MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO

OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

TESTING OF SEVEN SITES ALONG NM 134 IN SAN JUAN COUNTY, NEAR CRYSTAL, NEW MEXICO

Dorothy A. Zamora

ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 170

SANTA FE 2000 NEW MEXICO MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO

OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

TESTING OF SEVEN SITES ALONG NM 134 IN $AN JUAN COUNTY, NEAR CRYSTAL, NEWMEXICO

Dorothy A. Zamora

with contributions by Linda J, Goodman Rhonda Main Guadalupe A. Martinez Meredith Matthews Linda Mick-O’Hara C. Dean Wilson

Submitted by David A, Phillips, Jr.

ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 170

SANTA FE 2000 NEW MEXICO ADMINISTRATIVE SUMMARY

At the request of the New Mexico State Highwayand Transportation Department(NMSHTD), the Office of Archaeological Studies (OAS), Museum of New Mexico, conducted limited archaeological testingof seven sites(LA 68377-LA 68383) along NM 134. The testing was designed to determine the nature and extent of the sites and see if a data recovery program was necessary. NMSHTD proposes to construct a six foot shoulder on both sides of NM 134 in San Juan County.

The initial survey was performed by NMSHTD archaeologist Sandra Marshall and Office of Archaeological Studies (OAS) archaeologistAnn Noble on August 28 through September 9, 1988. Limited archaeological testing was conductedby OAS archaeologist Dorothy Zamoraffom July 24 through August 24, 1989, under ARPA Permit ARPA-89-002and Navajo Nation Permit (28904.

Testing at LA 68377 produced a calibrated radiocarbon dateof 5070 f 190 B.P., dating the site to the Archaic period. LA 68378is a collapsed Archaic rockshelter witha calibrated carbon-I4 date of 2790 f 170 B.P. LA 68379 isa historic sitedating between 1930 and 1940. LA68380 is a Pueblo I component dated1 1 10 1 90 B.P. that came froma deflated surface hearth. LA 68381a secondaryis artifact deposit thatwas brought in when the roadbedwas built up. LA 68382 is a multicomponent site with a possible Pueblo I1 occupation anda Historic cement slab.The site was assigned a Pueblo I1 date from the ceramics found on the surface.The Historic component could possiblydate as early as 1930. LA 68383, a procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area, did not produce a date.

All of the sites are within the highway right-of-way,but outside of the construction area. This includes the sites that are on bothsides of the highway. Parts of the sites were removed during the construction of the existing road and shoulder, and what remains will not be affected.The NMSHTD does not intend to do any additional mechanical dirt removal, and four of the seven sites will be fenced off to protect them. If anyadditional soil removal takes place at any of these sites, a data recovery plan should be put intoaction.

In addition to the archaeological testing,an ethnographic studyof LA 68379, including a former Navajo log home, was conducted by Linda Goodman of OAS. The site, part of a much larger extended family and clan residential community,functioned primarily as a habitation site between about 1920 and the mid-1940s.

Submitted in fulfillment of Memorandum of Agreement DO3773 between the NewMexico State Highway and Transportation Department and the Officeof Archaeological Studies, Museumof New Mexico.

MNM Project No. 41.467 (Crystal) NMSHTD D 03773 (District 6) ARPA Permit No. ARPA-89-002 Navajo Nation Permit No. C8904

... 111 CONTENTS

... Administrative Summary ...... 111 Introduction ...... 1 Environment. by Guadalupe Martinez ...... 3

ArchaeologicalOverview ...... 7

Previous Work in the Area ...... 9 Testing Procedures ...... 11

TestingResults ...... 13 LA68377 ...... 13 LA68378 ...... 18 LA68379 ...... 23 LA68380 ...... 27 LA68381 ...... 35 LA68382 ...... 37 LA68383 ...... 41 Summary of Findings ...... 45 StoneArtifacts ...... 45 Ceramics, by Dean Wilson ...... 45 An Ethnohistorical Examination of LA 68379 and Adjacent Areasof Crystal. by Linda J . Goodman ...... 47 An Overview of Navajo History ...... 48 Historical Background of the Chuska Mountain-Crystal-Narbona Pass Area ...... 51 LA68379 ...... 53 Site Function and Related Cultural and EconomicActivities ...... 56 Site Interpretation ...... 58 Summary and Conclusions ...... 61 Addendum: People Interviewed for the LA 68379 Ethnohistory Project ...... 61 Endnotes ...... 62 Discussion ...... 63

Recommendations ...... 65 ReferencesCited ...... 67

Appendix 1: Site Location Information ...... 75

Appendix 2: Results of Macrobotanical Analysis for the Washington Pass Testing Program: LA 68377. LA 68378. and LA 68380 ...... 81 Appendix 3: Tables ...... 85

V Figures

1 . Project vicinity map ...... 2 2.Sitemap,LA68377 ...... 15 3 and 4 . Plan and profile of Feature 1, surface stain, LA 68377 ...... 17 5 . Projectile point from Feature 1, LA 68377 ...... 18 6.Sitemap7LA68378 ...... 19 7 . Collapsed rockshelter, LA 68378 ...... 20 8. Close-up of ash lens, LA 68378 ...... 20 9 . Profile of rockshelter stratigraphy, LA 68378 ...... 21 10. Test Grid 101N/97E in ash lens, LA 68378...... 22 11. Plan of Feature 1, LA 68379 ...... 24 12. Stone foundation with Clark residence in background, Feature 1, LA 68379 ...... 25 13. Feature 1, deflated hearth, LA 68379 ...... 25 14.Siternap,LA68380 ...... 29 15 . Plan view of deflated hearth, Feature 1, LA 68380 ...... 31 16. Feature 1, deflated hearth, LA 68380 ...... 31 17. Profile of Feature 2, LA 68380 ...... 32 18 and 19 . Plan and profile of Feature 3, possible surface, LA 68380 ...... 33 20 and 2 1. Plan and profile of Feature 4, use surface with posthole, LA 68380 ...... 34 22.Sitemap7LA68381...... 36 23.Sitemap,LA68382 ...... 38 24.ScrapersfromLA68382 ...... 40 25.Sitemap7LA68383 ...... 42 26 . Tsit’najinnieClan genealogical chart ...... 55

vi INTRODUCTION

William L. Taylor, environmental program manager of the NMSHTD, requested the limited testing of seven sites located by NMSHTD archaeologistSandra Marshall 1988) to determine their extent and nature. The sites are in theexisting highway right-of-way, within which the NMSHTD proposes to construct a six foot shoulder on both sides of the highway.

The Office of Archaeological Studies, Museum of New Mexico, conducted a limited testing program alongNM 134 in San JuanCounty between July24 and August 24, 1989. The investigation was supervised by DorothyA. Zamora, whowas assisted by Rhonda Mainand Scott Geister. David A. Phillips Jr. served as principal investigator for the project.

The sites are on unplatted Navajo Tribal Fee land (Appendix 1). The beginning of the project (BOP) is in UTM Zone l2,3985360N, 678755E, in McKinley County, and the end of the project (EOP) is in UTM Zone 12,3996970N, 696225E, in San Juan County (Fig. 1). lt extends for 24.14 km (1 5 miles). Four of the seven sites (LA68377, LA 68378, LA 68380,and LA 68382) have potentialto yield information importantto the prehistoryof the area. Three sites(LA 68379,LA 68381 and LA 68383) need no further work. N ENVIRONMENT

Guadalupe Martinez

The proposed improvement of State Highway 134 necessitatedtesting along the right-of-way corridor. The project parallels the existing highway through theChuska Mountains and terminates 0.3107 km (one half mile) eastof Narbona Pass (formerly known as Washington Pass).The project is in mountains forested predominantly with ponderosa pine. The Chuska Mountains are in the southwestern corner of San Juan County. Thealtitude at Narbona Passranges from 2,134m (7,000 ft) to 2,854 m (9,365 ft). The range ischaracterized by steep slopes and escarpments. The soils, eroded predominantly from sandstone, also contain other sedimentary rocks and eolian sediments (Maker et al, 1973; Fenneman1931),

The major land formationis Chuska sandstone (Tertiary), which comprises mostof the Chuska Mountains. The Narbona Pass area is made up of andesite and basaltic andesite flows, breccia, and tuff (Tertiary) with intrusive rock formations (Cretaceous and Tertiary). The area in and around Crystal consists of Morrison formation (Jurassic) and Dakota sandstone (Cretaceous). The eastern slope of the Chuska Mountains is a landslide area (Quaternary) with outcrops of the Menefee formation, which includes Kirtland shale and the Tohatchi formation (Cretaceous) (Dane and Bachrnan 1965).

There are three major soil associations within the project area. The La Fonda-Del Rio association joins the Chuska Mountainson the westernslope. This association includes the Black Salt Valleyto the west of the Chuska range. The area has fairly broad, gently slopingto rolling uplands. The mostly deep soils are developing in medium and moderatelyfine-textured sediments from Jurassic and Triassic redbeds. The vegetationof this association consistsof blue grama, Indian ricegrass, various other grasses, and big sagebrush. Juniper becomes common wherethis association meets the Chuska Mountains. La Fonda soils occur on alluvial fans and piedmont slopes. The surface layers are thin noncalcareous reddish-brown loam.The Del Riosoils occur onsloping and rolling uplands. Brown noncalcareous loam makesup the thin surface layer, with a reddish-brown clay loam or loam as a substratum (Maker et al. 1973: 19-20).

The Vamer-Rock Land association is the major association in the Chuska Mountains and the project area. The soils of this association are used for various enterprises,including forestry, range, recreation, farming, and wildlife habitat. Ponderosa pine and Gambel oak are the predominant overstory vegetation, with piiionand juniper at lower elevations. The grasses that occur in the Chuska range are Arizona fescue, brome, bluegrass, needlegrass,and blue grama.Native browse plants such as mountain mahogany and vetch also grow in thearea.

Small-scale farming takes place on the western slope of the Chuska Mountains and consists mostly of corn fields. Domesticated animals (sheep, goats, horses,and cattle) are raised in the area (Maker et al. 1973:21). Vamer soils, formed mainly from weathered sandstone, are shallow. They occur mostlyon gently sloping androlling ridge crests and on the edgesof plateaus or mesa tops.The surface layer consists of a grayish brown, loam, or cobbly loam with a brown sandy clay or clay subsoil. Sandstone and sandstone fragments occur in both thesurface layer and the subsoil. Rock Land consists predominantly of a complex of shallow soils, outcrops of sandstone, and other types of sedimentary rocks (Makeret al. 1973:21; Kemrerand Lord 1984a:25; Harris et al. 1967:67-77).

The foothills on the eastern slopes ofthe Chuska Mountains areof the TravesilleMalposeRock Land association. The soils of this association are bestsuited for rangeland or recreational use. The major vegetation on thesesoils consists of juniper, big sagebrush, snakeweed, chamisa, blue grama, and Indian ricegrass. Travesilla soils, which occur on moderatelyto steep rolling uplands, havea thin surface layer of light brown sandy loam and are underlain by sandstone. Malposasoils occur in upland areas similar to those in theTravesilla association. The soils have a thin surface layer of brown, noncalcareous stony loam or stony fine sandyloam. The subsoil is light brownto brown clay. A pinkish-white loam with a high lime content makes up the substratum. RockLand consists predominantly of a complex of shallow soils, outcropsof sandstone, andother types of sedimentary rocks (Maker et al. 1973:20-21; MacMahon 1985:497-498).

The major lithic materialis Washington Pass chert, which comesfrom the rock intrusion of the same name that dominatesthe mountain rangein this area of the Chuska Mountains. Flakes of this chert are ubiquitous in theproject area.

There are two intermittent streams that flow from the Narbona Pass area. Crystal Creek, the larger of the two, flows west into the Black Salt Valley and eventuallydrains into Black Lake. Owl Spring flows eastward into the Tunsta Wash and outonto the Chuska Valley. There are numerous small lakes in the Chuska Mountains. Larger lakes are Lake Toadcheene, the manmadelake Asaayi, and the previously mentioned Black Lake.Ponds and small bodies of standing water are seasonal. The aquifer is fed by snowmelt and rainfall (Kemrerand Lord 1984a:21-22).

The varietyof fauna foundin the project area includes larger mammals--mule deer, coyote, black bear, and bobcat--and small mammals suchas Nuttall's cottontail, various chipmunks,and squirrels. The striped skunk is evident everywhere (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26;Harris et al. 1967:45-46).

The avian community in the project area is quite large. Ravens,mountain bluebirds, turkey vultures, and mourning doves were seen every day during the project. The red-tailed hawk, the common nighthawk,and the great horned owl are some of the morecommon predators in the Chuska Mountains (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26; Harris et al. 1967:29-45).

Though reptiles are reportedto be poorly represented (Kemrerand Lord 1984a:26), they may be locally abundant. The short-horned lizard was evident in the project andarea, a western garter snake was seen. There are also several species of spiny lizards in the area(Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26; Harris et al. 196795-28).

The Chuska Mountains are surrounded by areas of extreme aridity; however, the mountain system receives copious amounts of precipitation. Winter snowis sufficient to recharge springs and germinate seeds. Summer precipitation is in the form of usually brief but occasionally severe thunderstorms. The average rainfall is 508 mm (20 inches). The summer temperatures in Window Rock range from a mean daily high in July of 30. I degrees C (86.3 degrees F) to a January low of 1 1.7 degrees C (53.2 degrees F). Temperatures in the ChuskaMountains are 3 to 9 degrees lower. The first frost in Window Rock occurs on the average during the second week of September; the last frost occurs on the average in the final weekof May. Frostdates are earlier and later, respectively, in the project area (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:22-24).

4 The wild-food supplyis also abundant in the area. Wateris readily available around ponds and lakes in addition to intermittent streams. The forest could supply ample forage and game, and agriculture is possible at lower elevations.

5 ARCHAEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW

The Paleoindian period has been identified withlarge, diagnostic dart points used for hunting. Besides hunting, the Paleoindian peoples dependedon wild resourcesand used a distinctive type of end scraper. Chronologies of the Paleoindian period are generally basedon morphological attributes of projectile points. However, there have been no Paleoindiansites or isolated occurrences found within the project area. Several Archaicsites (7000 to 5000 B.C.) have beenpreviously recorded. Most Archaic sites found in the Narbona Pass area are lithic artifact scatters with Jay, Bajada, San Jose, and En Medio projectile points.

Banks and Del Bene(1 990) theorize two physiographic and environmental situations influencing Archaic settlementsand land-use patterns. They state that large meadows havehigher site densities than any other environmental setting in the forest. These meadows werecapable of supporting small fields, as they do today (Banks and Del Bene 1990). Corn may have appeared during the Late Archaic period in theSan Juan Basin (Simmons 1983). The Archaic peoplesof the area had extensive knowledge of lithic material resources, as suggested by the artifacts recovered during the project.

Obsidian resources foundin the vicinityof Narbona Pass have been attributedto sources in New Mexico, Arizona, and Southern Utah (Nelson1985,1986). Banks and Del Bene(1 990) suggests that the Archaic period was distinguished by participation in an extensive lithic artifact exchange interaction network. The exchange interaction network includedof Washingtonuse Pass chert, which has been identified in many Archaic assemblages from the San Juan (VierraBasin 1985; Vierraand Doleman 1984).

The BasketmakedEarly Puebloan periodis defined primarily by ceramic dating, and rarely by architecture. Sites are found inan environmental setting similar to those of the Archaic population (Banks and Del Bene 1990).

These sites generally lack cultural features and appear to haveof shortbeen durationand possibly seasonal. Most BasketmakerPuebloan sites are lithic artifact and sherd scatters, with some in overhangs, and some havestructures. Very rarely,these sites consist only of lithic artifact scatters. Local materials suchas Washington Pass chert and other sourcesof chert dominate the lithicartifact assemblages. The low artifact densities are similar to those of the Archaicperiod.

Cultural deposits are most often found in rockshelters/overhangs (Banks n.d.).is possible It that these rockshelters/overhangs were also used by Archaicpeople.

A change in settlement and land-use patterns is evidentin architectural sitesof this period. These sites include such features as roomblocks, circular stone alignments, and rectangular stone alignments.

Roomblocks generally haveat least three rooms and arelocated in meadows or overlooks. The rectangular stone alignments vary from3 to 10 m across and are generallynot associated with other features. These alignments are usually in areas with good views. The circular alignments are the most common subtype. They are generally3 to 5 m in diameter. These features may have been foundations for superstructures of more perishable materials. They tendto cluster in groups of two or three. These circular alignments arealso found on overlooks, in drainages, and in meadows,and usually theyare associated with lithic source areas (Weimer and Bauman n.d.).

The Navajos were living in the area by1600s the (Brugge 1983), but the Spanish records mention

7 this area very little. Goodman (1 982) states that a large Apacheangroup moved into the Colorado Plateau and became knownas the Navajos and developed cultural traits that distinguish them from other Apachean peoples.

The arrival of the Spaniards had a great impact on the Navajo people. Firstcontact with the Navajos came in1540 with the Coronado expedition to the Hopi mesas, in the provinceof Tusayan. Espejo encountered the Querechos Indiansin 1582 in the vicinityof present-day Laguna. Querechos have been identified by historians as Navajo Apaches (Goodman 1982).

By the 18OOs, the Navajos became a threat to the Spanish populations. Raiding Navajos confiscated the horses and sheep brought by in the Spanish.During the mid-1800s, Anglo settlement began in the area.

Joe Wilkins, a freighter for the Manuelitostore, started the Crystal Trading Post around 1890 (Amsden 1990). By 1897 Wilkins sold the post to J. B. Moore. Moore launched the style in rugs known as the Two Gray Hills in Crystal. Moore owned Crystal Trading Post until 19 1 1-1912 (Amsden 1990). Today the communityof Crystal has fewresidents, and the trading post is opened only occasionally.

8 PREVIOUS WORK IN THE AREA

Many archaeological investigations have been conducted in theJuan San Basin, and numerous prehistoric and historic sites have been recorded. Someof the investigations near the project area include those by Brandt (1989), Clements (1980), Fowler et al. (1987), Geib (I 980), Peckham (1 963a, 1963b, 1969), Marshall and Sofaer (1986), Marshall(1 et 979), al. and Wendorf et al. (1956).

Peckham excavatedLA 4470 (Peckham 1963a) andLA 4473 (Peckham 1963b)along Highway 666 and later recordedLA 3098, Tohatchi Village,a Basketmaker 111 site. This was a large pithouse village witha great kiva.Also recorded by Peckham in 1970 wasLA 9967 andLA 9968, both Pueblo I1 occupations. Fowler (1987) and Marshal et al. (1979) conductedsurveys at Tohatchi Flats. Brandt (1989) also recorded an extensive Basketmaker111-Pueblo I site and a collapsed Navajo hogan. Geib (1980) recorded four Pueblo I sites, as did Fowler (1987) andMarshall and Sofaer (1986).

There are many sites within one mile of the project area, most of them historic Navajo hogan sites. Table 1 shows the sites within the immediate projectarea.

9 TESTING PROCEDURES

Testing procedures, as specified in the permits (ARPA-89-002 andNavajo Nation C8904), are as follows:

All sites were photographed priorto testing. Standard excavationtools included trowels, picks, shovels, and screens. Site maps were produced usinga transit and stadia rod. The maps includedNM 134, the existing right-of-way fence, any features associated with the sites, site limits, permanent markers, and excavated test units.

A main datum and a 1 by 1 m grid system were established. The grid system was usedto define the test excavations on the site and provenience areas within the grid system. The test units were placed inareas of artifact concentrations and where surfacefeatures were visible. Each1 by 1 rn test pit was excavated in 10 crn arbitrary levels down to a light colored, culturally sterile sandy clay. Auger tests were then placed in each grid. The auger tests were taken down further to ensure that culturally sterile levels or bedrock had been reached. Allsoil was screened through a 1/4 inch wire mesh. Artifacts were bagged according to site provenience bylevel and artifact type.

In addition to those associated with the test units, augertests were placedacross the site at every 10 m along the north-south and east-west baselines to locate any buried features that might be present. Each auger test was taken down 10 crn at a time, and soil changes were recorded until culturally sterile soil was reached. At times the sterile soil wasa light sandyclay, and sometimes the auger hit bedrock.If the soil in the auger held any cultural material,a test unit was placed in the area.

Features were defined by removing the moderntop soil and dividing them in half to determine the depth and the amountof use of the feature. The restof the soil was left in place. Soilprofiles and feature profiles were drawn,and the dimensions, shape, depth, and offill the featurewere recorded. Pollen, flotation, and radiocarbon samples were collected from the excavated portion to date the feature. Each feature was also photographed before and after testing.

The artifacts that were not collected were analyzedin the field. Primary, secondary,and tertiary flakes, angular debris, and the type and function of ground stone were identified.

In-field analysis was restricted to material type and artifact type and Nonumber. intense analysis was performed, Artifacts were collectedfrom areas where backdirt was being placed. Any diagnostic artifacts that would help indating the site were also collected in limited amounts.The artifacts were bagged byunit, level, date, excavator's initials, and artifact type. Each bag wasa field given specimen number. All collected artifacts were processed and analyzedin the laboratory, and these artifacts were turned over to the Archaeological Research Collection at the Laboratory of Anthropology for permanent curation.

Collected chipped stone artifacts were monitored in the laboratory for a variety of attributes, including artifact type, material type, texture, percentageof dorsal cortex, artifactportion, alterations (both cultural and noncultural), and dimensions (length, width, thickness). Debitage was divided into flakes and angular debris based upon the presence or absence of striking platforms, bulbs of percussion, and recognizable ventral surfaces: flakes possess attributes,these and angular debris lack them. Flake attributes included platform type and the presence or absence of platform lipping. Artifact definitions were consistent with those presentedby Chapman (1 977:374-378), Chapman and Schutt (1977235-86), and Schutt and Vierra (1980:50-55).

11 To facilitate discussion of the reduction stages reflected in the lithic assemblage,a variety of physical attributes were used to assign individual flakes to the primary, secondary, and tertiary reduction stages. Primary and secondary flakes were removals fromcores, representing the two stages of core reduction: removal of the weatheredouter rind of a nodule (primary reduction), and removal of interior flakes for informal use or further modification into formal tools (secondary reduction). Tertiary reduction was defined as the further modificationof primary or secondary flakes into a formal tool.The percentage of dorsal cortex present was used to distinguish between primary and secondary flakes. Primary flakes were those with 50 percent or more of their dorsal surfaces covered by cortex. Flakes with less than50 percent of their dorsal surfaces covered by cortex were considered to have originated during the secondary stageof core reduction. Tertiaryflakes contained less than 25 percent dorsal cortex.

The in-field criteria for determining stage of reduction were as follows: flakes with 51-100 percent cortex on their dorsal surfaces were recordedas primary flakes, flakes with 25-50 percent cortex on their dorsal surfaces were recorded as secondary flakas; and flakes with less than 25 percent on their dorsal surfaces were recorded as tertiary flakes. Pieces of debitage that did not display flake characteristics were considered angular debris.

A total of 15 sherds were recovered from surface and excavated contextsfrom five sites. These represent portionsof small vessels,and no more thantwo vessels were represented at any site. While the extremely small number of sherds recovered greatly limits any interpretations based on this sample, these ceramics may still provide informationconcerning the dating and possible affiliation of components represented. Each sherd was examined undera binocular microscope at20-40X. Data recorded during the analysis of these sherds included traditional type, tempering material, paint type, and vessel form.No postfiring modification or cultural adhesions were noted during analysis. Surface manipulations were noted to aid in traditional type assignments.

12 TESTING RESULTS

LA 68377

Site Type: Lithic and sherd scatter with stained soil.

Cultural/TernporalAflliation: Archaic, calibrated radiocarbon with calibrateddates of 3942, 3850, and 3820 B.C. Dinetah ceramics (A.D. 1500 to 1800) werealso present on the site.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,268 m (7,440 ft). Description: LA 68377 is on the in $an Juan County. The site measures 134 m by 38 m and is in a piiion and ponderosa area on the Navajo Reservation, near Crystal, New Mexico.

Before testing thearea was resurveyed.Site boundaries were confirmed by threearchaeologists walking 6 m apart in zigzag transects until100 percent of the area was covered.A primary datum and baseline were establishedto work withina grid system.The baseline extended north-southand east- west. Five 1 by 1 m grids were placed on thesite in areas of stained soiland artifact concentrations. One grid was placed at the bottom of the roadcut to determine if features were present (Fig. 2). Results of the tests are listed in Table 2.

Auger tests were also placed at 10 m intervals across the site (Table 3).

Features

Feature 1. Feature 1 is a possible deflated Navajo hearth. Several Dinetah sherds and one Washington Pass chert projectile point (possiblyNavajo) were associated with the feature.

Feature 1 measured 1.10 by 0.80 m by 8 cm deep (Figs. 3 and 4). The fill of the hearth was a mottled ashy sand. Lithic artifacts and sherds were present in theperiphery of the feature. Fire- cracked rock was also scattered around the hearth. Unfortunately there was not enough charcoal present for a carbon- 14 sample.

Flotation samples were taken and produced remains of indeterminate animal bone, goosefoot seeds, and uncharred dropseed. Juniper, indeterminate pine, pifion, oak, and gymnosperm woods were present (Matthews, this volume).

Feature 2. Feature 2, a possible pit, was a dark stain just below the surface. It measures 2 m in diameter and rangesfrom 20 to 30 cm deep. A test pit (90N/40E) was placedat the northernedge of what was thoughtto have been the feature. The soil stain was not the feature itselfstaining but from the feature that had scattered within this area. Augertests subsequently found the feature. Several auger tests were placed within the feature, and radiocarbon, pollen, and flotationsamples were taken from the auger tests.

The flotation sample analysis revealed numerous charred goosefoot seeds and some charred juniper and piAon (Matthews, this volume). The radiocarbon sample produced a calibrated date of B.P. 5070 f 190 (Table 4), dating the pit to the Middle Archaic period. The fill of the pit ranged from a light reddish brown fine sandy silt to a mottled gray silty soil.

13 Sterile soilwas encountered below40 cm and excavated to60 cm to ensure that culturally sterile soil had been reached.

Site Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Stone Artifacts. Table 5 illustrates material selection and artifact type at LA68377. Washington Pass chert dominated the assemblage, comprising 84.5 percent of the total. Silicified wood and undifferentiated cherts made up less than 16 percent of the total.

A small exhausted core of Washington Pass chert wascollected from the surface of one of the test pits at this site. Flakes had been removedfrom it unidirectionally.Another chert core fragment was recorded during the in-field analysis.Of the 49 flakes on the sufface,1 was recordedas primary, 5 as secondary, and 43 as tertiary.Of the tertiary flakes,1 was notedas a biface thinning flake, and 1 had a utilized edge. Eleven pieces of angular debris were recorded.

Test pit excavations produceda total of 12 flakes (5 primary, 4 $econdary, and 3 tertiary) and an equal number of angular debris. One of the flakes had evidenceof utilization on one edge. For such a small collection of flakes, many platform types wererepresented (Table 6).

Five tools were recorded during the in-field analysis, includidg a drill, two bifaces (one with barbed edges), a hammerstone with wear on threesides, and a one-handed mano.

An Athabaskan Plain side-notched projectile pointof Washington Pass chert was recoveredfrom Level 1 (0-1 0 cm) of Feature 1, a shallow hearth (Fig. 5)

It can safely be postulated that all stages of reduction occurred at LA 68377, including tool manufacture. The presence of the tools indicates at least short-term useof the location asa campsite.

Ceramics. LA 68377 produced eight sherds from surfacestripping around Feature1. One sherd was a Basketmaker TIT/Pueblo I gray body sherd witha sand and rock temper.The other seven, including two rim sherds, were Navajo Dinetah gray wares.

Bone Analysis, by Linda Mick O'Hara

A single fragment of medium mammal long bone was recovered from Level1 of 89N/46E. The bone fragment was burned to a calcined state and appears to be related to the later, Dinetah occupation of the site.

Summary

LA 68377 has evidence of occupation during two different time periods. Feature1 is a probable Navajo hearth as indicated by Dinetah ceramicsand an Athabaskan projectile point.This would date Feature 1 between A.D. 1500 and1800. Feature 2 is a indeterminate pit witha calibrated radiocarbon date of B.P. 5070 f 190, dating it to the Middle Archaic period.

14 "" .. .. A 1

Figures 3 and 4. Plan and profile of Feature 1, surface stain, LA 68377.

17 Recommendation

LA 68377 is partially within the existing right-of-way.Two features, a hearth dating between A.D. 1500 and 1800 and an indeterminate pit with a Middle Archaic dateof B.P. 5070 f 190, were locatedand tested, Because the site has the potential of producing data important to the history of Navajo occupation and the prehistory of the region, it is recommended that it be avoided during construction. However, if Figure 5. Projectile point construction will affect the extent and integrity of the remains, a data from Feature I, LA 68377. recovery plan should be implemented.

LA 68378

Site Type: Rockshelter.

Cultural/Temporal Affiliation: Archaic. Calibrated C-14 intercept date of B.C.926. Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,304 m (7,560 ftj.

Description: The site is a collapsed rockshelter in which an ashlens is exposed in theexisting road cut (Fig. 6). Approximately 1.O to 1.25 m of decomposing sandstone sits above the ash lens (Figs. 7 and 8). Present within the ash lens are lithic artifacts, animal bone, and charcoal.The lens extends to 2.70 m across the road cut(Fig. 9).

Three test pits were placedon the site. Two of these were placedat the base of the rockshelter and one within the ash lens. Table 7 summarizes the resultsof the two tests at the base of the rockshelter. Both grids produced a mixture of prehistoric and historic artifacts. The prehistoric artifacts were eroding from the fill of the collapsed rockshelter,and the historic artifacts are recent trash. In both grids, sterile bedrock was encountered at30 cm below the present ground surface. Artifacts were mixedfrom erosion.

The third test pit, 101N/97E, was placed within the ash lens. A 1 by 1 m area was dug into the rockshelter by natural layers (Fig. 10). Layer 1 is thereddish sand or decomposing bedrock. Layer 2 is a dark charcoal lens with lithic artifacts and bone (lOYR4/2 dark reddish grey on the Munsell color chart). Layer 3 is a lighter sand containing charcoal and artifacts (5YR 4/3 reddish brown). Layer 4 is a sandy silt with charcoal butno artifacts, 5YR 5/4 reddish brown). Layer 5 is a sterile sandy silt, 5YR 4/3 reddish brown.

A radiocarbon sample was extractedfrom this test pit. Only20 cm of the ashlens was removed from the test unitbefore reaching the sandstone, which was weather-wornand decomposed, making excavation hazardous. Further investigation was performedwith an auger. Three auger tests were placed into the lens horizontally to estimate the depth of the rockshelter. Table 8 presents the outcome of the auger tests. Cultural materials extended not only a few centimeters into the face of the ash lens, but as far as the auger could go (1.80 m). In one instance (Auger 3 j, bedrock was reached at 1.05 m. We believe that the bedrock isone of theedges of the rockshelter.

18

The few remains of large mammal, including thedeer remains, also exhibited tanning from roasting and impact marks from processing. The onecranial fragment identifiable as a canid also exhibited some tanning and may represent partof the diet.In fact, 24 bone fragmentsor 5 1.1 percent of the sample,display some thermal discolorationas a result of cooking and discardpractices. The one bone fragmentidentifiable only as bird was not burned, but because it was recovered froma deeper strata, obviously represents part ofthe diet of the former occupants.

Archaic sites tend to produce large numbers of small-mammal species (Lord 1984) and extremely fragmented samples. The appearanceof the faunal sample fromLA 68378 certainly fits within those parameters. The fragmentationand burning of small-animal bonesuggests that faunal resources were intensively used by the prehistoric occupantsthis of site.

Flotation Samples

Two flotation samples from the ash lens were analyzed and produced hundredsof goosefoot seeds, a single indeterminate grassseed, juniper, pifion, an indeterminate dicot, and gymnospermae genera (Matthews, this volume, Appendix 2).

Summaly

This rockshelter yielded a calibrated C- 14 date of 2790 B.P. f 170, placing it inthe Late Archaic period. Table 1 1 gives the results of the C-14 sample analyzed by BetaAnalytic, Inc. Artifacts are eroding out from the roadcut andthe present ground surface. Several lithicartifacts, burned animal bone, and nonburned animal bone were foundin the ash lens.

At present it is impossible to excavateor further test thesite because of the collapsing overhang. The bedrock is decomposing, causing it to plateoff when the dirt below it is removed.

Recommendation

LA 68378 is a very important Archaicsite that hasthe potential to yield important data on the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that the site be avoided. However,if construction will affect the extent and integrityof the remains,a data recovery planshould be implemented.

LA 68379

Site Type: Historic stone foundation and trash dump.

Cultural Temporal/Aflliation: Navajo Historic, 1930s to 1940s.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,304 m (7,560 ft). Description: This site is on the outskirts ofCrystal, New Mexico. It measures 48 by 106 m and consists of a stone foundation just outside the right-of-wayand a trash dump(see Fig. 6).Some sheet trash was present, mostlyalong the roadcut, and it was mixed with modern road trash.

Three test pits were placedon the site to determine the depthof the features and the site. One test pit was placed next to the stone foundation, onein the trash pit,and one in thesheet trash (Table

23 12).

The rectangular stone foundation is built of three courses of blocked sandstone with mud between each course with interior wall measurementsof 5.57 by 5.50 m by 40 cm high (Fig. 1 1). The shaped sandstone block is 54 cm wide and18 cm high, withan average lengthof 70 cm (Figs. 12 and 13).

Artifact Assemblage

Two Basketmaker/Pueblo 1 sherds were found on the surface of the site. We believethat they were brought in since there was not a prehistoric component nearby.The historic artifacts were analyzed in the field and left onthe site. Eachartifact has been placed intoa functional category, and a range of dates has been assigned when possible. The functional categories includefoodstuffs (items related to thestorage and consumptionor processing of food); indulgences (refreshmentand medicinal items, and smoking paraphernalia); domestic routine (tableware, kitchen utensils, domestic furniture, household items, and lighting facilities); constructionl maintenance (construction hardware and tools used in daily activities); personal effects (items of clothing, adornment, grooming,and

+-R-Q-w fence f

B

Figure 11. Plan of Feature 1, LA 68379. personal possession); entertainmenuleisure (games, musical instruments, andchildren's toys); anns (ammunition and guns);stableham (farm tools, machinery, and stableand barn equipment); and indeterminate (items whosefunction cannot be determined) (Table 13).

24

butchering mark. These marks are dominated by impact scars, which split the elements along a longitudinal (length of the bone)or transverse (across the bone) plane. Onlythree elements exhibit metal-saw markings, Much of the butchering of this predominately medium-mammalsample was accomplished by impacting the exposed bone rather thansawing through the meat and the bone at the same time. This is a butchering pattern noted in several historic faunal assemblages (Huelsbeck 1991). Besides the primary purpose--butchering--thismethod may reflectsecondary use of the bone for marrow extraction. Impact butchering creates numerous bonefragments and may have produced longitudinal splitting on long bones, Eurther reducing the element.

One carpometacarpus of a chicken was also identified in this small assemblage, documenting the use of this species at the farmsteadduring its occupation but not the raising of this taxa. Chicken remains become more frequent through timein this region but werenot significant in this sample.

The faunal assemblage is typical of any period inNew Mexico after the mid-nineteenth century, reflecting a lack of use of wild animals and the predominant useof sheep at the farmsteads in this region.

Summary

LA 68379 was occupied in the late 1920s to the 1940s. The three test pits were shallow and did not produce much information. The stone foundation is outside of the right-of-way, and the trash dump yielded much trash that did not date the site as accurately as the archival records and interviews. Sheet trash was scattered throughout the site, and most of it was modern trash.

Former occupants of the log house at LA 68379 (see Goodman, this report) gave a detailed history of the structure. After the house was abandoned, the family movedinto a hogan on the north side of NM 134. Today, that hogan hasalso been abandoned.

Recommendations

LA 68379 yielded important information on the historyof Crystal. Former house occupants gave in-depth accounts of the site (see Goodman, this report). Records at the county courthouse have also been researched. The potential of this site to yield any further information has been exhausted. A portion of LA 68379 extends into the proposedproject limits, but itis not likely to yield any further infomation beyond what has already been documented. No additional investigations are recommended.

LA 68380

Site Type: Pueblo I component, possibly seasonal occupation.

Cultural/Temporal Affiliation: Pueblo I. Calibrated dates of A.D. 900,902, and 953.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,341 m (7,680 ft). Description: LA 68380 is on a ridge directly north of Crystal. The site extends on both sides of NM 134 and measures 260 by 150 m. The main portion of the site is on the north side of the highway (Fig. 14).

27 I I' I

Fifteen test grids were placed in areas of artifact concentrations and visible surface features (Table 16). The site produced four features: a surface-deflated hearth, an irregular stain, a use surface, and a posthole. It is possible that this use surface is part of a ramada-type structure; however, it may also be a living structure or use-surface.

In addition to 1 by 1 m test grids,37 auger tests were placed every 10 m across the site to locate any features that might have been missed with the test units (Table 17).

The auger tests revealed more areas in whichcharcoal was present. In these cases, a 1 by 1 m test grid wasplaced over the auger test, excavatedto where thecharcoal began, and followed down to a surface, or where the charcoal stopped. Even though we dug these charcoal areas to the culturally sterile soil, we never did finda feature. All thefeatures were foundwith the 1 by 1 rn test units.

Features I

~

Feature 1 (107N/24E). This deflated hearth measured30 by 20 cdand 4 crn deep. The hearth was built on the sandstone outcrop, which was heavily oxidized and blackened(Figs. 15 and 1 6).There was very little fill in the hearth, and it was collected for flotatioti samples. Also collected was a radiocarbon sample, which had a calibrated date of B.P. 1110 f 90 (Table IS). The sample was small, and extended counting time was given.

Several secondary and tertiary flakes were scattered around and withinthe hearth. The flakes were mostly of Washington Pass chert. The flotation sample from Feature 1 contained charred fragments of juniper and piiion wood.The charred woodfragments are conceivably remains of fuel resources (Appendix 2).

Feature 2 (98N/35E). This irregular charcoal stain extended south and east 1.25 by 1 .O by .22 m deep, with the north and west portion missing (Fig. 17). No artifacts were found in this stain. However, minute charcoal flecks were present in thesoil. The stain has been cut by a small natural drainage on the northwest side on the site slope. It is possible that the feature has been disturbed by erosion and the stained soil is what is left of it.

Feature 3 (92N/240E). The surface of this possible living or activity surface is a compact dark reddish brown (5YR 3/4) sand with embedded charcoal (Fig. IS). The surface is 30 cm below the present ground surface. The fill above the surface separates easily and continues beyond the test unit. The profile of the test grid (Fig. 19) shows this surface and thestratigraphy of the soil. An auger test was placed in the test grid and revealed that the compactedsurface was 2 cm thick and the soil below is sterile. No artifacts were found within the1 by 1 m test unit, buta concentration of artifacts is present on the present ground surface to thenorth and east of the test grid.

Feature 4 (56N/34E). This posthole is on the south side of NM 134 on the ridge top (Figs. 20 and 21). The posthole is 10 cm in diameter and 22 cm deep.The feature is heavily oxidized along the sides and bottom. Because charcoal was absent, no radiocarbon samples were retrieved from this feature, although it was burned.

28 . .""

I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I

A I

Figures 18 and 19. Plan andpmjile of Feature 3, possible surface, LA 68380.

33 L

nut excovuted -

0

Figure 20. Plan and profle of Feature 4, use surface with posYhole, LA 68380.

34 Ceramics

The ceramic assemblage from LA 68380 consists of one PuebloII/heblo I11 corrugated body sherd with sherd and sand temper, and a Basketmaker I1 or Pueblo I plain gray body sherd of sherd and sand temper.

Bone Analysis, by Linda Mick O'Hara

This site produced only two piecesof animal bone, recovered from Levels 3 and 4 of unit 103N/17E. These bone fragments had some polishing and smoothingfrom digestion and appear to be scatological remainsfrom carnivores (probably dogs) scavenging medium-mammal bone and digesting some of the smallerfragments. This bone suggests the canidsas well as several former human occupations playeda role in thedistribution of artifacts at this site.

Summary

LA 68380 is a very large lithic artifact site and possibly hasa Pueblo I component. Feature 1 has been dated by radiocarbon to Pueblo I times, although the ceramics date to the Pueblo I1 to Pueblo I11 time period. However, if there is an old-wood problem, the site probablycan bedated by the ceramic assemblages. The other features did not allow any dating, Because more Pueblo- period ceramics were found outside the right-of-way, there isno doubt that there was a Pueblo occupation in the area.

Recommendations

LA 68380 extends on both sides of NM 134 and beyond the existing right-of-way. Four features were present on the site, but it is possible thatthere are moreburied features. This site has the potential to yield important informationon the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that the site be avoided. However, if construction will affect the extent and integrityof the remains, a data recovery plan should be implemented.

LA 68381

Site ope: Secondarily deposited artifact scatter.

Cultural/TemporalAflliation: Unknown.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,575 m (8,440 ft). Description: LA 68381 is along the shoulderof NM 134 (Fig. 22), an area in which previous construction has affected theextent and integrityof the remains. The artifacts were mixed with gravels and appeared to have been brought in withmaterial borrowed from another location. The site extends as far as the right-of-way fenceand measures 12 by 61 m.

The site was resurveyed before testing began. During the resurvey it was notedthat the site area had been built up for the previous road construction. Three 1 by 1 m test grids were placed

35 36 within concentrations of artifacts to determineif there were any culture features below thepresent ground surface. A main datum andan east-west baseline were placed on the site towork within a grid system.

The test grids did not reveal any cultural material.The materials below the present ground surface consisted of asphalt, base coursing, and large boulders and rocks (Table23). No auger tests were placed across the area because it was impossible to penetrate therock.

An in-field analysis was doneon all the surface artifacts. The artifacts were analyzed by grid and included in the statistical data with the collected artifacts. Stone Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Washington Pass chert was the only material present (Table 24).

Of the 80 flakes found on the surface, 2 were defined as primary, 33 as secondary, and 45 as tertiary. Three of the secondary flakes had cortical platforms. Of the tertiary flakes, 5 were recorded as biface thinning flakes; 7 as single faceted platforms; 1 each retouched, battered, collapsed, and cortical platforms; and 8 as distal fragments. Fifty-seven pieces of angular debris were recorded. Two bidirectional exhausted cores of Washington Passchert were collected. One indeterminate biface was alsorecovered. This artifact consists of a thick midsectiononly, and there is no evidence of edge wear.

Subsurface test excavations supported the supposition that theartifacts were not in situ. After excavating from 1 to 3 levels of 10 cm each, the base course of the road was uncovered, and excavations were halted. A total of 11 artifacts of Washington Passchert were collected, including 2 secondary flakes, 9 tertiary flakes, and 7 pieces of angular debris, Of the flakes, 4 had single- faceted platforms, 1 had a cortical platform, and 6 platforms were missing.

LA 68381 is a redeposited sitein which the material used to build up areathe for the current road contained prehistoric cultural materials.

Recommendations

Because LA 68381 consists of redeposited material, it has no potential to yield important information on the prehistory of the area, and no further archaeological work is recommended.

LA 68382

Site ripe: Lithic artifact scatter.

CuZturuZ/TernporuZ AfiZiution: Possible Pueblo I1 to early Pueblo I1 occupation.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,658 m (8,720 Et).

37 Figure 23. Site map, LA 68382.

38 Description: LA 68382 is along NM 134 (Fig. 23). The site measures104 by 228 m and extends on both sides of NM134. Previous construction has affected the extent and integrity ofremains the on the east side of thesite, The surface has been mechanicallyremoved, and the area is currently used to stockpile gravel and sand. A rock alignment, acting as an erosion-control device, runs along the edge of the site where the surface was removed.

A retaining wall (Feature 1) was the only feature found on the surface. Below the surface, charcoal and artifacts are present. The cultural material extendedas deep as 70 cm in someplaces. A total of eight 1 by 1 m test grids were placed in artifact concentrations and where there might have been a feature on the west sideof the highway.

On the east side of thesite, five 1 by 1 m test grids were placed in unmodifiedareas. One test grid was placed on the southwest edge of the rock alignment(Table 25). Wherever the soil was dark brown to brown, the artifact density was high.

Auger tests were also placed along the site atan interval of 10 m, which helped todefine the extent of the site(Table 26).

Auger Tests 1 to 12, on the east side of LA 68382, were dug to a depth of 3 to 25 cm before bedrock was reached, The rest of the auger tests were placedon the west side, where the soil was deeper. These tests did not reveal any cultural material exceptfor Auger No, 23, which had two flakes at 60 and 70 cm below the surface. A test grid was placed over the auger test and exposed the stratigraphy. The soil profile was as follows: Stratum 1 is a dark gray sandy soil withgravels that is 25 cm thick and overlays the bedrock. Stratum 2 is a dark brown clayey loam 60 cm thick and is present on the east side of NM 134. Stratum 3 is a silty clay thatvaries in color from brown to gray and overlays the bedrock on the west side of the highway. Stratum 5 is the bedrock. Artifacts were present, but no features were found.

Feature 1. Feature 1, a rock alignment, was recorded during the initial survey. The alignment is 10 m long and is at the north end of the bladed area (Fig. 22). The rocks rested just below the topsoil. The feature is constructed of vesicular basalt and seemsto have been placed in a small drainage, serving as an erosion-control device.

A 1 by 1 m test unit was placed in thealignment. Level 1 (0 to 10 cm below present ground surface) was sterile. Level 2 (10 to 20 cm) went below the rocks and wasalso sterile. The rocks did not continue down below the first level. An auger test placed next to therock alignment went down 40 cm before reaching bedrock.

Ceramics

Two Pueblo I1 to Early Pueblo I11 Gallup Black-on-white bowl bodysherd fragments and a indeterminate Cibola white ware sherd were found. TheGallup Black-on-white fragments contain sherd and sand temper. The ceramics were the only means of datingthis site.

Stone Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Of the seven sites in thisproject, LA 68382 was the nearest to the main source of Washington Pass chert. Table 27 reflects the prominence of this material in the assemblage.

Table 28 shows the breakdown of the stagesof reduction for the surface artifacts. One silicified

39 sherds and an indeterminate Cibola white ware sherd give the site adate of approximately A.D. 1100 (Late Pueblo I1 or Early Pueblo 111). It is also possible that LA 68382 was an Archaic campsite and the ceramics were brought inlater, since no subsurface ceramics were found.

Feature 1, the rock alignment, is probably a modernerosion control device. After testing the area we found thatthe rocks had been placedon top of mechanically pusheddirt that was moved from its original place. This rock alignment has been recorded andis not likelyto yield information beyond what has been documented.

Recommendation

LA 68382 may be a Pueblo III Early Pueblo I11 or an Archaic campsite, with artifacts extending to a depth of 70 cm below the present ground surface. It may represent a buried site. LA 68382 has the potential to yield information important toprehistory the and history of thearea. However, Feature 1 has expended its potentialto yield any importantinformation. Therefore, it is recommended that ifany further work is to be done on NM 134 within the right-of-way, a data recovery plan will be necessary.

LA 68383

Site Type: Procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area.

Cultural/Aflliation: Unknown.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,393 m (7,850 ft), Description: LA 68383 is at milepost14.5 on the east side of NM 134 in SanJuan County (Fig. 25). The site is a large lithic procurement and manufacturingarea measuring 20 m north-south by 120 m east-west. The surface artifacts consist of large cores, primary, secondary, and tertiary flakes, and a great amount of angular debris.

Three 1 by 1 m test pits were placed on the site where thelargest concentration of artifacts were found and wherea burn stain was noted on the surface.

Grid 114N/192Ewas in a flat area 4 m east of the roadcut next to tree a stump. Level 1 (0-10 cm) consisted of darka reddish brown sandy loam that produced threeflakes. Level 2 (10-20 cm) has the same soil, but at 15 cm the soil becomes charcoal stained and flecked.The burn was bisected to expose the stratigraphy and shape of the burn. The profile was extremely shallow (3 cm), and the soil had beenagitated. Within the burnedarea there was modern trash, pine cones, pine needles, small twigs, and sheep dung. Below the burned soil was thenatural bedrock. The bedrock also exhibited oxidation. Six flakes were recovered from this grid, This appeared to be a modern surface burn that had been covered up to control fromit spreading.

Grid 104N/99E produced a total of45 artifacts, of which 30 of the lithic artifacts were from Level 1, Level 1 (0-10 cm) was a sandy loam containingchert and volcanic gravels. Level 2 (10-20 cm) wasgravelly with large rocks beginningto show. Fourteen lithic artifacts were recovered from

41 Figure 25. Site map, LA 68383.

42 this level, with some of thematerials showing heatcrazing. Level 3 (20-30 cm) had large boulders (bedrock) with a dark reddish brown clay and wassterile.

Grid 106N/192E had a totalof 11 artifacts. Level 1 (0-10 cm) was a rockybrownish clay with seven artifacts. Level 2 (10-20 cm) had the same soil with threeheat-fractured angular debris and one flake. Level 3 (20-30 cm) is adark reddish brown clay with no artifacts (sterile).

The site hasvery little soildepth, and noauger tests were made, Thematerials on the site were of Washington Pass chert, with some chalcedony and undifferentiatedchert. Some of the surface materials showed crazing and signs of heattreatment. This suggests thatthe chert was beingheated before it was chipped. No hearths or any type of heating features were noted on the site, but it is possible that any suchfeatures were modified by grazing sheep and mechanicaltraffic inside and outside the right-of-way. The site surface was examinedtwice, once before testing and again after testing, to locate hearth areas, but none were detected.

Stone Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Material selection at this site was based mostlyon availability. The most common material is Washington Pass chert.

Of 166 flakes recorded on the surface, 13 were defined as primary, 30 as secondary, and 123 as tertiary. Material types consisted of chert, silicified wood, chalcedony, and Washington Pass chert. Of the tertiary flakes, 10 were less than 5 mm thick, 3 had single facet platforms, 1 had a collapsed platform, 2 displayed crazing, 2 had hinge fractures, and 7 were distal fragments. The rest of the debitage was not intensively analyzed.

Angular debris made up alarge part of the assemblage on the surface. Of the 245 pieces, 36 were crazed.

A total of 30 cores from this site were analyzed in the field andin the lab. Table 31 outlines the results of this analysis, One of the cores had unidirectional retouch andscarring on oneedge. It may have been utilized for expedient scraping.

The subsurface excavations produced fewartifacts. Of the 30 lithic artifacts collected, 10 were flakes, and 20 were angular debris. Of the flakes, 4 were secondary, and 6 were tertiary.

One Washington Pass chert biface with three polished and abraded edges was collected. It appears to have been usedas a spokeshave.

LA 68383 was more like a quarry than any of the project sites. Much of the material was flawed but hadapparently been picked overfor usable material. All stages ofreduction probably occurred here, from core reduction to tool manufacture.

LA 68383 is a lithic procurement and manufacturing area. The site lies withinthe highway right-of-way and extends outside the existing right-of-way. The site is shallow, and bedrock is present on the surface in areas. The artifacts are core flakes, angular debris, and cores. Some of the artifacts and raw materials exhibit crazing from heat treatment. This heating process is not

43 thought to have been causedby brush fires or any other natural fires.

Most of thematerials had flaws, and the usable materials had probably been pickedout. Three bifaces were found, all of good-quality Washington Pass chert. One biface was used as a spokeshave. No ceramics were found at thissite.

Recommendations

Analysis of the collected artifacts and the infield analysis has suggested thatLA 68383 is a quarry site in which materials were picked for their quality. The site is very shallowand did not reveal any features.

Because an in-field analyses wasperformed on all surfaceartifacts and no features were found, the potential of LA 68383 to contribute any more information to the prehistory of the area has been depleted. No further archaeological work is recommended.

44 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

Stone Artifacts

The lithic materials at LA 68377 are local, and Washington Pass chert is the predominant material. The presence of biface flakes on the site suggest that some on-site toolmanufacture occurred. The percentage of cortical flakes on the site(37.5) and acortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.60 suggests that core reduction was the main activityhere.

LA 68378 is similar to LA 68377 in the presence of biface flakes--evidence of tool manufacture. The fact that 61.9 percent of all artifacts analyzed were biface flakes suggests that the site is theresult of a single knapping incident.The fairly lowpercentage of cortical flakes (19) and a cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.23 indicate that theseartifacts may be a result of secondary reduction.

LA 68380 is a core reduction and tool manufacturing site. Core reduction is indicated by two Washington Pass cores, a cortical flake percentage of 25.6 percent, and a cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.34. Given that 16.2 percent of all artifacts were biface flakes, bifacial reduction is suggested as well.

LA 68382 had the largest artifact sample and the widest diversity of chipped stoneartifacts. The extremely low cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.05 indicates that primary decortication occurred elsewhere and that the lithic artifacts were the result of on-site reduction of bifacial cores. The presence of tools suggests that theseartifacts might be the remains of hunting-toolpreparation.

LA 68383 is acore reduction activity site.The cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.40 is relatively high, and the small percentage (1.1) of biface flakes suggests little toolmanufacture.

Ceramics

by Dean Wilson A total of 15 sherds were recovered from surface and excavated contexts from five sites near Narbona Pass, in theChuska Mountains. These represent isolated occurrences of vessels, with no more than two represented at any site. While the extremely small number of sherds recovered greatly limits anyinterpretations based on this sample, these ceramics may stillprovide information concerning the dating and possible affiliationof the componentsrepresented. Data recorded during the analysis of these sherds include traditional type, temperingmaterial, paint type, and vessel form.

Despite the small sample size, the combination of ceramic types identified indicates the presence of at least two and possibly three distinctive temporal components. The two definite components identified include an Anasazi and Navajo occupation.Seven Dinetah Gray sherds at LA 68377 indicate a Navajo component.

Anasazi ceramics include PlainGray, Corrugated Body, Indeterminate Cibola white ware, and Gallup Black-on-white. It likely that two distinct Anasazi componentsare represented, one dating

45 to the Basketmaker I11 or Pueblo I period, and the other to the PuebloI1 or Pueblo I11 period. The likelihood of an earlier Anasazi occupation is basedon the presence of Plain Gray body sherds, which may indicate anearly Anasazi occupation dating to the BasketmakerIT1 or Pueblo I periods (A.D. 575 to A.D. 950). While Plain Gray body sherds occur at sites dating to all temporal occupations, they are very rare at sites dating after A.D. 950, after which the great majority of gray ware sherds exhibit a corrugated surface treatment. A total' of four Plain Gray bodysherds were identified at three sites. All four contain sand temper and !belongjars. to Two Plain Gray sherds from LA 68379 represent the only ceramics recovered from this site, and it is likely they indicate an early Anasazi occupation. A single Plain Gray shed recovered from LA 6830 was associated with a Corrugated Body sherd, and one identified at LA 68377 was associated with seven Navajo Utilitysherds. Although these sherds probably indicate twoseparate occupations at each site, it is also possible that the Plain Gray sherd is within thevariation of ceramics produced within either period, and a single occupationmay be represented.

Later Anasazi occupations (Pueblo 11) are definitely represented. These are indicated by the presence of Corrugated Body, indeterminate Late Cibola whiteware, and Gallup Black-on- white sherds. The former two typesdate between A.D. 900 to 1300, while Gallup Black-on-whitedates between A.D. 1000 and A.D. 1150. Evidence of a late Anasazi occupationin the form of these sherds is present at sites LA 68382 (one Gallup Black-on-white) andLA 68380 (one corrugated body). Given the location of this area within the Chuska Mountains, it is interesting to notethat based on temper (the presence of sand rather than crushed basalt), all the late whitewares were placed into the Cibola rather than the Chuska tradition. If thede ceramics are associated with limited activities resulting from hunting or other seasonalactivitiei, they may indicatethe presence of groups originating within areas of the Cibolan rather than the Ghuskanregion.

46 AN ETHNOHISTORICAL EXAMINATION OF LA 68379 AND ADJACENT AREAS OF CRYSTAL

Linda J. Goodman

An ethnohistorical study of LA68379 and the surroundingarea was conducted from November 15, 1989, through January 30, 1990. Preparation of the oral history data, library research, and report writing was completed in August and September1996. The site, consisting of the remains of a former Navajo log house, is adjacent to NM 134 inside and outside the right-of-way on unplatted NavajoTribal Trust land, located inT21 N, EOE, near the town ofCrystal. This study, initiated to discover historic information that would complement and expandupon the archeological testing, focused on determining the ownership history of the land, time of occupation, site functions, cultural and economic activities ator near the site, and the placementof LA 68379 in a larger sociocultural context.

Research methods included sitevisits, a limited reviewof archival and published materials, interviews with knowledgeable individualsfrom the area, and follow-up telephonecalls to corrobo- rate and clarify information. Research was conducted under Navajo Nation Permit C 8904 and ARPA Permit ARPA-89-002 in compliance with theNational Register Bulletin 38; the NNHPD Guidelines for the Treatment of Historic, Modern, and Contemporary Sites; and Navajo Nation Policy to Protect Traditional Cultural Properties.

The ethnohistory portion of the project began with a visitto the site inthe company of project director Dorothy Zamora,on November 15, 1989, followed by initialintroductory discussions with two local residents living near LA 68379. These discussions were later followed by a series of interviews with five local residents ofCrystal and follow-up telephonecalls as necessary.

Archival and library resources were examined for relevant material concerning LA 68379, the town of Crystal, and the Narbona Pass (formerly Washington Pass)area in general. A limited review of BIA andother government records conducted by DorothyZamora in Window Rock in 1989 did not produce relevant ethnohistorical data. Due to time andbudgetary constraints, census and genealogical material housed atSt. Michaels, Arizona, and medical and other records at Fort Defiance, Arizona, were not examined, Published materials werebriefly checked by the author in Santa Fe atthe Laboratory of AnthropologyLibrary, the New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, and the Museum of New Mexico History Library. Since no official documents were found which could substantiate the ownership history of the land, interviews with one former occupant, several relatives, and other knowledgeable people livingadjacent to the site or in the local area provided the bulkof the available information.

An earlier archeological survey and limited testing of LA 68379 revealed the rectangular foundation of a log house and yielded tincans and other trash dating approximately to the 1940s. Since the house foundation was outside the right-of-way, it was fencedprotect to it, and no actual excavation of its interior was undertaken. Thus, archaeological information about thissite was minimal, and it was necessary togather material primarily by means of interviews to present a brief historical picture of this site.

47 An Overview of Navajo History (adaptedfrom Goodman 1994:45-49)

The Navajo and Apache groups, Athabascan speakers related to those living in western Canada, are believed to have migrated from this northern region into the present southwestern United States sometime before the appearance of the Spaniardsin New Mexico in 1540 AB. As a migratory people theywere dependent upon hunting and the gatlieringof wild plants, seeds, nuts, and fruits (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:33-35), Exactly whin and how they arrived in the Southwest has not yet been established.There is no doubt, however, that they were in thearea by the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when Spanishchroniclers noted their existence (Bailey and Bailey1986: 11-12;Vogt 1961:285-290).

In 1636, when Friar Benavides wrote a description of the early Navajos, they were already agriculturalists and at least partially sedentary. It has been hypothesized that they learned the rudiments of crop raising from their Pueblo neighbors (Vogt1961:291-292). Spanish documents from the early and mid-1700s stated that the Navajos were living in small compact communities on the tops of mesas near their fields, and agriculture was their primary economic endeavor. However, sheep and goats, acquired through raiding and trading, were already making their appearance. Even at thattime, Navajo women were weaving wooldresses and blankets. Men wore buckskin clothing (Kluckhohn and Leighton1962:34-35). I ~' The Navajos raided the Pueblos and the Spanish settlementsbr sheep, horses, fresh produce, and othergoods, and were thus the target of retaliatory raids. As early as 1608, Navajos were raiding Spanish settlements for livestock (Worcester 1947:49). During peaceful intervals these groups traded with each other. Spanish documents from the1700s; were largely concerned with the Navajos inrelation to warfare and trade. Descriptive material concerningother parts of their lives was minimal (Baileyand Bailey 1986: 14-16;Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:37).

Although the Spaniards in the Southwest had some limited success in subduing and Christianizing the Pueblo Indian groups in New Mexico in the 1500s and 1600s, they did not achieve these goals with the Navajos. Spanish missions were occasionally set up in Navajoareas, but each time, the efforts of the priests were largely ineffective, and theprojects were quickly abandoned (Hester 1962b: 135-146;Vogt 1961:297-300). Thus the Navajos managedto remain outside the sphere of Spanish domination. Since they were not heavily affected by Spanish programs, they felt no overriding need to drive these strangers out of the Southwest. Therefore, as far as is known, the Navajos did not play a major part in the Pueblo Revolt of1680 or the Spanish Reconquest of 1692. Before, during, and after this turmoil, however, some Pueblo refugee groups left their traditional homes in the vicinity of the Rio Grande, moved west, and joined various Navajo groups for a period of years. The Pueblo refugees brought with them their knowledge of technology, weaving, potterymaking, religion, agriculture, and animal husbandry, portions of which were adopted and adapted by the Navajos with whom they resided (Vogt 1961:301,294; Hester 1962a:67; Carlson 1965:57; Brugge 1983:493; Bailey and Bailey1986: 14- 16; Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:37; Spicer 1962:212). During the early 1700s the Navajos raided Spanish settlemehts, and theSpaniards responded with military expeditions into their territory to punish them,From approximately 1720 to 1770, however, peaceful relations developed between the Navajos and Spaniards the because both groups had to turn their attention to the Utes and Comanches, who increasingly raided each of them (Brugge 1968:31, 144). Schroeder (1965:59) and Reeve (1960:202-204) felt that Ute and

48 Comanche raids pushed the Navajos south into the Cebolleta Mountains and west intoChuskas. the

Navajo raiding continued and increased during the Mexican occupation of the Southwest (1821-1 846)and in the first portion of the Americanoccupation (1846- 1864)(Bailey and Bailey 1986: 17-19).Throughout this timethere was a steadyincrease in both the human population and the sheep population. Sheep and goats provided a dependable food supply-a necessary condition for Navajo population increase. Also, the sale of theanimals, hides, wool, and woven textiles provided a continuous source of exchangeable wealth and allowed Navajospurchase to metal tools and other manufactured articles, making daily life somewhat easier (Kluckhohn and highton 1962:39). In general, most family-owned herds remainedrather small andthus, of necessity, were often supplemented byfarming, hunting, and gathering (Bailey and Bailey1986: 19-21).

During the 1800s, as the weight of economic subsistence slowlyshifted from farming and hunting to herding, the settlementpattern also changeddramatically. Instead of livingin a single, relatively permanent camp by their fields, families began to use separate summer and winter camps, where forage and water were available for their livestock (Baileyand Bailey 1986:21). Seasonal migration became a necessity.

By the mid-1800~~herding had become strongly linkedto raiding. Greater dependence upon sheep and goats fostered the need for more and larger herds, thus prompting more raiding of Spanish-American herds, which increased hostilities between thesegroups. In 1862, the Navajos began raiding the Rio Grande region more intensively, since the U.S. Army, which had been providing protection, was preoccupied with theCivil War. Eventually the Euroamerican settlers had enough of the Navajoraids, and in 1863, Colonel Kit Carson was ordered into Navajo country specifically to destroy all Navajo means of livelihood, including crops, fruit trees, and livestock, and to pillage andburn all Navajo livingareas. The Navajos were rounded up andduring what was called "The Long Walk," the People were marched to BosqueRedondo, some 300 miles away in east central New Mexico. Many died during the harsh journey. Those who survived suffered disease and great hardships during the following fouryears of confinement. When officials finally saw that the Navajos were not going to become self-sufficientfarmers at Bosque Redondo, it became clear that the government would have to continueto issue rations to them if they were to survive. At an annual costof one milliondollars, the government could notafford to continue this practice indefinitely, so the Navajos were given sheep and allowed toreturn to their land to become self-sustaining once again (Bailey and Bailey 1986:25-27; Kluckhohn and bighton 1962:40-41). Thus in 1868, the U.S. government signed a peace treaty with theNavajo leaders establishing a reservation in northwestern New Mexico andnortheastern Arizona, providing some help for their shattered economy (Underhill 1953:176-181; Bailey and Bailey 1986:25; Spicer 1962:219-220). Initially, the People had a difficult timeafter their return, but during the 1880s and 1890s their herds prospered, and so did the population as a whole.

During approximately thefirst ten years following theirreturn (1868-1878), the Navajo people lived largely off government rations ofcorn, flour, and beef. To expand their small herds more rapidly, they refrained from butchering, allowed naturalreproduction to occur, and also returned to their old methods of raiding and trading. Raiding eventually declined, especially after the introduction of the Navajo police in1872. The herds continued to expand andthrive (Bailey and Bailey 1986:38-42).

The Treaty of 1868 allocated money for seed andfarm implements toencourage the Navajos to begin farming once again. In spite of government efforts to introduce a variety of crops, corn

49 remained the most important. Navajo farmers irrigated with floodwater, and the size ofthe area they planted in any particular year depended on the snowpack in the mountains. If the snowpack was deep, they planted extensively, expecting a heavy spring mnoff to adequately irrigate their crops. If the snow had beenlight, they planted very little. Thus farming intensity wasdetermined largely by climatic rather than economic conditions (Bailey and Bailey 1986:45-47).

During the late 1800s, other economic endeavors increased profitability for the Navajos, including weaving, silversmithing, and ironworking. The production of pottery and basketry gradually declined in importance (Bailey and Bailey 1986:51).

Before 1898, the forked-stick hogan (an earth-covered tripod frame with a dugout floor and, often, an elongated doorway) was the primary typeof Navajo habitation. After thistime, Navajo dwellings were more and more heavily influencedby Anglo-American and Spanish-American construction techniques. Around 1898, Navajos began to build octagonal log hogans modeledin construction technique after Anglo-American log cabins. These newerstructures had doors, and some even had windows. Debateraged among Anglos at thetimE whether these structures could be classified as hogans or whether they were houses. Since theform of the hogan hadbeen given to the Navajos by the gods, this type of dwelling had religious significance, and the Navajoswere not at all anxious to live inrectangular Anglo-American style houses (Mindeleff 1898:487-488; Bailey and Bailey 1986:68-69).

Even in the first half of the twentiethcentury, wealthy Navaljo families built houses more as prestige symbols than as actual living spaces. Families wealthy enough to have a house usually lived in a nearby hogan and used the house for storage(Lockett 1952:137; Bailey and Bailey 1986:69). Since living quarters were abandoned after a death, few could justify the expense of living in an Anglo house, which might have to be abandonedin a few years (Ostermann 1917:27; Bailey and Bailey 1986:67-69). In spiteof this situation,cabins gradually became more common, and according to Kemrer and Lord (1984b:103), many were being constructed after 1930. In general, rectangular log houses were not traditionally blessed thusand were not considered sacred sites at this time(Winter 1993:319).

The building of the railroad across New Mexico and Arizbna in the 1880s brought much disruption to Navajolife. The People were forced surrenderto moth of their bestwinter rangeland and many of their finest watering places to the advancing railroad. Areas later added to the reservation as a compensatory measure were significantly lessdesirable (Kluckhohn andLeighton 1962:43).

Pressure was put on the tribe in the 1920s to open thereservation to oil and gas exploration, leasing, and well drilling, For a number of years, the Navajos rejectedall requests. A lease was finally approved in August of 1921, but a numberof others were denied. Strong political pressure was applied. A tribal council was created in 1923, and thefirst council granted the commissioner of the Navajo Tribe the authority to sign all oil and gas mining ldaseson behalf of Navajo Indians on the treaty portion of the reservation (Kelly 1968:69; Bailey and BaiIey 1986:120-121; Young 1972:185-192).

In the mid-l890s, wage labor began to take on some significance for the Navajos. They worked in trading posts; in area smelters, sawmills, and lumber camps; in minesin Colorado; on irrigation and road projects; the railroads; sugar beet farms in New Mexico, Colorado, and Kansas; at other seasonal agricultural work; for white ranchers; and, many years later, in the oil

50 and gas fields and coal and uranium mines. Money from these jobs was often used to purchase sheep to increase the sizeof family herds. During the 1920s wage labor became a more integral part of the Navajo economy,and with the passage oftime, it continued to grow in importance (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 155-160). By the 1960s and1970s, the emphasis had shiftedfrom seasonal off-reservation work to a greater dependence on permanent, full-time work on the reservation (Bailey and Bailey 1985:256-260).

The importance of sheep in Navajo life cannotbe overstated. Large herds were not just sources of meat, wool, and money, but especially significant Navajo symbols whichexpressed the living of a proper, good, and correct life. The owning of sizable herds also brought prestige to their owners (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:26). Therefore, when a government stock reduction program was instituted in 1933, it was met withgreat hostility.

The problemof severe erosion on the reservation caused by overgrazing combined withlarge increases in the Navajo population in the early 1930s led to the introduction of the highly controversial stock reduction program. The Navajos never accepted theovergrazing theory as the reason for the erosion problem. They felt that the reduction of their livestock caused the rain clouds to diminish. This kept the grass from growing, and the final result was theerosion. Most Navajos never accepted or understood the need for livestock reduction as presented by U.S. government agents (Roessel and Johnson 1974:~;Bailey and Bailey 1986:185-186). John Collier inherited this difficult problem and tried to deal with it by instituting a two-phase program: a voluntary reduction program, which was in operation from 1933 to 1936; and a "systematic" reduction program from 1937 to 1941. Even though Collier provided a number of other incentives suchas more reservation land, day schools, irrigationprojects, and other programs to employ Navajos, and eventhough he got supportfrom the Tribal Council, the program was met with great hostility and suspicion by theNavajos, who did not wish to selltheir sheep or reduce their herds at all (Bailey and Bailey1986:186-193).

In the 199Os, the Navajo Nation allowseach family to obtain and maintain a homesitelease for their present land. Such a lease allows certaina number of people per acre to live on the land. Often (though not always) this includes a matrilineal extendedfamily. As long as they pay an annual designated fee of $5, the family is allowed to stayon the land as long as they wish. People who own livestock pay a$20 annual fee, which entitles them tograzing rights for a limitednumber of animals (Goodman 199 1, field notes).

Historical Background of the Chuska Mountain-Crystal-Narbona Pass Area

The date of the earliest Navajo occupation of the Chuska Mountain area remains unknown. However, written documentation exists for their presence in thearea by the mid tolate 1700s. In a description dated 1786, the commandergeneral of the Interior Provinces of New Spain reported five geographic divisions of the Navajos, one of which was theChuska Mountain division (Bartlett 1932:31). Nothing more is known about themat this time. However, after examining available Spanish documents, Hester surmised that the regional unit of Navajo culture in the Chuska Mountain area included residencepatterns very similar to thoserecorded ethnographically (Hester 1962a: 131, 136-7). According to Kemrer andLord (1984b: 103), early Navajo land useand subsis- tence activities in this area were primarily related to herding, hunting, and gathering. No early evidence of farming has yet been found. Later in time, after the return from Bosque Redondo in

51 1868, permanent camps containing hogans became muchmore common, as did evidence of sheep herding (corrals) and agricultural activity. They also note the presenceof cabins in thearea, many built after 1930 (Kemrer and Lord 1984b:103).

Due largely to hostile relations with theSpaniards, there was much turmoil throughout this region and a great deal of Navajo movement and raiding duririg the 1800s. Details of Navajo existence are not known, buta few sketchy facts have beenrecorded. Some Navajos hadcreated a stronghold in Canyon de Chelly by 1803; by 1819, others had settled in the vicinityof the Hopi villages, which they frequently raided. As stated above, theirpresence in the Chuskas was first documented between the mid andlate 1700s. By the late 1840s, the Navajos had becomefirmly entrenched in the Chuska Mountains, and this became their principal habitation area (Bartlett 1932:3 1). Some groups have continuedto live thereever since. Therefore, it appears that there has been a more or less continuous Navajo occupationof the Chuska Mountain area for well over 200 years.

The nearby mountainpass, with its8500 foot summit approximatelyeight miles east ofcrystal, had been used by the Navajos since the mid-1700s. They called Copperit Pass, Beesh-lichi'ii- bigish, referring to metallic formations there (Van Valkenburgh1941: 169; McNitt 1962:252). In 1849, United States forces under the commandof Colonel JohnM. Washington reconnoitered this pass and crossed it while on an expedition against the Navajos. Lieutenant JamesSimpson, in his journal, described this pass, named it for his commanding officer (Washington), and noted the beauty of its trees, flowers, and other vegetation (McNitt 1962:1252-253).Its English name has been Washington Pass, ever since. Occasional references to thib pass as Cottonwood Pass, are erroneous. Cottonwood Pass actually referred to another passfarther to theeast (Van Valkenburgh 1941:169; McNitt 1962:252-253). Recently, a group of Navajlo Community College students petitioned the U.S. Board on Geographic Names in Washington, D.C., andthe Navajo Nation Tribal Council, and in 1993 succeeded in changing the nameof Washington Pass to Narbona Pass in honor of the respected Navajo chief who livedon the pass and worked tobetter the lives of his people. Colonel Washington's troops were responsible for killing Narbona while he was tryingto negotiate peace with the U.S. Army commander in 1849, and the students felt it was more appropriate to name the pass after a Navajo leader than anenemy (New Mexican, January 31, 1993).

Due largely to the harsh winters and deepsnows, non-Indians did notgain an early foothold in the Crystal-Chuska Mountain region. Those outsiders who came usuallydeparted after a brief sojourn. According to McNitt (1962: 253), perhaps the first licensed trader to appear here was Romulo Martinez, who set up a tent or log hut at the pass by1878 and remained until his license was revoked in 1881. By 1884, Stephen Aldrich and EliasClark had established a trading tent in the region of the pass. Others who possibly traded there for short periods of time, most likelyin the summer, wereBen Hyatt (1 882- 1884), Walter Fales (1884-8S), and Michael Donovan(1886). (See Van Valkenburgh [ 194 1: 471 for somewhat differing informationconcerning early traders in the Crystal area.) Another trading post was builton the west side of Washington Pass by Joe Wilkin and ElmerE. Whitehouse in 1894. This post wasnot a success, and in 1896 the partners sold out to Joe Reitz and John B. Moore (McNitt 1962:252-253).

In 1897, Moore bought out Reitz, renamed the postCrystal, and created a highly successful business and the first permanent trading establishment in thearea. The Crystal Trading Post was near a pure mountain spring on a high, wooded plain approximately eight miles west of Washington Pass. Moore built a log post and house strong enoughto withstand the severe winter

52 storms, then freighted in large quantities of supplies each fall, allowing him to survive the long, isolated winter months (McNitt 1962:252-253; Moore 1986:iv).

Where andwhen Moore first developed an interest in Navajo weavingis not known.However, he gathered together and nurtured some of the finest weavers in theCrystal area. These women created outstanding rugs based on designs whichMoore himself had alarge part in developing and which came to be known as Crystal rugs. ' Moore found a goodmarket for them inall parts of the United States and built up a substantial mail order business, which allowed him to support a number of Navajo families in the area, as well as himself. His business in blankets flourished. They were far more popular than Navajo silver jewelry at that time (McNitt 1962:254, 256).' Thus, in the Crystal area, many Navajo women played large a part in the support of their families between 1896 and 1911, the years Moore owned and ran this post.

Some type of scandal (not described in the literature) caused Moore and his wife to leave Crystal in late 1911, never to return to thereservation (McNitt 1962:256). He sold thepost in 1911 to Jesse A. Molohon, who had been his manager since 1908.By 1920, C. C. Manning owned it, and Charlie Newcomb bought it from him in 1922. Whentrader Don Jensen went to Crystal in 1944, he noted a major weaving changefrom the use of aniline dyeto deep, rich, vegetable dye colors used for Crystal rugs. Desbah nez, the daughter of one ofJ. B. Moore's best weavers, Yeh del spah bi mah, was supposed to have instituted this changein approximately 1940 (McNitt 1962:254-255). Since then, the tradition of fine weaving has continuedin the Crystal area, even though designs and colors have undergone some changes. According to EffieTaylor Curtis, a local Crystal resident, both Moore andJenson were considered good traders. They provided nice feasts for their customers at holiday time and were well liked by the Navajos.

Periodically, the post has been closed whenno trader has been available to run it. According to Effie Taylor Curtis, a man namedCharlie Andrews ran this post between 1986and 1988. He closed it and left when thetribe informed him that he hadto renew his licensefor 25 years instead of the 5 years he requested (Goodman 1989). The post then remainedclosed for several years. The most recent proprietors, Bill and Glenda Pilgrim, operated the Crystal Trading Post during the early 1990s and maintained a special rug room, Since most Navajos now havepickup trucks and go to Gallup for food and supplies, it is harderfor the trading postto remain in business.

LA 68379

Location and Dates of Occupation

LA 68379, which includes aformer Navajo log house, is adjacent toNM 134, partly inside and partly outside the right-of-way,on unplatted Navajo Tribal Trust land in T 21N, R 20E, near Crystal. It was occupied from about the early 1920s through the mid-1940s andapparently was abandoned before a maintained road (formerly Navajo Route 32, now NM 134) existed in this area. According to Luke Deswood, BIA Roads Engineer, Fort Defiance Agency, this former wagon trail and unimproved Model-T two-track became an official BIA-maintained road about 1952. This same road (now calledNM 134) later came under the jurisdiction of NMSHTD and, according to the latter's archival information, was first paved by the BIA RoadsDepartment in 1968 (BIA 1968). Several interviewees in Crystal stated that LA 68379 was abandonedbefore the BIA-maintained dirt and gravel road was first created.

53 The Residents of LA 68379

The rectangular log houseat LA 68379 was probablyfirst occupied by amarried couple: May Roanhorse Peshlakai (deceased), a member of theTsit'najinnie (Black Streak in the Forest) Clan, and her husband, Vincent Peshlakai(deceased). May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse (born 1909) also lived there with her mother and stepfather. It is unclear whetherMay's maternal grandmother (her name is no longer remembered) lived here with heror perhaps even lived here before May and her family moved in. Anotherrelative, Effie Taylor Curtis, thought that thiselder might have lived in the log house with the Peshlakais, but that she died in aflu epidemic in the 1920s. May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse Wilson, who was 80 years old when interviewed in 1989, stated that she herself had lived in this housefrom the time she was a young teenage girl until she was married, in her early twenties, to Sam Wilson. She made no mention ofher great grandmother living in the log house with them, only hermother, stepfather, and herself. Rose said that her parents continued to live in this log housefor a long but undeterminedperiod of time after her own departure. May and Vincent Peshlakai moved outbefore the highway (Navajo 32, now NM 134) was built, but Rose did not know specifically wheneither event had occurred. Rose had a half-sister, Clara (now deceased), who, at some pointafter her marriage to John Damon, moved in and out of the houseat LA 68379 several times. Rose could notrecall when they came, how long they werethere, or when they left. Once, one ofClara's babies became quite ill and they took the child toFort Defiance for medical treatment, where died, it according to Rose.3 Effie Taylor Curtis thought that theDamon baby died about 1938, and that soon after, John and Clara left the log house at LA 68379 and moved to Sawmill,Arizona, to live near his family.It is not known whether anyoneelse lived in the log houseafter the Damons moved out. Rose stated that no one everdied in that houseand that it was abandonedbefore the road was builtthere, Effie thought that perhaps the log house had been dismantled sometimeduring World WarI1 and that for a period of time before that it had been unoccupied. Effie was a small childat the time the Damons livedthere. At some later point she realized that the log house was gonedid but not know what happenedto it or exactly when. Rose recalled that someone scavengedmaterials the for reuse at a later time. Pauline Clark, another Tsit'najinnie Clan relative, stated that it was gone long before she moved back to Crystal in 1965.

Land Ownership

LA 68379 and all thesurrounding land now on both sides of NM 134 near the Camp Asaayi turn and east to the boundary of Crystal proper was formerly owned by a man named George Tsit'najinnie, also known as George Taylor and as Bello Yazhie, a member of theTsit'najinnie Clan. He was the patriarch of his extended family, thegranduncle of Rose Wilson and Pauline Clark, and the grandfather of Effie Taylor Curtis (see Tsit'najinnie Clan genealogical chart, Fig. 26). According to several Crystal residents, the Tsit'najinnies were known as hard-working people who did all they could to improve themselves. Thisentire area belonged to the Tsit'najinnie Clan, and many relatives livednear each other on it. Thus the log houseat LA 68379 was just one of the clan residences in the area and part of a local community which included many members of this clan and their families. The log house at LA 68379 was occupied by George Taylor's sister's daughter, May Roanhorse Peshlakai, and her family (see genealogicalchart). Apparently George allowed her to use thisland, but no one ever stated that May Peshlakai owned it. It was always considered to be George Tsit'najinnie Taylor's land. In 1989 there were ruins of at least three and perhaps four log hogans in the vicinity of LA 68379, approximately 200 to 600 feet north of NM 134 and outside the right-of-way. In the same vicinity are numerous ash piles andremains of a

54 1 ,.J I " 1' L

0 =FEMALE A =MAtE

Figure 25. Genealogicai chart of the Tsii 'najinnie Clan. huge sheep corral to the northwest against a sandstone rockoutcrop. In addition, according to Rose Wilson, there had been a log hogannear the log house on LA68379; however, the remains of this hogan disappeared long ago. The entire expanse of Tsit'najinnie land remained undivided until the road was officially built in 1952.The land with LA 68379 on it still belongs to theTsit'najinnie Clan, but currently no clan members useit.

Site Function and Related Cultural and Econotnic Activities

The small, rectangular log houseat LA 68379 was occupiedby Rose Roanhorse Wilson, her mother (May Peshlakai), and her stepfather (Vincent Peshlakai)on a seasonal basis due to the requirements of sheepherding. As pastoralists, Rose's parents and grandparents never lived inone place for long, but moved continually to areas west, south, and east of Crystal. LA 68379 constituted one of their habitations from approximately the early 1920s through the mid-1940s.

During Rose's younger years,she and her family left Crystal in the fall, crossed the Chuska Mountains to the east, and ended upon the flatlands farther east. They wintered their sheep on these flatlands because the weather was often severe and the snowsdeep quite both in the Chuskas and on the west side of them near Crystal. In the spring the family moved back across the mountains to the Crystal area and then up into the Chuskas, where they had a small hogana with dirt roof, used during the hot part of the summer. Later in time, when the government wouldno longer allow them tomigrate freely, they moved back toCrystal from their grazing land in the Chuskas as soon as it got coldin the fall. They could no longer use^ the pasture land on the east side of the Chuskas and had to survive the harsh winters as best they couldon the west side. It is not known whether LA 68379 was used as a permanent residence after this change. Perhaps more archeological excavation could provide an answer.

Rose Roanhorse Wilson, a member of theTsit'najinnie Clan, who livedas a teenage girl with her mother and stepfather in the log houseon LA 68379, wasborn in 1909 in the RoundTimber area, a few miles west ofCrystal propere4Aside from living inLA 68379, she andher family also occupied a number of other locations on Tsit'najinnie Clan land on both sides of NM134. The numerous ash piles and hogan remains whichcan still be seen in the vicinityare an indication of all the places where her family and other Tsit'najinnie relatives lived. Rose's maternal grandmother, Ahienabah Tsit'najinni Roanhorse, and her grandfather, Belin da Bahe Roanhorse, lived their later years in a hogan thatcurrently has two pine trees growingout of it, located across the highway a few hundred feetnorth of LA 68379. This hogan was built byGabriel Roanhorse, Rose's uncle. Ahienabah wasan older sister of George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and a member of the Tsit'najinnie Clan (see genealogical chart). Rose's grandparents lived here until they died. Belin da Bahe passed away first, Ahienabah, later. Effie Taylor Curtis stated that as a young girl, she used to ride her horse on the trail through the Roanhorse landon her way to the day schooleach morning, so she was aware of some of the events in their lives. She remembered that Mr. Roanhorse died sometime in theearly 1940s, and that Mrs. Roanhorse died later, but she didn't know exactly when, Both Effie and Rose recalled that Ahienabah,or Mrs. Roanhorse, had passed away in her hogan, which was abandoned after her death. This occurred long before 1950. Ahienabah was the important elder who held this group ofTsit'najinnie Clan relatives together, and after her passing, the rest of the Roanhorse relatives moved awayfrom this area. All the dwellings located near NM 134 and theCamp Asaayi turn, including LA 68379, were abandoned. Belin da Bahe and Ahienabah were originallyburied on land near the current highway, NM 134; however, their remains were moved to a safe placenorth and west of theroad just before it was

56 paved in 1968. None of the Roanhorses have lived close to this location sinceAhienabah's death.

Rose Wilsondid not know whyLA 68379t was builtas a rectangular house instead of a hogan. She simply stated that some houseswere built like this insteadof like a hogan.The log house on LA 68379 had a door opening to the east and a board roof, which was notpitched. Some of these roofs had dirt on them, others didn't. Rose did not recall dirt on this roof. Also, a ramadah or shade, called a chu ha'os in Navajo, was near the LA 68379 loghouse. The women cooked under it in the summer andalso did their weaving there, No vestige of it is currently visible. Wagons, plows, and a rake were also kept nearby, Effie Taylor Clark stated thatevery home long ago had a separate underground storage cellar near the house.Garden produce, apples, wheat, corn, and potatoes were stored here for use during the winter. It is likely that such cellara existed near the log houseon LA 68379 if it hadbeen occupied during the winter. Rose recalled that there had been an older log hogan (remains are not currently visible) very close to the LA 68379 house.log Her grandparents, Ahienabah and Belinda Bahe, lived in thisold hogan until they movedto the newer one constructed for them north of the present highway--the one with the two trees currently growing out of it. A horse roundup was in the area about 100-200 feet north of her grandparents' newer hogan. The horse corral was just north of theroundup, and a large sheep corral was a little farther to the west by a sandstone rockoutcrop. Belin da Bahe had built thesestructures for the Roanhorse livestock.

When Rose married, she moved out of her parents' house on LA 68379 to an area known as "the sunny side," about one-halfto three-quarters of a mile northwest of thepresent chapter house, where it is warmer andsunnier. Her mother and stepfather continuedto live in the log house on LA 68379 for a number of years, and her grandmother, Ahienabah, and grandfather, Belin da Bahe, continued to live in the hoganto the north with the two trees growing out of it, Rose's parents, May and Vincent Peshlakai, eventually moved toanother hogan north of Ahienabah's hogan, later moved again to a hogan a little farther north and west, and finallybuilt a rectangular log house near this last hogan, where they lived until they died. (This was adifferent log house from the oneon LA 68379). Sinceno one died in this last log house it was not abandonedafter the deaths of May and Vincent Peshlakai.

All of the land around the LA 68379 log house hadbeen Tsit'najinnie grazing land. Clan members owned sheep, cattle, and horses which roamedin the area and werecorraled north and west of Ahienabah's hogan. According to Rose Wilson,there was never a problem with water because the government made dams and ponds, and good water always flowed in Crystal Creek as well. Effie Taylor Curtis said the local people oftenherded their livestock downto the stream for water. In the past Crystal Creek had a lot of waterin it, much more than now, when it isdry most of the time.

In earlier times, local residents, including those at LA68379, got their drinking water from the pump at the Crystal Trading Post, the boarding school, or from the chapter house. Effie's grandfather, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor, had a well near his house that was usedprimarily for drinking and household purposes, but occasionallyfor watering the animals, too. Most families did not have their own wells, however. Indoor running water only came toCrystal in 1982.

Until the early 1930s there were no laws governing how manysheep a familycould own, and Rose's extended family owned great a many. This was why her grandfather Roanhorse built ahuge corral. Then in 1932 laws were passed which limited the numberof sheep, and Rose's family was only allowed to keep275 sheep and8 horses. The family was not happy with thischange. Current-

57 ly, Rose'sgrazing permit allows her to have a totalof 90 sheep and cows on her land, but in 1989 she had fewer than this. She still ran approximately 40 sheep andgoats, but due to thedifficulties created by a recent drought, she had recently sold her15 head of cattle and4 horses. Weaving was another activity undertaken by several of the womenin the family. Rose's mother, May Peshlakai, was a good rug weaver. Rose learned by watching and askingquestions, and then began weavingher own rugs. She made many rugs thnoughout her younger years and helped support her family. She and her mother usedto process the wool from their own sheep. Now the weavers mostly purchase commercial yarn from the store. Rose has not engaged in weaving for many years, and her children and grandchildren are not currently learning this art form.

Several of theolder men in the family were medicine men.Rose's grandfather performed small ceremonies and part of the Enemy Way Ceremony--the shorter one- or two-day version. Rose's husband's grandfather performed the Yeibechai. Heruncle, Theodore Chester, from her mother's side of the family, was also a medicine man. He knew manysongs--horse, sheep, rug songs, and many others. None of these medicine men passedon their knowledge before they died.

Farming was also an important activity in the Crystal area. When Rose was a young woman, everyone in and around Crystal had a vegetablegarden. They raised squash, pumpkins, potatoes, cabbage, carrots, turnips, beets, and other vegetables. They also planted wheat andcorn in every available location in theCrystal valley. Each family, includinghers, had its own small fields. Rose said her family's fields were close to LA 68379, and one could easily walk to them. EffieTaylor Curtis said their garden was on the south sideof the bridge on the dirt road running by theCrystal Chapter House, approximately one-half mile north of LA 68379. In those days itrained often, almost every afternoon in thesummer, and goodcrops resulted, according to PaulineClark. People raised a special kind of corn that grows only in theCrystal area. It matures quickly, before frost, and is an in-between color--not white, but crystallike in color. It is calledhard corn and ishard to grind. Families often threshed their wheat on the rocks near PaulineClark's house. These rocks are located on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land, approximately 600 td 800 feet north and west of LA 68379. After being threshed, the wheat was then sacked, and Rose said theystored a great many bags of it in her family's house each year. They ground itas they needed it. Effie's grandfather, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor, also grewlarge fields of alfalfa andhay, and he and hischildren and grandchildren baled a lotof hay for many years. Today there is much lessrain than formerly, and few peopleplant any kind ofcrops. Several of the older people have small vegetablegardens; the younger ones often find jobs elsewhere and move awayfrom Crystal.

In summary, the peoplewho lived in the residence at LA68379 appear to have been involved in typical Navajo rural life activities, which includedprimarily pastoral and agricultural pursuits, and, secondarily, weaving and healing. The only apparent atypicalfeature was the log houseitself, which was rectangular instead of being either a round or a six- or eight-sided Navajo hogan.

Site Interpretation

It appears that Tsit'najinnie Clan members who werepart of the Roanhorse extended family occupied LA 68379 between approximately the1920s and the 1940s. All of the habitationsaround this site were also occupied by members of the same extended family and clan. Even today, descendants of these earlier relatives occupy the same landon bbth sides (north and south) of the

58 highway and beyond. MayRoanhorse Peshlakai; her daughter, Rose; andMay's husband, Vincent Peshlakai, lived for a number ofyears in the log houseon LA 68379. After her marriage, Rose moved out, but her parents continued to livethere. May's mother andfather, Ahienabah and Belin da Bahe Roanhorse, lived in an adjacent hogan, then moved to a new hogan a fewhundred feet to the north built by one of Rose's uncles, Gabriel Roanhorse. One of the Roanhorse boys lived in a third hogan nearby, and other Roanhorse children lived in other nearby hogans.

Today, the same kind of extended family habitationpattern exists. Those living on this land are still Tsit'najinnie Clan relatives, either descended from or related to the Roanhorse and/or Taylor families. Pauline Clark, a cousinof Rose Roanhorse Wilson, has livedin a house acouple hundred yards north of LA 68379 and the highway since about1970. Nearby, Judy Wilson Clark, daughter of Rose Wilson, lives up the hill to the northwestof Pauline Clark. Rose Wilson's niece, Bessie Taylor McKay, lives below PaulineClark to the south. Rose Wilson andher husband, Sam Wilson, live a little further north of Judy Clark. Rose's cousin, Effie Taylor Curtis, has a house about a quarter mile south of the highway,over a small ridge tothe south and east, where her parents, Dan and Anna Taylor, lived before her. Effie's daughter, Val Curtis Santos, lives in a house next door to the west ofEffie. Doris Taylor Spinney, Effie's sister, lives next door to the north. All these residencesare on land that belonged toGeorge Tsit'najinnie Taylor, who was Effie Taylor Curtis's grandfather and Rose RoanhorseWilson's and Pauline Clark's granduncle.

George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and his father, Ashxin Tsolsi, were originally from Naschitti, on the east side of the Chuska Mountains. George settled on the west side of the mountains on land just south of Crystal and retained grazing areas in the mountains and on the east side in the flatlands. This family group and related clan members have lived in theCrystal-Chuska area for at least the last 150 years, and perhaps longer. Thus they have probablybeen here since the1840s or 1850~~when this became the principal habitation area for a number of Navajo families, as mentioned by Bartlett(1932:31).

The Navajomatrilineal social organization and matrilocal residencepattern still appear to be operating fairly successfully in this local area when one examinespast and present inhabitants on George Tsit'najinnie Taylor's land. His sistersand/or their children, all members of the Tsit'najin- nie Clan, were given land by himon which to build their habitationsand establish their traditional livelihood. His sister, Ahienabah, married Belin da Bahe, a Roanhorse, and the Roanhorse descendants settled on the land around theCamp Asaayi turn, near the western edge of Crystal. Ahienabah's daughter, May, lived for a number of years in the house on LA 68379 with her husband VincentPeshlakai. May's daughter, Rose, lived there with her mother andstepfather until she married and moved into her own home fairly closeby, Rose Roanhorse Wilson has livedin various hogans or houses on Tsit'najinnie Clan land for most of her married life. Later, after leaving LA 68379, May and Vincent moved toother nearby locations stillon GeorgeTsit'najin- nie's land. Another of May's daughters, Clara, moved into the log house on LA 68379 after her parents had moved out. She and her family lived there periodically until one of her children became ill and eventually died. Then Clara left the area to move withher husband to his family's territory near Sawmill, Arizona. Rose Roanhorse Wilson hadeight children, and most of themstill live on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land near Crystal. A daughter, Betty Wilson, and twoof her sons currently live in the last house that MayPeshlakai lived in, very near Rose and Sam Wilson's present house. George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and his first wife, Axhintba Kin LichiniNez, from TeecNas Pas, who was a member of theTa'ch'ini Clan, lived about oneand a half miles southeast ofLA 68379. They had alarge log hogan and alog house, both of which are still standing. The hogan is now

59 used just for storage, but the house is occupied. Elsie Taylor Chee, daughter of George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and Axhintba, was given this land and thesestructures by her father. She and her husband, Tom Chee, lived there for many years until her death in 1965, Now her husband lives alone in the house which, along with the restof Elsie's property, will go eventually to the Chee children.

Another of George Tsit'najinnie's sisters, Na'a gleh'eybah, and her husband, Arthur Chester (who were Pauline Clark's maternal grandparents: see genealogicalchart), lived on Tsit'najinnie Clan land initially, but when askedby Chee Dodge to workfor hiin, this young couple moved and lived for many years on his land down by TannerSprings, west of Wide Ruins, Arizona. Their daughter, Mary Agnes Chester (later Parker), was born near Tanner Springs but eventually moved back to Crystal with her husband in the late 1940s and built a log cabinon Tsit'najinnie Clan land, near her uncle, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor. He told her she coulddo this, so she builta log cabin with a dirt roof. This house was eventually abandoned andtorn down after she and her husband died. One of Mary Agnes's daughters, Pauline Parker Clark, moved back to Crystal with her husband in 1965, but by this time,most of the Tsit'najinnie land had been given to other family and clan members. Hercousin, Rose Wilson, whenasked, gave Pauline a small pieceof land on which shecould build ahouse, This was near the oldhogan where Ahienabah haddied many years before, but Pauline and her husband did not mind. Before they could build their new house, however; they had to remove the remains of yet anotherTsit'najinnie Clan hogan, on the exact spot where they planned to build. Since no one had diedin this particular hogan, they felt it was acceptable to remove it and buildtheir house there. They have livedin this house since1970 and have never had any problems due to its location.

George Tsit'najinnie Taylor also provided landfor his son, Din Taylor, and for Dan's children and grandchildren, even though theyare not Tsit'najinnie Clan members (due to therules of matri- lineal descent). It is not unusual for sons to inherit property from their fathers, even though this is notpart of the traditional matrilineal pattern (Kluckhohn and highton 1962: 107). Dan decided not to live with his wife's family near Ganado, choosing instead to return with his wife and children to his father's place near Crystal. Dan Taylor's land is approximately a half to three- quarters of a mile northwestof his father, George Taylor's, old residence. Direct descendants who continue to liveon Dan's land today include hisdaughter, Effie Taylor Curtis; her daughter, Val Curtis Santos; Effie's sister, Doris Taylor Spinney; and their families. Later in life, Dan Taylor built a house for himself and his wife righton the location of aformer forked-stick hogan. He took down the remains of this older structure and then built his house there--the one that now belongs to his daughter, Doris. Another of his daughters, Leah, also has a house nearby whereshe used to live, but presently she rents it and lives in California. All of these womenand their children are members of the Tabahah Clanthrough their mother, Anna McClure, who came originally from an area a little south ofGanado, Arizona. Two of Effie's other sisters have died, another lives in Utah, and her one brother lives in Albuquerque.

It appears then, that both clan relatives and lineal blood relativesof George Tsit'najinnie Taylor inherited pieces of hisland, have continued to liveon them, and have passed themon to their children, Current living arrangements on the land continue to reflect and maintainclan and kinship relationships established long ago. Even though some relatives have movedaway, most continue to live on the clan land. Another pattern is also apparent: many who moved away when young have returned later in life. The land and the kinship relationshipsremain powerful magnets pulling people back, sooner or later. The log house on LA 68379 was one of the numerous habitations on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land, which was occupied for a number of years and then

60 abandoned. Abandonment probablyoccurred when old grandmother Ahienabah Roanhorse, who lived in a nearby hogan to the north, died insideher hogan, sometime probably in theearly to mid 1940s. All the Roanhorse relativeswho lived near her abandoned their dwellings after her death and moved to other locations, some still onTsit'najinnie Clan land, others much farther away. Thus, the house on LA 68379, even though not a traditional hogan, still fits easily into the local residential and kinship patterns, both during the time of its use and in the manner of its abandonment. Since no one died insideit, the materials of which itwas built were later scavenged and reused. None of the people interviewedconsidered it a sacred site.

Summary and Conclusions

LA 68379 functioned primarily as a Navajo habitationsite, occupied approximately between 1920 andthe mid-1940s. Locatedon Tsit'najinnie Clan land, the log cabin that formerly stood here was first inhabited by May Roanhorse Peshlakai, her husband, Vincent Peshlakai, and May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse Wilson. After Rose's marriage and subsequent departure, her parents continued to live inLA 68379 for a number of years. Later, another of May's daughters, Clara Damon, and her husband and children occupied this log house. It is notknown whether other family and/or clan members lived in it at various times and whether it was only seasonally occupied or occupied on a permanent, year-round basis. The final abandonment of LA 68379 probably occurred shortly after the death of grandmother Ahienabah Roanhorse, the family matriarch, who lived in a nearby hogan where she passed awaysometime in the early to mid- 1940s. Her death precipitated the departure of all the relatives living around her and the abandonment of their dwellings. Interviewees stated that LA 68379 had been abandoned long before the BIA-maintained road(Navajo 32, now NM 134) was constructed in 1952. This site is one unit of a muchlarger Roanhorse extended family andTsit'najinnie Clan residential cornunity that included numerous hogans, ashpiles, shades, several other log houses, storage cellars, several corrals, and garden plots, Former occupants were primarily sheepherders and farmers, although several of the women worked as weavers, and several male relativeshad been medicine men. Interviewees did not know of any sacred sites or burials at or near LA 68379.

Addendum: People Interviewed for the LA 68379 Ethnohistory Project

Interviewees included an elderly former resident of LA 68379, Rose Wilson,who was SO years old in 1989, and two of her cousins, Pauline Clark, 68, and EffieTaylor Curtis, 59. They and/or their relatives had lived in or had specific knowledge about the log houseat LA 68379, Since Rose Wilson did not speak English, Pauline Clark served as interpreter during discussions concerning the site. The ethnohistorian spoke with DoreenMose, the Head Start teacher in 1989 in Crystal, and with Ross Begay, patriarch of another of the large families livingin the Crystal area. The latter two individuals, not part of the Roanhorse or Taylor families or the Tsit'najinnie Clan, did not know the details that Rose, Pauline, and Effiewere able to supply but stillwere able to add useful information, (Ross is a distant relativeof Effie Taylor Clark, related through the Ta'chi'ni Clan). People in the Crystal Chapter House and inthe Crystal Trading Post were informed of thisproject but had no information to add about the log house. ofAll those interviewed knew about thisreport and agreed to being cited in it.

61 Endnotes

1. In regard to new rug designs for his weavers, Moore introducedvariants of the Greek fret,used both inborders and as interior design elements; a heavycross form, often found inconnection with a diamond pattern; and anelongated, angular "hook, " usually repeated four times within theouter border. Red was the predominantcolor, with blacksecondary, as well as blue, tan, brown, natural grays, and whites (McNitt 1962:254).

2. In 1910-11, Moore stated that hepaid his weavers $13,000 for their blankets, while during the same time period, he only paid his silversmiths$1,000 (McNitt U962:254). This provides a clear indication of the buying public's greater desire for blankets overjewelry at that time.

3. Time and funds were not available to examine medicalrecords at Fort Defiance that might be helpful in discovering relevant dates.

4. Rose's father was Sos Arviso, from Crownpoint, New Mexico, but since her parents never married, she was given her grandfather's name and was called RoseRoanhorse until shemarried.

62 DISCUSSION

LA 68377 is a multicomponent site with calibrateda 1 sigmadate of 421 1 to 3690 B.C. and intercept dates of 3942,3850, or 3820 B.C.The Navajo component wasdated by Dinetah ceramics (A.D. 1500 to 1800) and an Athabaskan projectile point associated with the hearth, contemporaneous with the Dinetahsherds.

LA 68378 is an Archaic rockshelter with a carbon-14 calibrated 1 sigma date of 1253 to 810 B.C. and an intercept date of 926 B.C. The rockshelter has collapsed, and extensive testing was difficult. Any further excavation of the rockshelter will take heavy equipment to remove the collapsed rock.

LA 68379 is the remains of a stone foundation andtrash dump dating from the late 1920s to 1940s. Archival research and interviews indicate that thestructure was occupied in the late 1920s and abandoned in about the1940s.

LA 68380 is a multicomponent site with calibrated a 1 sigma date of A.D. 81 1 to 1012 derived from a carbon-14 sample taken from a deflated hearth, placing it in the Pueblo I period. The ceramics, however, dated the site to the PuebloII/Pueblo I11 period.

LA 68381 consists of redeposited artifacts, The site materials had been moved here to fill the low area and raise the roadbed.

LA 68382 is alithic artifact scatter, 70 cm deep, However, two Gallup Black-on-white and one indeterminate Cibola white ware ceramics were on the surface, suggesting a date of about A.D, 1100 (Late Pueblo II/Early Pueblo 111).

LA 68383 is an undated procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area. This area produced numerous surface artifacts, including many cores. No features were present on the site, which sits just abovethe natural bedrock.

63 RECOMMENDATIONS

LA 68379, a historic site, has been tested; interviewswere held with the inhabitants of the house; and research was conducted at the countycourthouse. The resources have been adequately documented, and no additional investigationsare recommended.

LA 68381, a redeposited site, requires no further archaeological work because the artifacts were brought in from elsewhere.

LA 68383, a quarry site, extends into the right-of-way.The artifacts on the surface have been analyzed, and results show that only selected materials of good quality were used in tool manufacture. Because of the shallowness of the site, no additional investigations are recommended.

LA 68377 has an Archaic component (3942-3820 B.C.) and a Navajo component(A.D. 1500 to 1800). An Athabaskanprojectile point associated and the Dinetahsherds was foundon the site. The Archaic component yielded a carbon-14 date of 5070 f 190 B.P.

LA 68378 is a collapsedan Archaic rockshelter dating to 2790 f170 B.P. (926 B.C.). If the rockshelter is further excavated, heavy equipment will have to be used to removethe collapsed rock.

LA 68380 is a multicomponent site with calibrated a Pueblo I date of 1110 k90 B.P. (A.D. 900, 902, and 953). However, the ceramics date thesite to the Pueblo IX/Pueblo 111 period. LA 68382 is a lithic artifact scatter with 70 cm of depth. However, two Gallup Black-on-white and one indeterminate Cibola white ware ceramics were on the surface, suggesting a date of A.D. 1100 (Late Pueblo II/Early Pueblo 111).

LA 68377, LA 68378, LA 68380, and LA 68382 are likely to yield information that is important to the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that a data recovery plan be implemented at thesefour sites construction will affect the extentor integrity of the remains.

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Schroeder, Albert H. 1965 A Brief History of the Southern Utes. Southwestern Lore 30(4):53-78.

Schutt, Jeanne A., and Bradley J. Vierra 1980 Lithic Analysis Methodology. InHuman Adaptations in a Marginal Environment: TheVI Mitigation Project, edited by J. L. Moore and J. C. Winters, pp. 45-65. Office of Archaeology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque.

Spicer, Edward H. 1962 Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico,and the United Stateson the Indians of the Southwest. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Stevenson, Matilda C. 19 15 Ethnobotany of theZuni Indians. In Bureau of American Ethnology AnnualReport 30: 3 1 - 102.

Thomas, David Hurst 197 1 On Distinguishing Naturalfrom Cultural Bone in Archaeological Sites. American Antiquity

72 17:337-338.

Underhill, Ruth 1953 Here Come the Navajo. Indian Life and CustomsNo. 8. United States Indian Service, Lawrence, Kansas.

Van Valkenburgh, Richard 1941 Dine Bikeyah. U.S. Department of the Interior, Office of Indian Affairs, Navajo Service, Window Rock, Arizona.

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Vierra, Bradley J., and William H. Doleman 1984 Organization of the Southwestern Archaic Subsistence-Settlement System.Paper presented at the 49th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Portland. Vogt, Evon Z. 1961 Navajo. In Perspectives in American Indian CultureChange, edited by Edward H. Spicer. University of ChicagoPress, Chicago.

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Weirner, Martin 1986 Site Survey Files. Archeological Records Management Section, Historic Preservation Bureau, Santa Fe.

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74 APPENDIX 2: RESULTS OF MACROBOTANICAL ANALYSISFOR THE WASHINGTON PASS TESTING PROGRAM: LA 68377, LA68378, AND LA 68380

Meredith H. Matthews

The following report describes the resultsof analysis of seven flotation samplescollected from three sites tested in conjunction with the Washington Pass TestingProject. Samples analyzed were collected from LA 68377, a multioccupational (ArchaidNavajo) campsite; LA 68378, a rockshelter dating to the Archaic period; and LA 68380, an Anasazi Basketmaker 11-Pueblo lithic scatter. Analyzed samples were from features or cultural strata identified during testing procedures. Macrobotanical analysis was conducted primarily to provide ancillarydata useful in interpreting feature or site function. In addition, analysis was carried out to ascertain a range of botanical resources utilized by the occupants of thesites.

Methodology

The seven samples were processed with a water-separation technique by Office of Archaeological Studies personnel and separated into light and heavyfractions. The heavy fraction was analyzed by quickly scanning itfor botanical remains that had notfloated, as well as for bone or inorganic cultural material. To facilitate analysisof the lightfraction, it wasfirst poured through graduated screens (5.6 mm, 2.0 mm, 1.0 mm, 0.5 m, catch pan) and analyzed by size grades. Botanical remains were sorted and identified with the aid of a binocular microscope with magnification power of lox-7Ox. Botanical remains were identified and separated to the finest taxonomic level possible, and information such as quantity, plant part, and condition (e.g., charred, fragmented) was recordedfor each taxon.

Results of Analysis

Nine taxa were identified during analysis (Table 32), representing five families, six genera, and one species. The macrobotanical assemblage consistsof seeds and fragments of wood. Wood predominated the assemblage. In this report, the term seed is used in thegeneric sense and is intended to include such specific terms asachene and caryopsis and so forth.

The taxa identified can besegregated into threecategories of plant types, which can also be regarded as potential plant resource categories. The categories are based on the ecological habits of the plants and, to some degree, on the plantpart recovered. Pioneerplants (Chenopodium) are usually herbaceous, weedy annuals that occupy disturbed habitats and therefore benefit from human activity, which inadvertently perpetuates an early successional sere. Wild plants (Gramineae, Sporobolus), on the other hand, usually are perennial, do not necessarily benefitfrom human disturbance, and tend to proliferate in an ecozone during the more advanced stages of succession. Woodyplunts (Juniperus,Pinus, Pinus edulis, Quercus)have ecological characteristics similar to those of wild plants, but it is assumed they were usedprimarily for their wood, while wild plants were soughtfor their seeds, fruits, fiber, and so forth. The division between wild and woody is based upon the plant part represented in macrobotanical assemblage and also upon ethnographic documentation of plant use.

81 The majority of botanical remains retrievedare charred. The charred or uncharred condition of seeds is often used as acriterion to differentiate between cultural debris and postoccupational contamination. A charred condition is assumed to indicate direct or indirect association with cultural activity and occupation of the site, The interpretation of uncharred seeds from cultural deposits has been a pointof discussion in the literature (Gasser 1982; Keepax 1977; Lopinot and Brussel 1982; Minnis 1981). It is the consensus that uncharredseeds, especially pioneer species, retrieved from openprolific seed producers can advantageously remain in the soil bank for an indeterminate amount of time untilproper germinating conditionshre present. The three uncharred Chenopodium seeds and the singleSporabolus seed appear to be relatively recent, based upon intact seed coats and the presence of an embzyo, and therefore are considered to be postoccupational contaminants. I

LA 68377

Three samples were analyzed from LA 68377 (see Table 32), a multicomponent sherd and lithic scatter. Two of the samplesare from Feature 1, a hearth that yieldedan Archaic period date (5070 k190 B.P.). Botanical remains from thehearth included charred wood fragments identified as juniper, an indeterminate gymnosperm. It is assumed that the woodrepresents various fuel resources. Several uncharred goosefoot seeds and a single uncharred seeddropseed of grass were also recovered, but these seedsare considered contaminants. In addition to botanical remains, a fragment of indeterminate animal bone and one flake were noted.

The third sample is from Feature 2, an indeterminate pit that dated to the Middle Archaic period. Numerous charred goosefoot seeds and a few fragmentsof charred juniper and pikn wood were recovered from the feature. Goosefoot is an edible plant (Elmore1944: Robbins et al. 1916; Whiting, 1939; Yanovsky 1936) as a valuablefood or medicinal resource (Reinhard et al. 1985). The plant is mostfrequently procured for the greens or seeds. Given the contents and the condition of remains, it is possible that Feature 2 served as anotherhearth or possibly an ash pit.

LA 68378

Two samples were analyzed from LA 68378 (see Table32), a collapsedrockshelter that, based on the results of the radiocarbon sample (2790 f170 B.P.), appears to be associated with the Archaic period. Both samples were collectedfrom a cultural level, Stratum 2, defined in the soil profile in the shelter. The combined samples produced several hundredcharred goosefoot seeds, a single charred indeterminate grass seed, and wood fragments of juniper, piiion, oak, and indeterminate dicot and gymnospermaegenera. Also, numerous small fragmentsof animal bone and eight flakes were recovered from the samples. The wood fragmentsare probably remains of fuel resources, and the goosefoot seeds may represent the by-product of plant processing. Numerous genera of grass are documented as economic resources, exploited for a variety of purposes. However, much information can be extrapolated from a single seed, Furthermore, it is possible that the seeddoes not represent an economic resource but was incidentallyor naturally transported into the shelter and incorporated into the cultural stratum.

82 LA 68380

Two samples were analyzed from an indeterminate pit feature (Featurel) excavated at LA 68380 (see Table 32). Based on the results ofa radiocarbon sample (1 110 +90 B.P.), this lithic scatter dates to between the late BasketmakerI1 and early Pueblo I1 periods, although artifacts collected on the site indicate a Basketmaker I1 occupation (Dorothy Zamora, personal communication, October 1990). Macrobotanical remains from Feature 1 consist of charred fragments of juniper and piiion wood. Although the feature was not defined as a hearth or firepit, the charred wood fragments may be remains of fuel resources.

Summary

Analysis of the flotation samples resulted in identificationof a limitedarray of economic plant resources. Pioneer, wild, and woody resources are represented in the combinedmacrobotanical assemblage, and wood predominates the assemblage.However, given the small number of samples analyzed, the interpretative value of the results is not very high. Nonetheless, results of macrobotanical analysis has provided some informationconcerning potential resources exploited by the prehistoric occupants of the various sites.Furthermore, the results of analysisalso indicate that the three sites have the capacity to provide additional botanical information, especially LA 68378.

83 APPENDIX 3: TABLES

Table 1. Sites within the project area

(on file at the Archeological Records Management Section)

Table 2. Test pit results, LA 68377

I I I Grid I Depth (cm) I Type of Fill I Artifacts 89N/46E I Level 1 (0-10) I brownish silty sand 5 debitage, 1 I nonhuman bone Level 2 (10-20) sand 2 debitage I Level 3 (20-30) I sterile sandstone bedrock I I I 90N/40E Level 1 (0-10) reddish brown silty sand I flake Level 2 (10-20) light brown homogeneous sand 3 flakes with small gravel

Level 3 (20-30) compact silty sand with charcoal 3 flakes and soil staining

Level (30-40) mottled gray silty sand with 4 flakes 4 charcoal and charcoal-stainedsoil

Level 5 (40-50) mottled dark sand with charcoal flecking Level 6 (50-60) mottled dark sand decreasing toward the bottom of the feature 91N/70E I Level 1 (0-10) I reddish brownsand I I flake

X5 Level 2 (10-20) compact sand with smallflecks of charcoal

Level 3 (20-30) sandstone bedrock 93N121E Level 1 (0-10) sand 2 flakes Level 2 (10-20) sand with charcoal 1 flake Level 3 (20-30) sand with charcoal and 4 flakes compact burned cobbles

Level 4 (30-40) compact sand with charcoal and 2 flakes . root activity

Level 5 (40-50) compact sand with charcoaland root activity

Level 6 (50-60) sterile 94Nl IOOE Level 1 (0-10) mottled fine sand

Level 2 (10-20) fine mottled sand Level 3 (20-30) of 1 flake fine mottled sand with flecks charcoal sterile Level 4 (30-40) Table 3. Auger test results, LA 68377

sand to 5YR 313

86 Table 4. Calibrated radiocarbon date, LA 68377

Unit Beta Radiocarbon Calibrated 1 Calibrated 2 Calibrated Date Context Sample Age (B.P.) Sigma (B.C.) Sigma (B.C.) (B.C.) 89N/50E 5070f 190 34169 1-3690 4340-3382 421 3942, 3850, pit fill 3820

Table 5. Lithic artifacts, LA 68377

Table 6. Platform types of subsurface flakes

87 Table 7. Test pit Results, LA 68378

Grid Cultural Depth (cm) Type of Fill Artifacts 103N/98E Level 1 (0-10) red-brown siltyloam historic glassclear and brown piiion shells Level 2 (10-20) red-brown silty loam clpr glass, piiion shells

Level 3 (20-30) red-brown slightly compact nd artifacts sandy silt I

100N/94E Level 1 (0-10) mottled sand with charcoal burned bone and lithic artifacts stain and sandstone Level 2 (10-20) dark brown red sand with lichic artifacts charcoal Level 3 (20-30) light brown sand with charcoal no artifacts

Table 8. Auger Tests, LA 68378

Table 9. Lithic Artifacts, LA 68378

Artifact Type Row Total Material Type Undifferentiated Washington Pass Chert Chert Core flakes 3 3 100.0% 100.0% 17.6% 14.3% Biface flakes I1 2 13 84.6% 15.4% lOo,O% 64.7% 50.0% 61.9%

Angular debris 3 2 5 60.0% 40.0 % 100.0% 17.6% 50.0% 23.8%

Column total 17 4 21 81.0% 19.0% 100.0% 100.0% lOO.d)% 100.0%

88 Table 10. Faunal taxa, LA 68378

Taxon Percentage Frequency

Small mammal 37 78.7 Large mammal 3 6.4 Thomomys bottae 3 6.4 (Botta's pocket gopher)

Canis sp. (dog, coyote, wolf) 1 2.1

Artiodactyla I 2.1 (even-toed hoofed mammals)

Odocoileus sp. (deer) 1 2.1 Aves (birds) 1 2.1 Total 47 I I I I 99.9 I

Table 11. Calibrated radiocarbon date,LA 68378

Unit Radiocarbon Beta Calibrated 1 Calibrated CalibratedContext 2 Sample Age (B.P.) Sigma Sigma Date*

101N/97E 34168 2790 1 I70 1253-810 B.C. 1420-530 B.C. 926 B.C. ash lens

* Calibrated datesto nearest ten years

Table 12. Test grid results, LA 68379

Artifacts

89 Table 13. Functional classificationof artifacts, LA 683 79

Category Percent Number Foodstuff 125 31.8

Indulgences 17 ~ 4.3

Domestic routine 15 ~ 3.8 ConstructiodMaintenance I23 31.2

Personal effects 8 2.0 EntertainmentILeisure 1 .4 Arms 0 .o StablelBarn 0 .o Indeterminate 104 26.5

Total 393 100.0

Table 14. Site artifacts, LA 68379

ost-1914 to resent Hole-in-to can 3 1814 to resent

Indulgences 17 Beer bottle fragments 6 1880 to present lid 1 Tobacco can

Crown caps 9 1930 to present

90 1'

Personal Effects 8

i

1 1 3 Galoshes buckle 1

I 1950 to present

91 I I Table 15. Faunal taxa identified atLA 168379

Ca ra hircus (domestic oat) Gallus allus (chicken)

Total 100.0

Table 16. Test grid results, LA 68380

. .." " Grid Cultural Depth(cm) Type of Fill Artifacts

48Nl56E Level 1 (0-10) sandy topsoil, bedrock wasencwntered at 10 sherd cm

55Nl70E Level I (0-7) sandy topsoil, bedrock at cm7 no artifacts

56Nl34E Level 1 (0-10) charcoal-stained sand no artifacts 2 (10-20) charcoal-stained mottled sandwith oxidation Levelflake

Level 3 (20-30) compact stainedsand with two stains present flake

Level 4 (30-40) compact sand; one of the stains was a flake I Dosthole 89Nl208E Level 1 (0-70) profile of the south wall of road; reddish no artifacts brown sand dowh to70 cm; no stratigraphic change 91Nl197E no artifacts no artifacts

92Nl209E no artifacts Level 2 (10-201 red sand no artifacts

Level 3 (20-30) mottled red sand with organic material no artifacts

92 I

Grid Cultural Depth (cm) Type of Fill Artifacts mottled red sand with decaying root: augered no artifacts Level 4 (30-40) down to I .70 m to bedrock

92N1240E Level I (0-10) sandy loam no artifacts

Level 2 (10-20) semicompact sand with charcoal no artifacts Level 3 (20-30) compact sand with charcoal; possible feature no artifacts 96N/259E Level I (0-10) sandy silt no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) stained sand with charcoal no artifacts compact sandy silt with stainingin a small flake Level 3 (20-30) natural depression

Level 4 (30-40) sandy silt flakes

Level 5 compact platey dark reddish brown soil; no artifacts (40-50) augered down 1.30 m

98Nl35E Level 1 (0-10) sandy loam with staining and small charcoal no artifacts flecks

Level 2 (10-20) sterile compact sand no artifacts Level 3 (20-30) sterile compact sand no artifacts IOON/80E Level 1 (0-10) brown sandy silt no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) brown sand silt no artifacts Level 3 (20-30) brown sandy silt with charcoal flecks no artifacts stained soil with minute charcoal flecks no artifacts Level 4 (30-40) dark stained sand with charcoal: possible no artifacts Level 5 (40-50) burned tree root

Level 6 (50-60) burned wood or root; augered down I .20 m, no artifacts and soil was sterile

1OON/120E Level 1 (0-10) yellowish red sand no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) dark reddish brown compact sand with no artifacts charcoal flecks

Level 3 (20-30) charcoal and modern glass clear glass fragment

Level 4 (30-40) compact platey soil with modern glass clear glass fragment lOON/155E Level 1 (0-10) sandy soil no artifacts

Level 2 (10-20) yellowish red sand no artifacts Level 3 (20-30) compact sand with minute charcoal flecks no artifacts 102N/105E Level 1 (0-10) reddish brown sandy loam no artifacts

Level 2 (10-20) compact sand with root activity flake Level 3 (20-30) reddish brown compact sandwith minute flakes charcoal flecks

93 Grid

lOON/17E Level 2 (10- 20 cm)

Level 7 (60-70) soft silty sand flakes Level 8 (70-80) soft siltv sand flakes

Level 9 (80-90) no artifacts silty sand with nodules; sterile

Level 1 (0-10) no artifacts reddish brown sandy silt Level 2 (10-20) no artifacts reddish brown sandy silt

Level 3 (20-30) reddish brown sand silt flakes Level 4 (30-40) I reddish brown sand silt; augered downto I flake II

Level 1 (0-10) deflated hearth flakes, pollen, and flotation

94 Table 17. Auger test results,LA 68380

8-14 sterile bedrock

11 0-10 5YR 414 silty sand 10-29 5YR 514 sand 29-38 5YR 414 clayey sand 38-60 5YR 414 sand

95 96 Auger Test Depth (cm) Soil Description 30-78 7.5YR 414 compact sand with large roots 17 0-1 I 5YR 412 silty loam 11-15 5YR 414 silty sand 15-56 5YR 416 slightly compacta sand 56- I08 5YR 414 sand

108-170 5YR 414 sand down toextent of auger 0- 10 5YR 412 loamy silt 10-30 5YR 313 sandy silt

30-46 5YR 314 silty sand 46-75 5YR 416 sand 75-108 2.5YR 416 slightly compacted sand 108-180 2.5YR 416 slightly compacted sand down to extentof auger. 19 0-26 7.5YR 514 loose sand 26-35 7.5YR 514 very compact sand 35-9s 5YR 514 fine sand 95-96 5YR 514 sterile bedrock 20 0-35 7.5YR314 sandy loam 35-120 5YR 416 sand to sterile bedrock

21 0-50 7.5YR 414 silty loam

50-1 10 7.5YR 416 sandy silt 22 0-20 5YR 314 sandy loam 20-70 5YR 314 compact sand

70-1 15 5YR 516 clayey sand to bedrock 23 0-20 5YR 314 sandy loam 20-80 5YR 416 compact sand 80-90 5YR 416 fine sand to bedrock 24 0-20 5YR 413 sand loam 20-40 5YR 416 sand down to bedrock

25 0-20 5YR 414 sandy loam down to bedrock

26 0-26 5YR 516 sandy loam 26-76 , 5YR 416 sand

t '7 Auger Test Depth (cm) Soil Description I t 76- 160 5YR 516 fine sand to extent of auger 27 0-20 5YR 416 sandy loam 20-60 5YR 416 sand

60-125 7.5YR 514 sandy silt to extent of auger 28 0-20 7.5YR 514 sandy loam 20-30 7.5YR 514 compact sand

30-50 7.5YR 314 dark silt with charcoal 50-100 7.5YR 414 semicompact silty sand with charcoal 100-160 7.5YR 414 fine sand with charcoal 160-161 7.5YR 414 bedrock

29 0- 10 2.5YR 518 sandy loam

10-50 2.5YR 518 sand 50-60 2.5YR 414 silty sand 60-70 5YR 514 sand down to bedrock 30 0- 14 7.5YR 514 sandy loam 14-147 7.5YR 514 sand 147-190 2.5YR 314 sandy silty clay with root rot

31 0- 10 7.5YR 614 sandy loam

10-35 7.5YR 614 sand

35-40 7.5YR 614 sand to sterilesand 32 0-25 5YR 416 sandy loam 25-26 5YR 416 bedrock

33 0-25 5YR 518 sandv loam 25-40 5YR 414 sand with charcoal 40-69 5YR 612 sand

69-70 5YR 416 bedrock

34 0-10 5YR 416 sandy loam 10-34 5YR 416 bedrock

35 0-43 7.5YR 514 silty sd 43-7 1 7.5YR 514 bedrock,

98 II I I II 11 Auger Test I Depth (cm) I Soil Description I I ll 0-8 I SYR 514 silty sand 36 I ll 8-30 5YR 514 clayey sand

30-72 5YR 713 sand

72- 106 5YR 614 sand with sandstone fragments

106- 180 5YR 614 sand to extentof auger 0-20 5YR 412 silty sand II 37 I II 20-60 5YR 413 sand

60-90 5YR 413 semicompact sand 90-105 5YR 4/3 semicompact sand with sandstone

105-1 15 5YR4a/3 bedrock

Table 18. Calibrated radiocarbondate, LA 68380

I I I I I II Beta Radiocarbon Calibrated 1 2 Calibrated CalibratedContext Sample Age B.P. Sigma Sigma Date*

34167 1110f90 A.D. 81 I- A.D. 680- A.D. 900, Feature I

* Calibrated datesto nearest 10 years Table 19. Artifact material type,LA 68380

Debitage Type Undifferentiated Silicified Chalcedony Quartzitic Washington Row Chert Wood Sandstone Pass Chert Total Core flakes 9 27 1 1 94 132 6.8% 20.5% .8% .8% 71.2% 100.0% 64.3 % 61.4% 100.0% 100.0% 68.1% 66.7% Biface flakes 2 10 20 32 6.3% 31.3% 62.5 % 100.0% 14.3 % 22.7% 14.5% 16.2%

Angular debris 3 5 24 32 9.4% 15.6% 75.0% 100.0% 21. % 11.4% 17.4% 16.2% Cores 2 2 100.0% 100.0% 4.5% 1.O%

Column total 1 138 198 .5 % 69.7% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

99 Table 20. Percentage of subsurface flakes in each reduction stage, LA 68380

Table 21. Platform types of subsurface flakes, LA 68380

Table 22. Platform types of subsurfaceflakes, LA 68380

Reduction Stage Quantity ~ Percent of Total Primarv 7i 6.1

Second Tertia

Total 113 100.0

Table 23. Test units1 LA 68381

~

100 . .. Level 4 (30-40) base coarsinp and large rocks no artifacts 101N/96E Level 1 (0-10) coarse sand 7 flakes

Level 2 (10-20) sand and base 2 flakes large rocks with brown coarsine

Level 3 (20-30) no artifacts large rock with base coarsing

Table 24. Lithic artifact materialtype, LA 68381

Debitage Type Row Total Material Type Washington Pass Chert

Core flakes 78 78 100.0% 100.0% 49.4 49.4% Biface flakes 13 13 100.0% 100.0% 8.2% 8.2%

Angular debris 64 64 100.0% 100.0% 40.5% 40.5% Cores 2 2 100.0% 100.0% 1.3% 1.3% Undifferentiated 1 1 biface 100.0% 100.0% .6% .6% Column Total 158 158 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% IOO.O%

Table 25. Test grid results, LA 68382

Grid Artifacts Type of Fill Cultural Depth

15 1N/205E Level 1 (0-10) sandy loam 2 flakes Level 2 (10-20) 3 flakes sandy loam Level 3 (20-30) sandy loam 3 flakes, 1 nonhuman bone

Level (30-40) with 1 flake slightly compact sand 4 caliche flecks

Level 5 (40-50) compact sand with caliche 2 flakes brown compact sand 9 flakes Level 6 (50-60) 7 60-70 dark brown very compact Level 6 flakes sand, possible surface

170N/250E Level 1 (0-10) I flake sandy clay

101 Grid Cultural Depth Type of Fill Artifacts Level 2 (10-20) dark brown sandy clay 17 flakes Level 3 (20-30) dark brown sandy clay 17 flakes

Level 4 (30-40) compact sandy clay 15 flakes Level 5 (40-50) compact sandy clay 7 flakes

Level 6 (50-60) compact sandy clay 23 flakes Level 7 (60-70) mottled brown sandy clay with 44 flakes, 1 bone caliche, possible surface

182N/308E Level 1 (0-10) dark brownto black sandy no artifacts clay

Level 2 (10-20) dark brown and gray sandy no artifacts clav

Level 3 (20-30) platey compact sandy clay 17 flakes Level 4 (30-40) very dark gray sandy clay 28 flakes

Level 5 (40-50) very compact silty clay,just 10 flakes above bedrock Level 6 (50-60) bedrock no artifacts

202N/250E Level I (0-10) dark brown sandy clay I ceramic, 10 flakes Level 2 (10-20) dark brown sand 8 flakes, 1 ceramic Level 3 (20-30) semicompact dark brown 3 flakes, I I sandy clay ceramic sandy claywith caliche 1 flake

Level 5 (40-50) compact sandy clay with no artifacts caliche clayey loam no artifacts

Level 2 f 10-20) sandv clav 1 flake Level 3 (20-30) sandy clay 2 thinning flakes Level 4 (30-40) sandy clay 3 flakes

Level 5 (40-50) sandy clay 3 flakes yellow silt with rocks 6 flakes Level 7 60-70 large rocks with sand no artifacts

Level 8 70-80 large rocks with sand no artifacts 214N/252E Level 1 (0-10) dark brown clayey silt no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) dark brown clayey silt 3 flakes Level 3 (20-30) dark brown clayey silt 4 flakes

Level 4 (30-40) dark brown clavev silt ~ 4 flakes

102 c Grid Cultural Depth of Fill Artifacts Type flakes dark brown clayey silt Level 5 (40-50) 4 Level 6 (50-60) no artifacts dark brown clayey silt 227N/309E Level (0-10) dark brown siltyloam 19 flakes Level 2 (10-20) dark brown silty loam 2 flakes Level 3 (20-30) dark brown siltyloam 1 flake

Level 2 1-20 no artifacts sandy loam with roots

284N/25 1 E Level 1 (0-10) sandy clay no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) sandy clay no artifacts Level 3 (20-30) compact sandy clay no artifacts

300N/302E Level 1 (0-10) sandy loam no artifacts Level 2 (10-20) sand with rocks no artifacts

304Nl245E Level 1 (0-10) sandy clay with rocks no artifacts bedrock no artifacts Level 2 (10-20)

103 Table 26. Auger Tests, LA 68382

5YR 311 sand, to bedrock

0-10 0-5 5YR 311 sand. to bedrock

5YR 311 san , to bedrock lOYR 313 cla e loam 10-15 lOYR 313 si1 cla to bedr ck

0-10 lOYR S/3 clavev loam

10-13 lOYR 6/2 silty clay, to bedrock

15 0-60 lOYR 5/3 clayey loam

60-70 silly clay to bedrock lOYR 612 16 0-60 lOYR 513 clayey loam 60-75 lOYR 612 silty clay to bedrock

17 0-35 10YR 313 clayey loam 35-70 IOYR 513 silty clay IOYR 6/2 silty clay to bedrock 70-75

18 0-25 7.5YR 312 clayey loam 25-35 7.5YR 412 clayey loam

35-47 7.5YR 414 silty clay to bedrock

19 0-60 7.5YR 312 cl, ,yey loam 60-70 7.5YR 312 sapdy clay to decomposiw root 20 0-20 7.5YR 312 sandy clay

20-30 7.5YR 514 sandy clay to bedrock 21 0-10 7.5YR 514 sandy clay to bedrock 22 0-70 7.5YR 514 sandv clav

104 27 0-34 7.SYR 314 clayey loam to bedrock 0-34 28 7.SYR 3/2 clayey loam to bedrock 29 0-2s 7.5YR 312 clayey loam to bedrock

30 0-13 7.5YR 3/2 clayey loam with large rocks to bedrock

105 Table 27. Lithic Artifact MaterialType, LA 68382

Debitage Type Material Type Row Total

Undifferentiated ' Chalcedony SilicifiedWashington Wood Chert Pass Chert

Core flakes 11 1 6 578 596 1.8% .2% 1.O% 97.0% 100.0% 100.0% 50.0% 75.0% 64.9% 65.4% Biface flakes 2 137 140 1.4% 98.6% 100.0% 25.0% 15.5% 15.4% Angular debris 169 I69 100.0% 100.0% 19.0% 18.6% Tools 1 2 3 33.3% 66.7% 100.0% 50.0% .2% 18.6% Cores 1 1 100.0% 100.0% .l% .3 %

Column Total 11 2 8 890 91 I 1.2% .2% .9% 97.7% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Table 28. Percentage of surface flakesin each reduction stage, LA 68382

11 Reduction Stage Quantity ~ Percent of Total 1 I I II Primary 9 1.7 Secondary 17 3.2

Tertiarv 506 95. I I Total I $32 I 100.0 I Table 29. Percentage of subsurface flakes in each reduction stage, LA 68382

106 Table 30. Platform type of subsurface flakes, LA 68382

Reduction Stage Quantity Percent of Total Cortical 3 2.08

Collapsed 10 6.95 Single-faceted 57 39.58 Multifaceted 9 6.25 Batteredcrushed 3 2.08 Abraded 1 .70

Missing 61 42.36 Total I 144 I 100.00

Table 31. Core analysis, LA 68383

Provenience Core Type Cortex Exhausted

Subsurface (16) unidirectional (16) present (20) yes (13) Surface (3) bidirectional (3) absent (10) no (17) - multidirectional (1 1)

107 Table 32. Results of Macrobotanical Analysis

Taxon Part LA 68377 LA 68378 LA 68380 89N/50E 90N/40E 102N/97E 10 1N/97E 107N/24E Feature 1 Feature 2 Auger Feature 1 Pit Hearth Stratum 2 Stram 2 Pit

Sample 2 SampIe 5 I Sample 4 I Sample 1 I Sample 3 I Sample 6 Chenopodium seed 3+ (Goosefoot) I 21 I 2oo I 131 I Dicotyledoneae wood (Dicot)

Gramineae (Grass family)

0.1 g

Sporobolus seed (Dropseed) t Other 1 fragment 31 fragments

II 1 8

Note: AH remains are charred unless otherwise noted;* noncharred.