Colombia: Background and U.S. Relations
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Colombian/ Venezuelan Fusion Cuisine! Family-Run and Bursting with Rich Flavors, Sabores De Mi Tierra Is a Must Try!
B U F F A L O W I T H O U T B O R D E R S C U L T U R A L I N F O R M A T I O N P A C K E T CUISINE SERVED BY: SABORES DE MI TIERRA The second night of our Buffalo Without Borders TO GO series will be served by Sabores De Mi Tierra! In a colorful space on Niagara street, it is the only restaurant in Buffalo to boast Colombian/ Venezuelan fusion cuisine! Family-run and bursting with rich flavors, Sabores De Mi Tierra is a must try! Sabores De Mi Tierra, which translates to "flavors of my land" in English, was re-opened under new ownership in 2019. Diana and Edgar reestablished the Colombian favorite on Niagara St. Diana is from Colombia and Edgar, her husband, is from Venezuela but grew up in Colombia, making their menu a fusion of the two cuisines. Sabores De Mi Tierra is the only Colombian restaurant in Buffalo and before it was opened our Colombian population had to go to NYC to find the cuisines of their homeland. This is why the pair was so excited to open their restaurant in Buffalo, Diana said, "We are the only ones to offer Colombian food like this in Buffalo, and I want the community to learn more about our cuisine because it is the best food, the richest in spice and flavor!" Besides an array of spices, their cuisine relies heavily on the flavors of sautéed peppers, onions, and garlic. -
The Roots of Environmental Crime in the Colombian Amazon
THE ROOTS OF ENVIRONMENTAL CRIME IN THE COLOMBIAN AMAZON IGARAPÉ INSTITUTE a think and do tank “Mapping environmental crime in the Amazon Basin”: Introduction to the series The “Mapping environmental crime in the markets, and the organizational characteristics Amazon Basin” case study series seeks to of crime groups and their collusion with understand the contemporary dynamics of government bodies. It also highlights the environmental crime in the Amazon Basin record of past and current measures to disrupt and generate policy recommendations for and dismantle criminal networks that have key-stakeholders involved in combating diversified into environmental crime across the environmental crime at the regional and Amazon Basin. domestic levels. The four studies further expose how licit and The Amazon Basin sprawls across eight illicit actors interact and fuel environmental countries (Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, crime and degradation in a time of climate Guyana, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela) emergency as well as of accelerated socio- and one territory (French Guiana). While political change across the region. They show the research and policy communities a mix of increased governmental attention have progressively developed a sounding and action to combat environmental crime in understanding of deforestation and recent years, mainly to reduce deforestation degradation dynamics in the region and the and illegal mining, as well as the weakening of ways in which economic actors exploit forest environmental protections and land regulations, resources under different state authorisation in which political and economic elites are either regimes, this series sheds light on a less complicit in or oblivious to the destruction of explored dimension of the phenomenon: the the Amazon forest. -
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world. -
India's Domestic Political Setting
Updated July 12, 2021 India’s Domestic Political Setting Overview The BJP and Congress are India’s only genuinely national India, the world’s most populous democracy, is, according parties. In previous recent national elections they together to its Constitution, a “sovereign, socialist, secular, won roughly half of all votes cast, but in 2019 the BJP democratic republic” where the bulk of executive power boosted its share to nearly 38% of the estimated 600 million rests with the prime minister and his Council of Ministers votes cast (to Congress’s 20%; turnout was a record 67%). (the Indian president is a ceremonial chief of state with The influence of regional and caste-based (and often limited executive powers). Since its 1947 independence, “family-run”) parties—although blunted by two most of India’s 14 prime ministers have come from the consecutive BJP majority victories—remains a crucial country’s Hindi-speaking northern regions, and all but 3 variable in Indian politics. Such parties now hold one-third have been upper-caste Hindus. The 543-seat Lok Sabha of all Lok Sabha seats. In 2019, more than 8,000 candidates (House of the People) is the locus of national power, with and hundreds of parties vied for parliament seats; 33 of directly elected representatives from each of the country’s those parties won at least one seat. The seven parties listed 28 states and 8 union territories. The president has the below account for 84% of Lok Sabha seats. The BJP’s power to dissolve this body. A smaller upper house of a economic reform agenda can be impeded in the Rajya maximum 250 seats, the Rajya Sabha (Council of States), Sabha, where opposition parties can align to block certain may review, but not veto, revenue legislation, and has no nonrevenue legislation (see Figure 1). -
Guyana: an Overview
Updated March 10, 2020 Guyana: An Overview Located on the north coast of South America, English- system from independence until the early 1990s; the party speaking Guyana has characteristics common of a traditionally has had an Afro-Guyanese base of support. In Caribbean nation because of its British colonial heritage— contrast, the AFC identifies as a multiracial party. the country achieved independence from Britain in 1966. Guyana participates in Caribbean regional organizations The opposition People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C), and forums, and its capital of Georgetown serves as led by former President Bharrat Jagdeo (1999-2011), has 32 headquarters for the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), a seats in the National Assembly. Traditionally supported by regional integration organization. Indo-Guyanese, the PPP/C governed Guyana from 1992 until its defeat in the 2015 elections. Current congressional interest in Guyana is focused on the conduct of the March 2, 2020, elections. Some Members of Congress have expressed deep concern about allegations of Guyana at a Glance potential electoral fraud and have called on the Guyana Population: 782,000 (2018, IMF est.) Elections Commission (GECOM) to not declare a winner Ethnic groups: Indo-Guyanese, or those of East Indian until the completion of a credible vote tabulation process. heritage, almost 40%; Afro-Guyanese, almost 30%; mixed, 20%; Amerindian, almost 11% (2012, CIA est.) Figure 1. Map of Guyana Area: 83,000 square miles, about the size of Idaho GDP: $3.9 billion (current prices, 2018, IMF est.) Real GDP Growth: 4.1% (2018 est.); 4.4% (2019 est.) (IMF) Per Capita GDP: $4,984 (2018, IMF est.) Life Expectancy: 69.6 years (2017, WB) Sources: International Monetary Fund (IMF); Central Intelligence Agency (CIA); World Bank (WB). -
Unesco Creative Cities Network Popayán, Colombia Periodic Evaluation Report Creative City of Gastronomy 2020
UNESCO CREATIVE CITIES NETWORK POPAYÁN, COLOMBIA PERIODIC EVALUATION REPORT CREATIVE CITY OF GASTRONOMY 2020 GENERAL INFORMATION 2.1 Name of the city: Popayán 2.2 Country: Colombia 2.3 Creative field: Gastronomy 2.4 Date of designation: August 6, 2005 2.5 Date of submission of this periodic evaluation report: December 31, 2020 2.6 Entity responsible for preparing the report: Popayán Mayor's Office of Tourism 2.7 Previous reports and submission dates: February 28, 2016 2.8 Focal point: Juan Carlos López Castrillón: Mayor of Popayán alcaldia@popayan- cauca.gov.co Focal Point: Ms. Monika Ximena Anacona Quilindo Tourism Coordinator of the Municipality of Popayán, [email protected] Tel. + 57 – 3022902871 3.1 Popayán attended some annual meetings of the Network: 3.1.1. Popayán participated with chef Pablo Guzmán Illera who obtained recognition for the typical cuisine of the region with his participation in the 15th edition of the International Food Festival of Chengdu, held in China at the end of 2018. Within the framework of the festival, he was originally from Chengdu and by which this city became part of the network of creative cities of UNESCO. Chef Guzmán Illera won the awards for "Best presentation, best taste, Creativity" and "Foodies Choice", awarded in competition and by public choice. The chef presented a typical dish: El Tripazo Caucano, vacuum cooked; the pickle of ollucos; carantanta; and avocado emulsion were the dishes presented by the Colombian chef to the 200 festival goers. 3.1.2. Chef Pablo Guzmán Illera has also participated in events of the same network, such as the “Chef Challenge”, the “Unesco World Meeting of Creative Cities” in Belem (Brazil). -
Channel Lineup
Seattle & Bellevue CHANNEL LINEUP TV On Demand* Expanded Content* Expanded Content* Digital Variety* STARZ* (continued) (continued) (continued) (continued) 1 On Demand Menu 716 STARZ HD** 50 Travel Channel 774 MTV HD** 791 Hallmark Movies & 720 STARZ Kids & Family Local Broadcast* 51 TLC 775 VH1 HD** Mysteries HD** HD** 52 Discovery Channel 777 Oxygen HD** 2 CBUT CBC 53 A&E 778 AXS TV HD** Digital Sports* MOVIEPLEX* 3 KWPX ION 54 History 779 HDNet Movies** 4 KOMO ABC 55 National Geographic 782 NBC Sports Network 501 FCS Atlantic 450 MOVIEPLEX 5 KING NBC 56 Comedy Central HD** 502 FCS Central 6 KONG Independent 57 BET 784 FXX HD** 503 FCS Pacific International* 7 KIRO CBS 58 Spike 505 ESPNews 8 KCTS PBS 59 Syfy Digital Favorites* 507 Golf Channel 335 TV Japan 9 TV Listings 60 TBS 508 CBS Sports Network 339 Filipino Channel 10 KSTW CW 62 Nickelodeon 200 American Heroes Expanded Content 11 KZJO JOEtv 63 FX Channel 511 MLB Network Here!* 12 HSN 64 E! 201 Science 513 NFL Network 65 TV Land 13 KCPQ FOX 203 Destination America 514 NFL RedZone 460 Here! 14 QVC 66 Bravo 205 BBC America 515 Tennis Channel 15 KVOS MeTV 67 TCM 206 MTV2 516 ESPNU 17 EVINE Live 68 Weather Channel 207 BET Jams 517 HRTV PayPerView* 18 KCTS Plus 69 TruTV 208 Tr3s 738 Golf Channel HD** 800 IN DEMAND HD PPV 19 Educational Access 70 GSN 209 CMT Music 743 ESPNU HD** 801 IN DEMAND PPV 1 20 KTBW TBN 71 OWN 210 BET Soul 749 NFL Network HD** 802 IN DEMAND PPV 2 21 Seattle Channel 72 Cooking Channel 211 Nick Jr. -
FARC During the Peace Process by Mark Wilson
PERRY CENTER OCCASIONAL PAPER NOVEMBER 2020 FARC During the Peace Process By Mark Wilson WILLIAM J. PERRY CENTER FOR HEMISPHERIC DEFENSE STUDIES National Defense University Cover photo caption: FARC leaders Iván Márquez (center) along with Jesús Santrich (wearing sunglasses) announce in August 2019 that they are abandoning the 2016 Peace Accords with the Colombian government and taking up arms again with other dissident factions. Photo credit: Dialogo Magazine, YouTube, and AFP. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and are not an official policy nor position of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense nor the U.S. Government. About the author: Mark is a postgraduate candidate in the MSc Conflict Studies program at the London School of Economics. He is a former William J. Perry Center intern, and the current editor of the London Conflict Review. His research interests include illicit networks as well as insurgent conflict in Colombia specifically and South America more broadly. Editor-in-Chief: Pat Paterson Layout Design: Viviana Edwards FARC During the Peace Process By Mark Wilson WILLIAM J. PERRY CENTER FOR HEMISPHERIC DEFENSE STUDIES PERRY CENTER OCCASIONAL PAPER NOVEMBER 2020 FARC During the Peace Process By Mark Wilson Introduction The 2016 Colombian Peace Deal marked the end of FARC’s formal military campaign. As a part of the demobilization process, 13,000 former militants surrendered their arms and returned to civilian life either in reintegration camps or among the general public.1 The organization’s leadership were granted immunity from extradition for their conduct during the internal armed conflict and some took the five Senate seats and five House of Representatives seats guaranteed by the peace deal.2 As an organiza- tion, FARC announced its transformation into a political party, the Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común (FARC). -
A Decade of Deceit How TV Content Ratings Have Failed Families EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Major Findings
A Decade of Deceit How TV Content Ratings Have Failed Families EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Major Findings: In its recent report to Congress on the accuracy of • Programs rated TV-PG contained on average the TV ratings and effectiveness of oversight, the 28% more violence and 43.5% more Federal Communications Commission noted that the profanity in 2017-18 than in 2007-08. system has not changed in over 20 years. • Profanity on PG-rated shows included suck/ Indeed, it has not, but content has, and the TV blow, screw, hell/damn, ass/asshole, bitch, ratings fail to reflect “content creep,” (that is, an bastard, piss, bleeped s—t, bleeped f—k. increase in offensive content in programs with The 2017-18 season added “dick” and “prick” a given rating as compared to similarly-rated to the PG-rated lexicon. programs a decade or more ago). Networks are packing substantially more profanity and violence into youth-rated shows than they did a decade ago; • Violence on PG-rated shows included use but that increase in adult-themed content has not of guns and bladed weapons, depictions affected the age-based ratings the networks apply. of fighting, blood and death and scenes We found that on shows rated TV-PG, there was a of decapitation or dismemberment; The 28% increase in violence; and a 44% increase in only form of violence unique to TV-14 rated profanity over a ten-year period. There was also a programming was depictions of torture. more than twice as much violence on shows rated TV-14 in the 2017-18 television season than in the • Programs rated TV-14 contained on average 2007-08 season, both in per-episode averages and 84% more violence per episode in 2017-18 in absolute terms. -
Crafting Colombianidad: Race, Citizenship and the Localization of Policy in Philadelphia
CRAFTING COLOMBIANIDAD: RACE, CITIZENSHIP AND THE LOCALIZATION OF POLICY IN PHILADELPHIA A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Diane R. Garbow July 2016 Examining Committee Members: Judith Goode, Advisory Chair, Department of Anthropology Naomi Schiller, Department of Anthropology Melissa Gilbert, Department of Geography and Urban Studies Ana Y. Ramos-Zayas, External Member, City University of New York © Copyright 2016 by Diane R. Garbow All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT In contrast to the municipalities across the United States that restrict migration and criminalize the presence of immigrants, Philadelphia is actively seeking to attract immigrants as a strategy to reverse the city’s limited economic and political importance caused by decades of deindustrialization and population loss. In 2010, the population of Philadelphia increased for the first time in six decades. This achievement, widely celebrated by the local government and in the press, was only made possible through increased immigration. This dissertation examines how efforts to attract migrants, through the creation of localized policy and institutions that facilitate incorporation, transform assertions of citizenship and the dynamics of race for Colombian migrants. The purpose of this research is to analyze how Colombians’ articulations of citizenship, and the ways they extend beyond juridical and legal rights, are enabled and constrained under new regimes of localized policy. In the dissertation, I examine citizenship as a set of performances and practices that occur in quotidian tasks that seek to establish a sense of belonging. Without a complex understanding of the effects of local migration policy, and how they differ from the effects of federal policy, we fail to grasp how Philadelphia’s promotion of migration has unstable and unequal effects for differentially situated actors. -
Domestic Analogy in Proposals for World Order, 1814-1945
Domestic analogy in proposals for world order, 1814-1945: the transfer of legal and political principles from the domestic to the international sphere in thought on international law and relations HIDEMI SUGANAMI Thesis submitted for the Degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1985 2 ABSTRACT The ways in which legal and political principles obtaining within states can profitably be transferred to the relations of states are among the contentious issues in the study of international relations, and the term 'domestic analogy' is used to refer to the argument which supports such transfer. The 'domestic analogy' is analogical reasoning according to which the conditions of order between states are similar to those of order within them, and therefore those institutions which sustain order within states should be transferred to the international system. However, despite the apparent division among writers on international relations between those who favour this analogy and those who are critical of it, no clear analysis has so far been made as to precisely what types of proposal should be treated as exemplifying reliance on this analogy. The first aim of this thesis is to clarify the range and types of proposal this analogy entails. The thesis then examines the role the domestic analogy played in ideas about world order in the period between 1814 and 1945. Particular attention is paid to the influence of changing circumstances in the domestic and international spheres upon the manner and the extent of the use of this analogy. In addition to the ideas of major writers on international law and relations, the creation of the League of Nations and of the United Nations is also examined. -
Narratives of Privilege
NARRATIVES OF PRIVILEGE An Ethnographic Study of Colombian- Born Women Living in Melbourne, Australia By Viktoria Adler This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Centre for Urban Transitions Faculty of Health, Art & Design Swinburne University of Technology 2019 ABSTRACT This thesis investigates the research question: how do Colombian-born women who identify as white, and middle or upper class, and are therefore privileged in Colombia, experience their privilege living as migrants in Melbourne? I do so by analysing their life story narratives. These narratives show how the women experience privilege as stemming from their belonging to the socially dominant culture, race and class in Colombia, and how their embodied privileges shape their experiences in Australia. My study is ethnographic and involved two years of fieldwork among the Colombian- born community in the inner suburbs of Melbourne. I conducted life story interviews and I carried out participant observation at women’s workplaces, cultural events in Colombian and other Latin American communities, recreational activities, and gatherings with family and friends, as well as by spending time with each of the women on other occasions. Interviews were conducted in English or Spanish, audio- recorded, transcribed and examined using thematic analysis. I conceptualise privilege as the product of intersecting and at times contradictory social locations such as race, ethnicity, gender and class a person occupies in a particular context, in relation to others. I argue that these women have been able to transfer key aspects of their privilege to Australia although they are not white and upper class in an Australian context.