standing farming background and gave every indication that they were genuine selectors.(18)

259 r orke Peninsul-a proved to be very attractive to selectors from the Southern VaIes. Perhaps this tnlas because of the similarity in climate or the ease of communication across the waters of St. Vincent Gulf. The story of the arrival- of the first selectors in the Troubridge and Penton VaIe Agricultural Areas has been told by Ern Carmichael through the eyes of a shepherd. "That night Charles Parrington talked about it to Mary while they smoked after tea. 'Bloody sacriJ-ege I call it, cutting up the runs. The ÜA*il I, j.,qc-kies will ruin this country quicker than they did the south, and they ruined that quick enough. "' His employerS, Anstey and Gi1es, took action to protect their run and Parrington was among the 22 sel-ectors who sold out to them after completing their purchase.(19) Not all the selectors in the Hundred of Melville tnlere "dummies", for Thomas Correlt came from a sma1l holding in Hurtl-e Val-e to select 2I5 acres there. He brought his two teenage sons, lrrlilliam and Thomas, to occupy the section and with a single-furrow plough they put in 60 acres of wheat. tnlhen they reap S to the acre, the netnls brought a "d _2_:. .!1she1s flood of genuine selectors from the Vales in r?r:."r. These included another smallhotder, AIfred Talbot, and a Iabourer' Daniel Easton, from Hurtle Vale; two masons, a blacksmith and a bootmaker f rom Aldinga; as well as the f atmets, l¡lilliam Gotdsmith of t^,i11-unga and the Roses of 0'Halloran Hi11. None of these sold out to the squatters, although only CorrelI and Tal-bot had compl-eted their purchase by the end ofl I875. In this area the Act rlvas successful- in putting the small- man on the land. ( 40 ) As Melville was fiIled new hundreds were opened uPr so

260 that sustained migration to the Peninsu.l-a took place right through the l-B7Os. Obed. Bishop and James Sherriff led the wây, abandoning B0-acre sections in Morphett Vale flor the Hundred of Dalrymple in I872. Ralph AndeISon left McLaren

Val-e and calLed his netnl f arm " Oakl-ands" f rom the thick cover of she-oaks on the ploperty. After clearing it he planted a clop and in November Peter sent him the Machines to harvest it. Then the younger brothers, Peter and Alec. , who had helped Ralph with the harvest, took up land there. Peter senior made several trips acloss to visit his sons' no doubt reliving the pioneering days of his youth as he helped them establish their

farms. ( al ) By IB14 attention had shifted to the Hundred of /-' pattern of gloup migration is evident here as É'Minlacowie. A the Darbys, Hollands, Roberts and Spri99s, al1 members of the Morphett Vale Baptist Church, took up land. Thomas Darby tlvas sorely missed after a quarter of a century of service and waS presented with a family BibIe by the Sunday-school scholars. In IB76 it rnlas the turn of hundreds in Central Yorke Peninsufa (CurIamuIka, Koolywurtie, Wauraltee, KilkeIIan and Cunningham) to receive settl-ers, who came mainly f rom McLaren VaJ-e, l^lillunga and Aldinga. These rrrrele nearly att f armers with medium-sized holdings, seeking mole land to provide for their families . (42) Lúhile migration to Yorke Peninsul-a was alr¡ays steady, interest in the Northern Areas waxed and r¡laned with the enthusiasm generated by neWspapers. The local corlespondent wrote in February IBTI that "a good many people aIe leaving for that El- Dorado of the farmers - the North." He wouLd have been referring to peopl-e such as the flriends, John Jared junior

26r and Edward Teakl-e, who took up sections in the Hundred of Bundaleer. A quiet patch followed as the "AIeaS maniail died down in I872. Only one Southelner selected in the prime land of Caltowie, a fact Iemalked upon by Bowes and explicable only by the concentration of Southerners on Yorke Peninsula at that time . (43) l¡Jhen attention stnrung back to the North after favoulable reports had been pubJ-ished in I873, it r¡as land neaIeI the coast that attracted settlers from the Southern Va1es. Four settlers went to CrystaJ- Brook and their friends spilt out into the ad joining hundreds ofl l¡landearah, Pirie and Napperby. Strangely the best wheat country east of the Flinders Range but within Goyder's Line rnras ignored, sY.gggst,ing that they preferred to be nearer to places of shipment along the coast. The preference of settLers from the Southern Vales for c,oaslal land, either on the Peninsula or in the North, points to a bV tradition that had evolved in a homeland wel-l served _¡1-qler transport. Certainly some southerners rnlere arrrtale of the profits to be made carting wheat to seaports and they took their drays north in January I874.(44) l¡lalter Thomson sparked off the largest northern migration from the Southern Vales when he helped three mole ofl his sons to acquire land in the Hundreds of Telowie and Baroota in I877. <"1!_- Andrew Carmichael left his 80 acres and a sorrowful Baptist Church at Morphett Vale flor a new farm at Telowie. Another eight settlers followed the example of the Thomsons in Baroota. They flound the rainfall lower than they had anticipated and tntele shocked when their o1d enemy rust ravaged the cIopS. After four yeals of struggle the settfers successfully petitioned the government to atlow them to sullender and

262 repurchase their lands for 20/6 an acre.(45) At Ieast a score of settl-ers took up sections in the marginal lands north of Goyder's Line aftet I876. Some like James Bishop, Daniel Stone and John Reed had the insulance of land at Koolunga, but the rest vvere to suffer from the drou hts ofl the l8BOs. The most foolhardy rllele Jabez Bridgeman and -æ"- Thomas-Teak1e, who went to the Hundred of-Arf

nerrrl areas woul-d take with them the farming methods and general attitudes to the land that they had formed in the Southern VaIes. llrjhile hand cultivation r¡las used at first in some of

the nernr aIeas, it WaS not tong before machinery vvas introduced to save labour on the larger acleages that had been planted. One settler at Baroota described how he borrowed a netnl stripper and, as his crop trvas black with smut, so was the nerat stripper when he had finished. The Thomsons and the Spriggs woul-d have used machinery to harvest the large acreages they pJ-anted in the Naracoorte area. li'ihen f armers moVed f rom there to the l¡Jimmera in the lB7Os they took strippels, which were stilI quite rare in Victoria. Jeans has shown that machinery tllas introduced from Victoria into the south-west of New South

lnlales , where " it was cheaper to crop virgin country than maintain soil fertil-ity." (4-7) During the 1870s the continued decline in yields sparked of f a debate about th" of flarmers to their land. ô 3.!,!,ttude

263 f yields on. continuous J.l^J. Bult blamed the alling -crgpping ' "which WaS only adopted aS a necessity when the farms Were smal1 and which process noW undel mole liberal- land laws is

inexcusable." tnJe have already Seen thaL continuouS clopping

WaS by no means aS common in the older aIeaS aS the fatmers' critics believed. MoreoveI, as Dunsdorfs has pointed out, the expansion of agriculture into less fertile areas during the 1870s helped to bring down the average yield for the '---;:- colôny. ( B) Bowes and t^JiIliams quote of f icial reports which blamed credit selection for a trend towards "shifting cultivation" by allowing flarmers to take up new soil in exchange for worked-out land. If this was so, and there aIe examples of farmers who m:ved more than once in the J-870s, the droughts of the lBB0s soon made it clear that the extent of arable land in the colony rivas limited. There is no evidence I that the settlers on nerlt Iands in the lB70s rntere "agricultural gypsi-es". On the contrary, most of those who came from the Southern Vales built substantial homes, rested their soil regularly and fathered famities that can stiIl be found in the areas to which they migrated.(49) The cultivation ofl wheat declined in the Naracoorte area as settlers realized that, like the Southern Va1es, it tnlas wet. In Yo-rke P.It!tula, too, yields declined and often -t9o the farmers turned their attention to !9tl.y as a crop better suited to the climate. Near Port Germein the settlers experimented to overcome the ru,st probJ-em and deveJ-oped

varieties such as lrJard's P rol-if ic, Carmichael's EcJ-ipse and GIuyas EarIy. ( 50 ) v'litn t hese improved strains of wheat and the application of superph o:rqn1a" to replace nutrients in the soil, wheat was established as the main crop in the secule -¿'?,,-.I, L 264 northern areas. The migrants from the Southern Vales uüere usually committed to farming as a rllay of life, and drew upon their experience in the "old South'r to solve the problems of pioneering. They introduced machinery, conserved the fertility of their soil and trvere prepared to experiment with neh¡ crops and seed varieties.

265 (D) Effect on the Southern Economv As the 1870s t¡¡ore on it becarne clear to the settlers in ' ¿-.7 --- the Southern Vales that the best days of the region tniere over. The Register correspondent noted in 187I thatrrTtnlo ofl our residents have taken out and will soon occupy their selections in the agricultural area in the North, rruhich, urhile it may be doing them good, is not tending to increase the population or demand for labour in oUI dÍstrict." Each departure waS a blow I not just to the Iabourers, who could not afflord to take up selections, but also to the trading community. By JuIy I874 the correspondent had reported the departure of the storekeeper, Thomas Hocart, and noted that "even tradesmen are deserting the district, permitting Ichabod to be legibly written on their once busy pl q:::. " ( 51 ) Trade in land was one aspect that did not suffer, as the sale of sections by those leaving gave their neighbours a chance to increase theÍr landholdings. In his reminiscences Reverend MitIer thought that "every B0 acre section supported a family more or Less directtyrrwhen he arrived in L863, but that when he left in I891 there tnlere three or four sections to a family. It is possible to get a more accurate picture of what tntas happening to landhol-dings from the District Council of Noarlunga ratebooks.(see Appendix F) The number of single section farms tnlas already exceeded by holdings of two or three sections in 1867-8. Both these groups had declined by I8B4-5 and there rlras a slight fa11 in the number of half-section and 4-6 section holdings. It was the properties of over 500 acres that had grot¡n in number.(52) The biggest landowners are obvious from the ratebooks. lrrlilliam 0liver built up his estate in the Noarlunga hitls from

266 BOO to I,3OO acres by buying up some of the smaller farms on his boundaries. The only newcomer to the alea trrlas Stephen Allen, tarho bought out two departing selectors and amassed 87I acIes. David Beyer increased his farm to 704 acres while l¡Jilliam Hamrnond, t¡JilIiam Mudge and John Kanaley aII topped the 5OO acre mark. James Clark had only 448 acres in the District Council of Noarlunga, but his purchases in the Morphett Vale district would have added another 24O acres.(¡¡) However' his interests extended well beyond land and his importance in the economic structure of the region lequires a thorough sketch of his background. James CIark was born in Birmingham to Scottish parents and emigrated with them in 1839. His father, Samuel, ran an ironmongery business in Hindley Street before Ieasing a section from the South Australian Company near Noarlunga. James Was conspicuous for his bravery in the rescue of survivors from the Tigress in I848. t¡ihen Samuel died he Ief t Section 323, the future site of Port Noarlunga, to James, who made a SUcceSs of farming and soon bought four other sections. After serving as Chairman of the Morphett VaIe Council in LB56-7, he tnras asked to run for Parliament but declined. In L863 he began to buy and ship wheat in partnership with James Galloway, and four years later they bought the McLaren Vale Mi11. Clark stilL found time to seIVe as Chailman of the Noarlunga Council in 1867-8. He replaced the original "Greenloop" with a new house on the cIiff, from which he could see both NoarJ.unga and ships coming to toad wheat at the port.(54) Despite CIark's faith in the wheat industry' wheat-g IOWlN g proved to be a very frustrating experience for the flarmers who

267 stayed on in the IB70s. The failure of alternative croPS and better prices tempted farmers to sorar a Iarger alea in 1870. hJ-ñ-eä- they reaped 12 bushels to the acre conflidence seemed to be restored and a Iecord 5 rI55 acres u,ere SoWn in Morphett VaIe and 6rO45 in Noarlunga the following yeaI. HoweVer' cIopS that promised well produced such a variable result that the district averaged only .:],gî,_!ïhels per acre. 0nce again the acreage rlrlas reduced in.!9J2, only for the farmels to find that a perfect season broughl'' yields of 12 bushels to the acre.(¡S) Another disaster followed heavy nrinter and spring ra-ins in t,,-. 1873, with the avelage of 6 bushels per acle P1zzling everyone' including the Register corlespondent. "The setllers will it most be blamed f or no, arming oI but is like1y l_"J-f -f lanuring, the fact is the not.worn-out lands where good farming, according to the theorists, has been attended to and manuring applied, a13 tne-ho raroJ9t,r^rñrql- andan¡t haveharp greatlynreatlv Ol-t"O1o_inledclisaooointeOìnorJ *no have followed scientific IeadeIS." The acreage planted continuãci- to fatl despite a good harvest of 11 bushels per acre in I874. Another good season in LB75 revived hopes and for -4? -. the first time in five years the acreage Iose. Despite a copybook rainfall pattern, the result uJas a repetition of the enigma of L873. ( 56 ) This finally wrecked the confidence of the farmers in wheat. The acleage rrrlas reduced in LB77 and a rust-affected crop gave a similar result. I87B sahJ less wheat soh,n and another poor crop. Even an improved 9 bushels to the acre in I879 could not restore faith in wheat-growing. An overview of the decade reveals that crop failures usually occurred when there was too much r_q-in in autumn (rB7l) or too much rain in spring (1877). A combination of both heavY autumn and spring

268 rains trrlith a dry rarÍnter led to the disastrous 4.5 bushels per acre harvest in ,rr,9. FenneI wrote in 1935 that the southern '--" :;-' 'rtoesrr of the f our peninsulas - Eyre, Yorke, Fleurieu and the South-east - present peculiar agricultural problems, âñd that the climatic factor of coldness and wetness "prevents the wheat grorlln to the south from developing the special milling qualities Iequired." This suggests that it raras not so mueh soil exhaustio-n or the size of sections'that drove 'wheat-growing from the Southern Vales as a gradual realization by farmers that the shorter growing season of the Mid-north was better suited to wheat.(57) t¡,lhi1e others rrvere leaving, James Clark retained f aith in the district. Besides keeping the McLaren Vale Milt opelating at full porarer, he bought the Noarlunga Mi11 in I869. Some necessary repairs h,ere completed to the boiler before it resumed operations in October 1870. His faith seemed justified when, following a good harvest, it rlllas Ieported that the t'mil-I is in f utI work day and night, and wheat seems to come in almost as quickty as it is converted into fLout.'l llrleston Bate points out in his history of Brighton, Victoria, the key role pJ-ayed by the mitl in an agricultural community. He poSeS qUestions such aS: l¡Jas payment made in f lour oI money? talas flour used J.ocaJ.ly or sent to Melbourne? Did the miller act as a merchant? Then he comments that I'the mill accountS, if they could be found, would be an invaluable social

document. " (58) James Clark's Iedger contains the names of his customers and can be used to determine the range of the mill. As one would expect, the greatest number of customers, 49 , came from

269 the District of Noarlunga. However 48 tlrlere from l¡Ji1lunga and 17 from AIdingâ, while there rllere even Some from Myponga and :"¿/¿ Yanka]illa. This shows that farmers were prepared to calt their rnlheat a considerable distance towards Adelaide, which they woul-d have to visit on occasions for business or pleasure. The fact that onty I1 came from Morphett VaIe and 9 from Clarendon suggests they tnrere not so ready to travel south. Ihese customers were normally paid cash for their wheat. The tedger reveals that CIark acted as a merchant and in t87I he exported É+e,OOO of flour and wheat to Melbourne and Sydneyr âs ralell as selling é¡,600 of fllour at Noarlunga and McLaIen

VaIe. ( ¡g ) This raias a busy yeal for Port Noarlunga, with at least two dozen ships visiting to load wheat or flour. Another l9 came in IB72 and the following year clark suggested that the goVernment improve a rrcompalatively pool jetty." He WaS quite prepared to spend his ou,n money on ne1n¡ milling machinery. Despite the pool harvest of I876 the mi11 Iemained active, converting most of the wheat into flour. However, the McLaren Vale Mitl rtvas sold and its plant transferred to Noarlunga in I877. On t4 November of that year CIark wrote to the Register expressing his pleasure that ét,OOO had been voted for the extension of the -'ietty. 2OO feet h,ere added during I878 but the decline in wheat cultivation, by 2r25O acres in the Districts of Morphett Vale and Noarlunga that yeal' must have given James Clark some restless nights.(60) After the rust plague showed the vulnerability of wheat there wele concerted attempts to find an alternative crop. Such was the interest that T.S. KeIl ¡rlote to the Register in 1869 giving details of fl-a cultivation. He estimated the

270 expenses ofl cultivating one acre aL {l-f-0 and stated that each acre should ploduce 15 bushels of flax seed wortn l+-I0-0 and two tons of straw worthÁ7-0-0. A good many farmers talele persuaded to try some flax and 60 to 100 acres tarere planted near Noarlunga. The manager of the mi11, David Hutton, experimented with linen manufacture and a detailed report of his plocess rrvas published. By November reports started to come in that the clop rllas a failure and had only grouvn a few inches high. Some farmers r¡rele prepared to peISeveIe in the the attempt.(6I) /,, following yeals but most simply abandoned í,/,i ¿t Gra Þ- rowin tnlas not the ansrarer either for the price of wine remained depressed and the acreage of vineyards continued to decline. The only landholder with faith in the industry vvas Thomas Hardy, who replanted some of the vines at Tintara, built homes for his employees and put in new wine-making plant. In 1877 he bought the McLaren VaIe Mi11 from James CIark and turned it into cellars with vats for storing 40,000 gal1ons. but it tnras not Gradually his energy enthused the local farmels ' until the late 1880s that the Vineyard acleage once mole started to gror¡l.(62) The only other ctops to be tried seriously in this period ¡lere, barley, which glerll steadily in acreage in the I870s before v\,/\--^ declining again, and oats, which enjoyed a brief surge of popul-arity until I875. Most farmers turned to a more familiar alternative when the IB76 harvest shook their conflidence in wheat. 0ver 5,OOO acres ¡¡ele cut for hay in 1877 in the Morphett Vale district compared to less than 2'000 in any previous yeaI.(see fig. 29) Hay 1¡as sent to Adelaide to fuel its transport system, but the market there t,rlas soon

27r Fre. a9

Eao Dis+ric, Council o{ orPlìe+t \n\¿ Stqtis*teal Rqqis+er o4 Soq+t^. Ar¡s{ra\rc," S.A.p.p. r.tol3. _ So"."e

t@

ir@o

lt0oO

looo

g g g g g É- g gg ü 9 E E S 9 9 E ü Ê E E E E Ë â Ë E 8 É â 6 oversupplied and the acreage had to be reduced.(63) The decline of the economy caused by the emigration of farmers flrom the Southern Vales is very clear from HaIIack's description of the area in 1892. As a cereal grotnier the South is notll nowhere and where 30 bushels of wheat was once grotnln, the grain sotrln' to produce hay of an indifferent quality has nor,tl in many instances to be carted from Adelaide. The flour-mi11s' once humming hives of industry, are in the southern districts proper, all closed or demolished. The jetties at Noarlunga, Mypongâ, Yankalilla and Second Valì-ey alI stand tike tombstones of a departed industry.

James CIark's flour-mi11 had become a chaff-mi1l, while the ietty he had persuaded the government to extend talas rarely used to load any cargo . ( 64 ) The fate of the Southern Vales rllas shared by other areas such as Clar and Mount Barker , where the wheat acreage fe11 ---:-: '' and population declined. Everywhere the same pattern can be observed the aggregation of sections into holdings, - -l1ln_"_t which permitted diverse farming activities. Many properties r,lere inherited by sons, who returned from the North or Peninsula and grew \aV, grapes and almonds as well as raising /r. .,4' ./- cross-bred Iambs. However, these activities required neither the labour nor the services that g]le1!:farming had once supported. ( 65 )

272 (E) Effect on the Southern Comrnunitv The bi ggest blow to the community talas the l9r"t. of population. It rllas people who paid rates, gave offerings to the churche s and sent their children to fill the classrooms. As r¡,e have seen in an earlier chapter, the topography of the

Southern Va les caused the dispersal of community services among several sma 1I townships and villages rather than their concentrati on in one major town.(ee) In that respect the region coul d not cope with declining population as well as

/_--"-,Clale or Mo unt Barker because the number of people who used the services r¡las closer to the economic threshold. A fa11 in population also meant a decline in the number of voters and hence in the political clout required to ensure that the central government met the needs of the community. Bowes has estimated that the areas to the south and east of Adelaide lost 5,000 people between IBTt and L876. This pattern is confirmed by the census returns for the District Council of Morphett Vale, which show a decline from 933 to 737 people in that period.(see fig. 30) It is also signilicant that the ba_lance of the sexj_s,_ghanged; an excess of 23 males in t87t became an excess of 33 females in L876. The most noticeable gap in the male ranks vrlas in the 20-25 age range as the sons moved out to take up sel-ections in nevrl areas. An excess of married women shows the tendency for husbands to Ieave their families behind until they had established their netnl flarms.(el) By I88l the population of Morphett Vale had fallen to 685, which supports Bowes' calculation that the south lost a further 1,200 in this period. A decline in the proportion of children under 14 from 45% to 40% suggests the migration of flamilÍes to

273 t ì ¡

tl

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n

ol

s?rôo\ lsl

+svv,l alr 19 - ùS1, -81 Yeì' t¿ - f99 *lr' hl*o P"lì) ¿5¡ - ¡o\r *z,:_SlaYuo soùð vo\Þ>ôP3 Stt tsr, õ- pÞrcp¡m b ?òñ?rm olt P?rJ'ÞH ?ol ìf¡rJJþH JSl' Pl'æe-¡ Ltz þãtJraww(\ lìÞ$ ++¡\dJol,¡ i o lr:vôo) +atJ+stQ ( Lt¡, t" iUoN 'd'ó'tts) s6¡vìl wq¡ æ (Ðì) orEEESrrAvEeES

I Lor n

sarooy g5¡ tç . zt lf lalr 4ow5 hlvo Sq - i! L! PÛòð atsr . kô8 ?ÌtJñ PvÞ PDIð '¡l¡_ uo+Þ)ôP3

lÞrê+ ttb lzlow¡t tt1 S"\Þw 3L1

?rroo5

õãã¡; join their fathers. However, there remained a surplus of married rlvomen, which can only be accounted for by the number of labourers, who would have been forced to seek work outside the district but still wanted to retain their homes and small blocks of land in the Southern VaIes.(68) The IBBl Census also gives details of township populations. Noarlunga, 150 people, and ReyneIla, II3, fared better than Morphett Vale and Hackham (e+ and 61 ) in the changed economic conditions.(see fig.3I) The employment provided by the mill at Noarlunga and the popularity of both Noarlunga and ReyneIJ-a as stopping places on the main road would have helped to sustain their populations. Noarlunga still had two hs and two blacksmiths to take advantage of the passing trade, as well as a butcher, baker and three other stores to serve the surrounding area.(69) 0n the other hand Bellevue rnras practically deserted by its tradesmen and the cLosure of its mill took atrvay employment. In Morphett VaIe, too, there was gloom on the winter's day in L875 when the Iocal correspondent penned these words. The soaking which many wa1ls of houses have leceived has resulted in further destruction and reduction of what rdas once the glory of the district, âîd should this continue and the persistent exodus of the population little will be left :: to teIl what the place once was.(70) A community's buildings are a tangible sign of its status. For this reason the residents of the Southern Vales u,ere saddened to see "the old Union Chapel and the Primitive Methodist place of worship near the jetty are fast decaying." 0n1y the Iarger congregations could afford to maintain their churches in good repair. The Anglicans at Noarlunga trvere fortunate that Rev. MiIIer had pushed them to renovate St.

274 FtG.3t

APHìC PNQ. Ssutsq- - {ro- Censos P No. ltr Dìs+rrc+ Coo^

()n-.ar'¡rgd 2-21 Lh.t^A¡Cre¡l. LLL Éq¡¡.ie-ol, q3 Ha¡¡ie¡\ l02. Widowc¡L It \lidor¡q.cl. 3o 331 5g a t.t

l.l ousqt 1o I roo. ^, 2. s+ot^q- lt2. 2 ¡ænas 1lo bctck t1 31 roon¡, I+S Q¡<¡qlÈ t 34 roo*¡ 3o rio-rrcraürS O 6+roç¡a3 aE woql \a not:{a\c.d. rj nolstoled. 2 ru++ t4rt 1ç r,^.xot¡i+e.cl t36 ur.r.'.hqb¡ +a¿\. 2- !o rh cou¡sc- açe.a-clrto-ì G Ir++

at

f, rb ttf l'L lo I 6 q L rL t$l lt lo b3 q r ! ! q n¡l-$\rç¡9t1r¡rl¿O Philip and St. James before the exodus began. However' the Free Presbyterians rnlere not so Iucky and had to re-roof the John Knox Church and build five buttresses to support the walls in L816. They managed to subscribe the sum required and avoid Qoing into debt. The Baptists wele able to reduce their debt to ltOg by L874, but it took another three years to flinally liquidate it,. ( 71 ) Although the Baptist congregation tlvas depleted by the departure of some of its most dedicated membels' it had the satisfaction of seeing the denomination established in the new farming areas. David Badger ratas sent to the North in IB73 as an Evangelist and he founded eight churches in the new towns. Thomas Darby at Minl-acowie, Andrew Carmichael at Telowie and John Sherriff at Baroota alI formed new churches in their districts. The Scots who had settled at Bundaleer approached the Free Presbytery of Morphett Vale in IB77 and wele then visited evely six months by the Rev. James Benny. 0n the other hand the Anderson boys advised Presbytery that they trrlere not yet ready to start a church on Yorke Peninsula. Perhaps the rigorous discipline of the church during their youth caused this reaction for they never did get around to il.(72) The John Knox School closed in lB78 when George Benny the resigned "through iII-heaIth.tt . It is more likeIy that emigration of the churchrs young families u,as responsible, for Benny rrvas wetl enough to Iesume teaching at a school built on land donated by RaIph Anderson at 0aklands. The disadvantages of central control became apparent when the Education Department closed the school at Bellevue. It also earned the rebuke of the Noarlunga townspeople when it enforced ,'compuLsory non-attendance" by omitting to replace Joseph Ryder

275 u,Jith anothet teacher in 1877. After receiving a report that repairs to the Victoria School would cost lgs, the Department decided to build a nerlv school on the Main South Road. The building rlvas opened in 1880 on a site half-way between Morphett VaIe and Hackham. (7J) An Institute had been proposed at Morphett Vale as early as IB63 but title to the land next to the John Knox Church tnlas not obtained for three years. Nothing further tnlas achieved until Charl-es Myles revived the idea in L872. Even then the project hung fire until IB77 when plans rlrere drawn up and the trustees elected. Half the cost of lsOO was met by tocal subscription and the rest with a government grant. The building tnlas opened on 4 0ctober 1878 by John Carr, who remarked that "it was pIain, substantial and good, and in those respects it represented the district very aptly." There is a touch of irony that Morphett Vale should gain its long-sought "central school" and Institute not when they tnrere most needed in the 1860s but when both its population and prosperity appeared to have fled.Q4) As the population of the Southern VaIes fell, Noarlunga became one of the smallest electorates in the colony. Even the addition of areas around Meadows and Ashbourne in 1879 failed to restore it to average size. However, the voters rrltere fortunate to be served by the experienced John Carr, who took Colton's place as Commissioner of PubIic [nJorks in 1870. The other member, James Stewart, tlrlas no more successful- in parliament than as a church treasurer. 0n one occasion he hid behind the partition to avoid casting his vote on a motion of no-confidence in the ministry. In the l87l eleetion he and

276 Colton tnlele defeated by Carr and Charles Myles of Morphett VaIe. Both the Iatter earned the praise of James CIark in I875 for having "taken an interest in IocaI matteIS," but MyIes decided that his business duties would prevent him from standing again. ( 75 ) John Colton came forward, discussing the decisions that had led to his defeat in I870 frankly with the electors. He claimed that his desire "u,as simply to do his duty towards his constituency", but was ambiguous on the question of whether he would join a ministry. He and Carr r¡ele elected unopposed. Colton's oId confidence soon returned in the House of Assembly, although he almost got into trouble with the electors by suggesting the introduction of Chinese labourers. Then in June IB75 he trvas appointed Treasurer in the Boucaut government. He tr,as able to put his ideas into plactice and proposed to borrow iZ.S million to construct railways, roads, schools and a bridge ovel the River Murray. He al-so began talks with the other colonies on free trade.(le) In L876 Colton formed a ministry of his otlltn and chose Carr as his Commissioner of Crown Lands. Together they played a major part in opening up the Far North with railways and the dectaration of neh, hundreds for selectors. Both members wele returned unopposed in 1878 and, aS they h,ere in opposition, had more time to attend to the needs of their electorate. However, in August Col-ton rn¡as compelled to resign from the House through ilI-health and in a by-election Thomas Atkinson of llrliltunga became Catr's partner. Despite its declining population the electorate u¡as well-served in the I870s. The experience of its members meant that its needs trrlere always given a faÍr hearing by the House of AssembIy.(ll)

277 0ne of the first local issues to be presented to the members in 1870 trvas the closure of the local court at Morphett Va1e. James Stewart secured the promise of the Attorney-General that it woul-d be re-opened and kept up the pressure until a clerk was appointed in January I87I. The most pressing need remained improvement of the transport links between the Southern Vales and its markets. t¡lhen Stewart announced that he would vote against a road construction loan because his district required few roads, he lost the conflidence of his electors. 0n the other hand, Charles Myles presented a petition from I24 Southern residents in L872 praying for the improvement of the road at Reynella. He demanded to know what portion of lne J.ll,OOO voted to the Centrat Road Board would be spent on the South Road. As a result, the long-atruaited cutting of Reynelta hill rlras begun.(78) Carr also played his part by moving that Jf,fOO be placed on the Estimates to reconstruct the bridge near the river-mouth. He pointed out that the District Council of Noarlunga had spent nearly éeoo maintaining it, and the government agreed to his motion. In I877 he and Colton tnlere able to secure a vote ofl 5!f ,0OO to Iengthen the Port Noarlunga jetty. Colton kept up the pressure until the government proceeded with the extension in I878. By 0ctober the local reporter could write that the work would be completed earJ-y in the next month and that it would be "a great convenience to vessels trading here as they can then take in their cargo alongside the jetty at any state of, the tides." As the District CounciL's revenue decl-Íned in the I870s it found itself unable to maintain the jetty, which in June IB79 trvas

278 handed back to the Marine Board.(79) Although the population of the whole region fell in the 1870s, the loss rr'ias not felt evenl-y by each part of the district and each institution within it. The farming centres of Morphett VaIe, McLaren Vale and Aldinga seem to have suffered more than the service townships of Noarlunga and Reyne11a. In the same trriay it rnlas the Baptist and Free Presbyterian churches that lost their most vigorous members. This may be related to the enterprising spirit that has often been noted among dissenters. There h,ere contradictions in the process as wetI. Despite the decline in population, two key buildings - the Institute and school - trvere erected in the Iast years of the decade, while the district does not seem to have suffered any loss of ability to have its point of view heard in the poJ-itical arena.

279 Conclusion This study suggests that the popular idea of farmers

a bandoning their small farms in the older settled areas flor I arger hotdings in the North in the 1870s needs to be revised.

F armers had been migrating to the agricultural frontier in the

L otnrer North in the IB50s and lB60s, so that a steady

a ggregation of holdings in the Southern Vales had reduced the I 0-acre f armers to a minority by 1868. t¡lhat happened af ter I 869 rnlas simply that the offer of larger flarms on credit

S peeded up the process already occurring to the point where the I p opulation of the Southern VaIes actually fe11. (80)

" The agricultural probl-ems that preceded the introduction

o f the Sel-ection Acts were also more complex than the traditional story of declining yields from jlq_"t-sick" 1.319

a dmits. Yields rnrere maintained at an acceptabte fuuãf until I 867, and there is evidence that the farmers in the Southern

V ales rested their land at l-eas: every third^year. t¡ihat

{' eal1y rrr,rorried them tlùas not so much the yields in the f860s as the price they got for their grain. The LB67 rust plag UC -''L' \ zL ! robbed them of a bumper crop, which had promised to compensate flor these Iow prices. Those who migrated to the netlv lands came from a farming background, but trvere not usuaJ-1y struggJ.ing B0-acre f armers or farm labourers. The more prosperous f armers ì/ì,ere quick to see the opportunity offered by credit selection to provide flarms for their sons. These took with them the farming ideas they had learned in the Southern Vales. Thus they rnrere quick to employ machinery and wiJ.ling to experiment with seed varieties to overcome the problems of drought and crop disease. In at ç7 - least one case the links between migrants and the Southern

280 Vales can be traced to the Wimmera district of Victoria. The influence of South Australian farmers on the rest of the

Aus eat-beIt might be established in a study of the i patterns ofl rural migration. (8I ) I In the Southern VaIes the process ofl aggregation of holdings continued as some emigrants sold out. However, farmers continued to rely on wheat in the lB70s because there seemed to be no viable afle,¡n"tiu". In these circumstances the faith of James CIark in the wheat industry seemed justified as he invested in milling facilities and persuaded the government to improve the port. Then the failure of successive harvests aftet LB76 convinced farmers that the

Southern VaIes was no place to grorlv wheat. James Clark rnlas forced to sell one of his mills and apparently sought consolation among the 0ddfellows at the Horseshoe Inn. He tatas suspended by the Baptist Church in l8B5 for intoxication - a sad finale for one who had given so freely of his time and resources to benefit its children.(82) The region made up for declining numbers by the quality of its political representation. Carr and CoIton both served three times as ministers but, more importantly, their reputations as men of consequence meant that, when they tnlere out ofl office and had more time to devote to l-ocal matters, they gained a ready hearing. Government heJ-p tnlas secured to improve roads, bridges and port facilities as well as to erect two major buildings. These helped to keep up the morale of the community in the face of a declining population and economy.

28r Notes

I Hallack, E .H., T wnshi q Farms and Thomas, AdeIaide, T892, p l_ 2 Meinig, D. [^l., 0n i h e Margins of the Qood Earth: The Sou th Australian l¡lheat Frontier 1869-tBB4 Rigby, AdeIaide , L962, pps. 22-24. 3. Buxton, G.L., op. cit., pps. 3-9. 4. Lancelott, F. , op. cit. , pps. 110-1I1. Forster, 4., South Australia, its progress and prosperity, S. Low, Son & Marston, London, 1866, p. 335. Harcus, [n.l. , Handbook for emigrants proceeding to South Australia S 5. Register, 3 May 1862 3c. TabIe compiled from Agricultural Statistics in Parliamentary Papers. 6. Sinnett, F. , AnA count of the Colon ofl South Australia Adelaide, IB 62, p. 47, repr n ed by Austaprint. l^lilliams, M., op. cit., p. 29. Bowes, K. R. , Land Settlement in South Australia I857-1890 Libraries Board, Adelaide, 1968, pps. 52, 55. KeIIy, t^1. S. , op. cit. p. 16. l^lillunga - Place of Green Trees, op. cit., p. 57. Jones, 4., Curramul-ka I876-I975 Jones, Adelaide , L975, p. B. 7 . Ratebooks flor IB54, LB64-5, 1867-B in Cì.ty of NoarJ.unga offices. Lands Department - 0Id Titles 0ffice. Bowes, K.R.r op. cit., p. 42. Dunsdorfs, E., op. cit., pps. IL7-I2O. B. Forstet, A. , op. cit. , pps. 333-4. t^lilliams, M. , op. cit. , p. 37 . Bowes, K.R.r op. cit., p. 41 . 9. See graphs compiJ-ed from Agricultural Returns in South Australian Parliamentary Papers. 10. Sinnett, F. , op. cit. , pps. 48-50. [¡Jine Manning , G. H. , Hope Farm: Cradle of the McLaren Vale Industrv GiIlingham, Adelaide, l-980, PPS. 12-L5. Anderson, P., op. cit., 29 June I861, 13 JuIy l86I' 17 July 1B6t , 20 July 1863, 28 July L863, 18 March 1865 , 20 March 1865, 25 March I865, 12 January 1866. Register, 6 December I86t 3f, l0 January L862 3d, 6 December 1862 3a,24 January 1863 3dr 24 October 1864 3ê, 8 April 1865 39,9 April 1866 3f,25 March 1867 2h. lr. Bowes, K. R. , op. cit. , p. 44. Anderson, P., op. cit., 2 June 1862r 4 June 1862, 6 October 1862, 2I January 1863, 26 October 1863, 3L October 1863, 6 November 1863. See Graph of stock numbers for Morphett Vale District Council area compiled from S. A. P. P. 12. Jeans, D. N. , op. cit. , p. 2I5 . Register, 25 March 1867 2h. Peter Anderson records that he went to town in I865 and could not setl his lambs (Diary, 22 November IB65). 13. Forster, 4., op. cit., p. 335. Harcus, lll. , op. cit. , p. 8. Dunsdorfs, E. , op. cit. , p. I39. Bowes, K. R. r op. cit. , p. 50. I4. S.A.P.P. No. 20 of 1868 o , Appendix XLII-XLIII.

282 15 . Bowes , K. R. , op . cit. , PPS 50-51. Bow CS states that fallow land was greater in the net¡¡ area S such as County Gawler, 26%, while in Coun ty Adelaide i t ulas onJ-y 13%. *-Ðun5dorfls,8., op. cit., P ps. I42, I43 . Agricultural- return in S.A . P. P. s 1868-9 shows fal1ow as I 1355 acres out of 7 ,OB9 c ultivated. Minutes of evidence of Roy al Commission, S.A.P.P. No. 20 of IB68-9, Mr. Martin, Il Feb ruary 1868, p. 2., Qs. 38, 52. tn.lilliams, M., op. cit., p. 268. 16. Forster, A. , op. cit. , P. 335. Dunsdorfs, 1., op. cit., P ps. 1I4, I77. Davidson, B. R. , op. cit. , p. 181. Ì^Jilliams, M. , op . cit. , p. 266. See graph drawn from Agric ultural Retur NS for Morphett Vale and Noarlunga Districts in S.A.P.P.s. L7. Register, 7 August IB58 3g h, 27 April I B6 I 2|r1, 5 July 186l 3f , 2L September 1861 3g, 12 October IB 6T 3c, 6 December I86I 3f, I September LB62 3c, I Novembe T LB62 3g, 9 May 1863 3f , I7 June 1863 3h, 7 October I86 3 2h, 30 January 1864 3h. 18. ibid , 24 0ctober 1864 3Ê, 19 January I865 3b, 20 May 1865 4à, 2 August 1865 2f, 12 F ebruary 1866 39 , 15 May L866 3c, 7 JuIy J-866 3¡1, 5 January 1867 3a, 13 Apr i I 1867 3d. 19. Bowes, K.R., op. cit., pps . r69 -184. Buxton, G.L., op. cit., pp s. 3, 6. 20. Register, 6 JuIy 1867 3h, 19 August L867 3 b, 28 September 1867 4f, 15 0ctober I867 4 a, 26 0ctober I I 67 2g, 22 November 1867 3ê, 7 Decemb er 1867 4b, 19 D ecember 1867 2e. Anderson, P., op. cit., 23 May 1867, 2 Ju l y 1867, B November 1867, 12 Decemb er L867, 23 Dec ô mber I8 67. 2I. Register, 4 January 1868 3 f , 25 February I 868 3ef , 7 March t868 3d, 23 March I868 3f . 22. S.A.P.P. No. 20 of 1868, M inutes ofl Evide n cer 1I Feb ruar y 1868, l8 February 1868, PP s. L-5, 30-33. lnlilliams, M., op. cit., p. 27O. Dunsdorfs , E. , op. cit. , p. I4B. 23. Register, 5 June l868 3b,11 June IB68 3b, 17 JuIy I868 3a, 1O September 1868 2h, 2 November IB68 3f , 30 November I868 3g, 2I December 1868 3b. 24. South Australian Parliamentary Debates, 7 0ctober 1868' 22 0ctober I868 , 23 0ctober I868, 6 January 1869 . Buxton, G.L., op. cit., pps. 10-I2. 25 . Bowes, K. R. , op. cit. , pps 2Ol -I7 . Meinig, D.t^J., op. cit., pps. 26-28. Dunsdorfs , E. , op. cit. , pps. I23-5 . !üi11iams, M. , op. cit. , p. 39 . South Austral-ian Parliamentary Debates, B December 1868' 6 January 1869, 29 January 1869, 30 January L869. 26. Bowes, K. R. op. cit. , pps. 2O7 -I7 . . Meinig, D. t^,1 , op . cit. , pp s 4L-6, 52-6 Buxton, G.L , op. cit., pps 23-32, 37-38 4I 59-6r. 27. ibid, p .83 Meinig, D. t^l , op. cit., p. 76. Bowes, K. R. op. cit. , pps. 52, 205-6. Hirst, J. B. op. cit. , p. 19 . 28. Credit Agreement Books I-7 in Lands Department. Assessmeñt books of the District Councils of Morphett Val-e and Noarlunga for LB67-B in City of Noarlunga offices. Credit Book 4, entries 1066, 1337; Book I entries 245, 246.

283 29. Bowes, K.R., op. cit., pps. 204-6. Hirst, J.8., op. cit., p. 20. Hartley, L.J., , L979, in Genealogy Society Library. 30. See Ratebooks of LB67-8 for District Councils and Credit Agreement Books. Book 5 entry 697, Book 3 - 59O,4 - 257, 4 - 97, r - 119, r - 163 (r87r), 6 - r]9r, 2 - 1041, 4 - r35. 3r. ibid, Book r entry 48 (1871), 3 - 838,2 - 598,3 - r2r8, 4 - 1329, 3 - 526, 2 - 269, 7 - I7O, 3 - 958. 32. Credit Agreement Books L-7 in Lands Department. Bowes, K.R., op. cit., p. 52. 3J. Register, I January tB70 7à, 25 January lB68 3c. "That land has not declined in value here in these dulL times may be learned from the fact that Mr. Giles sold at auction an B0-acre section, having six years of the Lease to run at *45 per annum, for ÉZO0 to Mr. T.K. Moore.'l 34. Ìnlilliams, M., "The Spread of Settlement in South Australia" , Settlement and Encounter, edited by Fay Gale and Graham Lawton, 0xford Univ. Press, Melbourne, 1969, p. 26. Credit Agreement Books I-7, op. cit., table made up from these to show settl-ers by destination. 35. Buxton, G.L., op. cit., p. 19. Credit Agreement Book I, entries 7O, 7L, 72, 73. Book I entries 95 , 96, 97 , 99 , 105. Register, I November IB69 39. 36. Buxton, G. L. , op. cit. , pps. 44-48. 37. S.A.P.P No. 2OO of 1870- I pps. 2, 3. S.A.P.P. No. L72 of 1872, p. 2. S.A.P.P. No. L24 of I876, p. 2. 38. Credit A greement Book I e ntry LzI, Book 3 entry 495, Book 2 entries r58, r59 , r6l . S.A.P.P. No. 2OO of 1870- 1p 4 S.A.P.P. No. I72 ofl LB72 p. 2 S.A.P.P. No. L24 of 1876 p. 2 l^lilliams, M., SettLement and Encounter, op. cit., p. 28. 39. Carmichael, E., The I11-shaoed Leq , Gillingham, AdeJ-aide, 1973, p. 79. S.A.P.P. No. I24 of I876, pps 5-6. 40. Carmiehael, E. , op. cit. , pps. 83, 87-8. Credit Agreement Books, op. cit., Book I entry lf9 (I870), entries 163, 32L (tB7l), Book 2 entries 8I7, 893 (1871), 65, 96, r34, 206, 267 (1872) . 4I. Credit Agreement Booksr op. cit., Book 2 entries 17l, 172, 174., Book 3 entries 37I, 372, 46I, 526, 968. Carmichael, E., op. cit., pps. 90, I09. Anderson, P., op. cit., 29 March L872, 2 ApriI 1872, 70 ApriL 1872r 26 November 1872, 4 June 1813, I July 1873, 13 August L874, 2 November I874, 23 November I875. 42. Credit Agreement, Books, op. cit., Book 3 entry 838, Book 4 entries 97, I-72, 416, 674. Morphett VaIe Baptist Minute Book, op. cit., t8 February IB75, 2 December L815, also church roll. Register, 3 April lB72 7b, 13 March IB75 lb. Credit Agreement Books, Book 3 entries B3B, 882, Book 4 entries 72-II52 passim.

284 43. Register, I March IBTl 6b, l-8 March lBTI 7a, 5 February IB72 7a. Credit Agreement Books, op: cit., Book I (1870) entries 245, 246, 272, (1871) 48, 75, 95, 3L8. Book 2 entry 7Br. Bowes, K. R. , op. cit. , p. 2O3. 44. Register, 10 January LB73 6d, l-l ApriI I873 6ê, 10 January I874 6e. Credit Agreement Books , op. cit., Book 3 e¡tries (f873) L64, L74, 175, 368. (reZ¿) 7LO, L2I8. Book 4 entries L328, 1329. Book 5 entries I53, I57, 672. Book 6 entry LO22. 45. ibid, Book 5 (1877) entries 5L7,5I8, 5I9. Book 6 (i877) entries 109I, IO95. Book 7 (I877) entries 157-177, 444-565 passim. Register, 4 February IBTB Slg, I8 February 1878 6e. Purvis, R. ( edit. ) Please Sir . Let's do Historv, Nadjuri , , ' Adelaide , I978 ( pages unnumbered ) . 46. Credit Agreement Books, op. cit., Book 5 (I876) entries 5O4, 5O5, 7OI, 1384, L392. Book 5 (I877) entries 332, 689, 697, 765, 782, 783. Book 6 (IB7l) entries 952, II44, LL45, L496. Book 7 (IB7B) entries 363, 625, 696, 1I86, 1245, L27L, 1422. Buxton, G.L., op. cit., p. 67. Meinig, D.W., op. cit., p. 82. 47. Purvis, R., op. cit. Priestley, S., l¡larracknabeal, Jacaranda, Brisbane, 1967, pps. 29-34. Jeans, D. N. , op. cit. , p. 2O7 . tnlaterson, D. B. , op. cit. , p. 161. tnlaterson states that the wheat stripper was sl-ow to appear in the Darling Downs, "which entered the machinery age twenty years behind." 48. Davidson, 8.R., op. cit. r pps. IBI-L95. He quotes the yields for s. Aust. as L6.9 (rea1-50), 13.4 (re¡1-60), l0.l (reet-70) and 8.4 (rezl-80). 8u11. J. W. , op . cit. , p. 161 . Hirst, J .B op. cit., pps 5I-2. Dunsdorf s, 1., op. cit., p. L46. 49 . Bowes, K .R ., op. cit., p. 59. |,rlilliams, M., op. cit., p. 274. See examples of Bishop, Stone and Reed, Credit Agreement Book t (L874) entries 265,3I4. Book 5 (1877) entries 697, 782, 783. Book 7 (1878) entry 363. The L877 and 1879 editions of the South Australian Directory gave the addresses of these men as Koolunga. 50. Buxton, G.L., op. cit., p. 89. Carmichael, E. , op. cit. , p. 90 . Purvis, R., op. cit. 51. Register, 10 February 187t 3c, It ApriI 1873 6c, 3I JuIy I87 4 39. 52. Miller, E. K. , op. cit. , p. 79 . District Council of Noarlunga Ratebooks 1867-8, I877-8, 1BB4-5. 53. District Council of Noarlunga Ratebook 1867-8, op. cit. Lands Department Research on James CIark (0Id TitIes 0ffice ) . 54. Biographical Material- supplied b v Mr. Bruce CLark of Glenelg (compiled by AIbany BelI ) Register, 30 September 1B4B 3b, 7 March I856 3f, 15 JanuarY I857 3b, 7 January 1863 3d, 13 August LB6J 29, 2I December 1867 2h, 27 October 1868 3e.

285 55. Agricuttural Statistics for District Councils of Morphett VaIe and Noarlunga, Statistical Register ( S. n. P. P . 3) . See graph of wheat prices at Port Adelaide for Ten Years ( 1863-72) . Register, B January 1870 7a,2I January L87I 3e, 19 August IB72 6f , 10 January LB73 6d. 56. ibid, 13 June LB73 Tabr B September IB73 7cr 10 January IB74 6e,2I AugusL L874 3ar 23 December IB75 7ar 24 July IB76 SIb, 9 December L876 S2e, I January 1877 7a. See also Agricultural Statistics, op. cit. 57. Agricultural Statistics, op. cit. Regisler, 23 October 1877 2a, 29 December 1877 69, 31 0ctober 1878 53c, 4 November IB79 54d. Fenner, C., A Geoqraphical Enquirv into the Growth, Distribution and Movement of Population in South Australia r836-192 Society of S.4., 1929. 58. Register, 25 June 1869 3g, l5 0ctober lB70 7b, 1 March 1871 6b. Bale, W.4., op. cit., pps. 116-7. 59. James Clatk's mi11 J-edger is in the possession of one of his descendants, who kindly lent it to the author to examine. The addresses of the customers uJere located from the South Australian Directory for IB7l. 60. The ledger gives the names of 2I ships that arrived from March to December, while the Register mentions the recent arrivaL of three ships in February. Ledger, oP. cit. Register, I March 1B7l 6br 10 May IBTI 6br 22 Deeember IB73 6cr 27 October 1874 7ar 2I February 1877 7ã, t4 November IB77 5f , 31 0ctober l878 53c, I January I979 69. 6t. Register,3O April 1869 4c,28 May LB69 3g, L7 July 1869 3bc, 22 November 1869 3f, 12 December LB69 3gh' 4a, 8 January 1870 7a. See Agricultural Statistics, S. A. P. P. 3 . 62. ibid. Burden, R., op. cit., pps 70-1. Register, 8 January lB70 7a. 63. Register, 30 0ctober 1B7I 6e, 25 November I872 7c, 2I February IB77 7à, 19 November 1877 S2a, 3 February 1879 69. Agricultural Statistics S. A. P. P. No. 3 . 64. Hallack, E.H op. cit., p. 1. 65. Milburn, E., op. cit. , p. L39. Schmidt, B., op. cit. , pps. 9O-2. Burgess, H.T . ( edit. ) , oÞ. cit. , Vol . 2, pps. 810-5. 66. See Chapter f Part E. 67. Bowes, K. R. , op. cit. , pps. 2OI-2. see al-so Fenner, C. , op. cit. , pps. 110-I. Census Returns, S.A.P.P. No. 9 of I871, S.A.P.P. No. 73 of L877 . 68. Census Return, S. A. P. P. no. 74 of 1881. Bowes, K. R. , op. cit. , pps. 2OI-2. 69. Census Return for lBBI, oÞ. cit. Rate-book of District Council of Noarlunga 1867-8, op. cit. 70. ibid. Burden, R. , op. cit. , p. 70. Register, 29 June LBl5 7b.

286 7L. Register, 25 May IB75 3e. Miller, E.K., oÞ. cit., pps 17-8. Minutes of the Free Presbytery of Morphett Vale, July I876, S. A. A. op. cit. Register, I0 ApriI IBl4 7b, 10 February 1877 SIb. 72. Hughes, H.E., op. cit., pps. IA6-7,1I7-8, 128-9. Keain, M.8., From where the Brouqhton f1ows. A HistorV of Soaldinq District , Keain, Adelaide, I976, pps. 80-I. Minutes of Free Presbytery SRG I23/IO7, op. cit., 2 February I875. 73. Register, 25 March I878 2a, 16 November I878 S3d. Carmichael, 8., op. cit., p. 90. Register, 23 0ctober 1877 2a. DonIey, R. J. R. , A Historv of Morohett Vale School Freeline , I979. 74. Register, 17 October L863 3f,20 August 1866 3d,9 May 1872 S2e, 22 September LB77 2b, 29 December 1877 69r 7 October r87B S1b. 75. Stephenson, J.R., op. cit.r pps. 3I, 40, 49, 7O, 80. Jaensch, D. , op. cit. , VoI. 3, Polling place data. S.A.P.D., 2 June 1870, 23 November 1870. Register, 30 November I871 Je, -7 December I871 6ã, B December 1871 6b, 15 December LB71 5f. S.A.P.D., L3 February L872, 27 February I872, 8 May L872, 5 June 1872, 4 July 1872. Register , 12 January I875 6abc. 76. ibid, 28 January IB75 6bcdeflg. S.A.P.D. , 28 May 1875, 3 June 1875, 15 June L875, 3 August I875, 16 September I875, 5 0ctober L875. 77. Buxton, G. L. , op. cit. , pps. 69-7O. RegisLer, 29 March I878 6abcdef, 2 April IB7 B 5e. S. A. P.D. , 29 August lBTB , L7 September I878. 78. Register, 8 January 1870 7a, 2I January l87I 3e. S. A. P. D. , 17 August I870 , 22 November IB70, 23 November 1870, 6 December 1870, L3 February 1812, 27 February I872. Regist er, I JuIy IB72 6d. 79. 5 .4. P. D., B May L872, 5 June L872, 3I August I875, 3I May IBTB Regist er, I4 November IB-77 5f , 31 0ctober I878 S3c. Minutes of District Council of Noarlunga, op. cit. , 2 June 1879. 80. Lawrie, T. , op. cit. , pps . 49-53. 8t. Perry, H. J. , The l¡Jarners I8O2-1979 19Bl, Part Two. 82. Register, 17 0ctober L864 3d, 20 0ctober 1866 3f, 19 August 1872 6f, 29 October L879 S2a. Minutes of the Baptist Church, op. cit., 0ctober 1885.

287 C ONCL US I ON The early settlers in the Southern Vales were part of the first generation of British emigrants to South Australia, described by Pike asrrDissenters of the middling classes" whose _--_,-t

288 Britain, but they adapted more easily to the strange climate and economic conditions than those who had farmed at home. This supports Russel Ward's observation that townsmen often made better bushworkers "because of their adaptabil-ity and because they had nothing to unlearn about rural work ." (3) There is plenty of evidence that the ex-urban farmers of the Southern VaIes played a Ieading role in developing better seed, implements and cultivation procedures for South Australian conditions. ParticularJ-y prominent in this community tllere doctors who had taken up flarming, perhaps because of an oversupply of their profession in the colony.(4) Their scientific training helped them to solve agricultural problems while their education made them spokesmen for their fellow-cultivators. Under the economic conditions of the I840s - high labour '1ow costs and returns flor produce - farmers were forced to be both capitalists and workers, a position that gave them a unique outlook.(5) fney trvere at the same time enterprising and frugal: attitudes that trvere reinforced by a predominantly Dissenting background. !ìlhile low wheat prices made many of the middle-class farmers think in terms of self-sufficiency, their goal remained commercial success. Thus the Victorian gold-rushes provided the turning point in the history of the Southern Vales by creating a demand for the farmersr grain. At last commercial production of grain became viable, and the profits from mining and agriculture were injected into farms, townships and transport facil-ities. The development of a settled society in the Southern VaIes tlrlas, not surprisingly, shaped by two main forces - the

289 settlers' imported ideals and the realities of the netlt landscape. Those who pJ-anned townships drew upon familiar English models. Thus David McLaren's plan of Noarlunga included a market squale, while Alexander AndeISon seems to have pictured a typical EngJ-ish viJ-1age at Dubl-in. ( 6 ) Although the Southern Vales ulere as prosperous and thickJ-y settled by the late IB50s as many parts of the homeland, the district supported no ma jor town. l^,il1iams has noted the vigorous competition between the speculative townships formed at this time, but he fails to explain that it rlrras the topography ofl the southern areas which favoured the dispersal- of services among several second-order townships.(7) In the hitly terrain of the Southern Vales roads and -/-.'\.''. bridges proved to be very costly to maintain. The central government had to ,"rponsibility for main roads in the "r=r*" IB4Os because the English model.of using f o""lpárish authorities proved to be impractical in a sparsely-settl-ed col-ony.(B) Rn attempt to shift the burden ofl finance onto the farmers vrras rejected in IB49 by men struggling to make their farms viable. Perhaps it rnras the government's hope that it coul-d reduce the necessity for road maintenance by opening up water-transport that pelsuaded it to fund the i11-considered works at the river-mouth. Certainl-y the settlers came to rely on their ability to exelt political plessure on the central government in order to improve vital transport facilities. Hirst's argument that country people preferred Adelaide representatives in parliament because they saw a local man as a confused nerrrr chum without influence is not supported by the behaviour of the Noarlunga electors. ( 9 ) lrrlilliam Peacock may have been chosen because his radical and vol-untaryist policies

290 tlüere more in tune with the views of the majority of Dissenter farmers. However, he retained their confidence because he proved adept at securing government flunding for construction projects in his electorate. After 1857 the el-ectors tlvere more interested in ensuring that their needs were met than in any lofty political principle. tnjhen Adelaide-based men such as Henry Mildred or John CoIton forgot this, they forfeited the support of their parochial electors. A commitment to democratic government tntas fline in theory ' but the first goal of every farmer was commercial success. Although the Morphett Vale settlers elected a district council in L853, the memory of recent hard times h,as still too vivid for them to tax themselves willingly. Their suspicions of local government were reinforced when Alexander Anderson abused his position as chairman in a manner reminiscent of the behaviour of irresponsible oligarchs in the homeland. However, in the larger and topographically diverse Noarlunga district, the council was able to keep the confidence of its ratepayers. It undertook a vigorous works programme, which kept all sections of the district satisfied, and boldly advocated local interests to the central government. Although the middling farmers believed in the principle of voluntary rather than state support for religion, Pteoccupation with their ol¡ln commercial success tended to undermine this facet ofl the reformist dream. The enterprise of the Dissenters rnlas apparent as they subscribed funds for handsome churches that marked their status in the coJ-ony. However, there rlvas an accompanying frugality, which prevented them from giving consistent support to the u'lages of their clergy.(10)

29L Voluntary support tlvas also needed in education, where the costs of buildings and teachers' salaries tnlere shared with the centraL government. This study supports Hirst's conclusion that there was "enough locaI interest to belie the assertion of the historians of education that local administration tnlas impossible in Australia in the 1870s. " ( 1 I ) l¡lhile the broad basins of MorphetL and McLaren Vales were dominated by farmers and labourers, sheepowners tnlere able to cling to their large holdings in the hilly country. This social cleavage afflected the location of churches, fot the Anglicans rnlere to be found at 0'Halloran Hill and Noarlunga while the Congregational-ists, Bâptists and Presbyterians built their large Gothic churches in the heart,of the two val-es. Here too, the Catholic church was sited, close to the farms and small plots of its adhetents, who lived in harmony with their Dissenter neighbours once state aid was abolished. Social distinction was also manifested in the distribution of friendly societies for the 0ddfellows, who charged higher rates, were based at Reynella and Noarlunga, while the Foresters and Druids met at Morphett and McLaren VaIes.

The lB70s saw the decline of the Southern Vales as a wheat-producing area and the exodus of farmers to new agriculturaL districts. tnlhile some of those who went were men unable to make a Iiving from small holdings, many more were the sons of larger farmers taking advantage of the terms of credit selection. Thus it would be more accurate for Buxton to talk of the expansion rather than therremergence of an agricultural middle-cIass."(12) rt was the political importance of the "0ld South", as much as the other reasons advanced by Buxton, which accounts for the comparative success of the South

292 Australian land iegislation. The sel-ectors took to their neu, homes a willingness to employ machinery and experiment with seed varieties, which had been developed in the Southern Vales. Loss of population hit the agricultural basins of the VaIes and the Nonconformist churches hardest, but those who stayed took pride in the achievements of the second generation on the wheat frontier. t^lhile Pike's use of evidence has come under criticism in this thesis, his generatizations about the attitudes of pioneer settlers are supported by this study of those who settled in the Southern Vales. A passion for political democracy and religious equality rlvas demonstrated in the views expressed at public meetings and in the kind ofl representatives elected to parliament. However, it talas "social opportunity" that guided the actions of the settlers. By hard work, Pelseverance and a small measure of good fortune they overcame the obstacles of a strange climate, expensive labour and isolation from international- markets. tnlhile they might combine in a commo n \I interest and subscribe money for a project that they felt to be worthwhiJ-e, they retained vivid memories ofl their struggle to survive in the first decade. Thus they remained suspicious of any measure of central or locaL taxation that threatened their personal advancement in colonial society.

293 Notes I Pike, D. , op. cit. , p. 3. 2 ibid, pps. 78-80. 3 t¡lard, R. , The Australian Leqend, 0xf ord University Press, Melbourne, 1958, p. 22. 4. Sinnett, F., op. cit., p. 43. 5. McCarty, J.l¡,. r op. cit. , p. 26. 6. Clark , P . , and Slack, P. , op. cit. , p. l8 . 7. !'Jilliams, M., Two Studies, op. cit.r PPS. 89-92. 8. Bird, A. , op. cit. , pps. 8-23 . 9. Hirst, J.8., op. cit., pps. 7O-7I. 10. Pike, D., op. cit., p. 5I3. r1. Hirst, J. B. , op. cit. , p. I38. L2. Buxton, G. L. , South Australian Land Acts, oP. cit. , PPS. 92-94.

294 Biblioqraphy (A) Primary l. Newspapers Adelaide Times 1849 Advertiser IBTI-2 bourne Ar US l85B r8l8- 9 qA G zeLLe A nd Minin n .'lnr rr n â 1 I85I L87 6 I I n I844, 1848, r849 South rn Cross B6B-9 L837 2. Government Publications Acts of the Council No.8 of L842, No.Il of 1843, No.1I of 1846, No. 12 of 1846, No. ll of L847, No. 14 of L849, No. 16 of 1852, No. 2 of 1854, No. 16 of 1854 Acts of the Parliament No.10 of 1858, No.I0 of 186I, No. I of 1862, No. l0 of L863 British Parliamentarv Papers No. 5O5 of 1843 Censuses 1844, 1846, lB51 ( in S. A. G. G. ) , tB55 , L87L , L876, I88I (in S.A.P.P.) South Australian Government Gazette 1845 rB49, r85l, 1853, 1855 , 1857 , L863, 1865 South Australian Parliamentarv Debates t857-B, r860, 1863, 1865, LB68-9, IB69-7O,1870-1, I872, I 875, I87B South Australian Parliamentarv Paoers L53 of 1855-6, 34 of 1860, 32 of L863, 20 of 1868-9, 56 of L868-9, 2OO of 1870-I, 9 of l87t , L72 of r872, 64 of L873, L24 ofl 1876, 73 ofl L877, 74 of I8B1 3. Government Records

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295 Surve or-Genera ndence GRG 35/2, 2O f T e Parties 2i2-1-?'-?1i--- - Numericar List or preriminary sections -++_:i:_l?!?:? Numerical List of B0 Acre Selections I8l8-4f GRG 35/216 PreLimin I k GRG 35/507 0 er Book GRG 35 / 508 r -1 t GRG 5T/25

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296 Baptist Mor hett Vale B t h rch Minute Boo ( Baptist Arch ves, Bur ô g o1lege Catholic CorresDondence of Father Joseph SnelI IB49-54 Deeds of Land Dealinqs (Catholi ves , l¡rJest Terrace ) urnal- of Francis Mur h (edit . Condon, Magill. C . A. E. ) Congregational n I hett hur rB59-74 SRG 95/r34 Mr:l a re n Vale Conoreoational Church Minute Book 1B5I-1880 SRG 95/L62/I Presbyterian Letter to St A n d ret¡l's Kirk Session from Alexander Brodie 26/12/1846 S R G 1 23 / A4B k f t he Fr r h of S 1854-62 SRG I23/T tional Meetin s and Deaconsr Court of M r hett Vale Presb teri n 4- F Pre er an urch Mor hett VaIe LB69-7 SRG T23 I 7 9. Private Records Anderson Business Journal 1845-80 BRG 20 rettffiartram, Hyde Park) Anoas Papers PRG 174/IO Morphett Papers PRG 37/31,1I92/I, 2, 3,7 Reynell Familv Tree, S.A. Collection McLaren Flat ) letters, Nan Kivell Collection, National Library, Canberra NK 5212

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297 Hawdon, J The Journal of a Journey from New South l¡iales to Adelaide IB]B , Georgian House, Mel-bourne , 1952. auJ err arly Experiences in South Australia E. S. Wigg, Adelaide , I899. Hays, W. B. , Enqineerinq in South Australia , John Knott, London, 1856. Lancelott, F., Australia as it is Colburn, London, 1852. Light, l^J., A Brief Journal Archibald McDougalI, 1839 . Loyau, G. , The Reoresentative Men of South Australia , Howe11, Adelaide, 1883. Mi11er, E. K. , Reminiscences of 47 Years Clerical Life in South Austral-ia , Roberts, Adelaide, 1895. Pascoe, J. J. ( edit. ) , History of Adelaide and Vicinity, Hussey and GilIingham, Adelaide, 190I. Peake-Jones, K. ( edit. ) , Recollections of D. G. B. 1843, RGSSA, 1981. Pike, G. , Colonial Boy on the Land , Advertiser L983 Sidney, S., ee Colonies ofl Australia Ingram, Coo ke & Co., Lon oh t 5 Sinnett, F. , An account of the Colony of South Australia , 1862, reprinted by Austaprint. Ward , E. , The Vineyards and 0rchards ofl South Australia Advertiser, Adelaide, L862. Yel1and, E. M. ( edit. ) , Colonists, Copper and Cq¡lr , The Hawthorn Press, AdeJ-aide, I97O. 2. Unpublished Theses

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298 Nance, C. , The South Australian SociaI Experiment 1836-7I M.A Thesis, Flinders University, I977 . Phillips, W.W., The Influence of Conqreqationalism in South Australia IB77-I9L5 , Honours Thesis, University of Adelaide, 1957 . Robbins, J. , Locê1 Qqvernment and Commu , Ph. D. Thesis Stephenson, J .R.. The Electoral Districts of South Australia r95r-2, B. A Thesis, University of Adelaide, 1952. Vick, M. J. , The Board of Education IB52-75 M. Ed. Thesis, University of Adelaide, 1981. t¡lebb, P. J. , Friendlv Societies Ín South Australia IB40-92 Honours Thesis, University of Adelaide , 1969. Zeicman, A. , Road Planninq and Development in Metropolitan Adelaide M.U.R.P, Thesis, University of Adelaide , I979. Zwillenberg, H. J. , Citizens and Soldiers, The Defence of South Australi a I836-1901 , M.A. Thesis, University of Adelaide ' I97O. 3. Books Bate, W.4., A Historv of Briqhton Melbourne University Press, Melbourne , 1962. Bird, 4., Roads and Vehicles Longmans, London, 1969 . BlainÊy, G., The Tvrannv of Distance, Sun., Melbourne, 1966. Border, R. , Church and State in Australia 1788-1872, S. P. C. K. London , 1962. Bowes, K. R. , Land Settlement in South Australia , Libraries Board, AdeIaide, 1968. Burden, R. , lnjines and l^.lineries of the Southern VaIes , Rigby, Adelaide, 1976. Buxton, G. L. , Snrr th Austral-ian Land Acts 1869 -85 Libraries Board, Adelaide , 1966. ;;i;;;;;;; - Riverina tB6r -er , Melbourne Univ. Ptess, Byrne, F. , History';r+le of the Catholic Church in South Australia E. lrl. Cole, AdeJ-aide, I896. Cameron, J. M. R. , Ambition's Fire - The Aqricultural Colonization of Pre-Convict lnlestern Australia , University of l^J. A. Press, Perth, 1981. Clark , P. , and SÌack , P. , Enqlish Towns in Transition I500-1700 , 0xford University Press, London, 1976. Co1we1l, M., The History of the NoarJ.unga District, D. C. of Noarlunga, Adelaide, 1972. Carmichael-, E. , The I11-shaped Leq t Gillingham, Adelaide, L973. Davidson, B. R. , European Farminq in Australia EIsevier, Amsterdam, 1981 . DoIling, A., The History of Marion on the Sturt Peacock, Adelaide, I98I. Donley, R. J. R. , A Historv of Morphett Vale SchooI , FreeIine, Adelaide , I979. Dunsdorfs, E., The Australian l¡Jheat-orowinq Industrv, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne, 1956. Fairbairn, K. J. , and May, A. D. , Geoqraohv ofl Central Places Rigby, AdeIaide, I97I. Fenner, C. , A Geoqraphical Enquiry into the Growth Distribution and Movement ofl Population in South Australia I836-1927, Transactions of RoyaI Society of S.A. , 1929. Fitzpatrick, 8., The British Empire in Australia, AFt Economic History I834-1939, Melbourne University Press, Mel-bourne, L94I.

299 Gibbs, R. M. , A Historv of South Australia BaIara, Adelaide, 1969. Glover, J. , The Story of Scotland, Fabet, London, 1960. Grellier, M., The Familv, in Stannage' op. cit. Halliday, F. E. , A History of CornwalJ-, Duckworth, London, L959 . Hartley, L.J., The David Teakle Saqa I979, Genealogy Society Library. HÍrst, J. B. , laide and the Countr 1870 -I9L7 z Their Social and Poli tical e a ons ô ourne n VEIS v rCSS, Melbourne, L973. Hodder, E. , Georqe Fife Anqas Hodder and Stroughton, London, 189I.

n

Adelaide, L962. Kiddle, M. ,@, Melbourne Univ. Ptess, Melbourne, 196T. Lawrie, T. rom SoiI and Se , Pioneering Churches ofl Christ Adelaide, 1983. ' Lewis, G. , A Historv of the Ports of Queensland, University of Queensland Press, Brisbane , 197t. Mann, G. , Thev who came from the Colonists , 1980, Genealogy Society. Manning, G. H. , 1984. Industry Gil1i Meinig, D .l/\J., 0 Australia n I 69- igby, Adela e, 196 M er, A. , P oneers, Priests and People Christchurch 0rHaIloran Hill, 1980. Mole, R. , Cornerstones Lutheran Publishing House, Adelaide, 1980. NesdaIe, I Investigat OT 0'Farre11, P. alia NeIson, Melbourne, 1977 . 0ldham, W. , The Land Policv of South Australia I83O'42 Hasse1l, Adelaide , 1917 . Peel, 4., Th se Hundred Years - A Histor f the Con re at on ofl En land and , ongrega ona Un oî r London , L93L. Perkins, A., South Australia I836-46 , Government Printer, Adelaide, 1939. Perry, H. J The Warners lB02-L97 , 1981. Pike, D. , Paradise of ,Me ourne University Press, London, L9 57. Founding a Utopia, A Society without Grandparents, Education in an Agricuttural State, in French, E.L. (edit.), elbourne S 1 s in Educa I

100 Pitt, G.H., Chapter 6 of nt n r Hi t r f thA t 1 RGSSA , 1936. Price, A. G. , The Foundation and Settlement of South Austral-ia Preece, Adelaide , 1924. Pridmore, A. , The Rich Valley Advertiser, Adelaide, 1949. Priestley, S., Warracknabeal-, Jacaranda, Brisbane, 1967. Progress Association, l¡Jillunqa - Place of Green Trees Richardson and lnlheeler, Adelaide, L952. Purvis, R. ( edit. ) , Please Sir. Let's do Historv Nad jari, Adelaide, I978. Reid, J. M. Kirk and Nation Skeffington, London , 1960. Schmidt, B Mount Barker. Mountain uDon the Plain D.C. of Mount Barker, Gillingham, 1983. Smailes, E.4., The Geoqraohv of Towns, Hutchinson, London, 1953. Stannage, C. T. ( edit. ) , A New History of l¡lestern Australia University of t^1. A. Press, Perth, I9Bt. hrlard, R. , The Australian Leoend, 0Xf ord University Press, Melbourne, 1958. lnlaterson, D. B. , Squatter, Selector and Storekeeper - A History of the Darlinq Downs IB59-93 Sydney Univ. Press, Sydney, 1968 t¡Jilliams, E. , A t¡Jav of Lif e, Adelaide University Union Press, Adelaide, 1980. t^lil1iams, M. , The Makino of the South Australian Landscaoe i:11:i1:_::îl'i.!"!t3!r3!orl'in]"ilT¿rå?13;, Geoqraphy of Sourh Australia Heinemann, Melbourne, L968. The Spread of Settlement in South Australia, in Ga1e, F , âîd Lawton, G. (edit.)., Settlement and Encounter 0xford University Press, Melbourne, 1969. 3. Journal Articl-es Linn, R., t'First Settl-ers' Perceptions of the Physical and Social- Environment of South AustraIia", The Push from the Bush Vol. 12, May 1982 McCarty, J.W., rrAustralian Regional History", Historical Studies, Vol . l8 , No . 7O , Apri I L97B . Meaney, N.K., "The Church of England in the Paradise of Dissent'r, Journal of Reliqious Historv , December L964. Moon, K., I'Perception and Appraisal- of the South Australian Landscape IB35-50'r, Proceedinqs RGSSA, Vo1. 7O, 1969 0'Brien, J. M. , rrsectarianism in New South tnlales Elections of 1843 and I856", Journal of Rel-iqious Historv, June I976. Pitt, G.H., "The Crisis of 1841", South Austral-iana, VoI. XI-2, September I912. Quaile, G .R., "Rel-igion in Colonial Politics: State Aid and Sectarian ism Victoria L8562, Journal of Reliqious Historv De cembe r 197 8 l" Smailes, P. J. , "Some aspects of the South Austral-ian Urban system'r, Australian Geoqraoher, Vo1. XI, No. l. Young, J. D. , "South Australian Historians and l¡rJakef iel-drs Scheme'r, HÍstorical Studies , Vol . 14, L969.

101 Appendix A Settl-ers in the Southern Val-es ( lB4I ) Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 484 ,485 Carrington Edward Burgess (ts 84 acres enclosed with 255 cattle 6 acres oats Jeremiah Morphett Gs dog-1eg fence, I/2 with 1B horses I/ 4 potatoes Ma ry (zt posts, rails & paJ-ing, I I/2 garden EIizab e t h (t lath and plaster dwelling Thomas Young (ts house, good ground water Thomas Duignan (r¿ from large water holes. James Alham (r+ Jane Grittle (rzr Harriett Barfield (ts

493 Greenfield Robert Montgomery Gs 6 L/2 acres, partly post and J acres wheat Ann (=s rail fence and partJ.y I/2 maize Mar y -An n (t dog-J-eg f ence, I/ 4 potatoes R i chard (t lath and plaster dwelling I / 4 garden Alexander - (¡o house, Mar tha (ts stockyard, Mar g atet (l-+ two wells. 495,504 Happy ValleY Christian Debus (zt prepal]-ng to f ence, weJ.J-, Henry Hornhardt (ts temporary huts, stockyard.

302 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 499 Surry VaIe Thomas Lucas (ts 4 acres, part with dog-J-eg 70 cattle I I/2 potatoes Catherine (ts fence and part with I horse 4 garden Francis (t tea-tree scrub fence. Mary (t A good Manning house, EIlen Mackle (so stockyard, sheep-pens &c. Mar y (zt George Shannon (ts James Shannon (so John Lock Gs t¡rlilIiam t¡rJhite (ts John Spicer (zt James Corbett (zt Thomas Muir (zt 568,57O ldorthing Alfred Hallett (ts L/2 acre enclosed with slobs f0 cattle I I/2 potatoes 573,574 Emma (ts L L/2 with temporary flence 2 horses 519,52O Charles Emy (zs 2 mud houses 5O5,506 George Simms (ts stockyard &c. 496 ManueI Case (=s t¡lil1iam GaLe (ts

523 Pu tnah Robert lrjinter (ts 20 acres enclosed partJ.y 30 cattle 2 acres wheat l¡iilliam Lochhead (zt with post & rail, partly 2 horses 6 barley James Smith (ts with brush fence. 6 oats Joseph Stewart Qt a pise dwelling house 4 potatoes stockyard, well &c. I/ 2 garden

303 Section Name of Fa rm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops

524 Reynel-1a Farm 'John Reynell (=s B0 acres enclosed partly 2,5OO sheep l5 lvheat Ma ry (ts with dog-1eg and partly 4 horses 2 barley James Hase (ts with ditch and bank, 2 oats EL1en - (t sheep-pens, stockyard &c. 3 maize Patrick (ts a handsome and commodious I3 potatoes Thomas Murphy (ts dwel-1ing house, 2 garden Mrs. (ts tea-tree strìiamp with Jo hn (r¿ abundant supply of water. Henry Munday (so Sa rah (¡o Mary Hase (ts

526 Cowie Manilla t^liIliam Sharples (ts 12 acres with bush fence 4 cattle f wheat George Ferguson (=s post and rail in progress 2l¡orses 4 barley a pise dwelling house, f oats we11, stockyard &c. 2 potatoes I/2 garden

549 Thomas Parr Perry (ts 4 acres with dog-1eg, B cattl-e 4 wheat James Deas (ts 2 with post and rail, 2 horses I/2 barJ-ey Robert Ferguson (ts post and wire, we11, I/2 oats pise dwelling house. I/2 maize I I/2 potatoes

594,595 Votunoy Thomas Bell KeJ-1y (ts 12 acres with bank, ditch & I cattle 2 barley Alexander C (=s rail on one side, tu,to sides t horse 3/ 4 potatoes posts & one in progress, weIl, a pise dwelling house.

304 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 609,6LO Creighton Alexander Anderson (ts B acres, partly with posts 32 cattl-e 2 oats 611 Catherine (zt & rails, partly with posts 2 horses I/2 potatoes Rosina - (t on end, two wel1s, I garden Jo seph (zt inn and hoteJ., post office, John Smith (¡o stockyard &c. Bridget Fleming (zt Ellen Stafford (zt 622,62f Mandoodla Samuel Myles (¡o 2 acres with bush fence, I,50 0 sheep I/4 maize 624 John B. (zt well-, sheep-pens, &c. , 2 cattle L I/2 potatoes An na (ts two dwelling houses 3 horses ELiza - (¡o (one pise & one stone) Maria ( r+ Charles (t Sam. jr. Qt James Aitchison (¡o Susan - (so Mary (t

625 ,626 Al-exander llrl. Long (ts I acre with posts, two 800 sheep l¡Jilliam (zt rails and paling. I horse Adam Hitchcock (ts Two dwelling houses 2 cattle Mary (ts one of wood and the Adam jr. (t other of stone. John Ash Cullen (ts A well and lime kiln.

305 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 638 Claremont Alexander Brodie (¡o L4 acres -posts and i cattle 2 acres wheat Joardina (ts four rails. 4 wells. I horse' I oats He nry (ra A pise dwelling house of 4 maize Alexander - (r+ ten rooms. A Lime kiln I I/2 potatoes Lou i sa (r+ and abundant limestone. 3/4 garden Maria (t James 0'LochIin (¡o John Locke (ts Edward Sherwood (ts Charles How (ts Mar y (ts Jane (t

639 Purnun ga John AJ-J-eyne (ts 40 acres in progress of 2 cattle John Baker (r+ enclosure - partly bank & 2 horses James Clark QT ditch, partly posts on end, a pise dwelling house, stockyard, well.

65t Thomas Haddrick (¡o No land encl-osed, a well , Pene Iope (¡o Two dwelJ-ing houses, EI iza (t+ stockyard &c. , carpenter Thomas ( r+ and smith's shops, EIIen (r+ brickfield &c. Edward (t

306 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 654,667 Zetland Arthur Nicholson GS lI acres enclosed - with 12 cattle I I/2 barJ-ey Robert Gs posts and 3-4 rails. I horse 2 oats Margaret - (ts 0ne side of 2 sections with 2 potatoes Mary Be11 (r¿ dog-1eg fence. A well. 0 ceana (t A good lath-and-plaster Barbara Miller (zt dwelJ-ing house, servants' Margaret (zt houses, dairy, stockyard &c. ll'Jilliam Stewart (zt Ri chard GS David - Gs

655 Thrush Grove James Tu rner (=s J acres enclosed with 100 sheep f oats John (=s posts, two rails & stobs. 3 cattle L/ 4 maize Sar ah Mu n day (t one side of ten acres 3 horses I/2 garden Harvey (t with posts and f rail-s. A well, stockyard, sheep pens, a dwelling house, outhouses 668,669 Charles P. Brewer (so 4 acres - kangaroo fence, 30 cattle e(c) E]enor - Gs well, dairy and stockyard, I horse Charles (t+ A good Manning's house. El-en (r¿ EIizab e t h (t John (t (ts James Nagle Gs Richard - (zt Sarah Porter (ts Mrs. Godbool )so Patrick Conor (ts Mrs. Gs

307 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops

B00.B0t ( ¡onn Morphett ) No land enclosed, l¡later f rom 0nkaparinga, Sheep stations, sheep pens, huts.

BO3,BI7 Lucky Va1ley Frederick Mi tchel1 (=s 60 acres with brush flence, 7 wheat Madelina F (=s we11, temporary huts, 2 barJ- ey Madelina H (t stockyard. f oats Nicholas lnl (t 3 maize Anna H. (t I I/2 potatoes 7,BrI7, Edward Castle (ts I acre - posts & two rails 2 cattle I/2 garden 1B John Chapman Gs one side of 12 acres, l- horse t¡iiIliam (zt three slab huts, stockyard, making bricks for house. t0 Mt. P1 easant Alexander Murray (so 11 acres - with kangaroo 16 cattle 2 I/2 oats Jane (¡o fence, posts & 2-3 rails, I horse 2 potatoes Alexander - (t wooden house, dairy, Peter - (t stockyard &c. Eliza - (ts A well. Mary cilfillan (zt James Mahoude Gs t¡Jilliam (zt Samuel - (zt

T9 Craig Bank James Craig (so I4 acres enclosed with 25O sheep f wheat Janet - (ts posts and three raiJ-s, 22 cattle 2 6arley An ne ( r¿ A good wooden house, 2 horses 2 oats Robert (t dairy, stockyard &c . , l- maize Janet - (t A well I potatoes Thomas Gemmill (zt

l0B Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 25,33, Mertin James Laurie (ss 9 acres - partly with 100 sheep 5 wheat 74 ,42 Ro bert (=s posts&3rails,partly 25 cattl-e 2 óar1ey Margaret (ts with posts on end, I maize Margaret (t two wells sunk but no )./2 potatoes tnlilliam hJauchope (zt water, a mud house, Russell- Barnett (r¿ dairy, stockyard &c. Farquhar McCrae ( r+

65 Arch. Greenshields (ts No land enclosed, Mar y (ts a dairy station, Mary (t pise dwelling house, Caroline Harding (zt stockyard &c.

70 Philip Hollins (ts ïnn An ne (¡o Edward - (r+ John Hyde (¡o Anne Jane (so Robert (r+ Mary Anne (t James - (t Elenor - (t Benjamin Robinson (zt James McDonal-d (zt Jane (zt

313 0nkaparinga George Heppenstall 2 acres with temporary oI I0 cattle I/2 wheat bush fence, a stone house, 2 horses I potatoes 4 tents, stockyard &c.

309 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops r16 , rr7 Tarranga J ame s McLeod (ts 20 acres - partJ-y with I ,95 0 sheep 4 whea t 126 , r27 M. F. T. ( female ) Gs posts & 3 rails, partly 50 cattle 2 barley I37,I3B J.G. ( male ) (t with temporary fence. 3 horses 2 potatoes 158 Ro de rick McKenzie (ts A good Manning's house, Alexander Chisholm (ts outhouses, stockyard &c. Allan McDonald (¡o Catharine ( ¡o Alex. McPherson (ts James McCrusty GS John lnlauchope (zt Mary Geddes (ts Mary SIy (zt r47 Lower t¡lilliam Colton (so one hal-f of the section 160 sheep 4 wheat 0xenberry Elizabeth (¡o withposts&4rai1s, 24 cattle 5 barJ.ey William (zt the remainder in progress, I horse I/2 potatoes John (zt A pise dwelling house, I/ 4 garden Th omas (r+ stockyard &c. A well. Edwin - (ra Henry Elliott Gs Mary Ann (ts Mary (r+ Matilda (t He nry (t

lt0 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements St ock Crops r35,L48 0 xenb erry Charles T. Hewitt (¡o Half the lenEth of one 400 sheep 4 wheat Hannah (so section with pos ts& 42 cattle 10 barley Onessimus - (rzr 4 raiJ-s, about 4 AC ICS I horse I/ 4 maize El dad (r+ withposts&3r ails, L I/2 potatoes Charl es ( ra water on surface Medad (r+ A cob dwelJ-ing h ous e Heber (t and the walls of Faith Emily (zt another erected, Hannah H. (r¿ dairy, stockyards, Rhoda N. (t cowyards, sheep pens. Thomas Heaton (=s t¡rjalter Jacka Gs Ri chard (zt Thomas Congdon (¡o Joseph Gillard (ts Mark Richards (so James Evens (ts Thomas Carter (ts Richard Prank Gs Joseph Brown (¡o l¡lilliam Crock Gs t¡lilliam Thomas (t> Elizabeth Crock (ts Henry Crock (t Robert t^l. Beddome (ts

3TL Section Name of Farm I nhabi tants Age Improvements Stock Crops 497 Devonshire John CIi ff (so I I/2 acres enclosed, 140 sheep 4 wheat ElIen - (so partly with posts lI cattle 3 barley John (zt & 4 rails and partly I/4 maize Joseph F. (r+ temporary fence, I/4 potatoes Mary E. (r¿ A reed dweJ.ling house, Elizabeth (r¿ stockyard, sheep-pens &c. , Ann ( r¿ a well t¡Jilliam ( r¿r Harriett (r¿ Nicholas (t Louisa (t George Atkins (ro John [¡rJare (so James Ìnlatts (¡o Mary (ts Henry Penny (ts

509 Bl yth James Douglas (¡o 1 acre with brush 40 cattle r/4 wheat Grace - ( so or temporary fence. I horse r/4 potatoes Sarah (r¿ A reed dwelJ-ing house, ì¡li 11i am (r¿ stockyard &c. , Eliza - (r¿ a well. Marga re t (t Sarah McDonald (r+ Ewan McDonald (zt

510 Edward Harris (ts 5 acres with temporary 4 cattl-e I I/2 wheat Sa rah (ts or bush fence, a reed 2 barJ-ey dwelJ.ing house, stockyard, I maize preparing to sink a well. I/2 potatoes

312 Section Name ofl Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops

494 James Hamilton (ts B acres enclosed - two sides 6 cattle I wheat Richard t^lilliams ( ¡o with posts & 3 rails, the L horse 4 maize Mark Richard ( ¡o others with bush fence, I I/2 potatoes John Prouth (ts temporary huts, a well sunk 50 feet deep but no water.

7L2 Loudon McLeod (zt J acres with posts & I,400 sheep I I/2 wheat John Chishol-m (ts 3 rails, huts, stockyards, 6 cattle I/2 barley Roderick McLeod Gs sheep-pens &c. , water from f horses I/2 oats Alex. Greenleaf (ts a mountain stream. I/ 4 potatoes John King (zt

719 ,720 Francis Grote Gs l0 acres - with posts & 6 wheat 72I,722 - Adams (so 3 rai1s, a substantial 2 oats 723 - Fraser ( ¡o wooden dwelling house, I/2 maize John Goldring Gs two stockyards &c. I/ 4 potatoes Mrs. Goldring Gs 3/ 4 garden

725,726 ( genj amin tnjickham ) No land enclosed 100 sheep shepherd's hut, sheep-pens .

458,464 Brownson Frederick Scott (ts Commenced fencing, B cattle 5 whe at John Boone (:o a temporary hut, l- horse 4 barley James Thomas (ts brickfield, a well. James Hohnan (zt George Atkins (¡o John Sweetland (=s Robert t^,. Beddome (=s Robert Hyde (L¿

313 Section Name of Farm Inhabitants Age Improvements Stock Crops 457 Barrington Sampson Tall (¡o 2 acres with bank & ditch 20 sheep I/2 maize llizabeth - (¡o ð( I rail on the top, I/ 4 potatoes Mar y (ts a log drrveJ-J-ing house, Sa rah (zt stockyard &c., a well.

3r4 Aopendix B

Be lance Sheets of Free Presbvterian Church. Morohett Vale.

I ncome Expenditure De fici t t Gl . s. d +. s. d. t. s. d. r859 273 l0 t 289 rl t 16 I-

18 60 270 2 I 5 3L557 45 2 rO.5

186r 28r 2 2 29L 5 6.5 t0 3 4.5 r862 100 T7 335 5 5.5 34 B 5.5 r863 283 1I 0 5 289 L9 3.5 683

IB64 296 L3 4 316 L5 4.5 20 2 0.5 l8 65 28t 18 4 5 290 18 6.5 t02

L866 348 10 7 375 13 lr 2726 r867 4400

1 868 283 6 9.5 29029 6L6 0 r869 2066

18 70 62 17 0.5

187 I 216 4 4 239 6 0 23 18

1872( half) I04 I 3.5 LVO 6 r.5 26 4I0 r873 247 I4 I 269 9 t0 2I 15 9 r87 4 236 3 9.5 296 9 3.5 6056 r877 228 IO r1.5 299 I 4 70 r0 4.5 r879 27I L3 I 268 3 9.5 + 3 9 3.5

315 Appendix C A tendances at Licensed Scho 1s

HAPPY VALLEY WORT H T NG REYNELLA IB52 Louisa t¡Jaite TB53 25 r854 33 James Holder IB55 47 t2

IB56 40

I857 27 Richard Appleton Alfred Phillips 1858 32 53

1859 39 49

1860 39 49

IB61 43 55 r862 SamueI Lockwood L863 43 47

1864 54 49 r865 53 45

TB66 44 t9

TB67 53 36

1868 44 39 r869 36 36

18 70 42 25 t87r 40 40

IB72 35 26

L873 36 24

LB7 4 38

Income ( stipend + FECS) L873,4 tgttLB/e àt+ttts (Íse + i5/rB/e) (lst+ + Ér7 /14/5)

tr6 MORPHETT VALE VICTORIA SCHOOL HACKHAM l¡Jilliam l¡laters r852 35 r853 5t Charles Kerr Ann Strongitharm 1 854 3I 47 26 r855 4T 30 Louisa lnlaite 1856 24 34 25 AI fred Neimann L857 22 29 24 r858 I6 I8 29 Christina Daniel- George Foggo 1859 34 20 24 Jane Strongitharm t860 43 4T 24

1B 61 47 3B 30 r862

L863 49 23 33

IB64 52 I8 29 John Ferry John Forsyth I 865 44 42 32 r_ 866 5L 56 5l r867 32 59 35 tB68 34 70 28

L869 3I 69

18 70 49

18 7I 49 ALfred Gray IB72 4L

LB73 25 George Benny Mary Glanville r87 4 64 35

Income (Stipend + Fees) r873-4 Étzt / 12/ 6 (Jse + l,eq/rL/e)

317 N OARLUNGA ALDINGA t¡rjiLliam Quiche r852 33 Maryann Harris John Grant r853 44 30 44

1854 53 22 John Tyson 1 855 4B 23 24

IB56 36 2T 30 Al lred CoIes L857 38 24 54 26 r.858 39 23 59

1859 35 67

LB60 27 59 John Forsyth 186r 67 60 r862

r863 59 59

IB64 45 6I t¡liIliam H Hall t865 53 60 Thomas l¡Jalters r866 60 75

L867 44 69

18 68 56 62 Augustus lnJinter r869 56 90

I 870 51 8l

I8 7I 47 96 John Ferry r872 74 62 Joseph Ryder James Greenlees L873 5t 88

r87 4 6I 70

Income (Stipend + Fees)

1873-4 á.rOO / 15 /7 Éttztt /g (let * ltt/rolr) (155 + tsz/6/3)

118 MCLAREN VALE MCLAREN FLAT r852 Mrs. M. Franks r853 40 William Franks IB54 4I Peter BeIl Sarah Jacobs l¡lilliam Gooding r855 35 27 23 29 Joseph. l¡jarner r856 36 53 39

I857 35 34 38

1B 58 3I 2L 44 Samuel Davie 18 59 4L 39

186 0 29 33 Isaac Prior IB61 3I 44 r862 lnlilliam Martin Sarah t^JiIliams r863 33 28 25 r864 30 62 39 r865 45 84 3T

r866 32 55 32

t867 37 43 24

18 68 25 38 29

L869 36 37 30

18 70 4L 35 5I

l8 7l 36 45 54

r872 32 3L 40 c R Tucker I873 32 49 42 Mrs. C. A. GoId r87 4 39 43 50 Income (stipend + Fees)

I873-4 Itot / 5 /2 áeet+ts J rro /J/ - (É-se + á4r/r5/2) (Ít+o + t23/o/IL) (.{¡e * Jso /9 / -)

319 I¡JILLUNGA

James Bassett Augusta Shaw I852 47 25 Mary Bassett Ellen Scrivener r853 54 74 27

1 854 4L 37

1855 49 3I

r856 78 3I

IB57 33 27

r85B 33 34

IB59 54 37

1860 5l 3I / l86l 47 46

TB62

r863 52 42

IB64 4B 4t

1865 55 50

1866 6I 49 Charlotte Smith IB67 54 43 45

186 B 52 47 48

1869 44 46 41 comb i ne d IBTO 87

1871 94 I872 t0r r873 r05

I87 4 TT2

rncome (stipend + FCCSJ

r873-4 ttït tt t 6 (áBJ * J 82)

320 Appendix D Ratebook Entries District Council of Morphett Vale

Ratepayer TB5 4 r867-B A'Court, t¡lilliam cott. /B Anderson, Al-ex.(Lodge) H l5Bac. Le/J Anderson, Alex.(Mossgeil) H 240ac. t70 H 32Oac. !-7 5 Anderson, Peter H 321ac. i.e5 H 32Oac. J 93 Anderson, W. W. 3H 40ac. t 35 Antonie, John 15ac. ¿ 5 Auld, Thomas H Brewery Iac. t60 HL t 6 Badger. Rev. David HL I t0 Bailey, Stephen H l60ac. 144 BaiJ-ey, l¡lilliam HL J6 Bain, James H 480ac. l,na Bain, Robert 80ac. .fro H 24Oac. le+ Bain, l^lilliam H 24Oac. leo Baker, Rev. Edward H l-40ac. .lse H 40ac. ¿2i Baldock, George 40ac. Jl1 Bal-dock, Joseph B0ac. t22 Bamman, G. & Borgman, H H 235ac. t64 Barrett, Edward HL 16 Barrett, George H lOac. {ts Barton, Charles H shop Jt4 Bennett, Henry H 40ac. É.ts Bent, tnJilliam 40ac. é11 Berry, James H 24jac. Í48 Bewicke, A. N. H store 120 Binnear, John H I60ac. lso Bishop, 0bed. H 80ac. t/+o Bold, Elizabeth H 2Oac. Itt+ Bold, J. G. H 2Oac. JE Booth, Bannister H I80ac. J¡O H 335ac. lgttLo/- Boyce, James H BOac. Jts Boyce, lnlilliam H 78ac. lzs BradIey, Edward Store 3/4ac. á40 Bridgeman, Edward H 80ac. !26 2H 24oac. I,to Brodie, Alex. H BOac. !+e H BOac. l+= Brooks, Nat. 80ac. Jro Brown, Sarah H 20ac. Itz Brown, lnlilliam H 2BO ac. {80 H 200ac. leo Buchanan, Robert Crown Inn Jroo Burgess, Sarah H 19ac. ltZ Butterick, Daniel HL !.s Cain, Henry H BOac. ltS Cain, Martin H BOac. *to Cain, Timothy H 80ac. l3O CampbeII, Daniel HL tro Cannon, Jeremiah Smithy ttz Carmichael, Andrew H BOac. f25 " (Mrs. J. Brown) H shop t12/ro/- Carrick, David 35ac. Emu Inn {es Castle, Edward B0ac. Íto 80ac. lre Chandler, Charles B0ac. ár0 Chandler, t/iliIliam 2H 120ac. lzo CharJ-es, George HL le Chittleborough, James 2oac. á6

32r Ratepayer tB54 TB67 -B Chittleborough, tnlilliam 2oac. t¿ 60ac . ttl Christie & Swift store Lr: CIarke, Matthew H sac. ls CJ-arke, Robert H BOac. lzs Co1lins, Edward H 92ae. lte CoIlins, SamueI H l60ac. lta Co11ins, Simon cott. J.5 Coates, C. J. H BOac. tte CorrelI, Thomas H 60ac. itotro/- H 40ac. ltotro/- Counoul, Austin H 7ac. Le CowIey, Thomas 160ac. lzo H 200ac. !42/rO/- Cox, Daniel H I60ac. .i+a H 2OOac. ls+ Cox, l¡rlilliam H 80ac. lze 2N 22Iac. i.tttrc/- Crawf ord, l^Jilliam l5ac. l6 Cullen, Matthew B0ac. fro DanieIs, Robert cott . L2ac. Ls Darby, Mrs. John cott. L é't> Darby, Thomas H I60ac. f.t+z H 160ac . l+z Diden, John cott. l+ Disher, Robert Emu Inn 15Bac. árro Dix, t¡Jilliam HL å5 Dungey, John H L24ac. lll Dungey, Thomas 15ac. Ja Dunn, David H 78ac. Lzz

East oî r Daniel H B4ac. lte E dwa rds, John H L2Oac. t+s Egli nton , Robert H shop lzo Fairchild, Thomas 2H 2B0ac. áag Freebairn, James 252ac. *tt Gal-e, t^li1liam H BOac. lz+ Gallotatay, James H 200ac. Ís+ H 280ac. !87/ro/- Gibbons, Mary H 9ac. lro Gibson, Robert H BOac. lz+ Gilbert, Henry 80ac. áro Gi1es. James H 109ac. lte H 35ac. lzo Giles, [lrJilliam H I60ac. fso Graham, Mrs. B0ac. fro Guerin, Michael H shop áro Haddrick, Edward cott. lac. it Haddrick, Morris H lac. i.ts Haddrick, Thomas H 5ac. 1.6/r5/- Haines, Thomas H BOac. lzs Harrison, John H Zjac. 17/ro/- Haydon, James cott. Iac. ls Haydon, Thomas H shop ltztrc/- Hayes, lirJestley cott. 3/4ac. ts Head, l^lil-liam H 160ac. i+t+ Henderson, Roberl H I0ac. tt¡ Higgins, John B0ac. lz+ Higgins, Patrick H 240 ac. te e Higgins, Mrs. H B0ac. äzt+ Higgins, Thomas B0ac. lzt+ Hiler, Hans H 4Oac. frt Hi11, Henry H 4Oac. ltZ Hiscock, Adam cott . ls Hocart, Thomas H shop lac. lls

322 Ratepayer IB54 lB67-B HoJ.l-and, Ìnlalter H B5ac. lzg H sac. l2o Hooper, t¡lilliam Wheatsheaf Inn I60ac. Jror Hopkins, Humphrey B0ac. 1r0 Hornhardt, Henry H I 6Bac . l+a Hoskin, James 2H 6ac. 120 Howe, Mary H BOac. Èzs H 5ac. js Hughes, Rev. Patrick H lBac. lzo Humphris, Richard H B0ac. lto 3H 540ac. trar Hurbon, Edward H 2ac. lg HurIey, John H Iac. le IngJ-is, John H BOac. lzs Jarvis, Joseph H lac. i.g H tac. J9 Johnson, Charles H 2ac. Jtz Johnson, Edmund HL le Johnstone, Jacob cott. L l+ Johnstone, Mrs. cott. L àe Jones, Christopher H 80ac. lra Jo11y, Charles 40ac. frr 40ac. l.tztß/- Jo11y, Francis H 80ac. *to Jolly, t¡lilliam 160ac. l:a HL âe Kell-y, Alex. C. 3H 80ac. leo Ke1J.y, John cott. I26ac. lzs H Oac. lf O Kelly, Pat. H 35ac. fra Kelly, Thomas cott. LL2ac. lzt H 108ac. .tzt KelJ-y, Thomas jr. B0ac. Åts KeJ.1y, Thomas BelI H I 60ac . lst+ H l60ac. Åeo Kenny, Michael H B0ac. Lzs King, Charles Edward H 80ac. lzs H 160ac. 4¿a King, Peter l.5ac. ttttot- HV ineyard "tte King, Peter jr. H 24Oac. ést H 24oac. ttz King, Thomas B0ac. éro H r6Oac . ils King, Thomas Layton 4ac. tt Koehne, H. G. H B0ac. .*r ¡ Lambert, Richard & son 24jac. 135/rO/- Lawrie, James H 80ac. át¡ Jtr Ledwick, Mrs. Ann H 5ac. dL) Ledwick, James H 80ac. Lzs Littlewood, lnJilliam 80ac. L25 LIoyd, Arthur F. 2H 1 15ac. lse Lloyd, Richard 80ac. ttz Marsh, John H 2.5ac. !e Mattieson, Edward H 26oac. tts McCloud, James H 80ac. t+o McCloud, John H BOac. ázz H 2I7ac. tet McGregor, SamueJ- H shop áts McSheehy, Patrick H 160ac. !t+s Michael, James H BOac. tzs Michael, Mrs. J. cott. ts MiJ-J-er, George cott. ls Mitchell, Fred. H 80ac. lzz Moore. Thomas H 200ac. tso H 24Oac. Ået MyIes, Charl-es. H. H I57 ac . Åsa My1es, John B. H l60ac. tsz 2H L53ac. *.+e My1es, Dr. Samuel 3H 472ac. MyJ.es, Samuel _{155 H 32Oac. igz My1es, Sophia cott. I.5ac. á-e

323 Ratepaye,r TB54 rB67 -8 Nash, Reuben H BOac. Lts Neilson, John H 240ac. Alz NevilLe, Charles 40ac. Jrr Northmore, George smithy .5ac ttz 0ckleford, John cott. L+ cott. J5 0'Donohue, M. 01iver, Maurice H 9ac. .{.to 0'Sullivan, Ignatius H 24oac. llt H t60ac. Èso 0'SulIivan, Thomas r34ac . âtl / rc/ - 0'Toole, Dennis Page, George H 40ac. Lr2/ro/- Paynter, John H BOac. Éte Pearce, lnlalter H 80ac. *ze Peck, Joseph H 7.5ac. It+ H 7.5ac. shop f.t+ Perry, Thomas Parr H I60ac. 154 Pike, Joseph H 80ac. i30 H B0 ac. Ê2> Pike, t^Jilliam H Smithy i.tztrc/- Pocock, John H 10Oac. á¿o H I8Oac. *.so PoIson, George cott. á5 PooJ-e, AIex. H 40ac. tt4 PooIe, Mrs. Jane H mi]] iloo Porter, John H 20ac. å 10 H 2Oac. tro Potter, George cott. I ac. I B Potter, l¡JilIiam \ cott. å 4 cott . Ét+ Proctor, John B4ac. 1l Putland, llrlilliam H shop lts QueJ-ch, lalilliam -- HL f:+ Radford, James H l60ac. â+t Read, James H I60ac. *ze H 160ac. lts ReynelJ-, John H 32jac. Éro o H 32Oac. Itza RiddIe, George _ H l60ac. l+s Samp'son, Richard H 475ac. ttto Sanderson, l¡JilIiam H shop Ér¡ Seaman, BartJ-ey cott. *s Shehan, Michael 25ac. Jro Sherriff, George H 400ac. 170 Sherriff, James H BOac. lz+ Sherri ff, John H BOac. i.zs Sherriff, l¡Jilliam H r6Oac . /.t++ Sherriff , l^lilIiam jr. HL f6 Short, George 8Oac. tzo Short, Henry HL 1.6 Short, John H l2Oac. lla 2H 280ac. t85/LO/- Simpson, lnlilliam lot fL/Lo/- Sims, Thomas H B4ac. Éte H 279ac. Aqe Smith, Charles H l96ac. J'sa H 200ac. lot JSO Smith, Robert B0ac. Éto Smith, llililIiam 80ac. tzo Smoothey, Abraham cott. H Bac. lzt SneII, Rev. Joseph 4ac. lt Snook, Charles 40ac. ls Spencer, lnlilliam 2H 26Oac. *e+ H IB0ac. J¿e Sprigg, Charl-es M. H 80ac. izs Sprigg, Edwin H B4ac. Érr Sprigg, George H. H I60ac. teo Sprigg, Henry L. H 320ac. AeZlrc/- H 40ac. ts

324 Ratepayer tB54 IB67 -B

Sprigg, John t^J. H 40ac. ls Sprigg, SamueI HL áro Stewart, Al-ex. H 460ac. ltse Southern Grist Flour Mi11 not rated Stribling, George H BOac. .lze Strongitharm, Ann H B0ac. lto Storey, Joseph 40ac. Jri TaIbot , AI fred 4oac. t5 TaIbot, Theophilus H }ac. j,5 Tank, James H 42.5ac . åte Tansall, George H 3ac. Itz H iac. ltz Taylor, Thomas H 32Oac. tte H rI46ac. áteS Tear, Thomas H shop !20 Teichelmann, C. G. H BOac. lzzt ro / - Thompson, C. J. H shop 17 /IO/- Tidy, Henry H 3ac. lzo Tiernag j-e, Frederick H l23ac. á=o Too1e, Dennis H BOac. lzs lnlaghorn, Isaiah cot.t. l.+ttot- llrlapper, Jacob HL j.6 Ware, David H B0ac. Å.zt lnlare, John H 9ac. lro lnlaters, tnlilliam \ cott . I ac. !B hlatts, James H B9ac. lt+ hlhite, John 480ac. leo lnJhittaker, Henry cott. te lnlinter, Robert H 2ac. 16/Lo/- lnlithrow, Joseph H l¡Jindmill å60 llrlornum, Conrad H 8O ac. áZr hlorthing Mining Co. I60ac. I 20 hlright, George H BOac. I 24 tnJright, John H 20ac. t 10 lnlright, Mrs. John H 2oac. f to

325 Ap;pendix E Credit Selections (l-869-79) Name of selector Residence 0ccupation Hundred rB69 -10 Thomson, llrlal-ter 0'Hal-1oran Hill farmer Hynam Thomson, George 0'Halloran Hill farmer Hynam Thomson, t¡lilliam 0'Halloran Hill farmer Hynam Thomson, John 0'Halloran Hill farmer Hynam Goodlif f , l^JilIiam Noarlunga blacksmith Myponga Sprigg, Peter B. Morphett Vale farmer Hynam Sprigg, Henry L. Morphett Vale farme r Hynam Sprigg, George H. Morphett Vale farme r Hynam Sprigg, George H. Morphett Vale farmer Hynam Sprigg, Henry L. Morphett Vale farmer Hynam Correll, Thomas Hurtle Vale flarmer MeIville lnlard, Thomas 0'Hal1oran Hitl farmer Hynam Jared, John l^1. NoarJ.unga farmer BundaLeer TeakIe, Edward Noarlunga flarmer Bundal-eer Gallotrvay, t^Ji1liam Morphett Vale farmer Bundaleer

1B 7l

King, Charles E Morphett Vale farmer Bundaleer Polkinghbrne, Thomas t^lilLunga farmer Kulpara Ga1lotlltay, AJ.exander Morphett Vale miller Bundal-eer Baldock, Charles Morphett VaIe farmer Bundal-eer Ingerson, Phillip t^Ji1lunga gentleman Barunga Talbot, A1 fred Hurtle Vale farmer Melvil-le Jackson, Mary E . Morphett Vale spinster BundaLeer Easton, David Hurtle VaIe labourel MeIville Marshall, Thomas tnJillunga farmer Barunga Rose, James 0'HaIloran Hill farmer MelvilIe Rose, Benjamin TapIey's Hill farmer Melville r872 Hall-, Henry Aldinga mason Melville Goldsmith, t¡lilliam llrlillunga farmer Melville Mo11oy, Patrick A. l^Jillunga farmer Yangya Ha11, Edward Aldinga mason Melvil-1e Brown, Thomas talillunga farmer Binnum Brown, John lnlillunga farmet Binnum Brown, John tlrJillunga farmer Binnum Bishop, 0bed. Morphett Vale farmer Penton Vale Anderson, Ralph McLaren VaIe farmer Penton VaIe Sherriff, James Morphett Vale farmer Penton Vale Chambers, John Aldinga blacksmith Melville Teakle, David NoarJ-unga farmet Terowie Sheehan, Michael Hac kh am farmer Penton Vale lnlood, Thomas Aldinga bootmaker MelvilLe TeakIe, David Noarlunga farmer Terowie Sheehan, Timothy Hackham farme r Penton Vale Anderson, RaIph McLaren Vale farmer Penton Vale Cox, John Morphet t Vale farmer Redhilt Teakle, David Noarlun g a farmer Terowie Sampson, John Mo rphet t Vale farmer Goyder

326 Name of selector Residence 0ccupation Hundred

LB72 ( cont. ) Teakle, David Noarlunga farmer Terowie CastIe, tn.lilliam McLaren Vale flarmer AIma Jackson, Mary Morphett Vale spinster Bundal-eer Bishop, 0bed. Morphett Vale farmer DalrympJ.e Barnes, James t/üillunga farmer DaJ-rymple

IB7 3

Roberts, Samuel Morphett Vale labourer DalrympIe Baker, John H. McLaren Vale farmer Dalrymple Marshall, John McLaren Vale farmer Crystal Brook Binney, l¡Jilliam H. l^,iltunga farmer Crystal Brook McRae, John Aldinga farmer Crystal Brook McRae, John Aldinga farmer Crystal Brook Hey, Thomas Aldinga farmer C ameron Budd, AI fred McLaren Val-e farme r Crystal Brook Anderson, Peter jr. North Rhine farmer Dalrymple Anderson, Alexander Noarlunga farmer Dalrymple Hepenstall, Charles Noarlunga labourer Ramsay Short, Edward MorpheLt Vale farmer Ramsay Anderson, Alexander Stansbury farmer Dalrymple l¡lard, Thomas 0' Halloran Hi l1 farmer Hynam Thomson, tnliIliam 0rHalloran Hill farmer Hynam Anderson, Peter sr. Morphett Vale farmer DalrympIe HepenstaIl, Charles Noarlunga labourer Ramsay Ingram, George 0'HaIloran Hill larmer Caltowie PaImer, Robert sr. Aldinga farmer Koolunga ChaImers, James 0'Halloran Hill Iabourer Koolunga Palmer, Robert sr. Aldinga farmer Koolunga Sherriff, James Morphett Vale farmer DalrympIe Sherri ff, James Morphett Vale farmer DalrympJ-e Lee, Angelina McLaren Vale spinster Dalrymple

IB7 4

Keen, George f^l. McLaren VaIe labourer Dalrymple Stone, David TapIey's HilI farmer Koolunga Bishop, James Morphett Vale farmer Koolunga WiJ.son, Robert McLaren VaIe farmer Ramsay llrlard, Thomas 0'Halloran HilI farme r Hynam Anderson, Alex. s1. Morphett Vale farme r Dalrymple Anderson, AIex. sl. Morphett Vale farmer Dalrymple Pridham, Edward Aldinga farmer Cameron Binney, William H trrlillunga farmer Crystal Brook Darby, Thomas Morphett VaIe farme r Mi nlacowie King, Thomas Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Sherri flf, George Morphett Vale farmer Dalrymple Anderson, Alex. SI. Morphett Vale farmer Dalrymple Smith, lnlilliam Reynella farmer Napperby

327 Name of selector Residence 0ccupation Hundred

LB7 5

Thomson, John 0'Halloran Hill farmer Lochaber Anderson, James Morphett Vale farmer Minl-acowie Holland, llrJal-ter Morphett Vale flarmer Minlacowie Short, George sr. Noarlunga farme r Minlacowie Pike, James Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Page, Richard Aldinga farmer Minlacowie Robetts, Thomas Morphett Vale labourer Minlacowie McEachen, James NoarJ-unga farmer Minlacowie McEachen, James Noarlunga farmer Minlacowie Sprigg, Edwin T. Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie King, Thomas L. Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Correll, Thomas sr. Melville farmer Minlacowie Booth, Alexander Reynella farmer Minl-acowie Sprigg, Henry Yorke Peninsula farme r Minlacowie Sprigg, Edwin T. Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Bastian, Thomas H. t^lilIunga farmer Boucaut Holland, lnlalter Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Freebairne, James 0'Halloran Hill widow Boucaut Maslin, Alf red Aldinga farmer l^lillochra Kanaley, Stephen McLaren Vale farmer Ki lkerran McCa1lum, AIex. Aldinga farmer Koolywurtie McCal-Ium, Hugh Aldinga farmer Koolywurtie Pike, James Morphett Vale farmer Minlacowie Pavy, l^lilliam McLaren Vale auctioneer Napperby Smith, John Morphett Vale farmer Napperby Kanaley, lnlilliam McLaren Vale farmer Ki lkerran

I87 6

Barnes, James t^lillunga farmer Wauraltee Illman, George Aldinga farmer [¡laura]tee Pointon, John Aldinga labourer lnlauraltee Gray , A1 fred J. Noarlunga farmer Pekina l^lilliams, Zacharia lalil-lunga farmer [¡iauraltee Ìnlarner, Joseph lnlillunga farmer t^,i 11ow i e Chambers, Moses ì/ililIunga farme r t/ìJillowie Dunstan, John Aldinga farmer [¡lauraltee Herring, Thomas Aldinga carpenter ì¡rlauraltee Chenoweth, llr.lil-liam jr. Aldinga farmer Wauraltee Humphris, t^lilloughby McLaren Vale farmer Pekina Pascoe, lnlilliam AJ.dinga labourer Coomooroo lnlilson, l¡Ji]liam McLaren Vale flarme r DaIkey McCallum, AIex. Aldinga flarmer Koolywurtie Eastwood, Milton Aldinga farmer Curramulka Lovelock, l^,i11iam Noarlunga farmer Curramulka Pointon, l¡rJilliam AJ.dinga farmer Curramulka !\,i11iams, Peter t/üillunga farmer Curramulka Pointon, Thomas Aldinga farmer Curramulka tnJalters, John l^Jillunga farme r Curramulka Anderson, Alex. Morphett Vale farme r Curramulka Grundy, John Aldinga farmer Curramulka Sprigg, George H. Morphett Vale farmer Joyce Hepenstall, Charles Noarlunga labourer Minlacowie l^lilliams, llrliLliam McLaren Vale flarme r DaIkey

328 Name of selector Residence 0ccupation Hundred IB76 (cont.) Heyerhoflfl, Francis tnlil-lunga farmer Ki Ikerran Eastwood, Milton Aldinga farmer Curramulka MoJ-J-oy, Bridget McLaren Vale spinster Eurelia Giddings, Charles McLaren Vale farmer ll'Jill-owie Lovelock, Richard AJ.dinga farmer Cunningham

IB7 7

Thomson, George Naracoorte Hynam Sprigg, Henry Naracoorte Hynam CantwelJ-, James tnlillunga farmer Dalrymple Jackson, Charles bìJillunga farmer t¡Jandearah Marshal1, John McLaren Vale farmer tnlandearah Stone, Thomas 0'Hall-oran Hill farmer 0laddie Thomson, David 0rHalloran Hill farmer Telowie Thomson, Andrew 0'Halloran Hill farmer Telowie Thomson, Alex. 0rHall-oran Hill farmer Telowie Thomson, David 0'HaIloran Hill farmer Telowie Binney, t¡Jilliam H. Ìnlillunga farmer t¡Jandearah Denton, Thomas Aldinga carpenter Cunningham Bishop, James Morphett Vale farmer 0l addie McGregor, James Reynella blacksmith 0I addie Atkinson, Joseph l^Jillunga farme r Mo r gan Correll, Ihomas 0'Halloran Hill farmer Ramsay Stone, Thomas 0rHalloran Hill farmer 0laddie Stone, Daniel TapJ-ey's Hill farmer 01 addie tnJilliams, l¡Jilliam t/'lillunga farmer Clinton Tilbrook, Jabez Happy VaJ- ley farmer L{illowie CantweJ-l-, James l^lillunga farmer Dalrymple Lovel-ock, lrrlilliam Aldinga farmer Koolywurtie Smith, Henry Morphett Vale farmer Pirie Carmichael, Andrew Morphett Vale farmer Tel-owie Carmichael, Elizabeth Morphett Vale spinster Telowie Bridgeman, Jabez Morphett Vale farmer Arkaba TeakJ-e, Thomas Morphett VaIe farme r Arkaba Atkinson, Joseph lrrlillunga farmer Gumbowie Thomson, Andrew 0'Hal-l-oran Hill farmer Baroota Thomson, AIex. 0'Halloran HiIl farmer Baroota Thomson, Jean 0'Halloran Hill spinster Baroota Beyer, David Noarlunga farme r Baroota Thomas, James McLaren Vale farmer Baroota Robinson, Thomas B. Noarlunga farmer Baroota Sherri ff, John Morphett Vale farmer Baroota r878 Reed, John ÌnliIlunga Labourer 0l addie Thomas, James McLaren Val-e farmer Baroota Mudge, lnlilliam H Noarlunga farmer Baroota Sherriff, John Morphett VaIe farme r Baroota Beyer, David Noarlunga farmer Baroota CIiffl, Henry Aldinga farmer Baroota Spencer, t¡Jill-iam Morphett Vale farmer Baroota

)l> Name of selector Residence 0ccupation Hundred

1878 ( cont. ) Tapley, Richard Tapley's HiIt farmer Bar oo ta Martin, l¡,lilIiam McLaren Vale farmer Arkaba tllilson, James Bath McLaren Vale farme r Pinda Sampson, John Morphett Vale farm e r Goyder Thomson, James 0'Halloran Hill farmer Tatiara Crisp, l¡JiIliam t^lillunga farmer Pinda Teakle, Thomas Morphett Vale farme r Arkaba Crisp, l¡Jil1iam lnlillunga farme r Pinda Taylor, Robert 0'Halloran Hill blacksmith Yanyarrie Jaraslofsky, Franz AJ-dinga Plain farmer Kilkerran

L87 9 Beare, John Reynella teamster Kadina Sprigg, George S Hynam Lo ch abe r Kitto, Samuel 0 Morphett Vale farm e r Hal I

330 Appendix F Ratebook Entries District Council of Noarlunqa Ratepayer lB67-B I877 -B Aldersey, Algernond 156ac. lta AI len , Stephen B7Iac. ¿[taS Anderson, Alexander 559ac. j.rr¿ Anderson, Mts. James 5ac. Je Anderson, Peter B0ac. lte B0ac. tte Antonie, John flIac. átt 426ac. lgt AspIin, Jacob B0ac. àtt Atkinson, Edward 9Bac. â24 Baker, l¡JiIliam I 60ac . tzs Balderstone, Robert L 60ac . *46 Baldetstone, Mrs. Ann t6Oac . J+e BaIdock, Matthew B0ac. Lzz 8e11, Peter & Andrew 7 I6ac . tttz 8e11, [¡Ji]liam B0ac. .tr o B0ac. ttt Bennetts, John 2J6ac. tsz Beyer, David 34Aac. taz 7O4ac. ltea Bosworth, Richard l60ac. lta 400ac. lrtr Budgen, Richard 82 .5ac . tza 172.5ac. 154 Cahi11, Edward I20ac. f20 CahiIl, Mrs. l-1.. I20ac. s20 Castle, Edward B0ac. lts Clark, James 44Bac. Jrir 44Bac. Érr¿ C1 i ft, Henry l40ac. l=g 224ac. { 65 CIift, John Sr. 24}ac. ésr 10ac. é 6 CLift, Nicholas lBac. ltz Cobb & Co. 334ac. *.¿o CoIton, Thomas B0ac. lzt Coochman, Thomas 34ac. fa Coome, Ben.i amin B0ac. Ite I66ac. l+z Corne11, lrrlill-iam 160ac. lta Cottrell, Peter Bac. !6 Bac. te Craig, Mrs. James 160ac. lts Crews. John 482ac. ta¿ Dangerfield, Joseph 80ac. jte Dodd, Thomas 1l4ac. fz+ 480ac. lr2z Dodd, t^lil-l-iam 50ac. .{ro 83ac. Éts Donovan, James 235ac. lts 235ac. *ts Draper, Edward 70ac. Lzo Dungey, John B0ac. áto Dungey, Thomas 480ac. Jloo Dunstan, l¡'ialter B0ac. Itt Elder, Smith & Co. 30ac. Jtr EJ-Iiott, Charles 150ac. !.tt Elliott, Henry 24oac. l>e EIliott, Mrs. Henry 80ac. Jrg Elliott, James B0ac. Ite EIIiott, Robert 160ac. ttt EIliott, Susan I55ac. lzg 77ac. Ate Fedge, Lewis 237 ae . tst Fox, Henry I64ac. jz! B4ac. fte Fox, Joseph 80ac. Ét¡ Goldsmith, George B0ac. lzø B0ac. {ze Gooding, tnlilliam B0ac. It> 80ac. .t rs

33r Ratepayer TB67 -B LB77 -B Goodliff, l^JilIiam BOac. tzo Graham, Mrs. M. 214ac. {ss Gray, llìJilliam 46ac. lztt 2Oac. tt Greenfield, Mrs. lBac. .{e Gribble, John 392ac. tgt Guerin, Patrick l- 60ac . lzg I60ac. jzg Hammond, lnliIliam Henry I 60ac . ltt 6BBac. ilt+s Harris, Edward 2B3ac. ltg Harriotl, Mrs. Agnes 640ac. tteo Hastie, Robert l- 95ac . âto Hobbs, Enoch B0ac. ltz Hi11, John & Co. 264ac. Lt++ Hol-1y, Charles 17 6ac . lsg 4I4ac. tto+ Holly, l¡Jilliam I50ac. l+t 39Oac. /eo Hooper, AIfred B0ac. tts Hooper, PhiIip 80ac. !ts Hooper, Thomas & llJilliam 48lac. laz Howie, Robert I60ac. l+o Humphrís, John F. l7lac. 4.za Humphris, Richard ll0ac. lzt+ 24Oac. is+ Hutchinson, James 316ac. Jeo Hutchinson, Frederick 2Iac. trt Hutchinson, lnlilliam Sr. 2lac. ttt Hutchinson, l¡lil1iam Jr. 7Bac. ltt ?-36ac. ttt Hutton, David I0ac. Jro Ingram, AIbert B0ac. Ltt Jackson, James B0ac. I T6 Jared, John l10ac. t 7B 39Oac. lgt Jared, James B0ac. åte Jones, James 473ac. Itoz KanaIey, John 254ac. tag 57Oac. årr¡ Thomas 40ac. 40ac. Kelly, Le -76ac. te KelIy, Thomas 4ac. J 3 tts Kimplon, John 356ac. t 75 King, El-i 3L2ac. ttt Knight, DanieI l0ac. å¡ Lemon, John B0ac. /re Lewsey, Charles 2Oac. !t+ Long, Mrs. E. 236ac. á¡r Long, James 158ac. ttz Looney, John I6ac. Éro Lowe, Robert 80ac. lzg Lumb, Parkin 400ac. tat 400ac. lta Manning, George, E.H. & B. L60ac . É¿re 238ac. áea Manning, Charles 24Oac. é¿o B0ac. àtz Manning, James 7Bac. lzo MarshaII, John I60ac. *ao Martin, J. N. , lal. A. & A. H . 3L7ac. Lta Martin, Al fred H. 3Li ac . lta Matthews, James 74ac. tz+ Meek, James I60ac. *+z MiL J-er , Samuel 24oac. Jue Morgan, John lBac. *t Mudge, John I7 4ac . i+g 17 4ac . á+g Mudge, J.J. & G.R. 393ac. ttg Mudge, t^Jilliam Sr. 629ac. {tto Mudge, llrliIliam H. r40ac. *tt 140ac. ltt

332 Ratepayer 1867 -B TB77 -B 0ak1ey, William I60ac. lze 0'Hal1oran, Patrick 16ac. Le l-6ac. l6 0Iiver, lnlilliam B00ac. Lte s Il00ac. tzt a 0'Dwyer, James B0ac. ftg Pavy, inlilliam l60ac. 14e Payne, Arthur B0ac. Lze Pedvin, Daniel 257 ac. Lsa PengiIJ.y, John B0ac. L24 B0ac. lz+ Perkins 77ac. Ltz Perry, AI fred l-60ac. Lt+z 24Oac. Í6L Polson, George 24Oac. l>a Polson, Mrs. G. T. B0ac. fta Prankerd, Peter l54ac. Jre Price, James l60ac. L+z l60ac. l+z Quick, PhiliP B0ac. {zz Radford, Daniel lB7ac. f,¡o Radford, SamueI B0ac. ttg 400ac. tgs Rayner, John 160ac. lzz Rayner, Mrs. BOac. itz- Roberts, llrJilliam B0ac. ltt Robinson, t^Jilliam 157ac. ita l57ac. á+o Rowlands & Thornber I21ac. .{.tt Sanders, l¡JiIliam 24Oac. ltg 200ac. lss Sandry, Thomas l60ac. ltg Sandry, l¡Jilliam B0ac. åre Sernmens, Thomas B0ac. ttt Semmens, tnlilliam 60ac. tto Seaman, Philip J. 175ac. tts Sheehan, Michael B0ac. Ira Short, John B0ac. d T2 r43ac. tZg Short, George Jr. 63ac. { T6 Sierson, Roger aac. J9 Simmons, Thomas L7 5ac. ltt Sprigg, Charles H. 72ac. 4rr Squiers, Thomas I00ac. 1z+ Steer, Charles L34ac. lzo Stewart, Alexander 24Oac. Stewart, James B0ac. t?" Storie, Luke ZAac. tte Sykes, James 400ac. lez Sykes, Mrs. J. 4ooac. laz TeakIe, David 32oac. las Teakle, Edward 400ac. Itos Teece, l¡Jilliam 36lac. lst 138ac. tzo Tintara Vineyard Co. 2L3ac. *+o 289ac. fao Vinecombe, l¡Jilliam 2oac. t I3 Zjac. Je lnlaghorn, Isaiah 160ac. { 37 t^JilIiams, Richard 40ac. I T2 40ac. ttz lnlilson, James & Son l60ac. t 29 24oac. l4e lnlilson, l¡'Jil1iam 160ac. lzg Yates, George I6ac. {tz I6ac. ttz Yates, Mark 124ac. tzz 66ac. Itz

333 Township of Bellevue

Ratepayer LB67 -B r877 -B Bennett, James HL J5 Chestetman, Henry tany ard t6 C1i ft , John Sr . Clifton HoteI t7 CIift, Nicholas H 1Bac. ltz Coochman, Thomas HL Jrr zHL I,B Griggs, Thomas shop t+ HL .{5 Hardy, Thomas miJ-l, cotts. tzs Hotnal, Joseph HL Jt Hutton, David mi11 2.5ac. lroo Hutton, David HL lro - Lowe, Robert HL JIO Luscombe, George HL å5 MiIler, Richard HL Je HL J.4 MilIer, John HL J4 Molloy, Michael- HL l+ HL á4 Morgan, John l8ac. 17 Radford, George HL lzo Rayner, Thomas HL t+ HL d4 Reed, l^lilliam HL l4 HL d4 Sierson, Roger HL t+ HL t4 Sierson, Roger eac. t5 Sims, Henry HL 46 Simmons, Henry HL á+ Stern, Robert cott. t4 HL å¿ Township of Beltunga Aitchison , El izabeth HL l-+ |L t2 Atkinson, Edward H I8ac. Je Cottrell, Peter H Bac. *6 HL É,6 Greenf ieJ-d, Mrs. H l8ac. $8 Hardy, llrlilliam HL 16 HL J6 Ingram, John ,t Leslie, James stor e t7 Leslie, James :, HL 16 Paynter, Henry HL *5 Pearn, William HL 1.7 HL t5 Swift, Jeremiah HL 16 HL JI6 tnlright, Joseph HL 16 Township of Castleton

McEachan, John HL J.B McEachan, Alexander HL èJ B Short, George Sr. HL 1.4 HL J 4

334 Township of Hackham Brown, John HL t6 HL J6 Canham, Charles HL Jl6 H shop tzo Chantrill, James cott. ll CIifford, Joseph HL J5 Corbett, John HL !4 HL J4 Corbett, l¡lilliam HL J5 Corbett, Mrs. William HL J5 Dungey, Thomas garden ts I ilzpatrick , John HL t 4 HL å4 Flanagan, Patrick HL t 4 HL J4 Forsyth, John HL t 6 Gandley, John HL 14 Ho11y, Charles Zoac. ts 2oac. t5 HoJ-1y, Charles Golden Pheasant tnn tz+ Ho11y, Charl-es smithy, cott. J5 Jackson, l¡Jilliam HL .*4 Joyce, Martin HL t 5 Latnlrence, Thomas HL t 5 HL *6 Madagan, John HL t 4 Madagan, Michael- HL t 4 Madagan, 0wen HL J 4 2HL JB 0'Dwyer, Bridget Ht i 4 -t 0'Dwyer, James HL t 5 2HL I2 0'HaJ-1oran, Patrick HL _* 5 0'Nei1, Patrick HL t+ 2HL i B Sheehan, Michael Golden ltrs Pheasant Inn Sparrow, Joseph HL j 4 HL É4 Storie, Joseph cott. I 3 -i tnlait and Sheidow H shop B Yates, Henry cott. iz HL à 4 Township of Kingston

Aldersey, Henry Lee HL *te Budgen, Richard L tz 2.5ac . ¿ 2 Burfitt, Samuel HL Èt+ HL .t 4 Burgess, Martin HL t I6 Cliff, Henry HL l+ L 1 4 Crane, Joseph HL I 4 Doddemede, Samuel L le Dungey, Thomas L lt L lt Dungey, Thomas H t I I6 Hitchin, Edward t^l. HL t+ H L t 2 Hobbs, Mrs. E. cott. TC cott t 2 Holmes, Joseph HL 7î, H Stor e "tT6 Holmes, Joseph wheat store tt,, wheat stor e I I4 HoJ-mes, Joseph paddoc k I 6 Hutchinson, James H L .*16 Latimer, George H L fro MaIpa s, George H L HL J6 Matth EW s, James brickyar dì4'6 Matth CW s, LrJill-iam HL 16 McFad de n, ltrlill-iam HL å4 0akle Y, Josiah HL T4 tnli lmo tt , Edward HL t4

335 Township of Noarlunga Adams, John HL TI2 Adams, John B. shop tB Barber, John HL å5 ur Jr Barber, John HL /5 Bright, Maria cott. tt Burgess & Bostock HL àtz Burgess & Bostock HL Ja Candy, lnlilliam H shop JB Carrick, Mrs. J HL I,T2 Castle, Edward brew ery t:.1 Champness, J. H H shop lto Champness, J. H butcher's shop Ja Cì-ark, James & Co. mi11, cottages Jgo Cox, Henry Jo1ly Miller Inn å:o HL Je Davey, John 5 cott. É15 5 cott. .lts DelJ-er, l¡lilliam HL tt+ HL t4 Doddemede, Samuel HL ls HL is Draper, Edward HL t+ Dungey, Thomas Horseshoe Inn tto Horseshoe Inn Jso Dungey, Thomas brewery Jro Dungey, Thomas cott . lt+ 2HL *a Dungey, Thomas vineyard lt Dungey, John H Shop Jro FiLzgerald, John HL lt+ Fox, Patrick HL It+ Freestone, Henry HL t+ Furler, Charles HL 4l HL II Furler, Charles shop J5 smithy t¡ GribbIe, John HL ir2 Guerin, John HL t 4 Haske11, Edward cott. I 3 Horseshoe Mil-1 Co. Mi11, cotts. Al2 King, l^lilliam HL J 5 HL é5 Lemon, [nJilliam HL t L2 McFarIane, John HL å4 McGaffin, John Jolly Mill-er lso Inn McGaffin, Michael Stor ô I 8 Milway, 0liver H L J I2 Morrisey, Michael HL IIZ H L d 4 Neimann, H. H. Bakehouse L lr2 Patten, James HL l+ PedIar, Thomas HL I B PedIar, Mrs A. HL 1l Quick, Philip HL Jt4 3HL År3 Smales, Richard ¡tL lL2 Stagg, l¡Jilliam HL.ÉB Stephens, Matthew HL Ju Stephens, Mâtthew Smithy ls Teece, Mrs. HL It+ Thompson, Robert cott. t+ Thompson, William H HL J4 Thompson, Mrs. A. HL É4

336 Township of Noarlunga ( cont. )

Tostevin, AJ- f red HL L4 Tostevin, AI fred Shop J5 lalallis, Mrs. cott. lS tnlebb, John cott . ls t¡rJebb, Richard cott . l+ HL ¿4 Township ofl Port Noarlunga CIark, James & Co. store Jro Gray, tnlilliam Stor e t 7zg Hepenstal, George NL ,4 HL Itr McCoy, Charles HL 14 HL l+ Mortlock, l^,iI1iam store Jto Norris, Charles HL ¿4 HL l+ Norris, George HL Í.+ 0utside Townships Anderson, Mts. James H 5ac. le Clark, Miss A. H 1ac. lto CIark, Mrs. M. H l- ac. lro Ctift, John Sr. H I0ac. le Dungey, John 24ac. le Gray, l^li1liam I0ac. iz Gray, lalilliam 6ac. Jr Hutchinson, Frederick 2rac. Jtt Hutchinson, William 2Iac. Irr Kel1y, Thomas H 4ac. it Knights, Daniel H 10ac. ls Lewsey, Charles 2Oac. it+ Looney, John H ]6ac. -t Manning, Charles HL I2 Iac. + 4 Milton, William -,,o èI Mudge, George R. H 2ac. , 4 0'Halloran, Patrick H I6ac. te Vinecombe, ln.lill-iam H 2Oac. ttt H zoac. je lnlickham, Ben jamin H 25ac. trc llrli1liams, Richard H 40ac. ttz Yates, George H I6ac. Êtz H l6ac. Éltz

337