DOCSLIB.ORG

The Archaeology of Violence

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Archaeology of Violence Chapter One Introduction An Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of Violence Sarah Ralph s a modern society, we are continuously reminded of the threat, action, and consequences Aof violence. Global news and media coverage means violence can be experienced closer in space and time, and in some instances people may decide to visit places associated with death and violence to experience for themselves the locations where such acts occurred (Lennon and Foley 2002; Sharpley and Stone 2009). In modern day contexts, perhaps as a result of a growing concern with our own mortality, violence has become a product to be consumed by society and plays an increasingly significant role in the formation of social and political relations. However, can the same be said for the past? Perpetuated through the notion of primitivism and the idea of the “noble savage,” the past was considered a peaceful time where humans were at one with nature and did not want for anything. The romanticism of the noble savage and the belief that primitivism brought with it peace, equality, and harmony with nature was reinforced by the works of philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Writing in the eighteenth century, Rousseau noted, “nothing is more peaceable than man in his primitive state” (1984 [1755]:115). Civilization, it was perceived, threatened to alter our “primitive and natural state,” and bring with it disharmony, war, and inequality. This was, of course, written in response to Hobbes’s observation that “during the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man” (Hobbes 1996 [1651]:88). For Hobbes, life in its natural state (without government), would be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short” (ibid.:88–89). Lawrence H. Keeley has most prominently challenged this view of a peaceful past in his publication, War before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage (1996). This led to numerous archaeological studies that have served to reinforce the notion that vio- lence was present in past societies (Guilance and Zammit 2005; LeBlanc 2003; Martin and 1 © 2013 State University of New York Press, Albany Chapter01.indd 1 15/11/12 1:37 AM 2 Introduction Frayer 1997b). While its presence is now recognized, the evidence for violence in past societies should not be overemphasized by researchers. Data certainly suggest that violence was (and is) an integral part of culture and society (Martin and Frayer 1997a:xx), but its frequency and permanency requires careful consideration. An increased interest in the study of violence, particularly from an archaeological per- spective, cannot go unnoticed. Anthropological studies have a well-established heritage in this subject area (e.g., Chagnon 1983; Ember and Ember 1997; Ferguson 1984, 1995; Gardner and Heider 1968; Haas 1990; Otterbein 2004; Riches 1986; Schmidt and Schröder 2001; Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2004; Sillitoe 1978), and archaeological research has drawn heavily from this literature base. Many studies of violence are defined either by their subject specialism, or by a specific temporal or geographical focus (e.g., Chacon and Mendoza 2007; Koontz and Orr 2009; Parker Pearson and Thorpe 2005; Tiesler and Cucina 2007; Turner and Turner 1999). In addition, scholarly attention has primarily been directed toward the study of warfare, through studies of its associated material culture (such as weaponry), as well as its motivations and consequences (e.g., Arkush and Allen 2006; Carman and Harding 1999; Dillon and Welch 2006; Kelly 2000; Nielsen and Walker 2009; Otto et al. 2006). Sometimes, this focus on warfare has been to the detriment of our understanding of other forms of “non-warfare” violence. As James notes (this volume) the term violence has become synonymous with warfare, and vice versa, in many archaeological studies. This lack of clar- ity and distinction has the potential to affect the ways in which “violence” is recognized and discussed by scholars, and ultimately has repercussions for understanding its role in society: an issue addressed in part by Martin and Frayer (1997b). Their edited volume evaluated evidence for non-warfare violence from hunter-gatherer to state societies in the New and Old Worlds, with particular emphasis on osteological data. The difficulties of producing an acceptable definition of violence have been discussed in the literature (e.g., Walker 2001; Carman 1997a). It is recognized that the creation of a single definition of violence is impractical for its meaning is relative to the society or cul- ture being studied (Guilaine and Zammit 2005:233). Violence, as defined by the Oxford English Dictionary (OED 2010) is: The exercise of physical force so as to inflict injury on, or cause damage to, persons or property; action or conduct characterized by this; treatment or usage tending to cause bodily injury or forcibly interfering with personal freedom. Representing a modern-day view of violence, this cannot take into account the poten- tial for multiple interpretations and meanings, nor variation based on cultural and social contexts, and specific disciplinary approaches. As a result, violence could include any action that intends to hurt, damage, or kill someone or something (Martin and Frayer 1997a:xiv). This only further highlights the problems in establishing a wide-ranging definition of vio- lence so that it can be applied to a multitude of cultures that vary in both time and space (Krohn-Hansen 1994:368). Approaching the subject of violence from the perspective of one single discipline does not allow for sufficient interaction with multitemporal, spatial, and cultural datas- ets. The adoption of an interdisciplinary approach to violence can provide the opportu- nity to consider this subject from a cross-cultural perspective. This volume1 represents an © 2013 State University of New York Press, Albany Chapter01.indd 2 15/11/12 1:37 AM Introduction 3 opportunity to address some of these issues by presenting the work of scholars from a num- ber of disciplines, including archaeology, anthropology, classics, and art history, all of whom have an interest in understanding the role of violence in their respective specialist fields in the Mediterranean and Europe. This interdisciplinary approach to the study of violence provides a forum in which to compare evidence for violence; and highlights the need, and importance, of cross-disciplinary interactions if we are to understand the causes and conse- quences of violence in its broader social and cultural contexts. The papers in this volume consider both non-warfare violence and warfare through a study of skeletal remains, iconography, literature, landscapes, and ritual behavior. Violence played an important role in the development of past sociopolitical systems, and therefore its archaeological, anthropological, literary, and iconographic identification is an essential part of our understanding of social change, both on a micro- as well as the macro-scale. Studying the materiality of violence (in this particular case skeletal remains, architecture and land- scapes, iconography, objects, or written sources) allows us to consider the multiplicity of meanings afforded to violence, and to develop a more comprehensive appreciation and understanding of both its cause(s), consequence(s), and impact(s) upon society. In order to develop such an approach this volume focuses on, and is structured around, three themes: the contexts of violence; the politics and identities of violence; and sanctified violence. Contexts of Violence Any research concerned with the past has with it a potential inherent source of bias, namely, a contemporary perspective of the past. It is only when these contemporary views and agendas are projected onto past societies, and past peoples are ascribed contemporary motivations, that analysis and interpretation can become flawed and misrepresentative. The semantics of violence have been shown to be incredibly difficult (see above, and Krohn-Hansen 1994). Meanings differ across time and space, but also from discipline to discipline (Guilaine and Zammit 2005:233; Walker 2001:575). Opinions on the definition of violence can vary between different cultures, but also from person to person within a particular cultural group (Krohn-Hansen 1994:367–368; Walker 2001:575). Robb’s (2008) work on the Huron torture of Iroquois prisoners and its misunderstanding by Jesuit missionaries emphasizes the need to identify cultural-specific attitudes toward violence. Although both parties tor- tured individuals, the Jesuits were unable to comprehend what they had witnessed and the motives behind the Huron torturing of prisoners. “The French did not object to torturing people to death per se, but it had to be on their own terms” (ibid.:96). The recognition and study of context is of vital importance, for events or activities do not take place in a blank space devoid of meaning. As Carman notes, “[V]iolent acts…are directed against people or things by other people and arise in each case out of a particular set of circumstances” (1997b:225). Therefore, much like archaeological excavations, the interpreta- tion of artifacts and their contribution to our understanding of the society that produced them become worthless once they are removed from their context. As a result context provides the means in which to interpret evidence, and to develop a fuller understanding of the data and the reasons behind why an event took place, who was involved, and where it took place. © 2013 State University of New York Press, Albany Chapter01.indd 3 15/11/12 1:37 AM 4 Introduction This section considers the variety of manifestations of violent interactions and their identification by archaeologists. Four papers are presented, each of which is concerned with a particular time period and specific set of archaeological data. Schulting addresses the apparent disparity between an absence of specialized weapons and the wealth of skeletal evidence for interpersonal violence during the European Neolithic.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • States in Mind Anthony C. Lopez, Rose Mcdermott, and Michael
    States in Mind States in Mind Anthony C. Lopez, Rose McDermott, and Evolution, Coalitional Psychology, and Michael Bang International Politics Petersen One of the most com- monly studied puzzles in international politics is the recurrence of coalitional competition and aggression between political groups such as states. Indeed, this pattern constitutes an enduring and central feature of all politics. Yet de- spite the tragic endurance of this leitmotif throughout history, its manifestation varies through time and space. Some wars are fought for honor or revenge, whereas others are ignited for mere opportunism or as a consequence of vari- ous misperceptions, whatever their source. We argue that evolutionary theory provides a theoretical framework that can explain both the stubborn endur- ance and dynamic diversity of coalitional behavior. Debate on the relevance of “human nature” and biological factors for explaining political behavior is not new.1 Yet the comprehensive value of evo- lutionary theory for explaining important aspects of international politics has not been adequately explicated. As we discuss below, this has in part been a consequence of general skepticism about the validity and scope of evolution- ary theory for explaining political behavior. We argue, however, that evolu- tionary psychology can generate falsiªable ex ante predictions that are of central interest to the study of international politics, and we offer several hy- potheses derived from this model to illustrate the depth of this approach. Evo- lutionary psychologists have already generated a large body of work that suggests that the human brain contains webs of psychological mechanisms, or adaptations, each designed to operate in domains relevant to modern politics, and which emerged as a product of natural selection.
    [Show full text]
  • A War-Prone Tribe Migrated out of Africa to Populate the World
    A war-prone tribe migrated out of Africa to populate the world. Eduardo Moreno1. 1 CNIO, Melchor Fernández Almagro, 3. Madrid 28029, Spain. Of the tribal hunter gatherers still in existence today, some lead lives of great violence, whereas other groups live in societies with no warfare and very little murder1,2,3,4,5. Here I find that hunter gatherers that belong to mitochondrial haplotypes L0, L1 and L2 do not have a culture of ritualized fights. In contrast to this, almost all L3 derived hunter gatherers have a more belligerent culture that includes ritualized fights such as wrestling, stick fights or headhunting expeditions. This appears to be independent of their environment, because ritualized fights occur in all climates, from the tropics to the arctic. There is also a correlation between mitochondrial haplotypes and warfare propensity or the use of murder and suicide to resolve conflicts. This, in the light of the “recent out of Africa” hypothesis”6,7, suggests that the tribe that left Africa 80.000 years ago performed ritualized fights. In contrast to the more pacific tradition of non-L3 foragers, it may also have had a tendency towards combat. The data implicate that the entire human population outside Africa is descended from only two closely related sub-branches of L3 that practiced ritual fighting and probably had a higher propensity towards warfare and the use of murder for conflict resolution. This may have crucially influenced the subsequent history of the world. There is little evidence for the practice of war before the late Paleolithic3,4.
    [Show full text]
  • Forests and Warfare in World History JR Mcneill Georgetown University
    1 Forests and Warfare in World History J.R. McNeill Georgetown University For better and for worse, both woods and warfare are fundamental factors in human life, and have been for a very long time. Humankind evolved in park like savannas of East Africa, from hominid ancestors who had lived in forests. We, and they, have used woodlands, and to some extent have been shaped by woodland environments, for millions of years. Warfare, at least on small scales, also extends very far into the human past, and, to judge by the behavior of modern chimpanzees, probably occupied the energies and shortened the lives of our hominid ancestors too. So, in all likelihood, we and our forebears have been making war amid woodlands for at least a million years.1 War and warfare is one of the favorite historical topics and has attracted some of the best historians, from Thucydides onward. Forests, forestry, and deforestation also have a distinguished historiography, if rather smaller. Here I propose to explore some of the links and intersections between these two historical subjects. Before I proceed, it may be helpful to explain some of the things that I am not trying to do. I will not argue that warfare has been of crucial importance in the history of forests generally, nor will I contend that forests have been a major influence upon military history generally. My goal is more modest: I will try to show that at certain 1 For chimpanzee and hominid organized violence, see Franz De Waal, Chimpanzee Politics: Power and Sex Among Apes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998); for prehistoric warfare, Lawrence H.
    [Show full text]
  • Has Violence Declined?
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College 5-2012 The Worst Angels of our Nature: Has Violence Declined? Redyn Keller Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Keller, Redyn, "The Worst Angels of our Nature: Has Violence Declined?" (2012). Honors College. 57. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/57 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE WORST ANGELS OF OUR NATURE: HAS VIOLENCE DECLINED? by Redyn Keller A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (Anthropology) The Honors College University of Maine May 2012 Advisory Committee: Paul “Jim” Roscoe, Professor of Anthropology, Advisor Gregory Zaro, Assistant Professor of Anthropology and Climate Change Paul Holman, Adjunct Professor of Political Science David Gross, Adjunct Associate Professor in Honors (English) Henry L. Munson, Professor of Anthropology ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the accuracy of Table 6.1, Annual Warfare Death Rates, and Table 6.2, Percentage of Deaths Due to Warfare, in Lawrence Keeley’s text, War Before Civilization. There has been a lot of recent debate within anthropology about the intensity and impact of small-scale warfare. In this book, Keeley argues that pre-contact, small-scale warfare produced higher death rates than the most war-torn modern states. The following thesis will examine the war death percentages of these two tables and will evaluate the accuracy of Keeley’s calculations, citations, and the sources that he used to obtain data.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Amazons and Sabines: a Historical Approach to Women And
    Volume 92 Number 877 March 2010 Between Amazons and Sabines: a historical approach to women and war Ire`ne Herrmann and Daniel Palmieri* Ire'ne Herrmann is associate professor of modern history at the University of Fribourg and lecturer of Swiss history at the University of Geneva. Daniel Palmieri is historical research officer at the ICRC. Abstract Today, war is still perceived as being the prerogative of men only. Women are generally excluded from the debate on belligerence, except as passive victims of the brutality inflicted on them by their masculine contemporaries. Yet history shows that through the ages, women have also played a role in armed hostilities, and have sometimes even been the main protagonists. In the present article, the long history and the multiple facets of women’s involvement in war are recounted from two angles: women at war (participating in war) and women in war (affected by war). The merit of a gender- based division of roles in war is then examined with reference to the ancestral practice of armed violence. Since time immemorial, war has been an integral part of the history of human- kind.1 Yet this age-old activity seems to have been the preserve of only part of humankind, since war is still perceived as being essentially a male affair. Many arguments have been put forward to explain this male predominance. ‘Innate violence’, ‘the predator instinct’, or even ‘the death wish’, traits believed to be particularly developed in men, are said to explain their propensity to go to war. Cultural traditions which instil the cult of war into boys from an early * The views expressed in this article reflect only the authors’ opinions.
    [Show full text]
  • Spiritual and Religious Aspects of Torture and Scalping Among the Indian Cultures in Eastern North America, from Ancient to Colonial Times
    JUHA HILTUNEN Spiritual and religious aspects of torture and scalping among the Indian cultures in Eastern North America, from ancient to colonial times nly a few decades ago a common perception prevailed that the historic­ Oal Native Americans were very prone to violence and warfare. Scalping and torture were seen as a specific custom attached into their ideology and sociocultural ethos (Hans 1907). However in the 1960s a completely reversed picture started to emerge, following the course of other worldwide move­ ments, such as ethnic rights, pan­Indianism, ecological conscience, revision­ ist historiography and so on. Immediately the Native American people came to be seen as the victims of the European colonialism and the Whites were the bad guys who massacred innocent women and children, either at Sand Creek or in Vietnam. Books were written in which the historians pointed out that the practice of scalping was actually not present in the Americas before the whites came. This theory drew sustenance from some early colonial accounts, especially from the Dutch and New England colonies, where it was docu­ mented that a special bounty was offered for Indian scalps. According to this idea, the practice of scalping among the Indians escalated only after this. On the other hand, the blame fell on the Iroquois tribesmen, whose cruel fight­ ing spread terror throughout the seventeenth century, when they expanded an empire in the north­eastern wilderness. This accords with those theorists who wanted to maintain a more balanced view of the diffusion of scalping and torture, agreeing that these traits were indeed present in Pre­Columbian America, but limited only to the Iroquoians of the east (Axtell & Sturtevant 1986).
    [Show full text]
  • Spring 2007B
    ® AMUSEUMNTHRO OF NATURAL HISTORY PUBLICATIONN FOROTES EDUCATORS VOLUME 28 NO. 1 SPRING 2007 ORIGINS OF THE GREAT SOUTHWESTERN PUEBLOS by Douglas W. Schwartz ˜ ˜ ˜ When the Spanish Conquistadors first entered the north- is now southern Colorado and Utah. This drought, the ern American Southwest (northern Arizona and New story went, forced its peaceful inhabitants to abandon Mexico and southern Utah and Colorado) in 1540, they their old homes and migrate south into northern New encountered communities of farmers living in massive Mexico and Arizona, where they constructed a new style pueblo villages. Yet, for hundreds of years, prior to the of huge aggregated pueblos and here they continued fourteenth century, the ancestors of these pueblo people their peaceful lives. had lived in small hamlets averaging some fifty rooms. It I said this was a simple story, but remember the was only near the early years of the 1300s that an abrupt old saying: “Seek simplicity and distrust it.” New research transformation occurred and they began living in these in climatology, history, ethnography and archaeology has large mud settlements of a thousand or more rooms. forced a rethinking of the old story of a peaceful pueblo This startling increase in settlement size radically trans- people affected by a great drought who migrated south formed pueblo life from one that had been character- to originate the big pueblos. ized by hundreds of small villages widely scattered over Basic to this old story was the assumption that the whole of the northern Southwest, to a cultural land- pueblo people were profoundly nonviolent. This notion scape where pueblo people lived in relatively few large was reinforced by Ruth Benedict in her classic book Pat- settlements concentrated in the Rio Grande Valley, on the terns of Culture, in which she wrote: “the Zuni [who for Hopi mesas, and around the present day pueblos of Zuni, her represented all pueblos] …have no place for… force Acoma and Laguna.
    [Show full text]
  • Yanomami: an Arena of Conflict and Aggression in the Amazon
    AGGRESSIVE BEHAVIOR Volume 24, pages 97–122 (1998) Yanomami: An Arena of Conflict and Aggression in the Amazon Leslie E. Sponsel* Department of Anthropology, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii . The Yanomami of Venezuela and Brazil have become an arena of conflict and aggres- sion in the Amazon in at least three respects: their internal aggression; the aggression among anthropologists and others concerned with them; and the external aggression against the Yanomami from Western society. As such, the Yanomami provide a micro- cosm of several aspects of the anthropology of conflict and aggression. After some back- ground, a critical analysis is developed of 10 problem areas that call into serious question the scientific status of Yanomami as one of the most violent human societies ever known in anthropology: the Yanomami as “the fierce people”; documentation of their aggres- sion; inflation of their aggression as warfare; neglect of cross-cultural perspective; mod- ern warfare as reversion to tribalization; the negative concept of peace; male sexist bias; the Yanomami as “primitive”; the character of debates; and research priorities and professional ethics. The analysis has more general implications for the epistemol- ogy of the study of aggression. Aggr. Behav. 24:97–122, 1998. © 1998 Wiley-Liss, Inc. Key words: Yanomami; Yanomamo; primitive war; Amazon; professional ethics; aggression YANOMAMI AS WARRIOR CELEBRITY The Yanomami have become the most famous anthropological case of a violent soci- ety; indeed, they have become the quintessence of chronic and endemic “primitive” or tribal warfare. In the United States, the Yanomami are known mainly from the five editions of the case study by Napoleon Chagnon [1968b, 1977, 1983, 1992, 1997], originally called Yanomamö: The Fierce People, and numerous complementary films (especially The Feast and The Ax Fight) that he made in collaboration with anthropolo- gist-filmmaker Asch.
    [Show full text]
  • A GLOBAL HISTORY of EARLY MODERN VIOLENCE a Global History of Early Modern Violence
    EDITED BY ERICA CHARTERS MARIE HOULLEMARE, AND PETER H. WILSON A GLOBAL HISTORY of EARLY MODERN VIOLENCE A global history of early modern violence A global history of early modern violence Edited by Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H. Wilson Manchester University Press Copyright © Manchester University Press 2020 While copyright in the volume as a whole is vested in Manchester University Press, copyright in individual chapters belongs to their respective authors, and no chapter may be reproduced wholly or in part without the express permission in writing of both author and publisher. This electronic version has been made available under a Creative Commons (CC-BY-NC-ND) licence, thanks to the support of Knowledge Unlatched, which permits non-commercial use, distribution and reproduction provided the author and Manchester University Press are fully cited and no modifications or adaptations are made. Details of the licence can be viewed at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-nd/4.0/ Published by Manchester University Press Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978 1 5261 4060 9 hardback First published 2020 The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Cover credit: Mohan, Son of Banwari, ‘The Pandava brothers do battle with the King of Anga’. Image © Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford Cover design: Abbey Akanbi, Manchester University Press Typeset by Servis Filmsetting Ltd, Stockport, Cheshire Contents List of figures, maps, and tables vii Notes on contributors ix Acknowledgements xiv Introduction: violence and the early modern world – Erica Charters, Marie Houllemare, and Peter H.
    [Show full text]
  • The Primacy of Premodern History
    Security Studies,22:1–32,2013 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0963-6412 print / 1556-1852 online DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2013.757169 The Primacy of Premodern History JAKUB GRYGIEL The study of premodern history would greatly improve our under- standing of current and future strategic challenges. Premodern international relations, in fact, have certain characteristics that are reappearing in our times. I underline three such features: the presence of non-state actors, the pursuit of nonmaterial objectives, and the difficulty of diplomacy and deterrence. As a result, in- ternational relations were often characterized by conflicts “below the military horizon,” timeless violent confrontations rather than wars. The paper concludes with an analysis of current trends that are bringing back some of these premodern traits and suggests sev- eral hypotheses for further research. Is premodern history useful to an understanding of current security chal- lenges? Much of current literature on security studies seems to answer this question negatively.1 This implicit avoidance of premodern history may be Jakub Grygiel is the George H. W. Bush Associate Professor at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University (SAIS–JHU), Washington, DC. The author thanks the many participants at several presentations, including at SAIS-JHU in Bologna and Washington, for their comments on various versions of this paper. The Security Downloaded by [Columbia University] at 14:13 25 February 2013 Studies editors, as well as the anonymous reviewers, were also very helpful in correcting mistakes and clarifying the argument. Carol Arnette did a magnificent copyediting job. All the remaining weakness and faults are, of course, mine.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond 'The Soldier and the State'
    LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Jon Rahbek-Clemmensen Beyond ‘The Soldier and the State’ -The Theoretical Framework of Elite Civil-Military Relations Dissertation submitted to the Department of International Relations at the London School of Economics and Political Science for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy London, August 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD Degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe on the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 83,382 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Mr. Jay Merrick. 1 Content Abstract ............................................................................................................................................... 3 Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................. 4 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Chiefs and Blood Revenge: Patterns of Restraint in Native American Warfare, 1500-1800 Author(S): Wayne E
    Peace Chiefs and Blood Revenge: Patterns of Restraint in Native American Warfare, 1500-1800 Author(s): Wayne E. Lee Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of Military History, Vol. 71, No. 3 (Jul., 2007), pp. 701-741 Published by: Society for Military History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30052888 . Accessed: 14/04/2012 18:54 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for Military History is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Military History. http://www.jstor.org Peace Chiefs and Blood Revenge: Patterns of Restraint in Native American Warfare, 1500-1800 Wayne E. Lee Abstract Discussions of the escalation in the intensity and lethalityof Euro- pean-Native Americanwarfare lack a systematic catalog of Indian restraintson war, in contrast to the extensive literatureon European warfare. This article surveys eastern Native American societies at war from roughly1500 to 1800 for limitson destructive potentialand intent. Although Indiansocieties were willingto seek to destroy an enemy, includingindiscriminate killing, patterns of restraintinherent to their social authority,cultural values, and methods of warfare tended to limitescalation and the overall level of violence. The dis- sonance of patterns of restraint in Indian and European warfare contributedto Euro-Indianescalation.
    [Show full text]