The Twenty-Nine Enclitics of Meskwaki

IVES GODDARD Smithsonian Institution

INTRODUCTION

Enclitics in Algonquian languages have received some attention (e.g., Bloom¿eld 1957:7, 131–132; Bloom¿eld 1962:459–462; Jolley 1984; Valentine 2001:72–73, 150–152; Goddard 2008:262–270; Quinn 2010; LeSourd 2011), but they are often classed with other particles and not explicitly labeled (Szabó 1981).1 Meskwaki enclitics will be of interest because they are clearly identi¿able as a formal class, and because it appears likely that Meskwaki has by far the largest repertoire of any language in the family. The present paper is perforce only a preliminary survey of the Meskwaki enclitics and their many interesting features. After the summary introduction there is a complete inventory followed by sections on idiomatic enclitic combinations, other idioms that include enclitics, multiple enclitics, and cognates and etymologies.2 The Meskwaki enclitics are particles (uninÀected words) of no more than three syllables that always attach to a preceding word (the host); in phonemic transcription they are separated from the host by a double hyphen (or equals sign: =) and this is also used to mark an enclitic when it is cited as a word. The questions of de¿nition and identi¿cation that dominate the recent general literature on enclitics thankfully do not arise. Meskwaki enclitics are

1. Of course, the terms enclitic and clitic have also sometimes been applied to af¿xes that are not enclitics, as in Szabó (1981). 2. The entries for the enclitics and other topical entries are numbered in parentheses and cross-referred to by non-italic numbers in parentheses (even within parentheses). Textual examples have an italicized designation and the cross-references to them are in italics. The example numbers are in phase with the entry numbers of the enclitics but necessarily not with the numbers of the topical entries.

72 THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 73 identi¿able in vernacular writing by the consistent lack of a preceding word divider and, in the absence of other factors, are demarcated in speech by shifted stress (Goddard 1991:163–166): pe·hki ‘really’ (in isolation [pܭғ·hkiࡢ ]) be.ۃ enclitic =meko EMPH (19) ĺ pe·hki=meko (written in the syllabary + koࡢ ]).3 If an enclitic begins with _i_ this isܭhktm·ܭpronounced [p ;ۄ.ki me ko elided and the stress is on the next to last syllable of the host; the elision is indicated in the transcription by an apostrophe: ki·na ‘you (sg.)’ + enclitic pronounced [kt·napiࡢ ]). For ;ۄ.ki na bi.ۃ ipi_ HRSY (5) ĺ ki·na=’pi (written=_ consistency, when the host ends in _i_ the elision is noted the same way: pe·hki ‘really’ + _=ipi_ HRSY ĺ pe·hki=’pi ([pܭғ·hkipiࡢ ]). A long _i·_ is elided like a short _i_, with the vowel length transferred to the ¿nal vowel of the host: pya·no ‘come (you sg.)!’ + =i·nahi ‘with that’ (9) ĺ pya·no·=’nahi ‘you can come now!’ ([pyi·no·nàh(iࡢ )]). Also, with interrogative or emphatic sentence intonation a phrase-¿nal enclitic has the main stress and the peak of the special pitch contour on its ¿rst syllable.4 Native speakers are well aware of the special status of enclitics, which may be described by them as “extra” words. The written translations of bilinguals often leave them out, and my consultants sometimes resisted explicit translation and rejected my suggestions as superÀuous. Adeline Wanatee liked to refer to them as ahpahikanani ‘patches.’ Independent words of two or three syllables and any part of speech are frequently cliticized, but this multifaceted phenomenon will not be discussed here. These are not the same kind of word as the true enclitics, which are clearly not merely cliticized words even in cases where their etymological doublets are obvious. A word of more than three syllables at the end of a breath group may be run together with the preceding word with the same sandhi effects as in cliticization; as such words are too long to condition a stress shift they are not delimited as enclitics, but if there is vowel elision the lack of a written word divider is transcribed by a double hyphen. Meskwaki enclitics may be classi¿ed on the basis of several sets of properties. Some are PHRASE ENCLITICS (modifying words or phrases), others

3. Square brackets enclose broad phonetic transcriptions, with these conventions: acute () = primary stress; grave (C) = secondary stress; up arrow (Ĺ) = raised pitch register. 4. Emphatic stress explains the stress irregularities dubiously attributed to partial cliticization in Goddard (1991:165). 74 IVES GODDARD are SENTENCE ENCLITICS (modifying clauses or sentences), and some may be either. As to function, they may be classed as LINKING (like conjunctions), FRAMING (indicating frame of reference, point of view, attitude), SOURCING (evidentials), and QUALIFYING; they usually have just one function but may have two. Some occur singly, some may be repeated, and one in particular may be iterated multiply. Some never add a prosodic feature, some allow emphatic intonation (or another type of expressive intonation), and some usually have emphatic intonation. Mostly they are always enclitic, but a few may rarely appear as free particles (with or without word-order constraints), and one may switch status with its host. Some may combine idiomatically with a free particle or another enclitic as a lexical unit, some never combine this way, and two are always followed by another enclitic. Some have other idiosyncrasies. In effect, each enclitic has a grammar of its own. Phrase enclitics are cliticized after the ¿rst or only word of the phrase they modify, while sentence enclitics occur typically after the ¿rst word of a sentence or clause; some sentence enclitics also occur after the verb.5 In this preliminary survey, however, there are no more than a few cursory remarks about the syntax of these words.

INVENTORY OF ENCLITICS WITH EXAMPLES

The Meskwaki enclitics are listed here in alphabetical order with examples from texts written by native speakers and interleaved commentary. Each one is cited in the most complete, underlying form, followed by alternative surface shapes not predictable by general rules (if any), a brief gloss of convenience, an indication of whether it is a phrase enclitic (P) or a sentence enclitic (S), and a sample of other possible translations. The examples from Jones (1907) were written down from dictation by an accomplished semi- speaker and subjected to some editing. The other examples are from the collection of Meskwaki manuscripts written by native speakers for Truman Michelson of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Smithsonian Institution) over several years beginning in 1911; these have been rewritten in a phonemic transcription with added punctuation on the basis of general consultation with speakers and comparison with other materials, but not

5. More than one enclitic may occupy these positional slots; see below. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 75 every example was re-elicited. Underlines Àag the enclitic being exempli¿ed and its translation (if any). The translations in double quotes are those of native bilinguals; the word-for-word translations added in parentheses are tailored to the examples and do not give the full range of possible meanings.6

(1) _=a·pehe_ ‘usually’ (S) (‘always, generally, sometimes, would, used to’).

The free particle a·pehe is rare (ca. 10 times out of 250 occurrences); one of the two sentence-initial occurrences was accepted as meaning “every so often” by Adeline Wanatee. Not followed by any enclitic except _=iyo·we_ PAST (see below).

1a. nema·ne·pen=a·pehe. ‘There would be a lot of us.’ (A 5E) (nema·ne·pena ‘we (excl.) are many’) 1b. pe·hki=mek=a·pehe neki·ša·koþi-kekye·htena·mi-=mek=a·pehe -neškima·wa. “And I would actually scold him of it some times.” (K-FC 237I, tr. HP) (pe·hki ‘really’; _=meko_ EMPH; ne...neškima·wa ‘I admonish him’; ki·ša·koþi PV ‘extremely’; kekye·htena·mi PV ‘seriously’) 1c. e·h=maki-ne·moþi=’p=a·pehe. “so he would breathe very hard occasionally.” (K-FC 400K, tr. HP) (e·h=...ne·moþi ‘he breathed’; maki PV ‘big’; _=ipi_ HRSY)

6. The editions are unpublished except for A (Goddard 2006) and O (Goddard 2007); several of these were prepared in collaboration with or with the assistance of Lucy Thomason. The writers are Alfred Kiyana (K, O), Charley H. Chuck (C), Sakihtanohkweha (S), Sam Peters (SP), and an anonymous woman (A). Accent and intonation are based on readings by Adeline Wanatee (AW), Everett Kapayou (EK), Pearl Bear (PB), and Edward Davenport (ED). Bilingual translators include also Horace Poweshiek (HP) and Thomas Brown (TB). In the word-for-word translations square brackets enclose English words that are redundant when combined with the glosses of the other Meskwaki words; curly braces enclose glosses that are place-holders for oblique complements. Other abbreviations: anim. = animate; Cr = Cree; EAb = Eastern Abenaki; EMPH = emphatic; ex. = example (exx. = examples); excl. = exclusive; HRSY = hearsay; inan. = inanimate; incl. = inclusive; Mes = Meskwaki; Men = Menominee; Mun = Munsee; NEG = negative; obv. = obviative; Oj = Ojibwe; Ott = Ottawa (Odawa); p., pl. = plural; prox. = proximate; PV = preverb; QUOT = quotative; s., sg. = singular; Sh = Shawnee; tr. = translated by; Un = Unami (Lenape); WAb = Western Abenaki. 76 IVES GODDARD

1d. ke·htena·=’nah=a·pehe neki·ši-mami·ši·hi. “I have served as a waiter” (K-FC 254E, tr. HP) (ke·htena ‘truly’; _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’; ne...mami·ši·hi ‘I have been a ceremonial attendant’; ki·ši PV ‘have done’)

In (1b) the sentence enclitic is repeated with the verb, after a preverb, but note that Horace Poweshiek translates both occurrences separately. He does not translate the enclitic in (1d), though the translation in (1c) (‘occasionally’) would work here as well.

(2) _=þa·hi_ (=þa·h=) ‘so’; (P) idiomatic; (S) ‘so, well, and, (and) consequently, that being so.’ A logical link to the preceding discourse or to the pragmatic context, typically used as in (2a).

2a. o·sani=ke·hi e·h=nekotihekoþi, e·h=tepa·nekoþi=þa·hi. ‘Now, she was the only (child) her father had, so he loved her dearly.’ (K-FC 1) (o·sani ‘her father (obv.)’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; e·h=nekotihekoþi ‘he (obv.) had one of her (prox.)’; e·h=tepa·nekoþi ‘he (obv.) loved her (prox.)’)

Often used in questions and answers (2b).

2b. [A:] “kaši=þa·h=ketešawipwa.” . . . [B:] “maneto·waki=þa·h nene·wa·pena. . . .” (K-BLM 4LM) ‘“What happened to you?” (she asked her sons.) “We saw some monsters. . . .” (they answered.)’ (kaši ‘what?’; ketešawipwa ‘you (pl.) do {so}’; maneto·waki ‘monsters’; nene·wa·pena ‘we (excl.) saw them’)

It may occur with emphatic intonation (2c).7

2c. i·ni=þi·hi. ‘There it is!’ (O 101G; accent: ED, EK) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’)

It may be repeated, essentially vacuously, after a Topic phrase (2d) or in a lower clause (2e).8

7. Emphatic intonation is manifested by shifted stress, for example on a normally unstressed enclitic. It is transcribed by an acute accent on the stressed vowel. 8. For Topic as a formal component of Meskwaki sentences see Dahlstrom (1993, 1995). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 77

2d. ma·hani=þa·hi nakamo·nani, pe·hki=þa·h=mekoho wi·ke·þi-=mekoho -pesetamoko. (K-FC 105N) ‘So, when it comes to these songs, listen very closely to them.’ (ma·hani ‘these (inan.)’; nakamo·nani ‘songs’; pe·hki ‘really’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; wi·ke·þi PV ‘carefully’; pesetamoko ‘listen to them (inan.) (you pl.)’) 2e. išite·he·wa·te=þa·hi, i·ni=þa·hi·=’ni wi·h=išawiyakwe. (K-MFS 9C) (I should ¿rst tell my brothers.) ‘And if they are willing, we (incl.) shall do that.’ (išite·he·wa·te ‘if they want to’; i·ni ‘then’; i·ni ‘that’; wi·h=išawiyakwe ‘we’ll do {so}’)

In the modern form of (2f), it has evolved into a non-enclitic.

2f. kaši=þa·h=ketešawi. ‘What’s the matter with you?’ (26 exx.) ĺ ’ši=þa·h=ketešawi. (S-Shak 21N) ĺ þa·h=ketešai. (1990s) (kaši ‘what?’; ketešawi ‘you (sg.) do {so}’)

(3) _=þi·hi_ (=þi·h=) MIRATIVE (‘it was discovered’) (S) (‘I (he, etc.) then (suddenly) found, realized, learned, saw that; the next thing I (he, etc.) knew; here (there) it (etc.) was’).

Has a mirative function, indicating that something has been unexpectedly noticed, discovered, or experienced.

3a. pe·hki=þi·h=meko sanakatwi. ‘I learned then that it was really hard.’ (A 126F; tr. follows AW) (pe·hki ‘really’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; sanakatwi ‘it is dif¿cult’) 3b. i·nah=þi·h=wi·na paka·nani. “[looking around] there, she saw the nuts.” (K-FC 49V, tr. HP) (i·nahi ‘there’ ; wi·na 3s.EMPH; paka·nani ‘nuts’) 3c. ayo·h=þi·h e·h=apihapiniþi. “and there he found him sitting there.” (K-FC 269P, tr. HP) (ayo·hi ‘here’; e·h=apihapiniþi ‘he (obv.) was (just) sitting there {somewhere}’)

In (3b), wi·na is not the homophonous enclitic (25) but a cliticized emphatic pronoun that establishes point of view. In (3c) the obviative inÀection signals that the point of view is that of the here unindicated (but previously mentioned) proximate observer. 78 IVES GODDARD

(4) _=ihi_, _=i_ (=’hi=, =’h=, =’=) NEG (expressive and idiomatic) (S).

Always followed by an enclitic, with uniquely irregular sandhi; has the underlying shape _=ihi_ NEG before _=iyo_ (7), =we·na_ (24), or _=ya·pi_ (26) and virtual _=i_ NEG before _=þa·hi_ (2), _=ke·hi_ (12), or _=ye·toke_ (29), where it is completely elided (and written =’=); often used in sarcastic denials, accompanied by expressive-negative intonation (4a, b, and c).9

4a. meþi=’hi=’yo=ni·na!? neteneniwi!? ‘Well, gee, I’m not a man, after all!’ (O103E) (meþi ‘quite’; _=iyo_ ‘for’; ni·na 1s.EMPH; neteneniwi ‘I am a man’) 4b. ni·na=’h=ya·pi·=’na netosese·hi!? “That’s not my brother.” (S-Apay 31B, tr. AW)10 (ni·na 1s.EMPH; _=ya·pi_ ‘here we go’; i·na ‘that (anim.)’; netosese·hi ‘I have (him as) an older brother’)

The elided enclitic in (4c and d) (written: =’=) leaves behind the same idiomatic sarcastic negative meaning that the overt enclitic has in (4a and b).11

4c. meþi=’=ke·h,=ni·hka·ne, ketehkwe·wi!? wi·h=taši-te·pwe·htawaþi!? “Now, my friend, you are not a woman to believe her.” (K-MAE 111A, tr. HP)12 (meþi ‘quite’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; ni·hka·ne ‘my friend!’; ketehkwe·wi ‘you are a woman’; wi·h=...te·pwe·htawaþi ‘for you to believe her’; taši PV ‘be engaged in’) 4d. meþi=’=ye·toke ni·na!? wi·h=taši-kehte·nemekwiya·ni·=’ni!? (K-FC 195A) ‘Surely it won’t be me that it would bless!’ (tr. HP: “O[h,] it will not bless me”) (meþi ‘quite’; _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’; ni·na 1s.EMPH; wi·h=...kehte·nemekwiya·ni ‘I that it will have on its mind’; taši PV ‘be engaged in’; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’)

9. The expressive-negative (or “swing”) intonation (indicated by !?) has overall high register, primary high pitch and stress on the fourth syllable from the last (or on the last syllable of the host of an enclitic), and a prominent mid pitch and secondary stress on the second syllable from the last; it may be repeated on major breath groups. 10. Expressive-negative intonation assumed but not con¿rmed. 11. By an old sandhi rule that is sporadically present in Meskwaki but regular in Kickapoo (Voorhis 1974:15), a word of one or two short-vowel syllables adds /h/ and an echo vowel before a pause. Presumably _=ihi_ NEG is the old pre-pausal form of _=i_ NEG generalized before some following enclitics. 12. Expressive-negative intonation assumed but not con¿rmed. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 79

In (4e) the elided _=i_ NEG has left a trace; particles that end in _-hi_ regularly drop the _i_ before an enclitic that begins with a consonant (Goddard 1991:164–165), but here the elided underlying _=i_ NEG has prevented this.13

4e. wa·wosa·hi=’=þa·hi ki·h=we·pi-wa·waneška·hi!?14 ‘So it wouldn’t be expected that you would start being badly behaved.’ (A 139D) (wa·wosa·hi ‘it would be expected’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; ki·h=...wa·waneška·hi ‘you will behave badly’; we·pi PV ‘begin’)

The ostensibly anomalous sandhi of (4e) tends to be regularized, however, and somewhat more common in the texts is the restructuring found in (4f).

4f. wa·wosa·h=þa·hi·=’nahi wi·h=kya·sowa!?15 “I am sure that she will not try to keep it a secret” (K-MAE 906G, tr. HP) (wa·wosa·hi ‘it would hardly be expected’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’; wi·h=kya·sowa ‘she will keep (it) a secret’)

An overt form of _=ihi_ NEG with the same intonation has a non-negative idiomatic meaning in the common expression in (4g).

4g. ki·na=’h=we·na!? ([Ĺki·nihwܭҒ·nঀ]) ‘What about you?’ (EK) (ki·na 2s.EMPH; _=we·na_ ‘in fact’)

It is also used with interrogative intonation, as in (4h).16

4h. nepo·hiwa=’h=we·na? ([Ĺnepo·hiahwܭғܭnঀ]) “Did he die?” (K-Wap 137N; PB [as when shocked at the news]); (“Is he dead?” tr. TB) (nepo·hiwa ‘he is dead’; _=we·na_ ‘in fact’)

Example (4i) is like (4g) except that _=i_ NEG is elided; it could also be analyzed as restructured.

13. This explains the anomaly noted in Goddard (1991:166, (54)). 14. Expressive-negative intonation assumed but not con¿rmed. 15. Expressive-negative intonation assumed but not con¿rmed. 16. For the vowel breaking in two-syllable words with interrogative intonation see Voorhis (1971:79) and Goddard (1991:160). 80 IVES GODDARD

4i. i·niki=’=þa·hi!? ([Ĺi·niktþà·h(iࡢ)]) ‘What about them?’ (EK) (or restructured: i·niki=þa·hi!?) (i·niki ‘those (anim.)’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’)

(5) _=ipi_ (~ _=ipihi_) HRSY (P, S) (‘they say, it is said, supposedly; you’re supposed to, let’s say’).

This is better called a hearsay enclitic than a quotative enclitic, as it does not indicate that the words given are quoted from someone else but rather that what is being said is in some way second-hand. Word order is more variable than with other sentence enclitics (5a).

5a. i·ni e·šawiþi=’pi. ‘That is what they say he did.’ (K-TO 26I; 1 other ex.) i·ni=’pi e·šawiþi. “That was what he did.” (K-FC 792E, tr. HP; 4 other exx.) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; e·šawiþi ‘what he did’)

_=ipi_ occurs twice in (5b), separately translated by Horace Poweshiek.

5b. našawaye=’pi še·ški=meko=’pi ki·šekwi e·h=ako·te·ki. (K-MAE 1, tr. HP) “it is said that a long, long time ago, the sky was supposed to be the only thing that hangs.” (našawaye ‘long ago’; še·ški ‘only’; _=meko_ EMPH; ki·šekwi ‘sky’; e·h=ako·te·ki ‘it hung’)

More commonly it may be repeated multiple times in one clause with no discernible added increment of meaning; in such cases it is almost as if the sentence starts over with each breath group. The redundant repetition of _=ipi_ is not uncommon for some speakers; in a large corpus of texts Lucy Thomason has found 21 examples of four occurrences in a single line, including (5c).

5c. i·ni=’pi ke·keya·h=meko=’pi ašiþi=’pi e·h=taši-wa·wa·pama·þi=’pi. ‘Then eventually he was watching her from close by.’ (S-RL2 28G) (i·ni ‘then’; ke·keya·hi ‘¿nally’; _=meko_ EMPH; ašiþi ‘nearby’; e·h=...wa·wa·pama·þi ‘he gazed at her’; taši PV ‘{somewhere}’)

Outside narratives _=ipi_ HRSY is used for relayed requests and orders (5d) and with meanings like ‘one is supposed to’ (in giving the rules of a game) or ‘let’s say’ (when pretending) (5e).

5d. ki·h=pi·tike=’pi. “It is said for you to come in.” (K-MAE 1188, tr. HP) (ki·h=pi·tike ‘you (sg.) will enter’) THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 81

5e. ni·h=ineniwi=’pi. “I will pretend to be a man.” (K-MAE 354, tr. HP) (ni·h=ineniwi ‘I will be a man’)

(6) _=iškwe_ WOMAN’S EXPLETIVE (S).

A mild expletive used by women, usually untranslated; the /-e/ sometimes does not undergo the regular devoicing before pause.

6a. na·kwa·ta·we=’škwe. “Let us go home.” (K-MAE 281, tr. HP) (na·kwa·ta·we ‘let’s go’)

It may contribute an expressive or animated tone (6b and c).

6b. pe·hki=’škwe=mekoho kemena·na·þimo. “Oh, but that’s a funny story you told.” (K-MAE 1141, tr. HP) (pe·hki ‘really’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; kemena·na·þimo ‘you (sg.) tell a strange story’) 6c. awahi·mani=’škwe, wa·pikonani. “Why, they are squashes.” (K-SPOT 130C, tr. HP); “Oh, they are called squash.” (tr. AW, with animated voice) (awahi·mani ‘the ones (inan.) called (so-and-so)’; wa·pikonani ‘squashes’)

With pe·hki ‘really’ and emphatic intonation it fuses into an interjection (6d), which commonly occurs in truncated form with interjectional intonation (6e).17

6d. pe·hkt=’škwe. ([pܭ·hkíhškweࡢ ]) ‘Golly!’ (a positive or negative remark) 6e. kiškwe·ƍ. ‘Golly!’

(7) _=iyo_ ‘for’ (S) (‘after all, I say this because, in (this) case, for instance’; to soften a question or contradiction: ‘by the way, I must ask you, tell me’; ‘(no,) actually’).

A linking enclitic, sometimes with a purely pragmatic content, as in tempering a question or contradiction. The /y/ does not drop in the casual style (for which see Voorhis 1971:74; Goddard 1991:159), and the /-o/ is never devoiced before pause.

17. With interjectional intonation (indicated by a postposed ƍ) interjections (like 6e) end with falling pitch on a long vowel, and other words have ¿nal stress and high pitch and /-i/ optionally lowered to [-İ] or diphthongized to [-ei]. 82 IVES GODDARD

7a. ni·na=’yo a·kwi kosetawakini kemeso·ta·naki. “Like me, I am not afraid of your folks.” (A 83, tr. HP) (ni·na 1s.EMPH; a·kwi NEG; kosetawakini ‘I’m [not] shy towards them’; kemeso·ta·naki ‘your parents’) 7b. ni·na=’yo ni·h=nepo·hi. “I will die myself.” (K-FC 505F, tr. HP) (ni·na 1s.EMPH; ni·h=nepo·hi ‘I will die’) 7c. netepa·na·wa=’yo. “(And you must treat her good,) as I love her dearly.” (A 190B, tr. HP) (netepa·na·wa ‘I love her’) 7d. kaši=’yo ketešawi. “What is the matter with you?” (K-MAE 924C, tr. HP) (kaši ‘what?’; ketešawi ‘you (sg.) do {so}’; cf. (2f)) 7e. peno·þi=’yo=wi·na·=’niki awiwaki kešemi·ha. ‘But, your niece and her people live far away.’ (O 65F) (peno·þi ‘far away’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; i·niki ‘those (anim.)’; awiwaki ‘they are {someplace}’; kešemi·ha ‘your niece’)

(8) _=iyo·we_ PAST; (P) ‘former’; (S) ‘before, formerly, previously.’

A past-tense marker. Occurs very rarely as a free particle iyo·we (8 of 1,374 occurrences), but this always has the word order of the enclitic (8a).18 Never followed by an enclitic.

8a. owi·wa·wahi=’yo·we (K-RFB 14G) ‘their former wives’ owi·wa·wahi iyo·we (K-RFB 14H) ‘their former wives’ 8b. ketene=’yo·we ‘I told you before’ (A 73A) 8c. ki·wi-ošehki·tama·nini=’yo·we ‘the clothes I had been wearing’ (A 57D)

(9) _=i·nahi_ (=i·nah=) ‘with that’; (P) ‘and’; (S) ‘withal, after that, in those circumstances; albeit, for all that; now (you can)’

A linking enclitic with protean and often idiomatic functions. With nouns it is simply ‘and’ (9a).

9a. o·hkomesani, omešo·hani·=’nahi ‘his grandmother and his grandfather’ (K-KN 8)

Also used with a noun in an idiom that portentously introduces a character (9b).

18. The casual-style variant of the free particle (ioe) can be heard in Meskwaki English. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 83

9b. kwi·yese·ha·=’nah=nekoti. ‘And there was a boy.’ (K-WKG 23E; whole paragraph) nekoti·=’nahi metemo·he·ha. ‘And there was an old woman, too.’ (K-Mes 1C) (kwi·yese·ha ‘boy’; nekoti ‘one’; metemo·he·ha ‘old woman’)

With an imperative, equivalent to ‘now you can’ to indicate that conditions have changed (9c).

9c. nahiƍ, nowo·te·no·=’nahi. “[Alright,] now you may crawl out.” (K-BHD2 31C, tr. HP)

Often ‘after this, after that,’ reinforcing certain particles (9d and e) or with a negative (9f).

9d. kapo·twe·=’nahi owi·wani e·h=matanemeþi ‘soon after that his wife was overtaken’ (C-RP 6) (kapo·twe ‘at some point’; owi·wani ‘his wife (obv.)’; e·h=matanemeþi ‘she (obv.) was overtaken’) 9e. pa·pekwa·=’nahi “at once” (K-FC 203I, tr. HP) (pa·pekwa ‘immediately’) pa·pekwa·=’nahi “the ¿rst chance they had” (K-Wap 101C, tr. TB) 9f. a·kwi·=’nahi nana·ši wi·h=owi·wiye·kwini. “And you will never marry again.” (K-MAE 1023J, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; nana·ši ‘[not] ever’; wi·h=owi·wiye·kwini ‘you (pl., male) will [not] marry’)

Sometimes with the force of ‘albeit, for all that’ (9g).

9g. e·h=we·pi-waþa·hekoþi, taka·wi·=’nahi, e·h=þakeši·hiniþi ahkohko·ni. (C-O 28TU) ‘And she set about cooking for him, albeit a small amount, as the kettle was small.’ (e·h=...waþa·hekoþi ‘she (obv.) cooked for him (prox.)’; we·pi PV ‘begin’; taka·wi ‘a little’; e·h=þakeši·hiniþi ‘it (anim. obv.) was small’; ahkohko·ni ‘kettle (obv.)’)

Marks idiomatic uses of the interrogative participle (9h) and the future (9i).

9h. wi·h=išawikwe·ni·=’nahi. “Wonder what he’s going to do.” (K-TCSB 55E, tr. TB) (wi·h=išawikwe·ni ‘whatever he may be going to do’) 9i. ki·h=wa·niha·wa·=’nahi “you should have left [him] alone” (K-SSP 4D, tr. HP) (ki·h=wa·niha·wa ‘you will leave him alone’) 84 IVES GODDARD

(10) _=i·ni_ ‘in that case’ (S) (‘then’). Used for contextual framing (10a, 29h).

10a. meše=meko=wi·na·=’ni ki·h=tašina·ke·pwa. ‘You can go on singing untroubled in that case.’ (K-MWS 58G) (meše ‘freely’; _=meko_ EMPH; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; ki·h=tašina·ke·pwa ‘you will continue singing’)

(11) _=kena_ EMPH (S).

Rare, archaic, and restricted; always followed by another enclitic, usually _=wi·na_ ‘but.’

11a. sanakatwi=kena=wi·na=meko. ‘It’s ever so dif¿cult!’ (Jones 1907:280.12) 11b. i·h=pa·hpa·škitepe·šimakehe=kena=’yo·we. ‘I really wanted to smash his head in!’ (S in BL-Shak 29L) (i·h=pa·hpa·škitepe·šimakehe ‘I was going to smash his head in’; _=iyo·we_ PAST)

(12) _=ke·hi_ (=ke·h=) ‘moreover’; (P) ‘as well as, including, or perhaps, in particular,’ or to bear emphatic stress; (with negated verb) ‘at all, either’; (S) ‘and, and here, and another thing (was), besides, furthermore, for example, to be precise, (non-temporal) now.’

A linking enclitic that marks a noun phrase or clause of equal importance to what precedes, with a range of nuances only sampled in the examples and several idiomatic uses. It is used as a phrase enclitic with nouns (12a and b) and verbs (12c, d, and e).

12a. mo·hþi=meko apeno·ha atame·ha·pi, ihkwe·wa=ke·hi ‘Even children were given a smoke, as well as women’ (O 3D) (mo·hþi ‘even’; _=meko_ EMPH; apeno·ha ‘child’; atame·ha·pi ‘he or she is (or they are) given a smoke’; ihkwe·wa ‘woman’)19 12b. meše=meko·=’nahi, ihkwe·wa=ke·hi, iškwe·se·ha=ke·hi, kwi·yese·ha=ke·hi (K-BFS 27BC) ‘anyone, including women, girls, and boys’ (meše=meko·=’nahi ‘any’; ihkwe·wa ‘woman’; iškwe·se·ha ‘girl’; kwi·yese·ha ‘boy’)

19. ‘Child’ and ‘woman’ are representative singulars; similarly in (12b). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 85

12c. šewe·na ahpene·þi=mekoho ki·h=nenehke·nemipwa=ke·hi. ‘Still, you must in particular think of me always.’ (O 75B; EK “also, too”) (šewe·na ‘but’; ahpene·þi ‘always’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; ki·h=nenehke·nemipwa ‘you (pl.) will think about me’) 12d. i·ni=þa·h we·þi-=ke·h=ni·na -nenehke·nemenako·we. ‘So, that’s why in particular I thought of you.’ (O 86E) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; we·þi-nenehke·nemenako·we ‘the reason why I thought of you (pl.)’; ni·na 1s.EMPH) 12e. mya·nawihiye·kani=ke·hi, o=mya·nawihenakiþe=ke·hi. (K-Apay 40E, tr. anon.) “Did you wrestle him down or did he wrestle you down?” (mya·nawihiye·kani ‘you might have overcome him’; o ‘or’; mya·nawihenakiþe ‘he might have overcome you’)

The most typical use is to link a series of sentences of equivalent importance in the narrative (12f).

12f. nemayo=meko, neta·hkwe=ke·hi. ‘I was crying, and in addition I was angry.’ (K-Auto 101H) (nemayo ‘I weep’; _=meko_ EMPH; neta·hkwe ‘I am angry’)

In fact, _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ may be used in the second of two clauses in various constructions, for example in a main clause with a different subject (12g) or in the future complement clause after a negative higher verb giving the meaning ‘whether or not’ (12h).

12g. na·hina·hi we·pina·ke·yakwe, ki·h=wi·šiki-=ke·h=mekoho -kehkino·sopwa. “When the time comes for us to sing them you must indeed try hard to remember them.” (K-ECRP 131F, tr. TB) (na·hina·hi ‘time when’; we·pina·ke·yakwe ‘when we (incl.) sing’; ki·h=...kehkino·sopwa ‘you will memorize (them)’; wi·šiki PV ‘strongly’; _=mekoho_ EMPH) 12h. meþi=’h=we·na keme·h-kehke·nema·pena wi·h=nepo·hiþi=ke·hi. “we don’t know yet for sure whether he is dead or not” (K-ECRP 16J, tr. TB) (meþi ‘quite’; _=ihi_ NEG; _=we·na_ ‘in fact’; ke...kehke·nema·pena ‘we know about him’; me·hi PV ‘yet’; wi·h=nepo·hiþi ‘that he will be dead’)

In (12i and j) the ¿rst _=ke·hi_ links the sentence to the preceding discourse (cf. also (32)), and the second _=ke·hi_ is a phrase enclitic with scope over the negated verb it is cliticized to. 86 IVES GODDARD

12i. a·kwi=ke·h=wi·na=’pi nahi-mahkate·wi·hiþini=ke·hi. “and he never fasted either” (K-FC 791, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; _=ipi_ HRSY; nahi PV ‘[not] ever’; mahkate·wi·hiþini ‘he fasts [not] (dim.)’) 12j. a·kwi=ke·h=wi·na=’pi wi·h=maka·pe·wesiþi=ke·hi. “[And] It is said that he was not a large man at all.” (K-BHD 47A, tr. TB) (a·kwi NEG; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; _=ipi_ HRSY; wi·h=maka·pe·wesiþi ‘that he would be large’)

The use in (12k) is like the second use (12j), but with the addition of interjectional intonation.

12k. a·kwi=koh=wi·na=ni·na ke·ko·h=mekoho iši-maneto·wiya·nini=ke·hiƍ. “Now, I am not a Spirit in any way at all.” (K-SSP 77E, tr. HP; AW) (a·kwi NEG; _=kohi_ ‘certainly’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; ni·na 1s.EMPH; ke·ko·hi ‘anything’;_=mekoho_ EMPH; iši PV ‘in {such} way’; maneto·wiya·nini ‘I am [not] a manitou’)

It is used idiomatically with emphatic intonation in (12l and m).

12l. kekehke·neta=ké·hi. ‘You know that.’ (A 84B; AW, EK) (kekehke·neta ‘you (sg.) know it’) 12m. i·ni=ké·h. “It’s started!” or “It has started!” (EK) (i·ni. ‘That’s it.’)

(13) _=ki·na_: always in =ma·h=ki·na (S) ‘you see! see now! see what I told you!.’

13a. ki·ši-=ma·h=ki·na -pye·na·pi. ‘See now, she has been brought back.’ (K-Buf 7) (ki·ši PV ‘have done’; pye·na·pi ‘she is brought back’; addressed to two people)

With a plural addressee ki·nwa·wa ‘you (pl.)’ is sometimes used (cf. ki·na ‘you (sg.)’).

(14) _=koþi_ ‘you know’ (S) (‘I can tell you, believe me, of course, remember, incidentally, that’s all’).

A framing enclitic, expressing the speaker’s con¿dent opinion.

14a. ki·h=amwa·pwa=koþi. “Why, you and the rest shall have it to eat!” (Jones 1907:156.5, 157) (ki·h=amwa·pwa ‘you (pl.) will eat it (anim.)’) THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 87

14b. ni·h=kehke·nema·pena=koþi. “and we are bound to know about them” (K-FC 705F, tr. HP) (ni·h=kehke·nema·pena ‘we (excl.) will know about them’)

In (14c) it is inside the subordinate clause but goes logically with the higher verb.

14c. i·ya·h=koþi pya·yane, i·ni wi·h=kehke·netamani. “Of course when you get there . . . you’ll know what is required.” (K-FC 614, tr. HP) (i·ya·hi ‘there (distant ending point)’; pya·yane ‘when you (sg.) arrive’; i·ni ‘then’; wi·h=kehke·netamani ‘that you (sg.) will know, know it, be aware’)

(15) _=kohi_ (=koh=) ‘certainly’ (S) (‘surely, I assure you, make no mistake, you must know, no doubt’).

Another framing enclitic, more assertive than _=koþi_ ‘you know.’

15a. ketepa·nene=kohi. “For I am truly fond of you.” (Jones 1907:138.19, 139) (ketepa·nene ‘I love you (sg.)’) 15b. netaneno·te·wi=kohi. “well I am an Indian to be sure” (K-FC 12, tr. HP) (netaneno·te·wi ‘I am an Indian’)

Used in a common expression, with interjectional intonation (15c).

15c. i·ni=kohiƍ. “That’s right” (K-Buf 163, tr. HP); “That’s the idea!” (K-MAE 376, tr. HP) (i·ni. ‘That’s it.’)

(16) _=mani_ ‘as it is now’ (S) (‘now, as it is, in your case’).

A framing enclitic like (10), but more common.

16a. ke·waki=koþi=mani ketaškiki. ‘Remember, you’re still young now.’ (A 183D) (ke·waki ‘still’; _=koþi_ ‘you know’; ketaškiki ‘you (sg.) are young’)

It often reinforces a synonymous word (16b).

16b. i·noki=mani e·nena·ke ‘what we’re now telling you’ (A 180E) (i·noki ‘now, today, this time’; e·nena·ke ‘what we tell you’)

(17) _=mata_ ‘alternatively’ (S) (‘instead, rather, but’). 88 IVES GODDARD

This is another kind of framing enclitic, sometimes with a linking function.

17a. pepo·kehe=mata, sanakihto·hkapa. ‘If it had been winter instead, you would have had a hard time.’ (A 38H) (pepo·kehe ‘if it were winter’; sanakihto·hkapa ‘you (sg.) would have a hard time’) 17b. a·kwi=kana·kwa; pene·waki=mata. ‘I can’t (eat it); I’d rather have turkeys.’ (K-Buf 13K) (a·kwi=kana·kwa ‘it’s impossible’; pene·waki ‘turkeys’) 17c. ni·na=mata. “Just let me have a turn.” (Jones 1907:114.21, 115) (ni·na 1s.EMPH)

(18) _=ma·hi_ (=ma·h=) ‘you see’ (S) (‘mind you, you understand, I mean, obviously’).

A framing enclitic that acts as a softener for questions, reminders, and unpleasant information.

18a. i·ni=ma·hi išite·he·ye·kwe. “That is, if you wish” (K-FC 675G, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; išite·he·ye·kwe ‘if you (pl.) want to do {so}’) 18b. ki·na=ma·hi·=’na kekya·wamekwa. “Why, he was jealous of you” (K-FC 570E, tr. HP) (ki·na 2s.EMPH; i·na ‘that (anim.)’; kekya·wamekwa ‘he was jealous of you (sg.)’) 18c. ki·na=ma·h=meko ki·h=ašihto. ‘You must make it yourself, remember.’ (O 102F) (ki·na 2s.EMPH; _=meko_ EMPH; ki·h=ašihto ‘you (sg.) will make it’) 18d. “..,” e·h=ineþi. / e·h=a·hpawa·þi=ma·hi. ‘“...,” he was told. / He was dreaming, you understand.’ (K-CM 7E)

(19) _=meko_ (~ _=mekoho_) EMPH (P).

The all-purpose weak emphatic; cliticized after the word it modi¿es but may be separated from it by one or more sentence enclitics (2d, 3a, 6b, 11a, 12g, 18c, 20b, 24a, 26h, 27d). There are additional occurrences throughout the examples. Makes ‘one’ into ‘single’ (19a).

19a. nekoti=meko si·pwa·kana ‘a single cornstalk’ (O 2D) (nekoti ‘one’; si·pwa·kana ‘cornstalk’)

Intensi¿es i·ni ‘that (inan.); then,’ making it ‘the same’ (19b) or ‘immediately’ (19c, f). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 89

19b. i·ni=meko ‘the same thing, the same one, the same way’ (O 7E, 46D, 48D) 19c. i·ni=meko ‘right then, right away, immediately’ (O 7H, 8H, 17I)

Adds encouragement to a command (19d).

19d. ki·h=waþa·ho=mekoho. “Go ahead and cook.” (K-SSP 31, tr. HP)

Makes ‘he said’ into ‘he answered willingly’ (19e).

”.19e. “hao·ݦƍ,” e·h=iþi=mekoho. “ ‘Alright,’ he answered willingly (’{K-FC 741, tr. HP) (hao·ݦƍ ‘yes (I will)’; e·h=iþi ‘he said {so)

It often occurs more than once in a sentence, generally modifying different words but sometimes working in concert, as in the second two occurrences in (19f).

19f. i·ni=meko e·nemi-’ši-=meko -ki·ši-si·kahamo·na·kwini, anemi-=mekoho -we·pisenye·ko. “Soon as they have dished out to each one of you, start to eating.” (K-SSP 301F, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘then’ (cf. 19c); e·nemi-iši-ki·ši-si·kahamo·na·kwini ‘as you (pl.) are successively served’; anemi-we·pisenye·ko ‘start successively eating (you pl.)’)

(20) _=ne·hi_ (=ne·h=) (P) ‘too’; (S) idiomatic.

Often used with pronouns and has the unique peculiarity that it may switch places with a pronominal host (20a). Less commonly it modi¿es a verb (20b). As a phrase enclitic it may be separated from the word it modi¿es by a sentence enclitic (20c).

20a. ki·na=ne·hi. ‘You, too.’ (A 59C, etc.) (ki·na 2s.EMPH) ne·h=ki·na ‘You, too.’ (K-ECRP 7, JP-MWM 6, etc.) 20b. i·ni=ke·hi=’pi=meko e·h=mayo·þi=ne·hi. “He would also cry at once.” (K-BHD2 25A, tr. HP) (i·ni...=meko ‘at once’ (19c); _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; _=ipi_ HRSY; e·h=mayo·þi ‘he wept’) 20c. ki·na=þa·h=ne·hi pya·wane·ni. ‘You’ve come too, it seems.’ (K-WTH 3F)20 (ki·na 2s.EMPH; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; pya·wane·ni ‘you (sg.) came (it seems)’)

20. I owe this example to Lucy Thomason. 90 IVES GODDARD

As a sentence enclitic it is highly idiomatic (20d).

20d. ki·wa·tesihkani=wi·na=ne·hi “You might get lonesome.” (K-SSP 71C, tr. EK) (ki·wa·tesihkani ‘you might be lonesome’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’)

(21) _=ni·hka_ MAN’S EXPLETIVE (S).

The common expletive used by men and boys, rather mild and seldom translated by native speakers (exceptions in 21a and b).

21a. ni·h=ši·ša=ni·hka. “Well I had better go out hunting.” (K-ECRP 68A, tr. TB) (ni·h=ši·ša ‘I will hunt’) 21b. =ni·hka “Gee” (A 144B, tr. HP)

May have emphatic intonation (21c).

21c. pe·hki=ni·hka. ‘Golly!’ (A144B; EK) (Normal intonation: [pܭ·hkíni·hkঀ].) (pe·hki ‘really’) pe·hki=ní·hka. ‘Golly!’ (A144B; AW) (Emphatic intonation.) And with further reduction: ĺ pe·hki·=’hka. (21d) ĺ ki·hka·ƍ. ĺ ka·ƍ. 21d. ši·ƍ, nesi·hi, pe·hki·=’hka=mana mayakikiwa ayo·h=še·kišika. ‘Gee, little brother, there’s a really strange-looking creature lying here!’ (C-KO 15O) (ši·ƍ ‘Gee!’; nesi·hi ‘little brother!’; mana ‘this (anim.)’; mayakikiwa ‘it (anim.) is of strange shape’; ayo·hi ‘here’; še·kišika ‘the (anim.) one that lies {somewhere}’)

(22) _=ta·ni_ ‘if you agree’ (S) (‘if you will, please; why don’t I?’).

Another softener as framer, accommodating or asking for accommodation. May have interjectional intonation utterance-¿nally (22e and f).

22a. še·ški=ta·ni ni·h=na·kwa. “Well, just let me go home.” (K-MAE 509G, tr. HP) (še·ški ‘only’; ni·h=na·kwa ‘I will depart’) 22b. o·ƍ, ki·na=ta·ni e·h=owi·kiye·kwe ki·h=iši-wi·te·mene. ‘Oh, then let me go with you to your family’s house.’ (A 83B) (ki·na 2s.EMPH; e·h=owi·kiye·kwe ‘where you (pl.) dwell’; ki·h=...wi·te·mene ‘I will go with you’; iši PV ‘to {somewhere}’) 22c. ni·h=awana·wa=ta·ni. ‘Why don’t I take him (a deer) home?’ (K-Wewi 27E) (ni·h=awana·wa ‘I will take him’) THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 91

22d. mani=þa·h=ta·ni wi·h=išawiya·ni: . . . ‘Well, here’s what I’d like your permission to do: . . .’ (K-DSB 36F) (mani ‘this (inan.)’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; wi·h=išawiya·ni ‘what I will do’) 22e. ni·na=ta·niƍ ‘Here, let me . . .’ (K-SF 20E; AW) (ni·na 1s.EMPH)

A little different in (22f), with interjectional intonation (supplied by AW).

22f. ki·h=þa·kihenepwa=ta·niƍ. “I’ll kill you all!” (K-T 5B, tr. AW)

(23) _=tike_ MAN’S EXPLETIVE (S).

This is another mild expletive, much less common than _=ni·hka_ (21), and also usually untranslated; it is now obsolete.

23a. nawo·te·we·ya·ne=tike. (Jones 1907:260.3) ‘I wonder if I could go visiting somewhere and get something to eat.’ (Asking permission.) (nawo·te·we·ya·ne ‘if I visit and get a meal’) 23b. “we·ta=tike nekwisa. “O[h,] my poor son.” (K-FC 23K, tr. HP) (we·ta ‘alas, the poor thing!’; nekwisa ‘my son’)

(24) _=we·na_ (~ =we·=) ‘in fact’ (S) (‘after all; rather, or actually, but actually, or at least’).

A framing enclitic used in clarifying, tempering, or correcting what has just been said; often vague. The sometimes optional allomorphic replacement by =we·= before an enclitic beginning with a consonant is a unique alternation (24a, 24b, 49).21 Pre-pausal =we·na may occur with emphatic intonation (24c); other examples with =we·na are in (4g, 4h, 12h, and (30)).

24a. i·ni=we·=meko pe·hki e·h=ki·šikiþi nešise·ha. ‘right now my uncle is, in fact, fully grown up’ (O 71A) (i·ni...=meko right now’ (19c); pe·hki ‘really’; e·h=ki·šikiþi ’he has ¿nished growing’; nešise·ha ‘my uncle’) 24b. a·kwi=we·=wi·na=ke·ko·hi. “Nothing at all, hardly.” (K-BHD 6N, tr. TB) (a·kwi NEG; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; ke·ko·hi ‘anything’)

21. Speakers today appear to use only the full shape =we·na except in some frozen collocations. 92 IVES GODDARD

24c. kaši=wé·na išikesa ‘how would it be (if . . .)?’ (K-MHTW 9A; AW, EK) (kaši ‘what?’; išikesa ‘it would happen {so}’)

(25) _=wi·na_ ‘but’ (S) (‘however, though, contrary to what you might think’).

A linking and framing enclitic.

25a. a·kwi=wi·na še·škesi·he·haki. “but not young girls.” (K-FC 646B, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; še·škesi·he·haki ‘young teenage girls’) 25b. ni·na=wi·na neta·pi-=’yo·we -wa·pama·wa netawe·ma·wa. “Why[,] I have been over to see my brother.” (K-FC 640B, tr. HP) (ni·na 1s.EMPH; neta·pi-wa·pama·wa ‘I have been to see him’; _=iyo·we_ PAST; netawe·ma·wa ‘my brother (woman speaking)’) 25c. a·kwi=wi·na ni·na išite·he·ya·nini. “though it is not really my thought” (K-FC 482C, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; ni·na 1s.EMPH; išite·he·ya·nini ‘I do [not] think {so}’) 25d. a·mi·hiyakwe=wi·na. ‘How about if we move.’ (K-Wewi 16M) (a·mi·hiyakwe ‘if we (incl.) move (dim.)’)

Repeated vacuously in the main sentence after a Topic in (25e).

25e. mani=wi·na i·noki e·šawiye·kwe, a·kwi=wi·na·=’ni. “[But] Not the way you are doing at present.” (K-FC 461H, tr. HP) (mani ‘this (inan.)’; i·noki ‘now’; e·šawiye·kwe ‘what you do’; a·kwi NEG; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; literally: ‘But this way that you are doing now, but not that.’

(26) _=ya·pi_ ‘here I (we) go’ (S) (‘get ready, I’m ready, here’s the deal, let me say’).

Another kind of framing enclitic; it may take emphatic intonation, as commonly after i·ni ‘now’ and kaho·ni ‘and then; and now,’ or interjectional intonation.22

26a. i·ni=yi·pi. ‘I’m off!’ (K-WWB 23E); also (for example) ‘Here we go!’ and ‘I’m ready!’

22. Emphatic intonation was con¿rmed by EK in (26b, d, e, and g), conjectured from Michelson’s notation in (26c), and assumed from parallel cases (including some from AW) in (26a and f). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 93

26b. kaho·ni=yi·pi. ‘The time has come [to act].’ (C-KO 6A; EK tr. “The time is ripe.”) 26c. i·ni=yi·pi wi·h=we·pa·hke·ya·ni ki·yawi. ‘Alright, I’m going to throw you now.’ (O 150E) (i·ni ‘now’; wi·h=we·pa·hke·ya·ni ‘that I will throw (him, it, etc.)’; ki·yawi ‘you (sg.)’) 26d. i·ni=yi·pi na·wahkwe·ke wi·h=ne·waki. “Now I will be able to see her at noon.” (C-FS 13S, tr. EK) (i·ni ‘now’; na·wahkwe·ke ‘when it is noon’; wi·h=ne·waki ‘that I will see her’) 26e. nahiƍ, i·ni=yi·pi wi·h=wi·seniyakwe. “Now it is time for us to eat” (C-YBB 1K, tr. EK) (nahiƍ ‘Alright!’; i·ni ‘now’; wi·h=wi·seniyakwe ‘that we (incl.) will eat’) 26f. ane·he, i·ni=yi·pi wi·h=anohka·nena·ni. “Mother, I want to have you do an errand for me.” (K-FC 223F, tr. HP) (ane·he ‘mother!’; i·ni ‘now’; wi·h=anohka·nena·ni ‘that I will send you on an errand’) 26g. a·kwi=yi·pi nahi-taneti·ya·nini. “I don’t gamble.” or “I never gamble.” (C-RP 2H, tr. EK) (a·kwi NEG; nahi PV ‘given to, [not] ever’; taneti·ya·nini ‘I [do not] gamble’) 26h. nahiƍ, kema·mata·kwi-=ya·pi=meko -nesa·pwa meši-mehtose·neniwa. “Now you have enjoyed killing this large being indeed. (You must then dance.)” (K-WYB 151J, tr. TB) (nahiƍ ‘Alright!’; ke...nesa·pwa ‘you (pl.) killed him’; ma·mata·kwi PV ‘interestingly, delightfully’; _=meko_ EMPH; meši-mehtose·neniwa ‘large person’) 26i. ki·h=wi·ša·pene=ya·pi. “You’re gonna get hungry!” (C-YBB 1BB, tr. EK)23 (ki·h=wi·ša·pene ‘you will be hungry’)

In questions with the force of ‘now tell me, let me get this straight’ (26j, k, and l).

26j. a·kwi=ya·pi owi·wiyanini? ‘Now tell me, you’re not married?’ (K-WWB 26A) (a·kwi NEG; owi·wiyanini ‘you are [not] married’) 26k. ta·nah=ya·pi e·h=awiwa·þi ki·waki. “Where are your wives at?” (K-WYB 163G, tr. TB) (ta·nahi ‘where?’; e·h=awiwa·þi ‘where they are’; ki·waki ‘your wives’)

23. A warning to eat more now; could also be more pointedly admonitive if interjectional intonation is added (AW, EK). 94 IVES GODDARD

26l. we·kone·h=ya·pi=ni·na ne·hpatama·ni. “What have I eaten?” (K-FC 288A, tr. HP) (we·kone·hi ‘what?’; ni·na 1s.EMPH; ne·hpatama·ni ‘what I inadvertently consumed’)

Occurs with _=ihi_ NEG (26m).

26m. maneto·waki=’h=ya·pi·=’niki!? “They’re not spirits!” (K-BKTE 5M, tr. AW)24 (maneto·waki ‘spirits’; _=ihi_ NEG; i·niki ‘those (anim.)’)

Also as a non-enclitic interjection with exclamative intonation and vowel distortion (26n).25

26n. ya·pei! ‘Wow!’ (Surprise at something remarkable.)

(27) _=ye·hapa_ ‘it turns out’ (S) (‘I have found out, so I suppose, after all’).

A sourcing enclitic resembling and functioning like the conclusive mode, which is marked by a suf¿x _-ehapa_ (Goddard 1995:131–133).26

27a. o·=’ni=ye·hapa wi·h=anemi-ni·šiyakwe. “O.K., then we’ll go together.” (C-O 37R, tr. EK) (o·ƍ ‘Oh’; i·ni ‘now, then’; wi·h=...ni·šiyakwe ‘that we (incl.) will be two’; anemi PV ‘going’)

May be repeated vacuously (27b).

27b. o·ƍ, i·ni=þa·h=ye·hapa wi·h=menwi-mehtose·neniwiyani=ye·hapa. “Oh well, then I suppose you will lead a good life.” (K-MAE 1044B, tr. HP) (o·ƍ ‘Oh’; i·ni ‘then’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; wi·h=... mehtose·neniwiyani ‘that you (sg.) will live’; menwi PV ‘well’)

24. Expressive negative intonation conjectured. 25. With exclamative intonation the ¿nal vowel is stressed and diphthongized, both _-i_ and _-e_ becoming [ei]; the pitch falls from extra-high to mid. 26. Horace White Breast liked to gloss conclusive forms with the added tag sentence “and I never knew that before.” THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 95

In an equational sentence it may occur with the second term (27c).

27c. mani e·ši-kanakanawiki=ye·hapa e·h=ki·ke·noki. (K-FC 802F, tr. HP) “I have found out and this was the correct way of speaking in clan feasts.” (mani ‘this (inan.)’; e·ši-kanakanawiki ‘how one gives speeches’; e·h=ki·ke·noki ‘when one puts on a clan feast’)

May occur after the verb, even sentence-¿nally (27d and e).

27d. pe·hki=þa·h=mekoho keki·ša·koþi-=mekoho -menwi-mehtose·neniwi=ye·hapa. “You certainly have a very good life.” (K-MAE 740O, tr. HP) (pe·hki ‘really’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; ke...mehtose·neniwi ‘you live’; ki·ša·koþi PV ‘extremely’; menwi PV ‘well’) 27e. a·kwi=mekoho we·nehpeši anemi-otehtenamekini=ye·hapa. “one cannot succeed in getting it very easily.” (K-MAE 1087D, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; _=mekoho_ EMPH; we·nehpeši ‘easily’; otehtenamekini ‘one does [not] get it’; anemi PV ‘successively’)

(28) _=ye·pani_ (younger _=ya·pani_) ‘mind you’ (S) (‘I really think that’).

A sourcing or framing enclitic resembling the rare assertive mode, which has a suf¿x _-epani_ (Goddard 1995:134–136). It is used in warnings, disclaimers, and the like.

28a. a·kwi=ye·pani kekye·hkinawa·þi me·hi- ke·ko·hi -iši-wa·waneška·hi·hka·noya·nini. “mind you, I never have done anything bad, yet” (K-MAE 874, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; kekye·hkinawa·þi ‘indicatively’; me·hi PV ‘yet’; ke·ko·hi ‘anything’; iši PV ‘in {such} way’; wa·waneška·hi·hka·noya·nini ‘I did [not] do bad things’) 28b. a·kwi=ye·pani kehke·netama·kini wi·h=išihišina·ke·wa·ke·ni. “We have not the least idea as to how we are to sing” (K-FC 374A, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; kehke·netama·kini ‘we (excl.) do [not] know’; wi·h=išihišina·ke·wa·ke·ni ‘however we (excl.) will sing’) 28c. nahiƍ, mani=ya·pani wi·h=išikeki. ‘Alright now, this is what is going to happen.’ (SP-SBS 56C) (nahiƍ ‘Alright’; mani ‘this (inan.)’; wi·h=išikeki ‘how it will happen’) 96 IVES GODDARD

(29) _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’ (S) (‘probably, quite likely, I suppose’; in questions, ‘I wonder’).

A sourcing enclitic resembling and functioning like the dubitative mode, which is made with a suf¿x _-etoke_; word order as with _=ye·hapa_ ‘it turns out’ (27).

29a. i·ni=ye·toke e·h=we·pimiki. “I suppose they are starting to talk about me” (K-FC 558L, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘now’; e·h=we·pimiki ‘that one starts to talk about me’) 29b. i·ni=ye·toke a·mi-išawiya·ni. “of course perhaps I would be doing that” (K-FC 285B, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; a·mi-išawiya·ni ‘what I would do’) 29c. i·ni=þa·h=ye·toke e·h=ki·ši-=mekoho -pya·þi. “I expect he had already come” (K-FC 465D, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘then’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; e·h=...pya·þi ‘he came’; ki·ši PV ‘have done’; _=mekoho_ EMPH) 29d. i·ni=þa·h=meko=ye·toke e·na·kwate·ki i·ni. “Very likely it is lying just as we left it” (K-BHD 125L, tr. TB)27 (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; _=meko_ EMPH; e·na·kwate·ki ‘how it lies’) 29e. we·ne·ha=ye·toke i·na. “I wonder who it is.” (K-FC 10M, tr. HP) (we·ne·ha ‘who?’; i·na ‘that (anim.)’)

It may be repeated vacuously, as after both the ¿rst word and the verb (29f), or in both terms of an equational sentence (29g).

29f. ke·htena=ye·toke e·h=me·nawa·þike·yani=ye·toke. ‘You must now truly be in love, it seems.’ (C-FS 9X) (ke·htena ; e·h=me·nawa·þike·yani) 29g. ’šina·kwa, i·ni=ye·toke e·ne·nemitehe=ye·toke kekya. “Well, that was what your mother thought of me.” (K-MAE 1130G, tr. HP) (’šina·kwa ‘Well’; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; e·ne·nemitehe ‘what she thought of me’; kekya ‘your mother’)

And it may occur only after the verb (29h and i).

27. Thomas Brown’s translation is quoted from Michelson (1928:84). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 97

29h. ke·keya·h=meko·=’ni ke·htena e·h=te·pwe·htawa·tehe=ye·toke. (A 120E) ‘Eventually, then, he actually seems to have believed her.’ (HP “So he ¿nally believe her.”) (ke·keya·hi ‘¿nally’; _=meko_ EMPH; _=i·ni_ ‘in that case’; ke·htena ‘truly’; e·h=te·pwe·htawa·tehe ‘he (prox.) had believed her (obv.)’) 29i. wi·na=ke·hi maneto·wani e·h=ketemina·kotehe=ye·toke. “as she had been blessed [by] the Spirits” (K-FC 413H, tr. HP) (wi·na 3s.EMPH; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; maneto·wani ‘spirit (obv.)’; e·h=ketemina·kotehe ‘(obv.) had blessed her (prox.)’)

It may occur singly in the second term of an equational sentence, and with a compound verb it may be on either the head verb (29j) or the preverb (29k).

29j. mani=ke·hi i·niki we·þi-išimehki=ye·toke: ... “This probably is the reason why they tell you to do this.”(K-FC 422F, tr. HP) (mani ‘this (inan.) (as follows)’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; i·niki ‘those (anim.)’; we·þi-išimehki ‘the reason for what they tell you (sg.) to do’) 29k. ni·na·=’ni we·þi-=meko=ye·toke -we·pa·ška·ya·ni. “that’s where I got started” (K-OBES 158E, tr. EK)28 (ni·na 1s.EMPH; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; we·þi-we·pa·ška·ya·ni ‘where I started from’; _=meko_ EMPH)

In (29g, h and i) _=ye·toke_ is used with a preterite verb (suf¿x _-ehe_), as is often the case in narratives, and Horace Poweshiek has translated the removed past sense but not the dubitative.

IDIOMATIC ENCLITIC COMBINATIONS

Two enclitics are sometimes used together in a lexicalized phrase with a signi¿cance that is not simply a concatenation of their separate meanings.

(30) =’h=we·na ‘or rather’ (‘or I mean’) (< _=ihi_ NEG (4) + _we·na_ ‘in fact’ (24)).

Used with normal intonation this marks a speaker’s correction after saying the wrong word ((30); contrast (4g), (12h)).

28. I.e., the manitou was the cause of my evil life. 98 IVES GODDARD

30. i·na neniwa, oškinawe·ha=’h=we·na ‘that man, or rather youth’ (K-MLF 55A) (normal pitch [uhškinawܭ·hihwܭ·nঀ])

(31) =’yo=ke·hi ‘by the way, bear in mind, (non-temporal) now, it should be explained, remember’ (< _=iyo_ ‘For’ (7) + _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ (12)).

This introduces or repeats information that is or will be signi¿cant but is off the current narrative line. Sometimes _=ke·hi_ (12) alone is used with this function.

31. me·kwa·þi=’yo=ke·hi=’pi=mekoho kesi·ya·niwi. “just at this time it was dreadfully cold” (K-FC 221, tr. HP) (me·kwa·þi ‘be well into’; _=ipi_ HRSY; _=mekoho_ EMPH; kesi·ya·niwi ‘it (obv.) is very cold’) 32. e·h=po·hki·kwe·þi=’yo=ke·hi. ‘Now, remember, he only had one eye.’ (K-FASB 85C)

(32) =ke·h=wi·na ‘although (after all), otherwise (after all), but in fact’ (< _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ (12) + _=wi·na_ ‘but’ (25)).

This marks a sentence that expands on or comments on what precedes; the component words may be separated by a phrase enclitic modifying the host (34).

33. wi·nwa·wa=ke·h=wi·na=mekoho e·h=ki·šihto·wa·þi. (Some claimed that the manitou had given them their sacred packs,) “although [on the contrary] they made them themselves.” (K-FC 379L, tr. HP) (wi·nwa·wa 3p.EMPH; _=mekoho_ EMPH; e·h=ki·šihto·wa·þi ‘they made them’) 34. aye=ke·h=meko=wi·na=’yo·we ki·ši-þa·katahonakosa. “[Otherwise, after all,] We would have all been slain long ago.” (K-FC 575C, tr. HP) (aye ‘earlier’; _=meko_ EMPH; _=iyo·we_ PAST; ki·ši PV ‘have done’; þa·katahonakosa ‘we (incl.) would all be slain’)

In some cases these enclitics seem to have their usual, separate functions (12i, 12j).

(33) =ke·h=mani ‘for instance, because’ (< _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ (12) + _=mani_ ‘as it is now’ (16)).

This marks the presentation of evidence for a preceding statement. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 99

35. meše·=’nah=ke·h=mani e·h=anemi-pakamekoþi “for they would sometimes strike him” (K-BHD 4P, tr. TB) (meše·=’nahi ‘at will’; e·h=...pakamekoþi ‘(obv.) hit him (prox.); anemi PV ‘successively’) 36. i·ni=ke·h=mani e·h=pya·yakwe ayo·hi. “Because we are here now.” (K-FC 311E, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘now’; e·h=pya·yakwe ‘we (incl.) came’; ayo·hi ‘here’) 37. mani=ke·h=mani e·šiwe·pikeki ayo·hi: . . . “[Because] This [as follows] is the trouble with this ground.” (K-GBuf 22C, tr. TB) (mani ‘this (inan.)’; e·šiwe·pikeki ‘what the matter with it is’; ayo·hi ‘here’)

(34) =þa·hi·=’nahi ‘not even’ (< _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ (2) + _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’ (9)).

Used with expressive negative intonation and perhaps to be described as preceded by an elided _=i_ NEG (cf. 4e, 4i); may be repeated vacuously within the sentence, unlike _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ alone.

38. meþi=þa·hi·=’nahi!? wi·h=kehke·neþike·wa=þa·hi·=’nahi!? e·h=tašimeþi!? (C-SD 26H; EK) ‘He’s not even going to know that he’s being gossiped about!’ (tr. follows EK) (meþi ‘quite’; wi·h=kehke·neþike·wa ‘he will know’; e·h=tašimeþi ‘that he is talked about’)

(35) =wi·na=þa·hi ‘and surprisingly, but surprisingly’ (< _=wi·na_ ‘but’ (25) + _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ (2)).

39. ke·htena=wi·na=þa·h=mekoho þe·wi·šwi kekoseko·ki. “(You are the only one [they think of],) and they really are afraid of you, both of them.” (K-MAE 758G, tr. HP) (ke·htena ‘truly’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; þe·wi·šwi ‘both’; kekoseko·ki ‘they fear you’) 40. e·h=pwa·wi-=wi·na=þa·h=meko ke·ko·hi -ina·hpawa·þi. “[he slept for four years] but never had a dream of any kind” (K-WSB 22F, tr. HP) (e·h=...ina·hpawa·þi ‘he dreamt {so}’; pwa·wi PV NEG; _=meko_ EMPH; ke·ko·hi ‘anything’) 41. ke·no·te·hi=wi·na=þa·hi=’pi i·ni owi·kewa·wi, meši-ke·no·te·hi=’pi. (K-FC 210LM) ‘(It was just the three of them living there,) but their house was a longhouse, a large one.’ (ke·no·te·hi ‘longhouse’; _=ipi_ HRSY; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; owi·kewa·wi ‘their house’; meši PN ‘large’) 100 IVES GODDARD

The idiom =wi·na=þa·hi, which violates the usual word order (see below), contrasts with =þa·h=wi·na, which is simply _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ followed by _=wi·na_ ‘but’ (42).

42. i·ni=þa·h=wi·na=mekoho e·na·þimohena·ni. “[So,] That’s about all I have to tell you.” (K-MAE 830C, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; e·na·þimohena·ni ‘what I tell you (sg.)’)

OTHER IDIOMS THAT INCLUDE ENCLITICS

Some idioms consist of a free particle and one or two enclitics.

(36) meše=meko·=’nahi ‘any’ ( < meše ‘freely’ + _=meko_ EMPH + _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’).

This extremely common idiomatic phrase may be used to mean ‘anyone,’ ‘anywhere,’ or ‘anytime’ (12b, 43–49).

43. mani=meko a·mi-’ši-keteminawaki meše=meko·=’nahi. “I would bless just anyone in this way.” (K-GBuf 99B, tr. TB) (mani ‘this (inan.)’; _=meko_ EMPH; a·mi PV + iši PV + keteminawaki ‘how I would bless them’) 44. i·ni meše=meko·=’nahi. “Then just any one can . . . follow” (K-GBuf 16A, tr. TB) (i·ni ‘then’) 45. meše=meko·=’nahi e·h=nepa·þi. “slept most any place” (K-WSB 10H, tr. HP) (e·h=nepa·þi ‘he slept {somewhere}’) 46. meše·=’nah=ma·hi·=’ni ki·h=menomeno meše=meko·=’nahi nepi. “You will drink that water any time you wish.” (K-TCSB 42H, tr. TB) (meše·=’nahi ‘may’ (37); _=ma·hi_ ‘you see’; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; ki·h=menomeno ‘you (sg.) will keep drinking it’; nepi ‘water’) 47. kapo·twe=’pi·=’ni e·h=we·pi-ma·mi·þiwa·þi meše=meko·=’nahi. “Soon they commenced to eat them at just any time and by any one.” (K-MESB 91H, tr. TB) (kapo·twe ‘at some point’; _=ipi_ HRSY; i·ni ‘then’; e·h=we·pi-ma·mi·þiwa·þi ‘they began eating them’)

The concatenation is made discontinuous when a phrase enclitic is added, such as _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ (48) or _=we·na_ ‘in fact’ (49).

48. meše=þa·h=meko·=’nahi, ihkwe·wahi=ke·hi. ‘So anyone who wanted to did, including women.’ (K-GBuf 112C) THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 101

(meše=meko·=’nahi ‘any’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; ihkwe·wahi ‘women (obv.)’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’) 49. meše=we·=meko·=’nahi. “O[h,] just any one.” (K-FC 59C, tr. HP)

(37) meše·=’nahi, meše·=’nah=meko ‘perhaps; may, can, could at will; in the course of time; going so far as to.’

This idiom combines the same elements as in meše=meko·=’nahi ‘any’ (36), except that _=meko_ EMPH is optional (35, 46, 54, 57) and is added after _=i·nahi_ when present (50–53, 55–56). The phrase enclitic _=i·nahi_ of this idiom may be followed by the sentence enclitic _=i·nahi_ (57; cf. 9c).

50. meše·=’nah=meko=’pi ahpeme·heki pemehke·niwani “[it] could just as well be walking a little ways in the air” (K-FASB 10F, tr. HP) (_=ipi_ HRSY; ahpeme·heki ‘aloft (dim.)’; pemehke·niwani ‘(obv.) walks along’) 51. meše·=’nah=mekoho ki·h=waþawaþa·ho. “You can go ahead and do your cooking.” (K-SSP 32, tr. HP) (ki·h=waþawaþa·ho ‘you (sg.) will repeatedly cook’) 52. mo·hþi=ni·na·na=mani meše·=’nah=mekoho ni·h=nepo·hipena. “Even we, will some time die.” (K-Spot 278C, tr. HP) (mo·hþi ‘even’; ni·na·na 1p.EMPH; _=mani_ ‘as it is now’; ni·h=nepo·hipena ‘we will die’) 53. meše·=’nah=meko e·h=ne·wa·þi. “He could see them.” (K-BHD 29E, tr. TB) (e·h=ne·wa·þi ‘he saw them’) 54. meše·=’nahi e·h=meno·hkami·niki. “It was soon Spring.” (K-Spot 159E, tr. HP) (e·h=meno·hkami·niki ‘it (obv.) was spring’) 55. meše·=’nah=meko i·nahi e·h=taši-kehþi-nepa·wa·þi mehtekoki ahpemeki. “Here they went so far as to sleep in the trunk of the tree above.” (K-Bene 6C, tr. TB) (i·nahi ‘there’; e·h=taši-kehþi-nepa·wa·þi ‘they were fast asleep {somewhere}’; mehtekoki ‘in a tree’; ahpemeki ‘aloft’) 56. meše·=’nah=meko e·h=pemipahoniþi i·nihi ka·ka·nwikaše·wahi, . . . ‘And he just let those grizzly bears run, . . .’ (K-WKG 27K) (e·h=pemipahoniþi ‘they (obv.) ran along’; i·nihi ‘those (obv.)’; ka·ka·nwikaše·wahi ‘grizzly bears (obv.)’)29

29. The bears are obviative because the point of view is that of the proximate observer (previously mentioned but here otherwise unindicated), who is Àying above; cf. (3c). 102 IVES GODDARD

57. meše·=’nahi·=’nahi na·na·kwa·ko. ‘Now you may all go to your respective homes.’ (K-FASB 40E) (_=i·nahi_ ‘now (you can)’; na·na·kwa·ko ‘depart severally (you pl.)’)

(38) kete·=’nahi ‘with second thoughts, with changed attitude, with fortunes reversed’ (< kete ‘?’ + _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’)

The particle kete is found only in this idiom (58, 59) and, apparently, the one in (39).

58. kete·=’nahi=’pi e·h=keše·mowa·þi. ‘With a complete change of attitude they now fawned over them. (K-WKG 13L) (_=ipi_ HRSY; e·h=keše·mowa·þi ‘they petted and spoke soothingly (to them)’) 59. i·ni=kohi we·þi-=ne·h=ni·na kete·=’nahi i·ni -inaki. “That is why I changed and told her that.” (K-MAE 165I, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; _=kohi_ ‘certainly’; we·þi-...-inaki ‘why I said {so} to him’; _=ne·hi_ ‘too’; ni·na 1s.EMPH)

(39) kete=ke·hi ‘with consequences that cannot be ignored’ (< kete ‘?’ + _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’)30

60. kete=ke·hi kesanakowe. ‘You can’t shirk the consequences of your dif¿cult request.’ (K-YF 12M) (kesanakowe ‘you say something dif¿cult, make a dif¿cult request’) 61. kete=ke·hi, nekwi·hi, ketanemi-ma·þima·þiha·waki ma·haki mehtose·neniwaki. “My son, it is you who started the people to know this, it’s your fault.” (K-FC 471M, tr. HP) (nekwi·hi ‘my son!’; ket...ma·þima·þiha·waki ‘you (sg.) got them started’; anemi PV ‘successively’; ma·haki ‘these (anim.)’; mehtose·neniwaki ‘people’)

(40) na·hka=ke·hi ‘one (thing, way, place) after another’ (< na·hka ‘and, also, again’ + _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’)

This idiomatic phrase has the syntax of a free particle, and consequently the _=ke·hi_ in it can occur in otherwise unusual positions in the sentence (63).

30. This idiom is unknown to present-day speakers; kete is phonemicized on the assumption that it is the same word as in kete·=’nahi (38). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 103

62. na·hka=ke·h=ke·ko·hi išite·he·yane “if you think of one thing then another.” (K-FC 84J, tr. HP) (ke·ko·hi ‘something’; išite·he·yane ‘if you (sg.) think {so}’) 63. e·taswi-=meko -wa·panikini na·hka=ke·hi nekotahi e·h=oþi-natomeþi. “every day. He would be called from somewhere else.” (K-Wap 21I, tr, TB) (e·taswi-...-wa·panikini ‘every day’; _=meko_ EMPH; nekotahi ‘somewhere’; e·h=oþi-natomeþi ‘he was invited from {somewhere}’)

MULTIPLE ENCLITICS

It is extremely common for there to be more than one enclitic, and to have as many as four in a row is not rare (31 and 34; also 65, 66, and 67 below).31 An example with ¿ve is in (64).

64. pe·hki=ke·h=wi·na=’pi=mek=a·pehe e·h=keša·þihkwe·wiþi. “Before she used to be very kind hearted woman.” (K-Buf 267E, tr. HP) (pe·hki ‘really’; =ke·h=wi·na ‘but in fact’ (32); _=ipi_ HRSY; _=meko_ EMPH; _=a·pehe_ ‘usually’; e·h=keša·þihkwe·wiþi ‘she was a kind woman’)

The sequential order of the sentence enclitics is generally consistent and follows the template in Table 1, though there is some variability. The major points of uncertainty concern the enclitics in Positions 5, 6, 8, and 9, which all have homophones that are independent words that may be cliticized (see (47), below), although cliticized words typically follow the true enclitics. The enclitics not given in Table 1 are mostly rare (_=kena_ EMPH, which precedes Position 5; _=tike_ MAN’S EXPLETIVE, presumably in Position 4) or coocur with too few of the other enclitics (_=þi·hi_ ‘it was discovered’; _=ki·na_, which follows Position 4; _=ta·ni_ ‘if you agree’); _=ipi_ HRSY occurs promiscuously, as does _=meko_ EMPH, which is not a sentence enclitic. Enclitics in the same position generally appear to be alternative members of a single type. So, those in Position 3 are the common linking and framing enclitics, and those in Position 7 have evidential and modal functions and the same formal template. Position 4 has the two (or perhaps three) mutually exclusive expletives along with _=mata_ ‘alternatively,’

31. In (66) and (67) there are in fact four true enclitics followed by a cliticized demonstrative. 104 IVES GODDARD which happens not to be found with them. Positions 9 and 10 have the enclitics that are the closest to being cliticized words; those in Position 9 are homonyms of demonstrative pronouns (see (47), below), while those in Position 10, with aspect and tense functions respectively, can both be used as free particles. The enclitics in Position 10 are several times found cooccurring as =a·pehe=’yo·we, but this should probably be compared in the ¿rst instance to a·pehe=’yo·we, with the free particle a·pehe, which is found overtly once or twice.

TABLE 1: General order of sentence enclitics

Position 1 _=ihi_ NEG Position 2 _=iyo_ ‘for’ _=we·na_ ‘in fact’ _=ya·pi_ ‘here I (we) go’ Position 3 _=þa·hi_ ‘so’ _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ _=koþi_ ‘you know’ _=kohi_ ‘certainly’ _=ma·hi_ ‘you see’ Position 4 _=iškwe_ WOMAN’S EXPLETIVE _=mata_ ‘alternatively’ _=ni·hka_ MAN’S EXPLETIVE Position 5 _=wi·na_ ‘but’ Position 6 _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’ Position 7 _=ye·hapa_ ‘it turns out’ _=ye·pani_ ‘mind you’ _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’ Position 8 _=ne·hi_ (idiomatic) Position 9 _=i·ni_ ‘in that case’ _=mani_ ‘as it is now’ Position 10 _=a·pehe_ ‘usually’ _=iyo·we_ PAST

The hearsay enclitic _=ipi_, in addition to being relatively free in selecting a host (5a) and often repeated (5b and c), is variable in its relative order in a string of enclitics. Alfred Kiyana could put _=ipi_ HRSY either before or after _=meko_ EMPH (65, 66), while Sakihtanohkweha has it in THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 105 both places in (67).

65. pe·hki=ke·hi=’pi=mek=a·pehe e·h=kehþi-kemiya·niki. (K-FC 521P) ‘it would rain really very hard’ (pe·hki ‘really’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; _=ipi_ HRSY; _=meko_ EMPH; _=a·pehe_ ‘usually’; e·h=...kemiya·niki ‘it (obv.) rained’; kehþi PV ‘greatly’) 66. ma·ne=ke·h=meko=’pi=ne·hi·=’nini kya·wame·waki. (K-FC 58G) ‘Many were also jealous of him.’ (ma·ne ‘many’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; _=meko_ EMPH; _=ipi_ HRSY; _=ne·hi_ ‘too’; i·nini ‘that (anim.)’; kya·wame·waki ‘they are jealous of him’)32 67. ke·waki=’pi=meko=’p=a·pehe·=’ni ne·tamo·ki e·h=ako·te·niki meškwe·kenwi neno·te·waki. ‘The Indians used to see that red broadcloth blanket still hanging there.’ (S-IBF 16A) (ke·waki ‘still’; _=ipi_ HRSY; _=meko_ EMPH; _=a·pehe_ ‘usually’; i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; ne·tamo·ki ‘they saw it’; e·h=ako·te·niki ‘it (obv.) was hanging’; meškwe·kenwi ‘red broadcloth blanket’; neno·te·waki ‘Indians’)

In reviewing texts, Everett Kapayou always insisted on the order =meko=’pi and found examples such as (65) and (67) unacceptable. Phrase enclitics systematically follow sentence enclitics, with some variability. The emphatic enclitic _=meko_ is consequently quite typically separated from the word it modi¿es by one or more sentence enclitics (as already seen in many examples above), but its occurrence is otherwise quite free (68–70).

68. i·ni=ke·h=meko=wi·na=’pi peteki e·h=ihpahoþi i·na pašito·he·ha, . . . ‘But right away the old man ran back, . . .’ (K-MLF 17F) (i·ni...=meko ‘immediately’ [19c]; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; _=ipi_ HRSY; peteki ‘back’; e·h=ihpahoþi ‘he ran {so}’; i·na ‘that (anim.)’; pašito·he·ha ‘old man’) 69. a·kwi=ke·h=wi·na=meko=’pi me·h-nahetone·moniþini. “but she did not yet learn to talk.” (K-MAE 32I, tr. HP) (a·kwi NEG; =ke·h=wi·na ‘although’ (32); _=meko_ EMPH; _=ipi_ HRSY; _me·hi_ PV ‘yet’; nahetone·moniþini ‘she (obv.) can [not] talk’) 70. ketiwahi=ke·h=wi·na=’pi=meko. “Truly they were eagles indeed.” (K-ECRP 14L, tr. TB) (ketiwahi ‘eagles (obv.)’; =ke·hi=wi·na ‘but in fact’ (32); _=ipi_ HRSY; _=meko_ EMPH)

32. It is clear from the context that _=ne·hi_ modi¿es the verb and not the following demonstrative pronoun. 106 IVES GODDARD

In (71) the idiomatic sentence-enclitic phrase _=ke·h=wi·na_ (32; here translated “but”) is followed by _=ke·hi_ used as a phrase enclitic, which adds a meaning like ‘either’ (cf. 12i) to the negative imperative verb.

71. ka·ta=ke·h=wi·na=ke·hi owiye·ha a·þimohiye·kani. “But don’t you tell anyone [either].” (K-MAE 520O, tr. HP) (ka·ta ‘don’t’; =ke·h=wi·na ‘but after all’ (32); owiye·ha ‘anyone’; a·þimohiye·kani ‘[don’t] (you sg.) tell them’)

Outright violations of the general order in Table 1 appear to correlate with the presence of idiomatic uses and combinations. Ordinarily _=ke·hi_ cannot cooccur with _=þa·hi_ and precedes _=ye·toke_, but _=þa·h=ke·hi_ may occur with a following emphatic pronoun (72), and _=þa·h=ye·toke=ke·hi_ is found followed by an emphatic pronoun (73) or the cliticized prayer vocable _no·þi_ ‘hear my prayer.’33

72. i·ni=þa·h=ke·h=ni·na we·þi- meše·=’nahi -mama·tomenako·we ... “That is why I freely pray to you . . .” (K-Buf 302A, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’: _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; ni·na 1s.EMPH; we·þi-...-mama·tomenako·we ‘why I pray to you (pl.)’; meše·=’nahi ‘go so far as to’ (37)) 73. i·ni=þa·h=ye·toke=ke·h=ki·na e·ši-ki·šimehkehe ki·þi-maneto·waki. “for that has been settled for you also by your fellow Spirits” (K-Buf 94J, tr. HP) (i·ni ‘that (inan.)’; _=þa·hi_ ‘so’; _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; ki·na 2s.EMPH; e·ši-ki·šimehkehe ‘what they have planned for you (sg.) to do’; ki·þi-maneto·waki ‘your fellow manitous’)

Also, the sentence-enclitic phrase _=wi·na=þa·hi_ (35) may follow _=ke·hi_ (74).

74. wa·natohka=ke·h=wi·na=þa·h=mekoho e·h=we·we·wena·pite·wa·þi. “and still they had very good sets of teeth.” (K-MAE 489G, tr. HP) (wa·natohka ‘unperturbed’; _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’; _=wi·na=þa·hi_

33. The prayer vocable _no·þi_ ‘hear my prayer’ occurs throughout traditional prayers after the interjection o·ƍ, after =wi·na (which results in additional exceptions to the general order), or after a word or phrase, which may or may not be preceded by o·ƍ. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 107

‘but surprisingly’; _=mekoho_ EMPH; e·h=we·we·wena·pite·wa·þi ‘they had good sets of teeth’)

Normally _=ye·toke_ follows _=wi·na_, but it seems to move before _=wi·na_ after _we·ne·ha_ ‘who?’ (75) or when _=wi·na_ is followed by a cliticized demonstrative (76).

75. we·ne·h=ye·toke=wi·na a·mi-ne·se·kwe·na . . . ‘Who would possibly survive . . . ?’ (C-RS 24O) (_we·ne·ha_ ‘who?’; _=ye·toke_ ‘I wonder’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; a·mi PV ‘would’; ne·se·kwe·na ‘whoever survives’) 76. ke·ke·wa·þi=ye·toke=wi·na·=’na wi·h=ašihašiwe·þi. ‘That he would be putting us at the end of the line, apparently.’ (C-Ston 22L) (ke·ke·wa·þi ‘last one(s)’; _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’; _=wi·na_ ‘but’; i·na ‘that (anim.)’; wi·h=ašihašiwe·þi ‘that he would be putting people {somewhere}’)

The collocation _=ih=we·na_ in idiomatic non-negative uses may follow other enclitics (77).

77. ši·ƍ, nekehþi-=ni·hka=’h=we·na -akikwa·pya. ‘Say, I really have some cold!’ (K-MHTW 26J; AW, EK) (ši·ƍ ‘Gee!’; ne...akikwa·pya ‘I have a cold’; kehþi PV ‘greatly’; _=ni·hka_ MAN’S.EXPLETIVE; =’h=we·na (idiomatic; cf. 4g))

There are probably other such idiosyncratic exceptions.

COGNATES AND ETYMOLOGIES

Encitics Cognate with Enclitics

Given the widespread occurrence of enclitics in Algonquian languages, it is not surprising that some of those in Meskwaki are cognate with ones in other languages (41–45).34

34. The references to cognates in other languages in the following sections are by no means a complete account; information on synchronic syntax is especially lacking. 108 IVES GODDARD

(41) Mes _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ Men =kİ·h, Mun =ke, Mah =kah, WAb =ka < PA *=ke·h

Bloom¿eld (1946:116, no. 346) reconstructed PA *=ke·hi as a particle “placed after the ¿rst word of the modi¿ed expression” on the basis of Meskwaki _=ke·hi_, which he described as “additive” (glossed “also”) or “limiting” (glossed “only”) (in Goddard 1994:66), and Menominee Nѓ·h ‘so much, so far, at any rate, of course,’ which he described as a “postpositive particle of completion or closure” (Bloom¿eld 1975:77) and as “terminative” (Bloom¿eld 1962:460).35 Pentland (2005:334) suggested that the ¿nal -i was historically secondary and that the word should be reconstructed as PA *ke·h ‘and,’ one of a set of monosyllabic particles that show traces of a ¿nal *-h when followed without a phonetic break by another word.36 This suggestion gains support from the peculiar sandhi treatment of ¿nal -hi in Meskwaki enclitics (and other particles), which lose the -i before the initial consonant of a following enclitic (e.g., 33, 66), in contrast to nouns and verbs, which retain -hi (48, 70) (Goddard 1991:164–65). This pattern is explained if Mes =ke·h, the variant used before enclitics, is actually the original pre-pausal form of the word, and Mes =ke·hi has added the common particle ¿nal -i, which would regularly be elided before a vowel. The treatment of -hi in free particles is then analogical to this and other enclitics. The Eastern Algonquian cognates go back to PEA NƝ (phonetically [ke] if not before an enclitic, with the regular word-¿nal vowel-shortening)

35. In citing Bloom¿eld’s etymology Hockett (1957:260) omitted his speci¿cation that the particle was “postpositive” and thus obscured the fact that this was the ¿rst reconstructed Algonquian enclitic. Also, the gloss “additive limiting” (taken from Bloom¿eld 1946) makes no sense except as “additive; limiting,” the way Bloom¿eld wrote it in his Fox Lexicon (Goddard 1994). Bloom¿eld’s translation of Meskwaki _=ke·hi_ as “only” is based on the incorrect analysis of no·make·he ‘for a short time’ as no·ma=ke·hi, with an otherwise unattested particle no·ma. 36. Word-¿nal PA *-h appears to be the reÀex of any voiceless consonant that was word-¿nal at an earlier stage (Goddard in Clarke, Mackenzie, and James 1993:32 n. 1 and in Pentland 2005:325–26; cf. Goddard 1993:224 n. 8). (Proto-Algonquian did not otherwise permit ¿nal consonants, and in fact there is no evidence that *-h contrasted with its absence before pause.) PA *ke·h (or *=ke·h) can be explained as from an earlier pre-PA *ke·k, a particle derived from the initial PA *kek- ‘having (it)’ by initial change (Pentland 2005). THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 109 and are used more like Mes _=þa·hi_ ‘so,’ especially in Munsee (Goddard 2013) and Mahican (Goddard 2008:263). LeSourd (2011) analyzes the apparent Western Abenaki cognate as a focus marker. The ¿nal /h/ of Mah =kah ‘so, well, but’ is due to a regular phonological rule that added /-h/ after every ¿nal vowel (Goddard 2008:261). The equivalent in Eastern Abenaki, at least in the Caniba dialect, was /=ka/ (Râle 1833:553; Goddard 2008:266), with an unexplained vowel shift.

(42) Mes _=þi·hi_ MIRATIVE Cf. Old Mun =þi FUTURE, Mah =þih, WAb =ci, EAb (Caniba dial.) =ci < PA *=þi·h

The Meskwaki mirative enclitic matches an Eastern Algonquian future enclitic that can be reconstructed as PEA *-þƯ (with regular shortening to [þi]), which is directly reÀected in nineteenth-century Munsee (Goddard 2013), Mahican (Goddard 2008:263), Western Abenaki (Laurent 1884:119; LeSourd 2011), and the Caniba dialect of Eastern Abenaki (Râle 1833:563). In Unami, later Munsee, and Penobscot Eastern Abenaki it has lost its vowel. The mirative meaning in Meskwaki would seem to be an easy development from an older future meaning; the phonological treatment is the same as for Mes _=ke·hi_ ‘moreover’ (41).

(43) Mes _=wi·na_ ‘but’ Cf. Moose Cr =wi·la, Men =wenah, Oj =wi·n < PA *=wi·ra

The general meaning ‘but, contrary to what you might think’ agrees well with the uses in the other languages. The Cree and Ojibwa cognates were so commonly used after negative particles that the words have fused together in many modern dialects: Oj gaawiin, gaawin ‘no, not’ < earlier ka· wi·n; Moose Cr môla ‘not’ < *nama wi·la (Reinholtz 2005:339). This enclitic was a homophone of the emphatic third-person pronoun PA *wi·ra 3s.EMPH, which is presumably its etymological source: the fading of the pronominal reference of the pronoun under conditions of reduced salience would leave only its pure adversative force.37

37. For the East Cree cognates see Junker and MacKenzie (2004:189). 110 IVES GODDARD

(44) Mes _=ye·toke_ ‘it seems’ Cf. Plains Cr e·toke· ‘perhaps, I guess’ (more recently c’est‘ ۄet8tcheۃ e·tokwe·, e·tikwe·), Old Montagnais peut-être cela,’ Mingan Innu etshe ‘cela doit être,’ Oj iidog ‘maybe, must be,’ Ott iidig ‘perhaps, I wonder,’ Un =ét ‘perhaps’ (ĸ ‚étke),38 Mun =é·t ‘I guess, I wonder, it seems,’ Mah =Ɨt ‘perhaps.’ < PA *=ye·tweke· (or *=ye·wetweke·)

The Eastern Algonquian cognates are enclitics, and the Cree and Ojibwe cognates seem at least to disfavor sentence-initial position, but more information on syntax would be desirable; the Montagnais (Innu) particles are glossed as predicates. There are also cognates in Miami-Illinois, Potawatomi, and Shawnee (David J. Costa, personal communication, 2010). This enclitic is one of a set that resemble modal verbs made on an otherwise unused stem *ye·-; the suf¿x PA *_-etweke·h_ forms the dubitative mode of the independent order (Goddard 2007:249). Pentland (2005:334–35) suggests that the modal endings were added to “an empty element *ye·- used to make free particles from inÀectional morphemes.” The postulation of an “empty element” can be avoided by taking *ye·- as what it appears to be: an obsolete II stem with regular modal inÀection. The third-person suf¿x *-w- that is expected on this hypothesis would have eventually disappeared everywhere by contraction or analogy, as happened universally in the corresponding verbal paradigm after long vowels. Also, assuming that this word and others made on *ye·- were already used as enclitic particles in the proto-language would give a way to explain the retention of the initial *y, which is not otherwise reconstructible in Proto-Algonquian.

(45) Mes _=ye·hapa_ Plains Cr e·sa ‘so it appears or is reported, ‘it turns out’ evidently,’ Oj iinzan ‘it seems,’ iizan ‘surely’ ĸ PA *=ye·saha (or *=ye·wesaha)

This is a second member of the set made on *ye·-, and the same considerations apply regarding the original part of speech and contraction

38. Old Un étke is conjecturally phonemicized (and hence marked with ‚) on the basis perhaps, but, rather’ and (English‘ ۄaéttickeۃ (of Pidgin Delaware (Swedish spelling or, with (in lists)’; the adversative uses must have developed from the‘ ۄetkaۃ (spelling meaning ‘(or) perhaps.’ THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 111

(44).39 The suf¿x PA *-esaha was used to form the present mode of the independent order, and this was reshaped in the Meskwaki conclusive mode as _-ehapa_ and in Ojibwe as -zan (Goddard 1995:131–33, 2007:249; cf. Pentland 1984:13). Plains Cree e·sa is an enclitic, to judge by the examples given by Lacombe (1874:339–40), and Oj iinzan (at least) appears to avoid sentence-initial position.40

(46) Mes _=ma·hi_ ‘you see’ Oj maa (“emphatic particle expressing cooperation or a request for cooperation” (Rhodes 1985:210)). < PA *ma·h

The enclitic Mes _=ma·hi_ ‘you see’ (18) is presumably to be linked to the free particle Mes ma·hi ‘over there, over here (non-deictic),’ the vague locative reference having faded away completely; compare the cognate Sh ma·, which provides a default locative oblique complement for the relative root _el-_ ‘{so}, to {somewhere}’ (Voegelin 1938–1940:457): Sh hina ma· la·pi “he looked up” (Mark 8.24 in Alford 1929). The cognate element in other languages combines with demonstratives to form locatives (Goddard 2003:66, 2008:266, 305).

Enclitics without Enclitic Cognates

The shape _=we·=_ that Mes _=we·na_ ‘in fact’ (24) assumes before an enclitic has no phonological motivation; there is no parallel in the language for the loss of the syllable -na. This fact suggests that the short form may be inherited as such, an hypothesis that permits direct comparison with the reconstructible presentational and emphatic element PA *we· that was suf¿xed to demonstrative pronouns in several languages (Goddard 2003:75– 78, 81); this was perhaps originally an enclitic but is not attested as a separate word. As a non-enclitic it combined with PA *enahi ‘there’ (or

39. No cognates have been found for the third member of the set, Mes _=ye·pani_ ‘mind you.’ 40. Pikangikum Oj iinzan ‘it seems’ has restricted but variable word order (Rand Valentine, personal communication, 2012). Lake Superior Oj iizan ‘surely’ was recorded by William Jones (David J. Costa, personal communication, 2012). Divergent in meaning and syntax is Curve Lake Oj iizan ‘pretending,’ given as sentence-initial (Rhodes 1985:197). 112 IVES GODDARD its Meswaki reÀex i·nahi) to make Mes we·nahi ‘(this) is it, here now, I see now (that).’ The source of the pre-pausal variant _=we·na_ is unclear.41 Mes =mata ‘alternatively’ (17) exactly matches the shape of Shawnee mata ‘not.’ If an enclitic like the one in Meskwaki had been used in pre- Shawnee to reinforce a negative particle, and the negative particle had later eroded away, a new meaning ‘not’ could have arisen in Shawnee. Such developments leading to the replacement of negative adverbs can be cited from the histories of a number of languages, but there is no way to prove that this is what happened in this case.42 A number of Meskwaki enclitics are obviously related to independent words that still exist in the language and must be essentially the same words cliticized (47).

(47) Enclitics derived from attested Meskwaki words _=ipi_ HRSY (5) ĸ ipi ‘one says {so}’ _=i·nahi_ ‘with that’ (9) ĸ i·nahi ‘there, in that’ _=i·ni_ ‘in that case’ (10) ĸ i·ni ‘that (inan.)’ _=ki·na_ (idiomatic) (13) ĸ ki·na ‘you (sg.)’ (2s.EMPH) _=mani_ ‘as it is now’ (16) ĸ mani ‘this (inan.)’ _=meko_ EMPH (19) ĸ mekoþi ‘plainly visible or audible’ _=ta·ni_ ‘if you agree’ (22) ĸ ta·ni ‘how? which one?’

The use of the inde¿nite-subject form of the verb ‘to say {so}’ as a hearsay enclitic is also attested in Munsee and Menominee, but these languages use the suf¿x -n, which originally marked inde¿nite subjects on transitive inanimate verbs (Goddard 2007:253): Mun =i·n HRSY, Men -en QUOT. Men -en QUOT is the suf¿x marking the quotative mode, but it must earlier have been an enclitic, as it is added after the word-¿nal shape of most endings (Bloom¿eld 1962:161). Meskwaki _=meko_ EMPH must be compared in the ¿rst instance to Kickapoo mekoci “ ‘just, just exactly, exactly’ emphatic;

41. Also unclear is what relationship the Meskwaki words may have to Mun wé·na ‘almost,’ which has the variants wé·na· and, before enclitics, wé·nah. 42. Despite appearances, Un máta ‘not’ has a problematical relationship to Shawnee mata ‘not,’ since it lacks the weakening of PA *a to Un ah that would be present in the ¿rst syllable if it were a phonologically regular cognate. Mun máh’ta ~ máh ~ má·h ‘not’ further complicates the picture. THE TWENTY-NINE ENCLITICS OF MESKWAKI 113 after a noun or pronoun: ‘it’s up to . . .’ ” (Voorhis 1988:29, 66).43 This provides the link to Mes mekoþi ‘plainly visible or audible,’ which is used sentence-initially with a mirative or presentational Àavor (78).

78. mekoþ=ayo·h=meko=’pi e·h=tašina·ke·niþi. “he could hear them singing so distinctly” (K-W 941, tr. HP) (mekoþi ‘clearly’; ayo·hi ‘here’; _=meko_ EMPH; _=ipi_ HRSY; e·h=tašina·ke·niþi ‘they (obv.) were singing’)

The enclitic _=koþi_ ‘you know’ (14) could be added to the list in (47) as it is obviously related to the free particle NRþL·hi ‘although, granted, concededly,’ but the details are unclear. Some enclitics must come from independent words that have attested cognates or can reasonably be assumed to have existed.

(48) Enclitics derived from words not attested in Meskwaki _=iyo_ ‘for’ (7) ĸ PA *eyo· ‘this (inan.)’ _=iyo·we_ PAST (8) ĸ PA *eyo· ‘this (inan.)’ + suf¿x _=ni·hka_ MAN’S.EXPLETIVE (21) ĸ old vocative of ni·hka·na ‘my friend’ _=iškwe_ WOMAN’S.EXPLETIVE (6) ĸ old vocative of ihkwe·wa ‘woman’

The proximal demonstrative PA *eyo· ‘this (inan.)’ was displaced in Meskwaki by mani ‘this (inan.).’44 The past-tense enclitic ((8)) and Shawnee howe ‘then, now’ (Goddard 2003:46) appear to be this demonstrative with an absentative ending PA *-e· inan. sg. abs. (Absentative pronouns and inÀections are used variously in the Algonquian languages for animates or inanimates that are gone, lost, past, dead, or destroyed.) Such an absentative form is otherwise retained only in Eastern Algonquian, where the ending has been replaced by PEA NƝ inan. sg. abs: Un yúkwe ‘now’ < *yúke (cf. .(Penobscot EAb wèke (with stem reshaped ,(ۄj~ckeۃ NUn

43. This appears as Kickapoo =meko throughout the texts in Jones (1915), but a Kickapoo speaker has told me that this variant is unfamiliar to him. 44. The forms reÀecting PA *eyo· ‘this (inan.)’ in the various languages are discussed in Goddard (2005); these incude an apparent use in Shawnee as an enclitic. Given present understanding of the distribution of long vowels, the ¿nal vowel can now be reconstructed as long. 114 IVES GODDARD

The man’s expletive _=ni·hka_ (14) exactly matches the vocative forms of the word for ‘my fellow male friend’ in closely related languages: (ۄnicaۃ) Kickapoo ni·hka ‘my friend!’ (Jones 1915:104.5); Illinois ni·hka ‘my friend!’ (David J. Costa, personal communication, 2010). In Meskwaki this vocative has been regularized as ni·hka·ne ‘my friend!’ (4c). The woman’s expletive _=iškwe_ (6) was similarly most likely once a vocative based on the word ihkwe·wa ‘woman.’ The use of /šk/ for / hk/ would originally have had a diminutive and hence endearing Àavor; compare Mes iškwe·se·ha ‘girl.’ The ¿nal shortening is also found in Mes naha·kanihkwe ‘daughter-in-law!,’ the vocative of naha·kanihkwe·wa ‘daughter-in-law living with her in-laws.’

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