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The FARC and Colombia's Illegal Drug Trade
LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM © JOHN VIZCANO/Reuters The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade By John Otis November 2014 Introduction In 2014, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s oldest and largest guerrilla army known as the FARC, marked the 50th anniversary of the start of its war against the Colombian government. More than 220,000 people have been killed1 and more than five million people uprooted2 from their homes in the conflict, which is the last remaining guerrilla war in the Western Hemisphere. However, this grim, half-century milestone coincides with peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC that began in Havana, Cuba, in November 2012. The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.3 So far, the two sides have reached agreements on three of the five points on the negotiating agenda, including an accord to resolve an issue that helps explain why the conflict has lasted so long: The FARC’s deep involvement in the taxation, production, and trafficking of illegal drugs. On May 16, 2014, the government and the FARC signed an agreement stating that under the terms of a final peace treaty, the two sides would work in tandem to eradicate coca, the plant used to make cocaine, and to combat cocaine trafficking in areas under guerrilla control. The FARC “has promised to effectively contribute, in diverse and practical ways, to a definitive solution to the problem of illegal drugs,” Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos said in a televised speech the day the accord was signed.4 “The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.” A month later, Santos secured more time to bring the peace talks to a successful conclusion. -
The Colombian Peace Process Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg
REPORT February 2018 Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg and Idun Tvedt1 Designing peace: the Colombian peace process The peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) have become a global reference for negotiated solutions to armed conflicts. The talks demonstrated how a well-prepared and robust process design can contrib- ute significantly to the outcome of a negotiated settlement. In several ways the pro- cess broke new ground. The parties developed frameworks and established mecha- nisms that laid the groundwork for building legitimacy for the process and increasing confidence in it. The direct participation of victims at the negotiating table and the effective inclusion of gender in the process are examples of this. Important elements of the process design included the into and out of Colombia; following:1 • gender inclusion by ensuring the participation of women and a gender focus in the peace agreement; • a secret initial phase to establish common ground; • broad and representative delegations; • a short and realistic agenda; • the extensive use of experts at the negotiating table • a limited objective: ending the conflict; and bilaterally with the parties; and • the principle that “incidents on the ground shall not • the implementation of confidence-building measures. interfere with the talks”; • the holding of talks outside Colombia to protect the process; Introduction • rules regulating the confidentiality of the talks; • the principle that “nothing is agreed until everything The peace talks between the Government of Colombia and is agreed”; the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s • a high frequency of negotiation meetings to ensure Army (FARC-EP) concluded with the signing of a peace continuity; agreement on November 24th 2016 after five years of ne- • direct talks with no formal mediator, but with third- gotiations. -
Del Limbo Al Acuerdo Final De Paz El Proceso De Paz Entre El Gobierno Santos Y Las Farc–EP
DEL LIMBO AL ACUERDO FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS FINAL DE PAZ JURÍDICAS Y POLÍTICAS Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC – EP ESPERANZA HERNÁNDEZ DELGADO Flores de esperanza por fusiles · Maestro Jafeth Gómez ISBN 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz El proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las Farc–EP Esperanza Hernández Delgado 2 UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE BUCARAMANGA Instituto de Estudios Político, IEP ISBN digital 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz. Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC - EP JUAN CAMILO MONTOYA BOZZI Rector EULALIA GARCÍA BELTRAN Vicerrectora Académica GILBERTO RAMÍREZ VALBUENA Vicerrector administrativo y financiero JORGE EDUARDO LAMO GÓMEZ Decano facultad de ciencias políticas y jurídicas ESPERANZA HERNANDEZ DELGADO Autora JAFETH GÓMEZ Flores de esperanza por fusiles Portada HIPERTEXTO Diseño y diagramación JOSÉ ÓSCAR MACHADO ROMERO Corrector de estilo PUBLICACIONES UNAB Producción Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga Avenida 42 No 48 – 11 Bucaramanga, Colombia www.unab.edu.co Las opiniones contenidoas en esta obra, no vinculan la Institución, son exclusiva responsabilidad de la autora dentro de los principios democráticos de la cátedra libre y la libertad de expresión consagrados en el artículo 3° del Estaturo General de la Corporación Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. 3 Dedicado a Francisco A. Muñoz, mi maestro. Compartimos bellos sueños de construcción de paces imperfectas y la inmensa alegría de un ejercicio profesional centrado en la paz. Sus enseñanzas fueron infinitas, desde mediaciones y empoderamientos pacifistas hasta una actitud abierta a la magia de la vida 4 Agradecimientos A la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB, por representar el primer escenario de mi formación profesional y apoyar después mi ejercicio de investigación para la paz, durante el tiempo que estuve vinculada con el IEP. -
Yearbook Peace Processes.Pdf
School for a Culture of Peace 2010 Yearbook of Peace Processes Vicenç Fisas Icaria editorial 1 Publication: Icaria editorial / Escola de Cultura de Pau, UAB Printing: Romanyà Valls, SA Design: Lucas J. Wainer ISBN: Legal registry: This yearbook was written by Vicenç Fisas, Director of the UAB’s School for a Culture of Peace, in conjunction with several members of the School’s research team, including Patricia García, Josep María Royo, Núria Tomás, Jordi Urgell, Ana Villellas and María Villellas. Vicenç Fisas also holds the UNESCO Chair in Peace and Human Rights at the UAB. He holds a doctorate in Peace Studies from the University of Bradford, won the National Human Rights Award in 1988, and is the author of over thirty books on conflicts, disarmament and research into peace. Some of the works published are "Procesos de paz y negociación en conflictos armados” (“Peace Processes and Negotiation in Armed Conflicts”), “La paz es posible” (“Peace is Possible”) and “Cultura de paz y gestión de conflictos” (“Peace Culture and Conflict Management”). 2 CONTENTS Introduction: Definitions and typologies 5 Main Conclusions of the year 7 Peace processes in 2009 9 Main reasons for crises in the year’s negotiations 11 The peace temperature in 2009 12 Conflicts and peace processes in recent years 13 Common phases in negotiation processes 15 Special topic: Peace processes and the Human Development Index 16 Analyses by countries 21 Africa a) South and West Africa Mali (Tuaregs) 23 Niger (MNJ) 27 Nigeria (Niger Delta) 32 b) Horn of Africa Ethiopia-Eritrea 37 Ethiopia (Ogaden and Oromiya) 42 Somalia 46 Sudan (Darfur) 54 c) Great Lakes and Central Africa Burundi (FNL) 62 Chad 67 R. -
FARC-EP) Marxist-Leninist Insurgency Or Criminal Enterprise?
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2005-12 The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) Marxist-Leninist insurgency or criminal enterprise? Saskiewicz, Paul E. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1809 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCES OF COLOMBIA – PEOPLE’S ARMY (FARC-EP): MARXIST-LENINIST INSURGENCY OR CRIMINAL ENTERPRISE? by Paul E. Saskiewicz December 2005 Thesis Advisor: Jeanne Giraldo Co-Advisor: Douglas Porch Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2005 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC- 5. FUNDING NUMBERS EP): Marxist-Leninist Insurgency or Criminal Enterprise? 6. -
The Farc-Ep and Revolutionary Social Change
Emancipatory Politics: A Critique Open Anthropology Cooperative Press, 2015 edited by Stephan Feuchtwang and Alpa Shah ISBN-13:978-1518885501 / ISBN-10:1518885500 Part 2 Armed movements in Latin America and the Philippines Chapter 4 The FARC-EP and Consequential Marxism in Colombia James J. Brittain Abstract The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) has maintained its base among small-holders including coca farmers and expanded its struggle through a local interpretation of Marxism and Leninism. This chapter reviews current accounts of its history and contemporary presence. The author then provides his own analysis of their strategy, namely that they have successfully pursued a gradual expansion of a separate power base and economy from that of the state and its capitalist economy, a situation that Lenin described as ‘dual power’, or, as Gramsci elaborated, a challenge to the hegemony of the ruling bloc. His visits and interviews and two recent documentary films in the FARC-EP areas show that the economy under FARC leadership, while taxing and controlling the processing and selling of coca, is still one of private small-holders. Many farmers grow coca as their main crop but all to some extent diversify into subsistence crops. This is a successful preparation for eventual state power of a completely different kind under which the economy will be socialised. For a half century the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas-Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP) have played a key role in organising, sustaining, and leading revolutionary activity within the Latin American country of Colombia. -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict: Dealing the Right Card
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12 -
Drugs, Violence, and FARC: Colombia at a Crossroads By: Victoria Barreto
Drugs, Violence, and FARC: Colombia at a Crossroads by: Victoria Barreto Introduction Colombia is a nation in crisis. Weary of violence and political instability, the country is listed by the US State Department as the home of three of the four existing terrorist organizations in the Western Hemisphere. The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) was formed as part of the “Southern Bloc” of the Second Guerrilla Conference in 1966.1 In a country racked by an unofficial war since the late 1940s, FARC was one of several infant guerrilla groups formed in Colombia during the 1960s. The Federation of American Scientists describes FARC as the “military wing of the Colombian Communist Party.”2 FARC has deep roots in peasant struggles going back to the 1920s and has become “the largest, best trained, and best equipped guerrilla organization in Colombia.”3 But times are tough for the guerrillas. In light of growing conflict between FARC and the Colombian government, several questions merit attention. What are the roots of the FARC movement and how did FARC grow to be such a powerful organization? What is its present status in the ever-changing Colombia? Most importantly, what is its future, and how will Colombia be affected? A Brief History Long before la Violencia (1946-1964), peasant farmers were struggling with unfair treatment by large landowners. Out of this conflict, crude organizations opposed coffee plantation owners.4 By the time of la Violencia, peasants already held leftist ideas, and their groups would form the basis for guerrilla organizations like FARC.5 Stepping outside the traditional two-party political system in the country, FARC’s founders sought refuge within the then illegal Communist Party.6 “Grassroots groups, popular movements and any demonstration of disagreement or opposition were criminalized.”7 FARC and other guerrilla groups were forced into auto-defensa or self-defense groups to protect themselves from government oppression. -
Ending Colombia's FARC Conflict
ENDING COLOMBIA’S FARC CONFLICT: DEALING THE RIGHT CARD Latin America Report N°30 – 26 March 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY............................................................................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. FARC STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES................................................................... 2 A. ADAPTIVE CAPACITY ...................................................................................................................4 B. AN ORGANISATION UNDER STRESS ..............................................................................................5 1. Strategy and tactics ......................................................................................................................5 2. Combatant strength and firepower...............................................................................................7 3. Politics, recruitment, indoctrination.............................................................................................8 4. Withdrawal and survival ..............................................................................................................9 5. Urban warfare ............................................................................................................................11 6. War economy .............................................................................................................................12 -
The Internal Dynamics of a Non-State Conflict Actor
The Internal Dynamics of a Non-State Conflict Actor: The Organisational Resources and Internal Legitimacy of the FARC-EP in Colombia by Guri Waalen Borch Master’s Program in Peace and Conflict Transformation The Internal Dynamics of a Non-State Conflict Actor: The Organisational Resources and Internal Legitimacy of the FARC-EP in Colombia by Guri Waalen Borch Master’s Program in Peace and Conflict Transformation 2 ABSTRACT Being the largest guerrilla group in Colombia and entitled the richest guerrilla group of the world, the FARC-EP constitutes the most important non-state conflict actor of the Colombian internal conflict. In recent years it has been recognised in conflict research that non-state actors must be taken seriously if we want to understand today’s internal conflicts. This is the starting point for my analysis of the FARC-EP. Whereas much contemporary research focuses on the economic agendas of conflict actors, the attention in this thesis is on how different organisational resources together reflect a social order of violence beyond the state that embraces both political, economic and symbolic elements. It asks the question of how organisational resources relate to and define internal legitimacy. Drawing upon Christopher Clapham and his notion of organisational effectiveness, indicators such as a clearly defined political project, effective structures and educated leaders will be employed as guiding lines in the empirical study of the FARC-EP. The grounds of the internal legitimacy of the FARC-EP will be established by combining these indicators with insight on the role of self-legitimation of rebels and Max Weber’s typology of domination. -
1 Universidad Externado De Colombia Facultad De
UNIVERSIDAD EXTERNADO DE COLOMBIA FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS SOCIALES Y HUMANAS PROGRAMA DE PSICOLOGÍA ÁREA DE SALUD, CONOCIMIENTOS MÉDICOS Y SOCIEDAD LÍNEA DE SALUD MENTAL, CONFLICTO Y VIOLENCIA Proyecto de Investigación PODER Y AGENCIAS: ANÁLISIS DE LA IMPLEMENTACIÓN DEL ENFOQUE PSICOSOCIAL Y DE GÉNERO EN EL MARCO DE LAS EXPERIENCIAS DE REINCORPORACIÓN DE MUJERES FARIANAS Presentado por CAROLINA LESMES UMBARIBA Tutores José Zapata García Claudia Platarrueda Carlos Molina Bogotá, febrero del 2020 1 Foto archivo de Paula Sáenz, tomada en el Yarí, durante la X conferencia de las FARC-EP “Mi ser como mujer no está completo si no está la vida política, no sé qué vueltas puede dar la vida, pero hoy es así” Isabella “Yo recuerdo que en esa caleta nosotros hablábamos, yo le decía a mi compañero que nosotros no nacimos para un fusil, nosotros hicimos de un fusil una herramienta de lucha” Paula “Hay que bailar y hay que cantar a la vida, y no solo a la muerte, ni cantar a las derrotas. Hay que cantar a la vida, porque si se vive en función de la muerte, uno ya está muerto. Las personas que viven sólo de los recuerdos están muertas, el recuerdo sin porvenir lo único que trae es tristeza, y la tristeza no genera lucha nunca, nunca”. Jaime Bateman 2 En la foto está una de las mujeres que conocí luego de la firma del acuerdo, una de las tantas cosas que ella me ha enseñado es cantarle no sólo a las derrotas sino a las alegrías y a las posibilidades como forma de resistencia, me enseño más que nadie que la vida nunca se detiene y para eso, eligió hacer su fusil hacia su espalda para cargar en sus brazos y acariciar con las manos lo que ahora le da sentido a su vida, cuelga ahora de su cuello los lentes, las cámaras, las luces, las ediciones, el amor. -
The Final Phase of Colombia's Peace Talks
On Thinner Ice: The Final Phase of Colombia’s Peace Talks Crisis Group Latin America Briefing N°32 Bogotá /Brussels, 2 July 2015 I. Overview The peace talks between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) enter their toughest stretch both vulnerable and resilient. The for- mer quality was displayed on 22 May, when the collapse of the guerrillas’ five-month old unilateral ceasefire triggered the worst escalation of violence in years. Evidence for the latter came two weeks later, when negotiators ended a year’s drought without major advances by agreeing to establish a truth commission. A separate agreement on reparations also appeared to edge closer. Yet, despite the advances, the talks are on thinner ice than ever. To get them safe to land, the parties must return to an effec- tive de-escalation path, one that moves toward a definitive bilateral ceasefire, once negotiations on the crucial transitional justice issue are sufficiently consolidated. Such gradualism is the best bet to protect the process from unravelling in violence, flag- ging public support and deep political rifts. Even if neither side considers abandoning the talks, the broader environment has risks. Ongoing violence causes new humanitarian emergencies, emboldens spoilers and strengthens hardliners. With political patience increasingly thin, it would take only a spark to suspend the process or trigger its break-up. Even anticipating an early reparations agreement, negotiators face highly contentious, interconnected issues, including judicial accountability for serious international crimes committed by both sides, a bilateral ceasefire and final agreement ratification. Sharply-contested local elections in October could further weaken the centre ground upon which a durable peace agreement will need to rest.