Multicultural Policy Within Local Government in Australia

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Multicultural Policy Within Local Government in Australia Urban Studies, Vol. 38, No. 13, 2477 –2494, 2001 Multicultural Policy within Local Government in Australia Kevin Dunn, Susan Thompson, Bronwyn Hanna, Peter Murphy and Ian Burnley [Paper rst received, September 2000; in nal form, March 2001] Summary. This paper examines resultsfrom an Australia-wide survey of multicultural policies at the level of local government. Multicultural policies have the potential to advance alocal ‘politics of difference’, recasting governance, such that citizenship is expanded. Multicultural policies aredescribed in termsof accessand equity programmes, community relations policies and symbolic representations of cultural diversity and inclusive citizenship. The questionnaire survey of managers within local government revealed abroad array of good practices.However, thereremained signi cant servicegaps for residentsof non-English-speaking backgrounds as wellas ageneral reluctanceto tackle instances of serious intercommunal tension. Therewas also somehesitancy to embracethe notion of adiverselocal citizenry. Introduction While there has been extensive researchon empiricalgap by offering the rst compre- multicultural policy and practiceat the levels hensive assessment of multicultural policy in of federaland state governments in Australia local government in Australia. In presenting (seeCastles et al.,1988), acriticalevaluation the results froma national survey of local of the incorporation of multicultural policies government agencies (or‘ councils’), this pa- atthe level of local government is long over- per complements and extends the work of a due. In Canada, the UKand Sweden, there handful of scholarly commentarieson Aus- have been recent analyses of the extent to tralian local government and multicultural- which local and metropolitan governments ism(Sandercock, 1998; Sandercock and caterto their diverse constituencies (Khakee Kliger, 1997; Watson and McGillivray, and Thomas, 1995; Qadeer, 1994). In Aus- 1994). tralia,however, the breadth and nature of Our work also addresses the growing multicultural policy developed by this sphere literatureon appropriate policy and theoreti- of government have been little examined. calresponses to differenceand diversity in The researchpresented here addresses that the post-modern city (Fincher and Jacobs, Kevin Dunn is in the School of Geography, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. Fax: 1 61 (2)9313 7878. E-mail: [email protected]. Susan Thompson is in the Planning and Urban Development Program, Faculty of the Built Environment, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. Fax: 1 61 (2)9385 4507. E-mail: [email protected]. Bronwyn Hanna is in the Faculty of the Built Environment and School of Geography, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. Fax: 1 61 (2)9313 7878. E-mail: [email protected]. Peter Murphy is in the Planning and Urban Development Program, Faculty of the Built Environment, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. Fax: 1 61 (2)9385 4507. E-mail: [email protected]. Ian Burnley is in the School of Geography, University of New South Wales, Sydney, NSW 2052, Australia. Fax: 1 61 (2)9385 5964. E-mail: [email protected]. 0042-0980 Print/1360-063X On-line/01/132477-18 Ó 2001 The Editors of Urban Studies DOI:10.1080/ 00420980120094623 2478 KEVIN DUNN ET AL. 1998; Hage, 1998; Isin and Wood, 1999; We then explore constraints on the incorpo- Qadeer, 1997). Cultural theorists have been ration of multicultural policies in local advocating a‘politics of difference’as a government and conclude with acommen- mode of governance forprogressing towards tary on the potential fora local politics of an ‘unoppressive city’(see Young, 1990). differencein Australia. However, moredetailed prescriptions on the mechanisms such progress entails have rarely been forthcoming. We argue here that the Australian Multiculturalism—A Politics of development of multiculturalism in Australia Difference? can be seen as ameans of advancing the Therehas been considerable opposition to potential of a‘politics of difference’. multicultural policy development in Aus- In this paper, weare interested in the tralia.The extremeright party of Pauline institutionalisation of multiculturalism in Hanson (TheOne Nation Party)are the Australia as apolicy frameworkfor address- mosty prominent contemporary opponents of ing cultural differencewithin local govern- Australian multiculturalism (Hanson, 1996, ment. Itis in this sense that weinclude 1 p. 3862). Such criticssteadfastly oppose the indigenous Australians within the study. The altering or sensitising of service delivery and paper rst offersa briefdescription of the argue that all people should be treated the extent of ethnic cultural diversity atthe level same(see MacGregor, 1997, pp. 46 –47). of local government areasacross Australia, However, the rst step in alocal politics of using statistics fromthe 1996 Census. This is differenceis the recognition that “the public followed by adescription of Australian insti- interest is composite ratherthan unitary” tutional and policy developments on multi- (Qadeer,1994, p. 187; Isin and Wood, 1999). culturalism since the early 1970s. The paper Itis clearthat residents areunequally em- then offersdetailed results froma national powered in their access to services. Barriers survey of local government. Our analysis to services, but also to information and par- recognises three broad categories of multi- ticipation, arerelated to language compe- cultural policy. tency and education. Other impediments —Access to services .The provision of ser- include cultural understandings of the local- vices in an equitable fashion. This iseither ity and the way bureaucracies operate. Multi- through ethno-specic service agencies or cultural local governance is about expanding by ensuring that mainstreamagencies are access to services and ameliorating intercom- responsive to their clients’culturally di- munal tensions. verse needs. Multicultural policy has facedconsider- —Community relations. Interest and inter- able examination fromcultural theorists. vention in intercommunal relations. This They have been particularly criticalof multi- includes detecting and responding to inter- cultural policies which exoticise minority communal problems, such as interethnic cultural groups (such as through festivals and discord, attitudinal intolerance, institu- artsprogrammes) and of those which aimfor tional racism,problematic mediareporting cultural assimilation (Castles et al., 1988, and community images. pp. 5–7, 13; Hage, 1998; Vertovec, 1996, —Citizenship and symbolic representation . p. 50). Difference(be it cultural, social or The facilitation of diverse cultural prac- linguistic) under these criticised formsof tices and expression, including the protec- policy is treated as abarrierto integration tion of heritage and sites of cultural and to accessing services. Critics have in- signicance. This category also encom- sisted upon moreradical or criticalmulticul- passes the ability of citizens to participate turalisms, alternatively referredto as a in the processes of local governance, as politics of differenceor acosmopolis wellas changes to the ofcial enunciations (Young, 1990; Sandercock, 1998). In the lo- of local identity and citizenship. calcommunity relations sphere, aradical MULTICULTURAL POLICY INAUSTRALIA 2479 formof multicultural policy would involve a tural policy by local government is viewed serious engagement with dominant group here. racisms.In the access and equity sphere it would involve programmes that generate Demographic Overview widespread and meaningful community in- volvement in council decision-making, such Australia has always been aculturally di- as through materialencouragement of more verse country (Jupp, 2001). British penal col- culturally diverse political representation. onies wereestablished inSydney and Hobart Other policy manifestations of this morerad- in 1788, adate variously celebrated as the icalform of multiculturalism would include ‘founding of the nation’and mourned as the the recognition of amultifarious local citi- beginning of the ‘white invasion’. At that zenry—for example, through moreinclusive time,it is estimated that up to 1million ofcial portrayals of collective identity. Mul- indigenous people occupied the continent in ticultural local governance can develop to a agreat variety of cultural and linguistic politics of differenceby recasting the local groupings (Fesl, 1991). Australia’s sub- state, leading it to re-imagineits citizenry— sequent development can be characterised by forexample, as diverse and multifaceted, the entry of wave afterwave of immigrant individually and collectively—and to ques- groups. Since 1788, morethan 9million tion whether the simple ‘management’of immigrants have settled (Burnley et al., cultural differenceis appropriate (Isin and 1997, p. 1). These included agreat inux of Wood, 1999). Chinese prospectors during the 1850s gold We recognise that local government in rush, some Germanrural settlers, Afghan Australia is the weakest sphere of gover- cameleers,Malay pearlersand South Sea nance: it relieson central-statefunding, it is Islander cane workers. However, most immi- acreatureof state, not federal,legislation; grants before World War IIconsisted of En- and many councils have limited resources to glish-speaking people, largely fromthe UK expend upon areasnot formerlyidenti ed as and Ireland. Instruments of the White Aus- their preserve. Furthermore,
Recommended publications
  • Howard Government Retrospective II
    Howard Government Retrospective II “To the brink: 1997 - 2001” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 14 - 15 November 2017 Howard Government Retrospective II The First and Second Howard Governments Initial appraisals and assessments Professor Tom Frame Introduction I have reviewed two contemporaneous treatments Preamble of the first Howard Government. Unlike other Members of the Coalition parties frequently complain retrospectives, these two works focussed entirely on that academics and journalists write more books about the years 1996-1998. One was published in 1997 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) than about Liberal- and marked the first anniversary of the Coalition’s National governments and their leaders. For instance, election victory. The other was published in early three biographical studies had been written about Mark 2000 when the consequences of some first term Latham who was the Opposition leader for a mere decisions and policies were becoming a little clearer. fourteen months (December 2003 to February 2005) Both books are collections of essays that originated when only one book had appeared about John Howard in university faculties and concentrated on questions and he had been prime minister for nearly a decade. of public administration. The contributions to both Certainly, publishers believe that books about the Labor volumes are notable for the consistency of their tone Party (past and present) are usually more successful and tenor. They are not partisan works although there commercially than works on the Coalition parties. The is more than a hint of suspicion that the Coalition sales figures would seem to suggest that history and was tampering with the institutions that undergirded ideas mean more to some Labor followers than to public authority and democratic government in Coalition supporters or to Australian readers generally.
    [Show full text]
  • Engaging the Neighbours AUSTRALIA and ASEAN SINCE 1974
    Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 FRANK FROST Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Frost, Frank, 1947- author. Title: Engaging the neighbours : Australia and ASEAN since 1974 / Frank Frost. ISBN: 9781760460174 (paperback) 9781760460181 (ebook) Subjects: ASEAN. Australia--Foreign relations--Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia--Foreign relations--Australia. Dewey Number: 327.94059 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Chronology . vii Preface . xi Abbreviations . xiii Introduction . 1 1 . Australia and the origins of ASEAN (1967–1975) . 7 2 . Economic disputes and the Third Indochina War (1976–1983) . 35 3 . Regional activism and the end of the Cold War (1983–1996) . 65 4 . The Asian financial crisis, multilateral relations and the East Asia Summit (1996–2007) . 107 5 . From the ‘Asia Pacific Community’ to the fortieth anniversary summit and beyond (2007‒2015) . .. 145 6 . Australia and ASEAN: Issues, themes and future prospects . 187 Bibliography . 205 Index . 241 Chronology 1945 Declaration of
    [Show full text]
  • Markets, Rights and Power in Australian Social Policy Cilities Have Been Sold to Private Organisations), but Other Marketising Instruments Have Been More Common
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship 1 The politics of market encroachment: Policymaker rationales and voter responses Gabrielle Meagher and Shaun Wilson In recent decades, market ideas and practices have increasingly en- croached on activities previously organised by different logics, primar- ily the bureaucratic logic of the public sector and the associational logics of churches and non-government organisations. One highly vis- ible trend has been privatisation of public assets. Universally accessed public utilities in telecommunications, energy and water have been sold off, along with publicly owned financial institutions and transport car- riers. Less visible, but no less important, has been the marketisation of publicly funded social services. The growing use of contracts, com- petition, and quasi-vouchers to allocate funds and service users to the organisations that provide services are examples of this development. Another has been the disproportionate growth of the share of for-profit providers in Australia’s mixed economy of social services. In Australian social policy, market practices and organisations have played an increasingly significant role in shaping the delivery of ser- vices, but in ways that ordinary voters may not identify as connected to ‘privatisation’, understood as asset sales. Asset sales have also taken place in social services (for example, publicly owned residential care fa- Meagher G. & Wilson S. 2015, ‘The politics of market encroachment: policy maker rationales and voter responses’, in Markets, rights and power in Australian social pol- icy, eds G. Meagher & S. Goodwin, Sydney University Press, Sydney. 29 Markets, Rights and Power in Australian Social Policy cilities have been sold to private organisations), but other marketising instruments have been more common.
    [Show full text]
  • Here Are Differences Between the Progressive and the Conservative Traditions of Foreign Policy, and Those Differences Matter
    "VTUSBMJBO*OTUJUVUFPG*OUFSOBUJPOBM"GGBJST 1SPNPUJOH6OEFSTUBOEJOHPG*OUFSOBUJPOBM"GGBJST Australian Journal of International Affairs 2016 Federal Election Foreign Policy Special Section Australia’s International Affairs: The Labor Approach Tanya Plibersek Mainstream thinking accepts that the main tenets of Australian foreign policy are the US alliance, engagement with the Indo-Pacific and our global interests. We differ over emphasis and approach, but we are fortunate to have broad agreement on the component parts. This is one reason why foreign policy often plays a marginal role in Australian election campaigns—elections are designed to amplify difference. Foreign policy is most often about continuity and seeking common ground. Election campaigns are built on concentrated points of contrast. Yet even if foreign policy does not shift a single vote in a single seat, Australia’s place in the world deserves to be part of the national conversation. There are differences between the progressive and the conservative traditions of foreign policy, and those differences matter. The key difference is foundational—Labor believes that good international citizenship is a critical driver to achieving a secure and prosperous Australia, while there is a tendency from the conservative parties towards isolation and insularity. We know that Australia will not be wealthier or safer if we only seek safety and wealth inside the walls of a fortress we build for ourselves. Labor understands that, as Gareth Evans observed, “good international citizenship is no more — and no less — than the pursuit of enlightened self-interest”. The principle of good international citizenship aligns with enduring Labor values of solidarity, fairness, equality, justice and inclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Paul Keating Wheeler Centre
    Conversation between Robert Manne and Paul Keating Wheeler Centre Robert Manne Well, thank you very much … [laughter] Paul Keating I knew I was with a popular guy Robert. Robert Manne I’ll speak about what’s just happened towards the end of today. I have to say, we’ve just heard four musicians from the Australian National Academy of Music, performing Wolf’s Italian Serenade. On violins we had Edwina George and Simone Linley Slattery, on viola Laura Curotta and cello Anna Orzech. The reason we heard them was the Australian National Academy of Music was born out of the vision of Paul Keating, its creation being a major component of his government’s 1994 Creative Nation Policy. [applause] Paul I have to say it is my greatest pleasure and privilege to be invited to do this. Paul Keating Thank you Robert. Robert Manne I hope by the end of my questions, the reason for me saying that will be clear. But anyhow, it’s from the bottom of my heart. Paul Keating Thank you for doing it. You are the best one to do it. [laughter] Robert Manne But I’m going to make sure that it’s not entirely comfortable for either of us, so we want to have a rough and tumble time as well. The reason for this conversation is that Paul Keating has produced what I think is a highly agreeable, highly stimulating and I think vividly and beautifully written book and I recommend it to you. It’s a book with a lot in it, a lot in it, just things that struck me, which I won’t be questioning Paul about, but things that struck me – there is for example an extremely moving eulogy for the musical genius Geoffrey Tozer.
    [Show full text]
  • Paul John KEATING Prime Minister 20 December 1991 to 11 March 1996
    24 Paul John KEATING Prime Minister 20 December 1991 to 11 March 1996 Keating became the 24th prime minister, replacing Bob Hawke after winning a Labor Caucus ballot. Member of the Australian Labor Party. Member of House of Representatives for Blaxland (NSW) 1969-91. Minister for Northern Australia 1975, Treasurer 1983-91. His period in office ended on 2 March 1996, when the Labor Party was defeated by the Liberal-National Party coalition at the general election. Main achievements (1983-1996) As Treasurer in the Hawke government, Keating was the architect of the deregulation of the Australian economy. The government floated the Australian currency and allowed foreign banks to operate in Australia from 1983. Removed direct government controls from interest rates which had helped create a competitive disadvantage for Australian companies. Abolished the two-airline policy and achieved a general lowering of tariff levels. As prime minister, built strong bilateral links with Australia’s Asia-Pacific neighbours, particularly Indonesia. Was a driving force in establishing the Asia Pacific Economic forum (APEC) heads of government meeting with its commitment to regional free trade. Responded to the High Court decision in the Mabo case 1992 and enacted the Native Title Act 1993 and the Land Fund Act 1994, which was the first national recognition of indigenous occupation and title to land. In April 1993 he appointed a Republic Advisory Committee to examine options to make Australia a republic. Established the National Training Act 1992, presented the White Paper Working Nation in 1994 to combat rising unemployment. Proposed a national superannuation scheme to redress low national savings.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Better at Managing the Australian Economy: Labor Or the Coalition?
    THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE Who is Better at Managing the Australian Economy: Labor or the Coalition? P.N. (Raja) Junankar School of Economics and Finance University of Western Sydney and Institut zur Zukunft der Arbeit, Bonn Discussion Paper Number 79 June 2005 ISSN 1322-5421 ii © The Australia Institute. This work is copyright. It may be reproduced in whole or in part for study or training purposes only with the written permission of the Australia Institute. Such use must not be for the purposes of sale or commercial exploitation. Subject to the Copyright Act 1968, reproduction, storage in a retrieval system or transmission in any form by any means of any part of the work other than for the purposes above is not permitted without written permission. Requests and inquiries should be directed to the Australia Institute. The Australia Institute iii Table of Contents Tables and Figures v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii 1. Introduction 1 2. Method 3 3. Background 7 4. The performance of the Australian macroeconomy 15 5. Comparing the Australian and US economies 18 6. Discussion 20 7. Conclusion 23 References 24 Managing the Australian economy iv The Australia Institute v Tables and Figures Table 1 Macroeconomic variables under Labor and Coalition governments 16 (averages) Table 2 Changes in the average of macroeconomic variables under Labor 17 and Coalition governments Table 3 Australian macroeconomic performance under Labor and 18 Coalition governments: Difference in differences compared to the US Table 4 Australian macroeconomic performance
    [Show full text]
  • Sovereign States and National Power: Transition in Federal
    NSW PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY RESEARCH SERVICE Sovereign States and National Power: Transition in Federal - State Finance by John Wilkinson Briefing Paper No 14/06 RELATED PUBLICATIONS • State Revenue and New South Wales: Past Prominence and Present Realities, by John Wilkinson. NSW Parliamentary Library Research Service Briefing Paper 33/95. • Federal-State Financial Relations: After the GST, by John Wilkinson. NSW Parliamentary Library Research Service Briefing Paper 14/2000. • Horizontal Fiscal Equalisation, by John Wilkinson. NSW Parliamentary Library Research Service Briefing Paper 21/03. ISSN 1325-4456 ISBN 0 7313 1809 9 October 2006 © 2006 Except to the extent of the uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this document may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means including information storage and retrieval systems, without the prior written consent from the Librarian, New South Wales Parliamentary Library, other than by Members of the New South Wales Parliament in the course of their official duties. Sovereign States and National Power: Transition in Federal - State Finance by John Wilkinson NSW PARLIAMENTARY LIBRARY RESEARCH SERVICE David Clune (MA, PhD, Dip Lib), Manager..............................................(02) 9230 2484 Gareth Griffith (BSc (Econ) (Hons), LLB (Hons), PhD), Senior Research Officer, Politics and Government / Law .........................(02) 9230 2356 Talina Drabsch (BA, LLB (Hons)), Research Officer, Law ......................(02) 9230 2768 Lenny Roth (BCom, LLB), Research Officer, Law ...................................(02) 9230 3085 Stewart Smith (BSc (Hons), MELGL), Research Officer, Environment ...(02) 9230 2798 John Wilkinson (MA, PhD), Research Officer, Economics.......................(02) 9230 2006 Should Members or their staff require further information about this publication please contact the author.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reforming, Transformative Howard Government?
    The Reforming, Transformative Howard Government? Suzanne Grant Bachelor of Arts with Honours Class I in the field of Political Science 2011 Bachelor of Arts with Majors in History and Political Science 2010 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2014 School of Political Science and International Studies Abstract Some commentators consider the Howard government saved Australia from the tide of progressive liberalism lead by Paul Keating, some see it as a kind of economic superhero while others portray it as the creator of a Brutopia. What links all of this commentary is an agreement that the Howard government radically transformed Australian politics and the nation. Previous research has not systematically identified how, where and when Howard changed the Australian policy agenda relative to the Labor governments that preceded and followed it. This research introduces empirical measurement to the predominately non-quantitative literature in order to identify how and to what extent the Howard government significantly changed Australia’s policy agenda. This research finds that the Howard government cannot be considered a major disruption to Australia’s policy agenda. It argues that all governments analysed here: Hawke, Keating, Howard, Rudd and Gillard are remarkably similar in their choice of policy issues given priority, and the issues chosen to be excluded from the policy agenda. While statistically significant differences are found between the Howard and the Labor governments, these differences are few. This research suggests that the Howard government is not the turning point in Australian politics that much of the literature claims it to be and that the period is more accurately characterised by policy agenda convergence and continuity.
    [Show full text]
  • Trade Liberalisation and the Australian Labor Party
    Australian Journal of Politics and History: Volume 48, Number 4, 2002, pp. 487-508. Trade Liberalisation and the Australian Labor Party ANDREW LEIGH* John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University [T]he ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. John Maynard Keynes1 The three most substantial decisions to reduce Australia’s trade barriers — in 1973, 1988 and 1991 — were made by Labor Governments. Labor’s policy shift preceded the conversion of social democratic parties in other countries to trade liberalisation. To understand why this was so, it is necessary to consider trade policy as being shaped by more than interest groups and political institutions. Drawing on interviews with the main political figures, including Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke, Paul Keating and John Button, this article explores why the intellectual arguments for free trade had such a powerful impact on Labor’s leadership, and how those leaders managed to implement major tariff cuts, while largely maintaining party unity. Labor and Free Trade In the space of a generation, Australia’s tariff walls have been dismantled. From 1970 to 2001, the average level of industry assistance fell from over thirty percent to under five percent.2 Yet in retrospect, what was perhaps most surprising was not that the era of protectionism came to an end — after all, this was a period in which tariffs were reduced across much of the developed world — but that in Australia, it was Labor Governments that took the lead in cutting industry protection.
    [Show full text]
  • UNSW Mphil Thesis
    Pritchett’s prediction: Australian foreign policy toward Indonesia’s incorporation of East Timor, 1974-1999. Miranda Alice Booth A thesis in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences CANBERRA 2017 Table of Contents CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 4 1.1 Introduction 4 1.2 Argument of the thesis 10 1.3 Materials and methodology 13 1.4 Literature review 15 1.5 Structure of the thesis 18 CHAPTER 2: AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY, 1974-1983 20 2.1 The Whitlam Government and Indonesia’s incorporation of Timor, 1974- 75 20 2.2 Pritchett’s challenge 32 2.3 The Balibo Five 37 2.4 The Fraser Government and Indonesia’s invasion of Timor, December 1975-April 1976 41 2.5 Australian foreign policy and public opinion, April 1976 – April 1979 47 2.6 Australia’s recognition of Indonesian sovereignty in Timor 51 CHAPTER 3: AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY, 1983 – 1996 58 3.1 The 1983 cabinet decision 58 3.2 The Parliamentary Delegation to Timor 61 3.3 Recognising Indonesian sovereignty in Timor 64 3.4 The Santa Cruz massacre 66 3.5 The Keating Government’s foreign policy after Santa Cruz 72 3.6 Australian solidarity after Santa Cruz 77 3.7 Australian foreign policy and public opinion after Santa Cruz 78 CHAPTER 4: AUSTRALIAN FOREIGN POLICY, 1996 – 1999 83 4.1 The Howard Government’s first term, 1996 – 1998 84 4.2 Jakarta’s ‘foreign ally’ 87 4.3 Australian foreign policy and public opinion, 1998 - 1999 88 4.4 Containing international pressure 97 2 4.5 ‘Scorched Earth’ 100 4.6 The solidarity movement in action
    [Show full text]
  • Can Responsible Government Survive in Australia?
    Can Responsible Government Survive In Australia? DAVID HAMER Department of the Senate Published by The Department of the Senate Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Australia First published 1994 This edition, revised by the author in 2001, published 2004 © Barbara Hamer This book is copyright. Apart from any use permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 and subsequent amendments, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means or process whatsoever without the written permission of the publisher and the copyright owner. National Library of Australia cataloguing-in-publication data Hamer, David Can responsible government survive in Australia? Bibliography ISBN 0 642 71433 9 1. Parliamentary practice—Australia. 2. Representative government and representation— Australia. 3. Australia—Politics and government. 4. Canada—Politics and government. 5. Great Britain— Politics and government. 6. New Zealand—Politics and government. I. Australia. Parliament. Dept. of the Senate. II. Title. 320.30994 Printed by the Department of the Senate, Canberra. Foreword to the second edition This book was originally published in 1994. The author had just completed work on a second edition when he died in January 2002. At the request of his widow, Mrs Barbara Hamer, the Department of the Senate undertook to edit and publish the manuscript. We did so because Can Responsible Government Survive in Australia? has proved to be an invaluable and unique repository of comparative information about the powers and practices of twenty legislatures in Britain, Australia, Canada and New Zealand. I know of no other book like it. David Hamer, apart from his career as a great parliamentarian, was an enthusiastic and colourful writer and a man of firm opinions.
    [Show full text]