Australian Institute of International Affairs National Conference
Australian Institute of International Affairs National Conference Australian Foreign Policy: Navigating the New International Disorder Monday 21 November 2016 Hotel Realm Canberra, National Circuit, Barton Arrival 8:30 – 9:00am Australian Foreign Policy 9:00am – 11:00am The Hon Julie Bishop MP (Invited) Minister for Foreign Affairs Julie Bishop is the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Australia's Federal Coalition Government. She is also the Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party and has served as the Member for Curtin since 1998. Minister Bishop was sworn in as Australia's first female Foreign Minister on 18 September 2013 following four years in the role of Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade. She previously served as a Cabinet Minister in the Howard Government as Minister for Education, Science and Training and as the Minister Assisting the Prime Minister for Women's Issues. Prior to this, Minister Bishop was Minister for Ageing. Minister Bishop has also served on a number of parliamentary and policy committees including as Chair of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties. Before entering Parliament Minister Bishop was a commercial litigation lawyer at Perth firm Clayton Utz, becoming a partner in 1985, and managing partner in 1994. The Hon Kim Beazley AC FAIIA AIIA National President Mr Beazley was elected to the Federal Parliament in 1980 and represented the electorates of Swan (1980-96) and Brand (1996- 2007). Mr Beazley was a Minister in the Hawke and Keating Labor Governments (1983-96) holding, at various times, the portfolios of Defence, Finance, Transport and Communications, Employment Education and Training, Aviation, and Special Minister of State.
The Commonwealth Budget: Process and Presentation (Updated April 2010)
Parliament of Australia Department of Parliamentary Services Parliamentary Library Information, analysis and advice for the Parliament RESEARCH PAPER www.aph.gov.au/library 27 April 2010, no. 16, 2009–10, ISSN 1834-9854 The Commonwealth Budget: process and presentation (updated April 2010) Richard Webb Economics Section Executive summary • This Research Paper contains an overview of the Commonwealth budget process. It describes the main stages in the process, the system of appropriations, budget documents, reporting requirements, and key concepts and terms. It also describes how the content and presentation of the Budget have changed. Contents Introduction .......................................................... 1 1. Overview of the budget process .......................................... 1 1.1 Budget Process Operational Rules ..................................... 2 1.2 Strategic Priorities and Budget Committee of Cabinet ....................... 2 1.3 Portfolio budget submissions ......................................... 2 1.4 Estimates ....................................................... 3 1.5 Expenditure Review Committee and the budget Cabinet...................... 3 1.6 Budget documents ................................................. 4 1.7 Budget presentation ................................................ 4 1.8 Senate estimates committees ......................................... 5 1.9 Additional estimates ............................................... 5 1.10 Final Budget Outcome ............................................
Extract from Hansard [COUNCIL — Wednesday, 22 August 2018] p5048b-5048b Hon Darren West FEDERAL COALITION GOVERNMENT Statement HON DARREN WEST (Agricultural — Parliamentary Secretary) [6.46 pm]: I note that other members also wish to make a member’s statement, so I will be brief. Hon Simon O’Brien has given me a couple of good segues for my statement tonight. I believe that there will be a special meeting, and votes will be counted, and at the end of that we could have a new Prime Minister of Australia. This has been an extraordinary week in Canberra. For those of us who take a particular interest in political happenings in our national capital, I guess we could say we have seen it all before. However, this time I think there is an extra level of division and dysfunction than what we have seen in governments previous. It is extraordinary that there is potential for a second leadership spill in two days in the Liberal Party in Canberra to determine who will be this country’s next Prime Minister. This seems to be spreading from the Western Australian branch of the Liberal Party, although there is not a formal coalition in Western Australia, to its federal counterparts. It is extraordinary. I believe there will be a leadership spill in Canberra. There probably should also be a leadership spill in Western Australia, if anyone had the courage to challenge the current Leader of the Liberal Party. I am sure that will happen in due course, members. There is also potential for a change of leadership in the federal National Party in the coming days as the dysfunction spreads throughout the federal government.
11. the Liberal Campaign in the 2013 Federal Election
11. The Liberal Campaign in the 2013 Federal Election Brian Loughnane On Saturday 7 September 2013 the Liberal and National Coalition won a decisive majority, the Labor Party recorded its lowest primary vote in over 100 years and the Greens had their worst Senate vote in three elections. The Coalition’s success was driven by the support of the Australian people for our Plan to build a strong prosperous economy and a safe, secure Australia. It was the result of strong leadership by Tony Abbott, supported by his colleagues, and a clear strategy which was implemented with discipline and professionalism over two terms of parliament. Under Tony Abbott’s leadership, in the past two elections, the Coalition won a net 31 seats from Labor and achieved a 6.2 per cent nationwide two-party- preferred swing. At the 2013 election the Coalition had swings towards it in every state and territory—ranging from 1.1 per cent in the Northern Territory to 9.4 per cent in Tasmania. At the electorate level, the Coalition won a majority of the primary vote in 51 seats.1 In contrast, Labor only won seven seats with a majority of the primary vote. Table 1: Primary vote at 2007 and 2013 federal elections Primary vote 2007 2013 Change Labor 43 .38% 33 .38% -10 .00% Coalition 42 .09% 45 .55% +3 .46% Greens 7 .79% 8 .65% +0 .86% Others 6 .74% 12 .42% +5 .68% Source: Australian Electoral Commission. Laying the foundations for victory In simple terms, the seats which decided this election were those that did not swing to the Coalition in 2010.
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right.
National Coalition for the Homeless 2201 P Street, NW Tel. 202-462-4822 Washington, DC 20037-1033 Fax. 202-462-4823 http://www.nationalhomeless.org Email. info@nationalhomeless.org Homelessness Among Elderly Persons Published by the National Coalition for the Homeless, September 2009. When thinking about homelessness, the elderly people issue doesn’t immediately come to our mind. Homeless elders, although increasing in numbers, continue to be a forgotten population. The poverty rate in 2008 (13.2 percent) was the highest poverty rate since 1997. Since 1960, the number of people below poverty line has not exceeded the 2008 figure of 39.8 million people. The poverty rate remained statistically unchanged for people 65 and over (9.7 percent). Both the poverty rate and the number in poverty remained statistically unchanged for people 65 and older, at 9.7 percent and 3.7 million in 20081. Among this growing population of older adults living in poverty are people forced to grow old in the streets and in shelters, elderly persons who have recently become homeless or who remain at constant risk of losing housing. The number of elderly adults who have become homeless has increased around the county. An example of this increase has occurred in Massachusetts, where from 1999 to 2002, the number of people over 55 using shelters increased by 60% (HEARTH, 2007). DEFINITIONS AND DIMENSIONS Definitions of aged status in the homeless vary from study to study. However, there is a growing consensus that persons aged 50 and over should be included in the "older homeless" category.
Australian Higher Education: Regional Universities Under a Coalition Government
AUSTRALIAN UNIVERSITIES’ REVIEW Australian higher education: regional universities under a Coalition Government Dominic O’Sullivan Charles Sturt University Projected student enrolment growth places the Australian higher education system on the precipice of significant change, leading to philosophical debates about how the system should respond. One suggested policy change is that resources be redirected from non-research intensive regional universities to other providers. The Liberal Party is the senior partner in any future Coalition Government, and its education spokesperson has outlined a vision for Australian higher education which contemplates the closure of some regional universities and the diminution in status of others to teaching-only institutions. However, the Liberal Party’s policy proposals are likely to be countered by political and economic considerations that make them unlikely to succeed. The confidence in regional universities’ continuance as both teaching and research institutions expressed in this article is presented not as an apology for their public support, but as a pragmatic demonstration that there are sufficient market and political rationales to protect and justify their presence and form. Introduction some, and diminution in status to teaching-only institu- tions for others (Pyne, 2011). However, Pyne’s suggestions Projected student enrolment growth (Birrell & Edwards, are countered by political and economic considerations 2009) places the Australian higher education system on that make his ‘reforming zeal’ unlikely to succeed. Among the precipice of significant change, leading to philosophi- the most important considerations is that the Liberal Par- cal debates about how the system should respond. One ty’s Coalition partner, the National Party – with which the of the suggested changes is that resources be redirected Liberal Party functions as a conservative bloc in parliamen- from non-research intensive regional universities to other tary politics, and to which it has a long-standing commit- providers.
False Economies: Unpacking Public Service Efficiency
ISSN: 1835-0135 False Economies: Unpacking public service efficiency By Christopher Stone Public Service Research Director with Emma Cheyne, Matthew Wilkinson, Neha Kasbekar & Stephen Beverley June 2014 False Economies False Economies: ISSN 1835-0135 This paper is the final in a series looking at the false economies that result from short-term thinking on Australia’s public services. It incorporates updated versions of the previous three reports in the series: ‘Decoding efficiency’, ‘Doing less with less’ and ‘Bang for our bucks’. Be part of our ongoing public sector discussion on Twitter by using #falseeconomies #ozpublicservice or #ozbigsociety. About the Author Christopher Stone is the Research Director of the Centre for Policy Development’s Public Service Program. His interests focus on the use of social science concepts and findings to improve the effectiveness of regulation and governance. Christopher has previously worked in university research centres focusing on environmental law and policy. He has worked with a range of State Government departments and Local Governments in previous research projects. He has qualifications in law, psychology and philosophy. Acknowledgements This publication was funded by the Community and Public Sector Union (CPSU), the Becher Foundation and Slater & Gordon to contribute to the debate on public sector reform in Australia. Its conclusions do not necessarily reflect the views of its funders. CPD would like to thank the Public Service Program’s funders for making this publication possible. This paper was subject to an informal review process. Thanks to Greg Smith, Ian McAuley, Kathy MacDermott, Miriam Lyons, Travers McLeod, Kristin van Barneveld, Stilgherrian and Tim Roxburgh for their helpful feedback.
A4 THE ROYAL BOROUGH OF KENSINGTON AND CHELSEA CABINET - 19 FEBRUARY 2009 REPORT BY THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR FOR FINANCE, INFORMATION SYSTEMS AND PROPERTY REVENUE BUDGET AND COUNCIL TAX 2009/10 This paper sets out the following recommendations for Cabinet to make to Council on 4 March: total gross revenue spending of £531 million. Within that: a budget requirement of £182 million funded from grant and Council Tax; including: a one-off efficiency dividend of £50 for resident Council Tax payers in April and further measures aimed at helping local businesses, which together promote economic well being. These will cost up to £4.2 million; and a 3.2 per cent Council Tax increase for the Royal Borough for 2009/10. FOR DECISION AND RECOMMENDATION TO COUNCIL 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 The recommendations made in this paper are: consistent with the Council’s medium term financial strategy (Appendix 1 ) and its policy on reserves ( Appendix 2 ); follow consultation with the Overview and Scrutiny Committees and others on the 2009/10 proposed budget (set out in Appendices 3 to 5); and take account of Council’s agreement to the Council Tax base on 21 January. 1.2 They have been tested against the outlook for the economy, the public finances and residents’ views. 2 THE COUNCIL’S POLICIES 2.1 The proposed budget will maintain the Council Tax rate in the bottom quartile for London; identifies £5.4 million of savings and re-direction of spending to higher priorities; provides for price increases and retains a minimum of £10 million in working balances.