DOCSLIB.ORG

Complete Prisoner´S File

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Complete Prisoner´S File ana galan In the Quest for Utopia 10/20 Yar Kyaw, Page 168 (Article 419) Arrested in 1974 for 4 years and 4 months for participating in the U Thant Crisis, a series of protests that took place in Myanmar in December 1974. The spontaneous protests were in response to the military government’s refusal to give U Thant, the third Secretary-General of the United Nations, a state funeral. The government declared martial law and violently crushed the protest. PAGE 168 OF THE 2008 CONSTITUTION. ARTICLE 419. Article 419 essentially legitimates a military coup in a state of emergency with the chief of the defence forces seizing political power. NAME OF POLITICAL PRISONER: Yar Kyaw GENDER: Male ETHNICITY: Burmese RELIGION: Buddhism DATE OF BIRTH: 2.6.1951 Age 63 EDUCATION: Physics, Yangon OCCUPATION BEFORE PRISON: Student OCCUPATION AFTER PRISON: Tuition teacher and volunteer in charities FIRST TIME IN PRISON ARRESTED on December 1974 for 4 years and 4 months for participating in the U Thant Crisis, a series of protests that took place in Myanmar in December 1974. The spontaneous protests were in response to the military government’s refusal to give U Thant, the third Secretary-General of the United Nations a state funeral. The government declared martial law and violently crushed the protest. WISHES FOR 2015: He wants to see changes in Myanmar and he supports Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. HISTORY CLOSE-UP: LIST OF PRIME MINISTERS OF BURMA The Prime Minister of Burma was the head of government of Burma, also called Myanmar, from 1948 to 2011. The position of Prime Minister was created in 1948, when Burma gained independence from the United Kingdom. Since then, eleven people have held the office (with two of them doing so on multiple occasions). Due to the country’s long period of military rule, it has not been uncommon for the Prime Minister to be a serving (or recently retired) military officer. The actual power of the Prime Minister has considerably varied over time, differing based on who holds the office. In 2004, a power struggle between the then head of state, Senior General Than Shwe, Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council, and his Prime Minister General Khin Nyunt resulted in the Prime Minister being dismissed and arrested. The position was abolished on 30 March 2011, according to the current Constitution adopted in 2008. It provided that the President is both the head of state and head of government. List of Prime Ministers of Burma/Myanmar (1948–2011): 1. U Nu (1907–1995) Took office: 4 January 1948 Left office: 12 June 1956 Party: Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League 2. Ba Swe (1915–1987) Took office: 12 June 1956 Left office: 1 March 1957 Party: Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (1). U Nu (1907–1995) Took office: 1 March 1957 Left office: 29 October 1958 Party: Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League 3. Ne Win (1911–2002) Took office: 29 October 1958 Left office: 4 April 1960[4] Party: Military (1). U Nu (1907–1995) Took office: 4 April 1960 Left office: 2 March 1962[5] Party: Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (3). Ne Win (1911–2002) Took office: 2 March 1962 Left office: 4 July 1962 Party: Military (3). Ne Win (1911–2002) Took office: 4 July 1962 Left office: 4 March 1974 Party: Military / Burma Socialist Programme Party 4. Sein Win (1919–1993) Took office: 4 March 1974 Left office: 29 March 1977[6] Party: Military / Burma Socialist Programme Party 5. Maung Maung Kha (1920–1995) Took office: 29 March 1977 Left office: 26 July 1988[7] Party: Military / Burma Socialist Programme Party 6. Tun Tin (1920–) Took office: 26 July 1988 Left office: 18 September 1988 Party: Military / Burma Socialist Programme Party 7. Saw Maung (1928–1997) Took office: 21 September 1988 Left office: 23 April 1992[9] Party: Military 8. Than Shwe (1933–) Took office: 23 April 1992 Left office: 25 August 2003 Party: Military 9. Khin Nyunt (1939–) Took office: 25 August 2003 Left office: 18 October 2004 Party: Military 10. Soe Win (1947–2007) Took office: 19 October 2004 Left office: 12 October 2007 Party: Military 11. Thein Sein (1945–) Took office: 12 October 2007 Left office: 29 April 2010 Party: Military (11). Thein Sein (1945–) Took office: 29 April 2010 Left office: 2 June 2010 Party: Independent (11). Thein Sein (1945–) Took office: 2 June 2010 Left office: 30 March 2011 Party: Union Solidarity and Development Party Post Abolished (30 March 2011–Present).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Regional Reverberations from Regime Shake-Up in Rangoon.Qxd
    Asia-PacificAsia-Pacific SecuritySecurity SStudiestudies RegionalRegional ReverberationsReverberations fromfrom RegimeRegime Shake-upShake-up inin RangoonRangoon Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Volume 4 - Number 1, January 2005 Key Findings The reverberations from the recent regime shake-up in Rangoon continue to be felt in regional capitals. Since prime minister Khin Nyunt was the chief architect of closer China-Burma strategic ties, his sudden removal has been interpret- ed as a major setback for China's strategic goals in Burma. Dr. Mohan Malik is a Professor with the Asia-Pacific Center for However, an objective assessment of China's strategic and eco- Security Studies. nomic needs and Burma's predicament shows that Beijing is His work focuses main- unlikely to easily give up what it has already gained in and ly on Asian Geopolitics through Burma. From China's perspective, Burma should be and Proliferation in Asia-Pacific region. His satisfied to gain a powerful friend, a permanent member of the most recent APCSS UN Security Council, and an economic superpower that comes publication is “India-China Relations: bearing gifts of much needed military hardware, economic aid, Giants Stir, Cooperate infrastructure projects and diplomatic support. and Compete ” The fact remains that ASEAN, India and Japan cannot compete with China either in providing military assistance, diplomatic support or in offering trade and investment benefits. With the UN-brokered talks on political reconciliation having reached a dead end, it might be worthwhile to start afresh with a dia- logue framework of ASEAN+3 (ASEAN plus China, India and Japan) on Burma. This would also put to test China's oft-stated commitment to multi- lateralism and Beijing's penchant for "Asian solutions to Asian problems".
    [Show full text]
  • September 2020 1
    SEPTEMBER 2020 1 SEPTEMBER 2020 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS MONTH IN REVIEW 4 CHRONOLOGY 7 ● POLITICAL PRISONERS 7 ○ ARRESTS 7 ○ CHARGES 8 ○ SENTENCES 12 ○ RELEASES 13 ○ ARRESTS BY EAO 14 ○ RELEASES BY EAO 14 ○ DISAPPEARANCES 14 ● RESTRICTIONS ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS 14 ● REFERENCES 22 SEPTEMBER 2020 3 MONTH IN REVIEW Freedom of Speech and Expression September 15 was the UN International Democracy Day. Democracy is “a form of government in which the ​ people have the authority to choose their governing legislation.” However, the values and standards of democracy have not yet been established in Burma and the people’s authority over their daily lives and fundamental rights is fading. It is clearly shown that Burma is deviating from the path of democracy as those who exercise their right to freedom of speech and expression which is a fundamental right in democratization, face not only oppression and restrictions but arbitrary detentions and arrests. This September, freedom of speech and expression became more severely restricted. A total of 34 students and members of student unions from Rangoon, Mandalay, Meiktila Monywa, Pakokku and Pyay Townships were charged under Section 19 of PAPPL or Section 505(a)(b) of the Penal Code or Section 25 of the Natural Disaster Management Law for staging protests in related to the conflict in Arakan. Among them, 23 students were formally arrested and one was sentenced. In addition to this, four civilians were arrested. Moreover, Sithu Aung a.k.a Saung Kha was fined under Section 19 of PAPPL for protesting to reinstate internet services in Arakan and Chin states.
    [Show full text]
  • DASHED HOPES the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS DASHED HOPES The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 5 I. Background ..................................................................................................................... 6 II. Section 66(d)
    [Show full text]
  • Asian Regional Powers: Junta's Lifelines but Not Change Agents?
    Asian Regional Powers: Junta’s Lifelines but Not Change Agents? Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction: Myanmar and Its Foreign Policy The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), was formed after a military coup on the 18th of September 1988, in response to a widespread breakdown of government authority. SLORC was reconstituted as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) in November 1997 and the latter currently rules Myanmar by decree. Myanmar is the second largest country (after Indonesia) among the ten states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to which it was admitted in July 1997. Myanmar is situated at the junction of China, South Asia and Southeast Asia, and it shares land borders with five neighbouring states, as depicted in Table 1: Table 1 Myanmar’s Borders China (north & north-east) 1,384 miles India (north-west) 903 miles Bangladesh (west) 169 miles Thailand (east & south-east) 1,304 miles Laos (east) 146 miles Source: www.myanmar.com/Union/history.html With a population of around 56 million and a small economy, Myanmar is wedged between the two most populous and fastest growing economies in the world – China and India. Myanmar has always been conscious of the geopolitical and demographic realties of bordering these two major Asian powers when formulating its foreign policy. The fact that the country is inhabited by some 135 (officially recognised) indigenous ethnic groups, with many of those groups straddling the porous borders also complicates the policy calculus of Myanmar’s foreign relations having to consider the dynamics of the international and regional systems as well as domestic imperatives of economic, political and security issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Additional Agenda Item, Report of the Officers of the Governing Bodypdf
    International Labour Conference Provisional Record 2-2 101st Session, Geneva, May–June 2012 Additional agenda item Report of the Officers of the Governing Body 1. At its 313th Session (March 2012), the Governing Body requested its Officers to undertake a mission (the “Mission”) to Myanmar and to report to the International Labour Conference at its 101st Session (2012) on all relevant issues, with a view to assisting the Conference’s consideration of a review of the measures previously adopted by the Conference 1 to secure compliance by Myanmar with the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry that had been established to examine the observance by Myanmar of its obligation in respect of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (No. 29). 2. The Mission, composed of Mr Greg Vines, Chairperson of the Governing Body, Mr Luc Cortebeeck, Worker Vice-Chairperson of the Governing Body, and Mr Brent Wilton, Secretary of the Employers’ group of the Governing Body, as the personal representative of Mr Daniel Funes de Rioja, the Employer Vice-Chairperson of the Governing Body, visited Myanmar from 1 to 5 May 2012. The Mission met with authorities at the highest level, including: the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar; the Speaker of the Parliament’s lower house; the Minister of Labour; the Minister of Foreign Affairs; the Attorney-General; other representatives of the Government; and the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services. It was also able to meet and discuss with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President of the National League for Democracy (NLD); representatives of other opposition political parties; the National Human Rights Commission; labour activists; the leaders of newly registered workers’ organizations; and employers’ representatives from the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and recently registered employers’ organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • Sample Chapter
    lex rieffel 1 The Moment Change is in the air, although it may reflect hope more than reality. The political landscape of Myanmar has been all but frozen since 1990, when the nationwide election was won by the National League for Democ- racy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The country’s military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), lost no time in repudi- ating the election results and brutally repressing all forms of political dissent. Internally, the next twenty years were marked by a carefully managed par- tial liberalization of the economy, a windfall of foreign exchange from natu- ral gas exports to Thailand, ceasefire agreements with more than a dozen armed ethnic minorities scattered along the country’s borders with Thailand, China, and India, and one of the world’s longest constitutional conventions. Externally, these twenty years saw Myanmar’s membership in the Associa- tion of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), several forms of engagement by its ASEAN partners and other Asian neighbors designed to bring about an end to the internal conflict and put the economy on a high-growth path, escalating sanctions by the United States and Europe to protest the military regime’s well-documented human rights abuses and repressive governance, and the rise of China as a global power. At the beginning of 2008, the landscape began to thaw when Myanmar’s ruling generals, now calling themselves the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), announced a referendum to be held in May on a new con- stitution, with elections to follow in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma Road to Poverty: a Socio-Political Analysis
    THE BURMA ROAD TO POVERTY: A SOCIO-POLITICAL ANALYSIS' MYA MAUNG The recent political upheavals and emergence of what I term the "killing field" in the Socialist Republic of Burma under the military dictatorship of Ne Win and his successors received feverish international attention for the brief period of July through September 1988. Most accounts of these events tended to be journalistic and failed to explain their fundamental roots. This article analyzes and explains these phenomena in terms of two basic perspec- tives: a historical analysis of how the states of political and economic devel- opment are closely interrelated, and a socio-political analysis of the impact of the Burmese Way to Socialism 2, adopted and enforced by the military regime, on the structure and functions of Burmese society. Two main hypotheses of this study are: (1) a simple transfer of ownership of resources from the private to the public sector in the name of equity and justice for all by the military autarchy does not and cannot create efficiency or elevate technology to achieve the utopian dream of economic autarky and (2) the Burmese Way to Socialism, as a policy of social change, has not produced significant and fundamental changes in the social structure, culture, and personality of traditional Burmese society to bring about modernization. In fact, the first hypothesis can be confirmed in light of the vicious circle of direct controls-evasions-controls whereby military mismanagement transformed Burma from "the Rice Bowl of Asia," into the present "Rice Hole of Asia." 3 The second hypothesis is more complex and difficult to verify, yet enough evidence suggests that the tradi- tional authoritarian personalities of the military elite and their actions have reinforced traditional barriers to economic growth.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma Coup Watch
    This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
    [Show full text]
  • Burmese Students Seek Arms
    ERG- 20 NOT FOR PUBLICATION WITHOUT WRITER'S CONSENT INSTITUTE OF CURRENT WORLD AFFAIRS Bangkok October, 1988 "An Idea Plus a Bayonet'" Burmese Students Seek Arms My second attempt to enter Burma, this time through the back door on the southern Thai border, was halted by a sudden high fever.. Thus, this report on the Burmese student movement comes to you after a quinine-induced haze. In the aftermath of the bloody September 18 coup by Gen. Saw Maung, well over 3,000 students have fled Rangoon and other cities for the Thai border, seeking arms and refuge. Student leaders on the Thai-Burmese border say that peaceful protests alone, especially the type advocated by the elderly opposition leaders in Rangoon, are doomed to fail.. One soft-spoken student said of the opposition leaders in Rangoon, "They have ideas but no guns. Revolution equals an idea plus a bayonet." Maung Maung Thein, a stocky Rangoon University student, led 74 other students out of Rangoon on September 7, eleven days before the coup. Convinced that armed struggle was the only way to overthrow the regime, they traveled over 700 miles down the Burmese coast by passenger bus, boat, and on foot. Sometimes they moved at night to avoid Army checkpoints. But this was during the heady days before the coup when one opposi- tion leader, Aung Gyi, predicted that the government would fall in a matter of weeks. Crowds of people welcomed the students, presenting them with rice and curry. As one student described it, "They were clapping. Some of the women called us their sons.
    [Show full text]
  • A History of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964)
    University of Wollongong Theses Collection University of Wollongong Theses Collection University of Wollongong Year A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964) Kyaw Zaw Win University of Wollongong Win, Kyaw Zaw, A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964), PhD thesis, School of History and Politics, University of Wollongong, 2008. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106 This paper is posted at Research Online. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106 A HISTORY OF THE BURMA SOCIALIST PARTY (1930-1964) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy From University of Wollongong By Kyaw Zaw Win (BA (Q), BA (Hons), MA) School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts July 2008 Certification I, Kyaw Zaw Win, declare that this thesis, submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy, in the School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, University of Wollongong, is wholly my own work unless otherwise referenced or acknowledged. The document has not been submitted for qualifications at any other academic institution. Kyaw Zaw Win______________________ Kyaw Zaw Win 1 July 2008 Table of Contents List of Abbreviations and Glossary of Key Burmese Terms i-iii Acknowledgements iv-ix Abstract x Introduction xi-xxxiii Literature on the Subject Methodology Summary of Chapters Chapter One: The Emergence of the Burmese Nationalist Struggle (1900-1939) 01-35 1. Burmese Society under the Colonial System (1870-1939) 2. Patriotism, Nationalism and Socialism 3. Thakin Mya as National Leader 4. The Class Background of Burma’s Socialist Leadership 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Participants List
    Participants List (10 September 2019) Participating Name and Position title Position title Contact countries 1 Bangladesh Mr Sheikh Kaushik IQBAL Assistant Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs [email protected] 2 Bhutan Mr Tenzin TENZIN Desk Officer, Ministry of Foreign Affairs [email protected] 3 Indonesia Dr Gulardi NURBINTORO Foreign Service Officer, Directorate for Legal Affairs and [email protected] Territorial, Ministry of Foreign Affairs 4 Lao PDR Mr Singhalath BOUPHA Advisor, Department of International Organizations, [email protected] Ministry of Foreign Affairs 5 Myanmar Dr. Cherry AUNG Professor and Head, Department of Marine Science, TBC Pathein University 6 Dr. Zaw Htet AUNG Professor and Head, Department of Petroleum TBC Engineering, Yangon Technological University 1 Participating Name and Position title Position title Contact countries 7 Dr. Zaw Min AUNG Executive Geologist, Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise, [email protected] Ministry of Electricity and Energy 8 Dr. Zaw Moe AUNG Lecturer, Department of Marine Science, Mawlamyine TBC University 9 Dr. Mi Khin Saw AUNG Professor and Head, Department of Law, Dagon TBC University 10 Dr. Day Wa AUNG Professor and Head, Department of Geology, Yangon TBC University 11 Mr. Ngwe Zaw AUNG Deputy Director, Union Attorney General Office TBC 12 Dr. Cho Cho AYE Professor and Head, Department of Geology, East TBC Yangon University 13 Dr. Khin Chit CHIT Professor and Head, Department of Law, Yangon TBC University 14 H.E Dr. Myo Thein GYI Union Minister for the Ministry of Education TBC 15 Dr. Ko Ye HLA Professor, Department of Geology, Mawlamyine University TBC 16 Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • From Kunming to Mandalay: the New “Burma Road”
    AsieAsie VVisionsisions 2525 From Kunming to Mandalay: The New “Burma Road” Developments along the Sino-Myanmar border since 1988 Hélène Le Bail Abel Tournier March 2010 Centre Asie Ifri The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. ISBN : 978-2-86592-675-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2010 IFRI IFRI-BRUXELLES 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THÉRÈSE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 - FRANCE 1000 - BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE PH. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 PH. : +32 (2) 238 51 10 FAX: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX: +32 (2) 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] WEBSITE: Ifri.org China Program, Centre Asie/Ifri The Ifri China Program’s objectives are: . To organize regular exchanges with Chinese elites and enhance mutual trust through the organization of 4 annual seminars in Paris or Brussels around Chinese participants.
    [Show full text]